Women’s Studies Course at the University of South Carolina Requires Loyalty Oath

CNSNews.Com recently reported about a women’s studies graduate seminar at the University of South Carolina that apparently requires students to adhere to the ideological views of the professor teaching the class.

The class is taught by professor Lynn Weber, who is also the director of USC’s Women’s Studies Program. In “guidelines for classroom discussion” that Weber distributes, students are told that they must,

acknowledge that racism, classism, sexism, heterosexism, and other institutional forms of oppression exist.

The guidelines go on to inform students that by participating in the class they “agree to combat actively the myths and stereotypes about our own groups and other groups.”

According to CNSNews.Com, a student who objected to this ideological litmus test forwarded a copy to the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education which fired off a letter to USC pointing out that the guidelines are unconstitutional. As FIRE President Alan Charles Kors wrote in a letter to USC,

Through these official ‘guidelines,’ USC demands that students embrace and remain loyal to professor Weber’s own viewpoints and beliefs. In a USC classroom, in a required course, no less, students must hold a preordained set of opinions, regardless of whether or not they agree, under the stated, explicit, and coercive threat of being graded poorly for honest intellectual dissent.

Universities tend to value academic freedom above everything else, except when uppity students get the idea that it applies to them as well.

Source:

University mandates ideological ‘loyalty oath,’ rights group alleges. Lawrence Morahan, CNSNews.Com, May 15, 2002.

Independent Women’s Forum on the Inaccuracies in Women’s Studies Textbooks

Christina Stolba has written an excellent 33-page summary of the overwhelming deficiencies of the most popular textbooks used for Women’s Studies courses in the United States. According to Stolba’s report,

Rather than offering young men and women exposure to knowledge, these texts foster a cynical knowingness about women’s status in society, one that consistently emphasizes women’s supposedly subordinate position. The danger of such a worldview, particularly for a generation of young men and women who enter the classroom already steeped in popular myths about women’s place in society, is that it will ripen into a form of anti-intellectualism.

One of the textbooks Stolba looks at is Sheila Ruth’s Issues in Feminism, which I skewered here many years ago.

Stolba goes through the litany of problems from absurd factual errors to stereotyping to the anti-intellectualism (in too many of these textbooks, critical thinking is blasted as an artificial construct of the patriarchy). But the most absurd abuse of the textbooks is their condescending attitudes toward young men and women.

Stolba notes, for example, that the authors of the textbook Gender & Culture in America conducted surveys of their students and found that, “nearly all of the women, but none of the men interviewed, plan to curtail or cease their paid employment after their children are born.” They cite one female student proud of her GPA and career prospects but who tells the authors that she believes “children suffer if their mothers work outside the home.”

Of course to a movement that places so much emphasis on reproductive choicest, there can be no room for allowing young women to make their own choices in other areas. The authors of Gender & Culture in America simply conclude that women like this student are victims who “are apparently unaware that in these decisions they are following traditional gender stereotypes.”

Except when having an abortion, no woman in radical feminism ever makes choices except when their actions agree with the radical feminist view of the world. Anything else is chalked up to false consciousness, patriarchal oppression, and/or implicit societal-wide threats against women. And yet, even though radical feminists constantly circumscribe the range of acceptable choices for young women, they still scratch their collective heads in amazement at the general rejection of their philosophy.

Could it possibly be that, unlike their sisters in academia, young women in fact take the pro-choice message about deciding for themselves to heart. For academic feminists, “pro-choice” is just a convenient ideological term that serves a political purpose. For many younger men and women, however, choosing for themselves is a way of life, and such people have as little use for the boring constraints of radical feminism as they do for traditional anti-feminism. And good for them.

Source:

Just in Time for Women?s History Month, Review of Women?s Studies Textbooks Reveals Questionable Scholarship, Ideological Bias, and Sins of Omission. Independent Women’s Forum, March 20, 2002.

Independent Women’s Forum Runs Provocative Ads in College Newspapers

The Independent Women’s Forum has recently begun running a provocative ad attacking campus feminism and women’s studies departments. The text of the ad debunks what the IWF calls “The Ten Most Common Feminist Myths.”

These myths include: One in four women in college has been the victim of rape or attempted rape; Women earn 75 cents for every dollar a man earns; 30 percent of emergency room visits by women each year are the result of injuries from domestic violence; The phrase “rule of thumb” originated in a man’s right to beat his wife provided the stick was no wider than his thumb; Women have been shortchanged in medical research; Girls have been shortchanged in our gender-biased schools; “Our schools are training grounds for sexual harassment… boys are rarely punished, while girls are taught that it is their role to tolerate this humiliating conduct”; Girls suffer a dramatic loss of self-esteem during adolescence; Gender is a social construction; and Women’s Studies Departments empowered women and gave them a voice in the academy.

For the most part I agree with the IWF’s analysis of common feminist myths, but the opening text to the ad really crosses the line. According to the IWF ad,

Campus feminism is a kind of cult: as early as freshman orientation, professors begin spinning theories about how American women are oppressed under “patriarchy.” Here is a list of the most common feminist myths. If you believe two or more of these untruths, you may need deprogramming.

Some Women’s Studies departments on American campuses certainly do their best to spread myths, but comparing them to cults and the students who buy into the myths as requiring deprogramming is a cheap rhetorical tool designed to enrage rather then enlighten.

In fact many people who take these courses are able to see through the faulty reasoning. Comparing Left wing Women’s Studies departments to cults is just as obnoxious as feminists who dismiss the IWF and other groups as participating in their own oppression or being nothing more than tools for patriarchal ideas.

If reasoned discourse prevails, the myths that the IWF complains about will quickly be punctured. In choosing to go for a gut-level emotional response and accuse these departments of being cults, it will end up alienating many students who might have otherwise taken a more seriously look at feminist myths.

Source:

Take Back The Campus. SheThinks.Org, April 17, 2001.

Cathy Young on Women’s Studies Program

Cathy Young wrote an excellent summary of the problem with women’s studies departments, Propaganda discredits value of women’s studies.

The bottom line: studies of sex and gender are indeed important, but are undermined by the explicit political agenda of many women’s studies departments. By limiting discourse to only one predtermined outcome — typically radical feminist in nature — women’s studies dpeartments today do as much to hid the reality of women’s lives as academia’s male-centered focus did for the first half of the 20th century.

“What’s wrong with women’s stuedies?” Young asks,

The courses, critics say, tend to stress political indoctrination and personal experiences rather than scholarship; dubioius tehories and facts are presetned as gospel; male villainy is endlessly preached; and young women are trained to regard themselves as perpetual victims.

Source:

Propaganda discredits value of women’s studies. Cathy Young, The Detroit News, November 10, 2000.

Regardless of sex: Mary Daly and the return of ‘separate but equal’

One of the areas where feminist activists deserve credit for genuine improvements in sexual equality in higher education. Through the first several decades of the 20th century, many elite colleges were simply closed to women while others strictly limited the courses and disciplines women could enter. Sex discrimination was the rule rather than the exception. Feminists initiated both legal and moral challenges that today have effectively eliminated such sexual discrimination. Now, however, some feminists want to modify this ban on sex discrimination in academia. The new credo is that sex-based discrimination is wrong unless it is directed by feminists against men.

That is the conclusion that a reasonable observer of the flap over radical feminist Mary Daly’s teaching practices might conclude. Daly is a tenured professor at Boston College, where she’s taught since 1967. The author of several feminist books, including Beyond God the Father and Gyn/Ecology, Daly is one of the few people who make Catharine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin, look moderate in comparison. In Gyn/Ecology, for example, Daly devotes several
pages to the hidden sexually oppressive meaning behind the United States’ decision to name its lunar landing program after the Greek god Apollo (Daly complains that “while overtly promoting the oppressive ideal of the nuclear family, this space spectacular subliminally appealed to erotic fantasies allegedly taboo in heterosexist society.”)

But the subject of the current controversy is not Daly’s bizarre beliefs but her teaching practices – she refuses to allow men to enroll in a class she teaches on feminist ethics. Daly says men are intolerable in her classes because “what the women do is become caretakers for the men. In those circumstances, I decided, and many others have, that there’s a reality called women’s space. There has to be a separate space for women.”

And, of course, by definition, a separate space for men. In the past, Daly had gone so far as to take a sabbatical for a semester when she suspected a male student might try to enroll in her class. To be fair to her, Daly is a firm believer in the principle of separate but equal. She is willing to instruct men outside the classroom setting in one-on-one sessions but maintains they are just
too disruptive for the classroom environment.

Daly’s separate but equal position received support from her students and prominent media pundits and academics. Kate Heekin, a former student of Daly’s, told CNN she didn’t want men in her feminist ethics classes. “I want to talk about women,” Heekin said. “I don’t want to teach anyone about why I feel oppressed, why we live in a patriarchy – I don’t want to waste my energy on that.” Heekin and 14 other Boston College students wrote a letter to college administrators asking them to keep the women-only policy.

Boston Globe columnist Eileen McNamara wrote a blistering article attacking male students at Boston College who dared suggest they were being discriminated against by the women-only policy. “Boys, boys, boys, settle down,” McNamara began her article. “Mary didn’t mean to hurt your feelings. She knows you hate being excluded, that you get cranky when you feel left out.”

McNamara went on to complain about the men “sulking” over not being allowed to enroll in the class. As McNamara puts it, the men have it all wrong. “She doesn’t refuse to teach men; she assigns them to a separate section … The studies are clear: from grade to graduate school, males dominate the classroom.
They demand more attention and they get it.”

“Given the choice,” McNamara concludes her remarks, “I’ll stand with Mary Daly.”

McNamara joins Daly’s attack on the male Boston College students who started the controversy by threatening to sue the college if denied entry into the class. Daly claims the threatened lawsuit was part of a broader conspiracy to “assert white male supremacy.” Aside from being white males, the students’ main offense has been to enlist the help of the Center for Individual Rights for legal representation. As McNamara puts it, “Of all the lawyers that might represent an aggrieved student, isn’t it curious his cause is championed by the Center
for Individual Rights, which has fought affirmative action policies at universities from Texas to Michigan?”

Harvard Divinity Professor Harvey Cox echoed the vast right-wing conspiracy angle in an opinion piece in the Boston Globe. “I cannot believe,” Cox wrote, “that the real issue here is about a few classes that are open only to women
… After two decades of relentless gender leveling in higher education, everyone now recognizes that some women (and men) learn certain things better in gender-specific situations.”

A major irony in the attacks on the male students seeking to take her classes is that Daly owes her position in part to male students. In 1969 Boston College decided to terminate Daly’s contract due to her virulent anti-Catholicism (after returning from Rome for the Second Vatican Council, for example, Daly urged feminists to “laugh out loud at their [the Catholic Church’s] pompous penile
processions.”) At the time Boston College was a male-only school, but more than 1,500 students turned out to protest the administration’s decision to sack Daly. Eventually, the college reversed its decision. Given a choice, the male students at Boston College decided that academic freedom should apply to professors of both sexes. Daly, unfortunately, choose not to reciprocate this gender-blind approach.

The reader can easily imagine the reaction to this controversy were the roles to be reversed. Imagine an engineering professor at a major American college refusing to allow women to enroll in his classes because, he says, study after study demonstrates women’s inferior mathematical abilities. After explaining how he can’t slow his classes down to accommodate the women, who will surely demand far more attention than the men, the sexist professor might offer to teach women one-on-one where he can meet their special needs without disrupting his classes.

A female student might decide this violated numerous federal laws and perhaps contact a leading civil rights organization to sue the offending college to end its practice. But, some astute columnist at the local paper might ask, isn’t that a
lesbian lawyer representing the plaintiffs? And isn’t she the same lawyer who has been trying to push the homosexual agenda down people’s throats by bringing hate crimes lawsuits? Clearly, the only possible conclusion would be that this is a well-coordinated attack by “feminazis” on everything true and good – after all, nobody in her right might could oppose sexual discrimination in public institutions simply because it is wrong.

Daly’s behavior and McNamara’s impassioned defense of sexual discrimination highlight how far contemporary feminism has wandered off the path of sexual equality. Where once feminists bravely stood up for the principle of genuine equality between men and women, today many feminists in academia and the media have merely reversed the ages-old conservative stereotypes of women, defining them as the norm and men as something less (or as “The Other” to use the faddish postmodern term).

Feminists did an excellent job in showing the hypocrisy of paternalists who kept women from pursuing higher education and effectively mocked those who argued women simply couldn’t handle intellectually weighty classes or might prove too much of a disruption in the classroom. In fact, feminists relied heavily on such ideas of sexual equality to force male-only schools such as The Citadel to open their doors to women rather than set up separate programs for
women which, feminists argued, would be inherently inferior. Today, however,
all too many feminists openly accept and defend the view that sexual stereotypes and discrimination are to be tolerated, if not encouraged, provided they are created by feminists and used against men.

The claim that some topics were simply too intellectually challenging for women or that women would disrupt universities’ learning process were extremely harmful myths, and their near-eradication by the feminist movement was a good thing. But in their place, some feminists have begun to construct new myths about gender that are equally odious. Although it is no longer politically correct (nor should it be) to suggest that women don’t belong in certain classes or universities, numerous Women’s Studies textbooks, journal articles, and other materials repeat claims that men’s participation in classes is wholly negative and disruptive (so much for the oft-mentioned goal
of diversity in the classroom).

Women’s Studies professors Marcia Bedard and Beth Hartung write in an essay that male (but not female) students who “stat[e] the exception to every generalization” that a professor makes are guilty of harassment. When several male students in Magda Lewis’ feminist theory class dared to suggest that violence was a human problem, rather than exclusively a male problem, Lewis included the incident in a Harvard Education Review article as an example of the sort of oppression women experience on a daily basis.

So long as so many feminists continue to agree with ultra-conservatives that men and women are fundamentally different and must be treated fundamentally differently in similar social contexts, a world of true equality will always remain elusive, much to the detriment of humanity regardless of sex.

An Introduction to the Problems with Women’s Studies

All quoted material is from Sheila Ruth “An Introduction to Women’s
Studies” in “Issues In Feminism, 3rd Edition,” Sheila Ruth,
ed., p. 1-19.

Sheila Ruth leads off her
compilation of feminist and feminist-related essays with a broad overview
of Women’s Studies, including its history, methodology and goals.
No critic of feminism or Women’s Studies could have written a better
indictment of the whole endeavor than Ruth herself provides in this introduction.
After finishing her essay, “An Introduction to Women’s Studies,”
the reader is tempted to simply not explore further — what follows will,
if it follows Ruth’s prescriptions, almost certainly be scholarship
barely worthy of the name.

Of course Ruth believes Women’s
Studies in general, and the essays in this collection in particular, accomplishes
something positive and worthwhile,

In this chapter, you will learn how feminist researchers are discovering
that most of the accepted theories in all the traditional fields —
even their methods of pursuing knowledge — are rife with prejudice
and misunderstandings about women in particular and humanity in general.
Because the task is so complex, feminist thinkers are extremely hesitant
to impose artificial limits on the work of those who seek to uncover
this bias and restore balance in knowledge. We are committed to being
tolerant toward new methodologies and analyses in order to avoid creating
additional rigid principles that would discourage research (Ruth 1-2).

Sounds pretty good. Much of
the ideas in traditional disciplines are biased, probably against women,
and all Women’s Studies seeks to do is correct that bias. In fact,
very few of the works included in Ruth’s book, or Ruth’s own
essays for that matter, attempt to do any balancing of knowledge. What
they do seek is to impose a rigid, orthodox ideology backed up by little
more than factual errors and logical fallacies.

Rather than demythologize
existing branches of human knowledge, what Ruth and her cohorts end up
doing is creating a new equally elaborate mythology which ends up being
far more biased and distorted than the existing theories and knowledge
it seeks to replace.

Help, I’m Being Oppressed

Ruth does recognize that sometimes
feminists make errors, but what concerns here aren’t errors of fact,
the heavy reliance on secondary sources in the essays she presents, or
even the almost endemic selective quoting. No, the errors of feminism’s
past that she worries about are the “isms”:

As in the wider society, feminist scholars, too, have been subject
to bias and misconception, to prejudice, and to narrowness of vision,
which has been reflected in our work. Women’s studies and the women’s’
movement is now engaged in the arduous process of correcting serious
errors. Among the isms with which we have been struggling are racism,
ethnocentrism, heterosexism, classism, and ageism (Ruth 3).

It’s a shame Ruth apparently
doesn’t struggle with her lack-of-primary-source-ism or her factual
inaccuracy-ism as stridently.

Like many areas of study concerned
with “oppression,” the debate within Women’s Studies is
rarely over which sets of facts or which interpretation of those facts
is correct, but instead over which subgroup and occasionally sub-sub-group
is most “oppressed” and thus most privileged within the Women’s
Studies framework. Several of the essays in Ruth’s collection ponder
such weighty issues as whether middle class black lesbians are more privileged
than poor white heterosexuals. This desire to out-victimize each other
is almost endemic to Women’s Studies.

The results of this are seen
a bit later in her essay when Ruth mocks the idea of the Renaissance.
She quotes from Bari Watkins who claims the Renaissance benefited men
but not necessarily women — since it allegedly reinforced the “patriarchy”
(Ruth 10). But why stop there. What effect did the Renaissance have on
women of color? Lesbians and gay men? Gay men of color? Lower class gay
men of color? Older lower class gay men of color? It’s like a line
segment — the whole process can be almost infinitely subdivided.

Harassment in the Classroom

For some reason, however,
feminism in general and Women’s Studies has experienced some resistance
— “derision and intolerance” in Ruth’s words (Ruth 7)–
both in academic and nonacademic settings.

One of the manifestations
of this, according to Ruth, is that “the issue of harassment of women,
not just in universities but in the women’s studies classroom
in particular
, is looming large enough to warrant increased attention”
(Ruth 7). Fortunately a couple of women’s studies professors, Marcia
Bedard and Beth Hartung, have looked at the forms this harassment of women
in women’s studies classrooms takes, and Ruth is kind enough to relay
their findings.

  • claiming male victim status or challenging facts with particularistic
    anecdote to undermine the credibility of feminist reading materials
    and instructors.
  • dominating class discussions (talking too much and too long so that
    no one else has a chance to express their views or speaking so loudly
    and aggressively that other students are silenced and the instructor
    is irritated).
  • aggressively pointing out minor flaws in statements of other students
    or the instructor, stating the exception to every generalization,
    and finding something wrong with everything from quizzes to books.
  • changing the topic abruptly in the middle of a class discussion,
    often to claim male victim status or shift discussion to a less threatening
    topic.
  • formulating a challenge after the first few sentences of an instructor’s
    lecture, not listening to anything from that point on, and leaping
    in to argument at the first pause.
  • taking intransigent and dogmatic stands on even minor positions
    and insisting that the instructor recognize the validity of the rigid
    positions (Ruth 7)

Is it any wonder then, that
as Ruth laments, “rarely do the fruits of feminist research find
their way from women’s studies into the wider curriculum or the classrooms
of other instructors” (Ruth 8)? If, in order to succeed, Women’s
Studies requires the quashing of dissent and in fact considers dissent
and disagreement “harassment,” it is not surprising it is in
large measures an intellectual dead end. In most other areas of study,
“challenging facts with particularistic anecdotes” or “finding
something wrong with everything from quizzes to books” is known as
good scholarship. Serious academic journals take this sort of “harassment”
further — they call it peer review. By seeking to punish dissent, Women’s
Studies advocates end up isolating their endeavors from the most reliable
error detector ever known — the unfettered human mind.

Bias in Academe

The feminist reply is, of
course, that it is the rest of academe which is biased. At the very least
Women’s Studies is no more biased than other disciplines. That there
is bias among people in academe is no secret. There is no shortage of
crackpots and lousy scholars at America’s colleges and universities,
but Women’ Studies is one of the few disciplines in which bias is
consciously built in to the whole discipline and practically celebrated
as a dominant value.

Ruth traces the history of
erroneous thinking. In theology, thinkers learned to avoid anthropocentrism
(thinking God was like man). Social scientists learned to reject ethnocentrism.
Some people committed the fallacy of egocentrism, but few have escaped
the final -ism bugaboo, masculism or androcentrism, defined by Ruth as
“the mistaking of male perspectives, beliefs, attitudes, standards,
values, and perceptions for all human perceptions” (Ruth 8).

Before delving into masculism,
lets consider the fate of anthropocentrism, ethnocentrism and egocentrism.
According to Ruth these -isms are “universally acknowledged to be
fallacious, all such isms are guarded against…” (Ruth 8). Here
Ruth is simply wrong. Whether she agrees or disagrees with any of these
particular ideas none of them are universally considered fallacious; in
fact in the way she uses them they tend to be pretty good ideas — good
enough for many feminists.

Ruth defines egocentrism in
its conceptual form, for example, as “when an individual assumes
that others see reality as he or she does” (Ruth 8). Of course if
that is egocentrism, almost all people are egocentrists by necessity.
Try doing almost anything in the world assuming that other people are
experiencing a completely different reality — you won’t get very
far. In fact the Scottish philosopher Thomas Reid, who made a clear case
for what Ruth calls “egocentrism,” has enjoyed quite a renaissance
of late as his ideas seem to be backed up by new scientific discoveries
about cognition (discoveries of which Ruth is apparently unaware).

Ethnocentrism is also a value
which is mounting a comeback. Many people in the West, for example, believe
that human beings have rights and that it is unproblematic imposing this
view of human rights on foreign cultures. There has been quite a movement
in the United States, for example, opposing the practice of female circumcision
which is still performed in some parts of the world. Maybe Ruth wants
to argue it is simply wrong to impose our abhorrence at female circumcision
on other cultures. If so, she is free to do so, but I doubt she’ll
find many feminists agree with her.

But what of masculism? Ruth
is certainly right that until very recently all historical societies denied
women access to political and religious power. Women have long been excluded
from politics. But of course for most of human history, so have most men.
If there is an -ism that has been almost universal in human history it
is a variation of elitism — the idea that a very small group of people
should run everything. People forget that only 250 years ago there were
very few places on our planet where all but a handful of people held any
sort of power over their lives at all. To put it succinctly, it took about
6,000 years from the rise of civilization until most men were granted
political rights and freedom in the West. It took little more than 200
years before those rights began to be granted to women as well.

Ruth’s Political Platform

Even without blatantly saying,
“you must believe this” to be in Women’s Studies, the various
claims seen so far would cut off avenues of exploration leading inexorably
to a very narrow range of ideas. Just in case prospective Women’s
Studies students and faculty miss it, though, Ruth makes certain to make
explicit a political program for Women’s Studies.

Ruth writes that not all study
of gender should be considered Women’s Studies. Specifically, the
only way gender study can be considered Women’s Studies is if it
operates from a feminist perspective. As Ruth writes, “women’s
studies is and must be feminist” (Ruth 10).

Ruth even provides the reader
with a list of seven goals which Women’s Studies tries to bring about.
It is interesting that not one of them is concerned with trying to objectively
report facts or achieve a high standard of scholarship. Rather,

Women’s studies seeks:

  • to change women’s sense of ourselves, our self-image, our sense
    of worth and rights, our presence in the world
  • to change women’s aspirations based on an increased sense of
    self-confidence and self-love, to allow women to create for ourselves
    new options in our own personal goals as well as in our commitments
    and/or contributions to society
  • to alter the relations between women and men, to create true friendship
    and respect between the sexes in place of “the war between the
    sexes”
  • to give all people, women and men, a renewed sense of human worth,
    to restore to the center of human endeavors a love for beauty, kindness,
    justice, and quality in living
  • to erase from the world all the representations of unwholesome,
    illegitimate power of one group over another: sexism, racism, heterosexism,
    classism, and so on
  • to end the race toward the destruction of the planet
  • to reaffirm in society the quest for harmony, peace, and humane
    compassion (Ruth 11)

Quite a program! Ruth concedes that “such goals may appear presumptuous
or at least not obviously related to the study of women’s lives”
(Ruth 11), but she never seems to consider even tangentially the idea
that not only are they not related to the scholarly task of investigating
women’s lives, but that in fact they actually corrupt that process
by predetermining the outcome.

By mixing scholarship and
politics together, the results of Women’s Studies are inherently
suspect. In addition this political zeal tends to make people be less
than thorough in their investigations, as many of the contributors to
Ruth’s book and Ruth herself are in many areas.

Cold Hard Facts vs. Consciousness-Raising

Rather than concede there
is something wrong with a political program at the beginning of a textbook,
Ruth attacks the often rather formal efforts at universities to get at
the truth. Apparently the rather mundane tasks of research, writing, arguing
and peer review leave her cold.

Consider the tone of university experience. It is not difficult to
see that human compassion and caring, personal sensitivity, authenticity,
love, and openness are not highly prized in formal education. Even talk
of such things tends to embarrass people, to make them uneasy. Academic
language is distant, cold, rife with jargon … Courses and programs
die and are born and die again, fitting students (however poorly) to
meet the requirements of industry or government but rarely giving them
the tools to live well. Academe is not typically a loving, caring environment.

It is, however, competitive,
sometimes ruthless. Students learn to be “successful” (Ruth
13).

Wouldn’t it be nice if
classes were more like group therapy sessions? The problem with Ruth’s
vision is that her book falsifies its usefulness. If the reader wants
to see what happens when students and faculty give up cold language to
get in touch with their inner child, simply read the essays in Ruth’s
book. The result is a diminution of critical thinking skills and a tendency
to commit logical and factual errors at every turn.

Consider, for example, that
Ruth thinks it is appropriate to spend time in the class doing what she
calls “consciousness-raising.” Consciousness-raising “raises
the level of consciousness, of awareness one has about the feelings, behaviors,
and experiences surrounding sex roles” (Ruth 14). Consciousness-raising
is little more than an attempt to convince men and women that sex roles
largely determine their feelings and behaviors, and of course once those
are recognized the job of replacing those behaviors and feelings begins.
Ruth is quick to defend consciousness-raising from charges that it,

(1) makes the courses ‘soft’; (2) belongs in the women’s
movement, not in school; (3) is not a legitimate part of formal university
education; (4) is brainwashing; and (5) sometimes causes great anguish
with which some students are unable to cope (Ruth 14).

but does so only halfheartedly.

It’s not brainwashing,
of course, but “brain-opening” (Ruth 14). Sure it causes anguish,
but its worth it because it makes people grow. Ruth doesn’t even
bother to address the objection that it’s not the place of professors
to attempt to remold the personalities and behavior of their students
— in fact some might argue that activity is closer to totalitarian ideals
than the liberation which she promises.

Apparently many of the traditional
ideas about classrooms themselves are the result of sex role conditioning
which are slowly being overcome,

In a feminist classroom, one is apt to find group projects, small-group
discussion, self-directed or student-directed study, credit for social
change activities or for life experience, contracts or self-grading,
diaries and journals, even meditation or ritual. Noticeable in a feminist
classroom are two factors not typical in college classrooms: an acceptance
of, and even emphasis on, the personal-affective element in learning;
and a warm, human relationship among persons in the class, students
and teacher. Feminist teachers are no longer at pains to maintain the
manly aura of distance — from their work or from one another. Recognizing,
too, that hierarchical structures can belie what is common to female
experience, feminist faculty often seek alternatives to the traditional
student-teacher dichotomy (Ruth 15).

Women’s Studies Harms Women

Until a year ago, I hadn’t
read any feminist writings or done any reading of Women’s Studies
textbooks since I took a bland elective course as an undergraduate to
meet a graduation requirement. That changed after attending a seminar
sponsored by a group of campus feminists. Many of the claims I heard both
from students and a professor of Women’s Studies simply didn’t
ring true.

When I did some fact checking
I was appalled — not only were many of the claims false, but they were
trivially false. They were the sort of things that could be falsified
by a 15 minute trip to a decent library.

Yet the people who made these
presentations weren’t semiliterate ignoramuses; they were in fact
highly intelligent women with quick wits and passion for their cause.
How could they be led so far astray?

The answer to that is what
I believe is the biggest problem with Women’s Studies — it intentionally
robs women of critical thinking skills necessary to succeed both in life
and academe. Women who take Women’s Studies courses are being taught
that dissent from feminist positions is patriarchal heresy which must
not be tolerated. They are taught that adherence to rules of formal logic
and elementary tools such as textual criticism are in fact “male”
ways of thinking and are inappropriate methodologies for Women’s
Studies.

A Women’s Studies student
brought this point home for me in a computer bulletin board discussion
of a claim the student had made. Since the student had made the claim
without providing a citation, my wife requested such a citation and posted
several herself which contradicted the original claim. The Women’s
Studies student’s reply was simple — that sort of inquiry was a
waste of time. “Arguing books” as the student called it, would
accomplish nothing.

The result of teaching this
peculiar anti-epistemology is clear from reading Ruth’s book — Women’s
Studies scholarship tends to be extremely sloppy, poorly thought out and
often factually incorrect. Women’s Studies professors and students
tend to be the types who think that if anyone, anywhere has said something
in a book or journal which they agree with it must be true. Ruth, for
example, makes several factual errors in later essays because she cites
secondary reporting of primary studies rather than seek out the primary
material itself, which apparently would have been too much trouble.

The methodology and framework
of Women’s Studies leads not to truth and liberation, but to falsehood
and further enslavement. Women are not helped by politically and socially
palatable falsehoods, but that is all the bulk of Women’s Studies
to this point can offer. Ruth and her ilk do an enormous disservice to
the young women who rely on them.