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<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[i]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc4 large">The<br />
Wars of Religion in France<br />
1559-1576</p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-004.jpg" width="450" height="220" id="i004"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">VIEW OF PARIS</p>
        <p class="cap1">From a sketch by Jacques Callot (1592-1635).</p>
</div></div>


<h1 class="p4">The<br />
Wars of Religion in France<br />
<span class="reduct">1559-1576</span></h1>

<p class="pc1 large">The Huguenots Catherine de Medici<br />
and Philip II</p>

<p class="pc4">BY</p>
<p class="pc1 lmid"><span class="smcap">James Westfall Thompson, Ph.D.</span></p>
<p class="pc reduct"><i>Associate Professor of European History in<br />
the University of Chicago</i></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-logo.jpg" width="250" height="293"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p class="pc2 mid">CHICAGO:</p>
<p class="pc lmid">THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS</p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">LONDON:<br />
T. FISHER UNWIN, 1 ADELPHI TERRACE</p>
<p class="pc lmid">1909</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[ii]</a><br /><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[iii]</a><br /><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[iv]</a></span></p>



<p class="pc4 reduct"><span class="smcap">Copyright 1909 By<br />
The University of Chicago</span></p>

<hr class="dec1" />

<p class="pc reduct">Published May 1909</p>

<p class="pc4 small">Composed and Printed By<br />
The University of Chicago Press<br />
Chicago, Illinois, U. S. A.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc4">TO<br />
<span class="lmid">MARY HAWES WILMARTH</span><br />
THE LARGESS OF WHOSE SPIRIT HAS MADE THE<br />
WORLD RICHER AND LIFE NOBLER</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a><br /><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4">PREFACE</h2>

<p class="p2">No one acquainted with the history of historical writing can
have failed to observe how transitory are its achievements. Mark
Pattison’s aphorism that “history is one of the most ephemeral
forms of literature” has much of truth in it. The reasons of this
are not far to seek. In the first place, the most laborious historian
is doomed to be superseded in course of time by the accumulation
of new material. In the second place, the point of view and the
interpretation of one generation varies from that which preceded
it, so that each generation requires a rewriting of history in terms
of its own interest.</p>

<p>These reasons must be my excuse for venturing to write a new
book upon an old subject. It is now nearly thirty years since the
appearance of the late Professor Henry M. Baird’s excellent work,
<i>The Rise of the Huguenots</i> (New York, 1879), and little that is
comprehensive has since been written upon the subject in English,
with the exception of Mr. A. W. Whitehead’s admirable <i>Gaspard
de Coligny, Admiral of France</i> (London, 1904). But the limitations
imposed by biographical history compel an author inevitably
to ignore movements or events not germane to his immediate
subject, which, nevertheless, may be of great importance for general
history. Moreover, a biography is limited by the term of
life of the hero, and his death may not by any means terminate
the issue in which he was a factor&mdash;as indeed was the case with
Coligny.</p>

<p>An enumeration of the notable works&mdash;sources and authorities&mdash;which
have been published since the appearance of Professor
Baird’s work may serve to justify the present volume. First and
foremost must be mentioned the notable <i>Lettres de Catherine de
Médicis</i>, the lack of which Ranke deplored, edited by the late Count
Hector de la Ferrière and M. Baguenault de la Puchesse (9 vols.),
the initial volume of which appeared in 1880. Of diplomatic
correspondence we have the <i>Ambassade en Espagne de Jean Ebrard,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span>
seigneur de St. Sulpice de 1562 à 1565</i> (Paris, 1902), edited by
M. Edmond Cabié, and thé <i>Dépêches de M. Fourquevaux, ambassadeur
du roi Charles IX en Espagne, 1565-72</i>, in three volumes,
edited by the Abbé Douais (Paris, 1896). Other sources which
have seen the light within the last three decades are M. Delaborde’s
<i>Vie de Coligny</i> (3 vols., 1877-), the title of which is somewhat misleading,
for it is really a collection of Coligny’s letters strung upon
the thread of his career; the Baron Alphonse de Ruble’s <i>Antoine
de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret</i> (4 vols., 1881); M. Ludovic Lalanne’s
new annotated edition of <i>D’Aubigné</i> (1886), and the new
edition of Beza’s <i>Histoire ecclésiastique</i> (ed. of Baum, 1883).
Finally, among sources should be included many volumes in the
“Calendar of State Papers.” Professor Baird has rightly said that
“Too much weight can scarcely be given to this source of
information and illustration.” His praise would probably have
been even greater if he could have used the correspondence of Dale
and Smith as freely as he did that of Throckmorton and Norris.</p>

<p>When we pass from sources to authorities the list of notable
works is even longer. La Ferrière’s <i>Le XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle et les Valois</i>&mdash;the
fruit of researches in the Record Office in London&mdash;appeared
in 1879; M. Forneron’s <i>Histoire de Philippe II</i> (4 vols.) was
published in 1887, and is even more valuable than his earlier
<i>Histoire des ducs de Guise</i> (1877). Besides these, in the decade of
the 80’s, are Durier’s <i>Les Huguenots en Bigorre</i> (1884); Communay’s
<i>Les Huguenots dans le Béarn et la Navarre</i> (1886); Lettenhove’s
<i>Les Huguenots et les Gueux</i> (1885); the baron de Ruble’s
<i>Le traité de Cateau-Cambrésis</i> (1889), and the abbé Marchand’s
<i>Charles de Cossé, Comte de Brissac</i> (1889). M. de Crue’s notable
<i>Anne, duc de Montmorency</i> appeared in the same year and his
no less scholarly <i>Le parti des politiques au lendemain de Saint Barthélemy</i>
three years later. M. Marlet’s <i>Le comte de Montgomery</i>
was published in 1890; M. Georges Weill’s <i>Les théories sur le
pouvoir royal en France pendant les guerres de religion</i>, in 1891;
M. Henri Hauser’s <i>François de La Noue</i> in 1892; M. Bernard de
Lacombe’s <i>Catherine de Médicis entre Guise et Condé</i> in 1899, and,
most recently of all, M. Courteault’s <i>Blaise de Montluc</i> (1908).<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span>
Many contributions in the <i>Revue historique</i>, the <i>Revue des questions
historiques</i>, the <i>English Historical Review</i>, the <i>Revue d’histoire
diplomatique</i>, the <i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, and one article in the
<i>American Historical Review</i>, January, 1903, by M. Hauser, “The
Reformation and the Popular Classes in the Sixteenth Century,”
are equally valuable, as the notes will show. I have also consulted
many articles in the proceedings of various local or provincial
historical societies, as the Société de Paris et de l’Ile de France;
the Société de l’histoire de Normandie, the Société d’histoire et
d’archéologie de Genève, etc., and the admirable series known
as the <i>Bulletin de la Société du protestantisme français</i>, which is a
mine of historical lore.</p>

<p>While the present work falls in the epoch of the French Reformation,
no attempt has been made to treat that subject in so far
as the Reformation is assumed primarily to have been a religious
manifestation. Doctrine, save when it involved polity, has been
ignored. But into the political, diplomatic, and economic
activities of the period I have tried to go at some length. As to the
last feature, it is not too much to say that our interpretation of
the sixteenth century has been profoundly changed within the last
twenty years by the progress made in economic history. Such
works as Weiss’s <i>La chambre ardente</i> and Hauser’s <i>Ouvriers du
temps passé</i> have revolutionized the treatment of this subject.</p>

<p>Such an interpretation is merely a reflection of our own present-day
interest in economic and social problems. In this particular
it is the writer’s belief that he is the first to present some of the
results of recent research into the economic history of sixteenth-century
France to English readers. My indebtedness to M.
Hauser is especially great for the help and suggestion he has given
me in the matter of industrial history. But I have tried to widen
the subject and attempted to show the bearing of changes in the
agricultural régime, the influence of the failure of crops owing to
adverse weather conditions, and the disintegration of society as
the result of incessant war and the plague, upon the progress of
the Huguenot movement. In an agricultural country like France
in the sixteenth century, the distress of the provinces through the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span>
failure of the harvests was sometimes nearly universal, and the
retroactive effect of such conditions in promoting popular discontent
had a marked influence upon the religious and political
issues.</p>

<p>It has been pointed out that “the religious wars of France
furnish the most complete instance of the constant intersection
of native and foreign influences.”<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The bearing of the Huguenot
movement upon Spanish and Dutch history was intimate and
marked, and this I have also attempted to set forth. In so doing
the fact that has impressed me most of all is the development and
activity of the provincial Catholic leagues and their close connection
with Spain’s great Catholic machine in France, the Holy League.</p>

<p>The history of the Holy League in France is usually represented
as having extended from 1576 to 1594. This time was the period
of its greatest activity and of its greatest power. But institutions
do not spring to life full armed in a moment, like Athené from the
head of Zeus. “The roots of the present lie deep in the past,”
as Bishop Stubbs observed. Institutions are a growth, a development.
The Holy League was a movement of slow growth and
development, although it has not been thus represented, and resulted
from the combination of various acts and forces&mdash;political,
diplomatic, religious, economic, social, even psychological&mdash;working
simultaneously both within and without France during the
civil wars. I have tried to set forth the nature and extent of these
forces; to show how they originated; how they operated; and
how they ultimately were combined to form the Holy League.
Certain individual features of the history here covered have been
treated in an isolated way by some writers. The late baron de
Ruble and M. Forneron have disclosed the treasonable negotiations
of Montluc with Philip II. M. Bouillé and more recently
M. Forneron have followed the tortuous thread of the cardinal
of Lorraine’s secret negotiations with Spain. Various historians,
chiefly in provincial histories or biographies like Pingaud’s <i>Les
Saulx-Tavannes</i>, have noticed the local work of some of the
provincial Catholic associations. But the relation of all these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span>
various movements, one to the other, and their ultimate fusion
into a single united movement has not yet been fully brought out.
What was the number and form of organization of these local
Catholic leagues? What influenced their combination? What
bearing did they have upon the course of Montluc and the cardinal
of Lorraine? Or upon Philip II’s policy? How did the great
feud between the Guises and the Montmorencys influence the
formation of the Holy League and its hostile counterpart&mdash;the
Association of the Huguenots and the Politiques? These questions
I have tried to answer and in so doing two or three new
facts have been brought to light. For example, an undiscovered
link in the history of the Guises’ early secret intercourse with Philip
II has been found in the conduct of L’Aubespine, the French
ambassador in Spain in 1561; the treasonable course of the cardinal
of Lorraine, it is shown, began in 1565 instead of 1566, a
fact which makes the petty conflict known as the “Cardinal’s
War” of new importance; the history of the Catholic associations
in the provinces, hitherto isolated in many separate volumes, has
been woven into the whole and some new information established
regarding them.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>

<p>The notes, it is hoped, will sufficiently indicate the sources
used and enable the reader to test the treatment of the
subject, or guide him to sources by which he may form his own
judgment if desired.</p>

<p>In the matter of maps, the very complete apparatus of maps in
Mr. Whitehead’s <i>Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France</i>, has
greatly lightened my task, and I express my cordial thanks
to Mr. Whitehead and Messrs. Methuen &amp; Co., his publishers,
for permission to reproduce those in that work. My thanks are
also due to M. Ch. de Coynart and MM. Firmin Didot et Cie for
permission to reproduce the map illustrating the battle of Dreux
from the late Commandant de Coynart’s work entitled <i>L’Année
1562 et la bataille de Dreux</i>; and to M. Steph. C. Gigon, author
of <i>La bataille de Jarnac et la campagne de 1569 en Angoumois</i>, for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span>
permission to use his two charts of the battle of Jarnac. Those
illustrating the Tour of the Provinces in 1564-66, the march of the
duke of Alva and Montgomery’s great raid in Gascony are my own.
Some lesser maps and illustrations are from old prints which I
have gathered together, in the course of years, except that illustrating
the siege of Havre-de-Grace and the large picture of the
battle of St. Denis, which have been photographed from the
originals in the Record Office.</p>

<p>During the preparation of this volume, which has entailed
two prolonged visits to Paris and other parts of France, and to
London, I have become the debtor to many persons. Among
those of whose courtesy and assistance I would make special
acknowledgment are the following: His Excellency, M. Jean-Jules
Jusserand, French ambassador at Washington; M. Henri
Vignaud, chargé d’affaires of the American legation in Paris;
MM. Charles de la Roncière and Viennot of the Bibliothèque
Nationale; MM. Le Grand and Viard of the Archives Nationales,
where I chiefly worked in the K. Collection. At the Record Office,
Mr. Hubert Hall and his assistant, Miss Mary Trice Martin, were
unfailing in the aid given me. For the transcript of the “Discorso
sopra gli humori del Regno di Francia,” from the Barberini Library
in Rome, I am indebted to P. Franz Ehrle, prefect of the Vatican
archives. I also hold in grateful memory the friendship and
assistance of the late Woodbury Lowery, author of <i>The Spanish
Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States: Florida</i>
(1562-74), New York, 1905, with whom I was a fellow worker
at the Archives Nationales in the spring and early summer of
1903.</p>

<p>Finally, I owe much to the suggestive criticism of my friend and
colleague, Professor Ferdinand Schevill, and my friends, Professor
Herbert Darling Foster, of Dartmouth College, and Professor
Roger B. Merriman, of Harvard University, each of whom has
read much of the manuscript.</p>

<p class="pr2 lmid"><span class="smcap">James Westfall Thompson</span></p>

<p class="pi4 reduct"><span class="smcap">The University of Chicago</span></p>
<p class="pi6 reduct">January 1909</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4">CONTENTS</h2>

<table id="toc" summary="cont">

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2"></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><span class="small">PAGE</span></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">List of Maps and Plates</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#cxv">xv</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdrl"><span class="small">CHAPTER</span></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">I.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Beginning of the Huguenot Revolt. The Conspiracy of Amboise</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c1">1</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">II.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Catherine de Medici between Guise and Condé. Project
of a National Council</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c40">40</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">III.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The States-General of Orleans</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c69">69</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">IV.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Formation of the Triumvirate</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c91">91</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">V.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Colloquy of Poissy. The Estates of Pontoise.
The Edict of January, 1562</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c106">106</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">VI.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The First Civil War. The Massacre of Vassy (March
1, 1562). The Siege of Rouen</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c131">131</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">VII.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The First Civil War</span> (<i>Continued</i>). <span class="smcap">The Battle of Dreux
(December 19, 1562). The Peace of Amboise (March 19, 1563)</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c172">172</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">VIII.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The War With England.&nbsp; The Peace of Troyes
(1563-64)</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c198">198</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">IX.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Early Local and Provincial Catholic Leagues</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c206">206</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">X.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Tour of the Provinces. The Bayonne Episode</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c232">232</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">XI.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Tour of the Provinces</span> (<i>Continued</i>). <span class="smcap">The Influence
of the Revolt of the Netherlands upon France. The Affair of Meaux</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c283">283</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">XII.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Second Civil War (1567-68)</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c326">326</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">XIII.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Third Civil War (1568). New Catholic Leagues.
The Battle of Jarnac</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c349">349</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">XIV.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Third Civil War</span> (<i>Continued</i>). <span class="smcap">The Peace of St.
Germain</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c378">378</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">XV.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Massacre of St. Bartholomew</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c422">422</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">XVI.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Fourth Civil War</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c454">454</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">XVII.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Last Days of Charles IX. The Conspiracy of The
Politiques</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c469">469</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdchap">XVIII.</td>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Henry III and the Politiques. The Peace of Monsieur
(1576)</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c486">486</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Genealogical Tables</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c525">525</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Appendices</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c529">529</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Index</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#c605">605</a></td>
 </tr>

</table>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a><br /><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="cxv" id="cxv">LIST OF MAPS AND PLATES</a></h2>

<table id="toi" summary="cont">

 <tr>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">View of Paris</span></td>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdrl"><a href="#i004"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td> </td>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdrl"><span class="small">FACING PAGE</span></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Huguenot March to Orleans, March 29-April 2, 1562</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i139">139</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Campaign of Dreux, November to December, 1562</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i180">180</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Battle of Dreux, According to Commandant De Coynart</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i181">181</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Sketch Map of the Fortifications of Havre-de-Grace</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i202">202</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Tour of the Provinces, 1564-66</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i232">232</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">March of the Duke of Alva through Savoy, Franche Comté,
and Lorraine</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i308">308</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Execution of Egmont and Hoorne in the Market Square at
Brussels</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i314">314</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Paris and Its Faubourgs in the Sixteenth Century</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i327">327</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Blockade of Paris by the Huguenots, October-November, 1567</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i328">328</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Huguenot March to Pont-à-Mousson after the Battle of St.
Denis</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i329">329</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Battle of St. Denis</span></td>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdrl"><i>between</i> pp. <a href="#i332">332, 333</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Autumn Campaign of 1568</span></td>
  <td class="tdrlx"><a href="#i368">368</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Croquis du Théatre de la Guerre pour la Période du 24
Février au 13 Mars 1569, according to M. S. C. Gigon</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i376">376</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Bataille de Jarnac, according to M. S. C. Gigon</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i377">377</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Campaign of the Summer and Autumn of 1569</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i380">380</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Poitiers in the Sixteenth Century</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i386">386</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Plan of the Fortress of Navarrens Made by Juan Martinez
Descurra, a Spanish Spy</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i398">398</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Voyage of the Princes after the Battle of Moncontour; Montgomery’s
Itinerary in Bigorre and Gascony; Union of
Coligny and Montgomery in December, 1569, at Port Ste. Marie</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i402">402</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">The Massacre of St. Bartholomew</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i422">422</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Plan de la Rochelle en 1572</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i458">458</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Letter of Henry III of France to the Duke of Savoy</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i484">484</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Letter of Henry III to the Swiss Cantons</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i485">485</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td colspan="2" class="tdt"><span class="smcap">Map of France Showing Provinces</span></td>
  <td class="tdrl"><a href="#i602">602</a></td>
 </tr>

</table>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[xvi]</a><br /><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c1" id="c1">CHAPTER I</a></h2>

<div class="limit">

<p class="pch">THE BEGINNING OF THE HUGUENOT REVOLT. THE CONSPIRACY
OF AMBOISE</p>


<p>The last day of June, 1559, was a gala day in Paris. The
marriages of Philip II of Spain with Elizabeth of France, daughter
of King Henry II and Catherine de Medici, and that of the French
King’s sister, Marguerite with Emanuel Philibert, duke of Savoy,
were to be celebrated. But “the torches of joy became funeral
tapers”<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> before nightfall, for Henry II was mortally wounded in
the tournament given in honor of the occasion.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It was the rule
that challengers, in this case the King, should run three courses
and their opponents one. The third contestant of the King had
been Gabriel, sieur de Lorges, better known as the count of
Montgomery, captain of the Scotch Guard,<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a young man, “grand
et roidde,” whom Henry rechallenged because his pride was hurt
that he had not better kept his seat in the saddle in the first running.
Montgomery tried to refuse, but the King silenced his objections<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>
with a command and reluctantly<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Montgomery resumed his place.
But this time the Scotch guardsman failed to cast away the trunk
of the splintered lance as he should have done at the moment of
the shock, and the fatal accident followed. The jagged point
crashed through the King’s visor into the right eye.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> For a minute<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
Henry reeled in his saddle, but by throwing his arms around the
neck of his horse, managed to keep his seat. The King’s armor
was stripped from him at once and “a splint taken out of good
bigness.”<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> He moved neither hand nor foot, and lay as if benumbed
or paralyzed,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> and so was carried to his chamber in the
Tournelles,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> entrance being denied to all save physicians, apothecaries,
and those valets-de-chambre who were on duty. None
were permitted for a great distance to come near until late in the
day, when the duke of Alva, who was to be proxy for his sovereign
at the marriage, the duke of Savoy, the prince of Orange, the cardinal
of Lorraine, and the constable were admitted.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-002.jpg" width="400" height="601"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">MONTGOMERY IN TOURNAMENT COSTUME</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Bib. Nat., Estampes, <i>Hist. de France</i>, reg. Q. b. 19)</p>
</div></div>


<p>After the first moment of consternation was past, it was thought
that the King would recover, though losing the sight of his eye,<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>
since on the fourth day Henry recovered his senses and his fever
was abated. Meanwhile five or six of the ablest physicians in
France had been diligently experimenting upon the heads of four
criminals who were decapitated for the purpose in the Conciergerie
and the prisons of the Châtelet. On the eighth day Vesalius,
Philip II’s physician, who had long been with the emperor Charles
V, and who enjoyed a European reputation, arrived and took
special charge of the royal patient.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> In the interval of consciousness
Henry commanded that the interrupted marriages be solemnized.
Before they were celebrated the King had lost the use of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>
speech and lapsed into unconsciousness, and on the morrow of
the marriages he died (July 10, 1559). On August 13 the corpse
was interred at St. Denis.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> When the ceremony was ended the
king of arms stood up, and after twice pronouncing the words
“Le roi est mort,” he turned around toward the assembly, and
the third time cried out: “Vive le roi, très-chretien François le
deuzième de ce nom, par la grace de Dieu, roi de France.” Thereupon
the trumpets sounded and the interment was ended.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> A
month later, on September 18, Francis II was crowned at Rheims.
Already Montgomery had been deprived of the captaincy of the
Scotch Guard and his post given to “a mere Frenchman,” much
to the indignation of the members of the Guard.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-004b.jpg" width="450" height="300"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">DEATHBED OF HENRY II</p>

<table id="tcap01" summary="tcap01">

 <tr>
  <td class="tdt">A. Catherine de Medici</td>
  <td class="tdt">D. Couriers</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdt">B. Cardinal of Lorraine</td>
  <td class="tdt">E. Courtiers</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdt">C. Constable Montmorency</td>
  <td class="tdt">F. Physicians</td>
 </tr>

</table>

</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span></p>

<p>The reign of Henry II had not been a popular one. He had
neither the mind nor the application necessary in public affairs.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>
On the very day of the accident the English ambassador wrote
to Cecil: “It is a marvel to see how the noblemen, gentlemen, and
ladies do lament this misfortune, and contrary-wise, how the
townsmen and people do rejoice.”<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> The wars of Henry II in
Italy and in the Low Countries had drained France of blood and
treasure, so that the purses of the people were depleted by an infinity
of exactions and confiscations; offices and benefices had been
bartered, even those of justice, and to make the feeling of the
people worse, Henry II was prodigal to his favorites.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> Finally
the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) was regarded as not less
disadvantageous than dishonorable.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile much politics had been in progress.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> The new
king was not yet sixteen years of age.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> He was of frail health and
insignificant intellect, being quite unlike his wife, the beautiful
and brilliant Mary Stuart, who was a niece of the Guises, Francis,
duke of Guise, and his brother Charles, cardinal of Lorraine, who
had been in no small favor under Henry II. Even in the king’s
lifetime the ambition of the Guises had been a thing of wonderment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
and his unexpected death opened before them the prospect of new
and prolonged power. Henry II had scarcely closed his eyes
when the duke of Guise and the cardinal of Lorraine took possession
of the person of Francis II and conducted him to the Louvre,
in company with the queen-mother, ignoring the princes of the
blood, the marshals, the admiral of France, and “many Knights
of the Order, or grand seigneurs who were not of their retinue.”
There they deliberated without permitting anyone to approach,
still less to speak to the King except in the presence of one of them.
Francis II gave out that his uncles were to manage his affairs.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>
In order to give color to this assumption of authority, as if their
intention was to restore everything to good estate again, the Guises
recalled the chancellor Olivier, who had been driven from office
by Diane de Poitiers, Henry II’s mistress.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p>

<p>Even before these events the Guises had shown their hand, for
on the day of Henry II’s decease the constable, the cardinal Châtillon
and his brother, the admiral Coligny, had been appointed
to attend upon the royal corse at the Tournelles, by which maneuver
they were excluded from all active work and the way was
cleared for the unhampered rule of the King’s uncles. Rumor
prevailed that D’Andelot, the third of the famous Châtillon
brothers, was to be dismissed from the command of the footmen
and the place be given to the count de Rochefoucauld.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Before
the end of the month the duke of Guise was given charge of the
war office and the cardinal of Lorraine that of finance and matters<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>
of state.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> At the same time, on various pretexts, the princes of
the blood were sent away,<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> the prince of Condé to Flanders, ostensibly
to confer with Philip II regarding the peace of Cateau-Cambrésis,<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>
the prince of La Roche-sur-Yon and the cardinal Bourbon
to conduct Elizabeth of France into Spain, so that by November
“there remained no more princes with the King save those of
Guise,”<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> who had influential agents in the two marshals, St. André<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>
and Brissac.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span></p>

<p>Much depended upon the attitude of Antoine of Bourbon, sieur
de Vendôme and king of Navarre, who was first prince of the blood,
and the person to whom the direction of affairs would naturally
fall. At the time of Henry II’s death he was in Béarn, whither
La Mare, the King’s valet-de-chambre, was sent to notify him,<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>
the Guises having shrewdly arranged to have the ground cleared
of the opposition of the Bourbons and Châtillons when he should
arrive.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p>

<p>But not all the opposition had been overcome. While Henry II
had been generous to the Guises, he had been even fonder of the
constable Montmorency, a bluff, hearty man of war, who became
the royal favorite upon the fall of the admiral Hennebault, after
the death of Francis I.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Montmorency was the uncle of the three
Châtillons, Odet, the cardinal-bishop of Beauvais, Gaspard, the
admiral Coligny, and François de Châtillon, sieur d’Andelot,
and the King was openly accused of having made a disadvantageous
peace in order to protect the constable and secure the ransom
of Coligny, who was captured at the battle of St. Quentin.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> In
order to prevent the constable and the king of Navarre from meeting
one another and concerting an arrangement, the Guises contrived
Montmorency’s summary dismissal from court,<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> Francis II at
their instigation sending him word to retire at once (August 15).
The old war-dog<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> took the affront gallantly, and like an artful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
courtier said that he was glad to be relieved of active duties on
account of his age.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> In the absence of the princes of the blood,
the opposition to the Guises gathered around Montmorency and
the Châtillons, the faction for a short time taking its name from
the constable’s title, being known as “connestablistes.”<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> The
political line of division was drawn very sharply, and the growing
influence of Huguenot teachings gave it a religious accentuation
as well. The less significant portion of the noblesse was inclined
to repose after the long wars and was indifferent to politics; but
the upper nobility were eager partisans, either having hopes of
preferment or being, in principle, opposed both to the usurpation
and the religious intolerance of the Guises.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p>

<p>As to the clergy, its members almost without exception were
supporters of the faith and the government of the Guises. The
mass of the people as yet were disregarded by both factions, but
were soon to come forward into prominence for financial and
other reasons.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Henry II, unlike his father, had never suffered
French Protestantism to flourish,<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> but, on the contrary, had undertaken<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
rigorous repressive measures. The edicts of Paris (1549),
of Fontainebleau (1550), and of Chateaubriand (1551), made the
Huguenots<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> subject to both secular and ecclesiastical tribunals.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span></p>

<p>The Protestant issue was both a religious and a political one,
for to many men it seemed impossible to alter the religious beliefs
of the time without destruction of the state. Francis I recognized
this state of things in the rhymed aphorism:</p>

<p class="pi10 p1">
Un roi<br />
Une loi<br />
Une foi</p>

<p class="pn1">and his son rigidly sustained the dictum. The Edict of Compiègne,
of July 24, 1557<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> imposed the death penalty upon those
who publicly or secretly professed a religion other than the Catholic
apostolic faith; the preamble declaring that “to us alone who have
received from the hand of God the administration of the public
affairs of our realm,” clearly shows the intimate relation of the
French state and the French church. It is significant that the
<i>Chambre ardente</i> was established to prosecute the Huguenots in
Henry II’s reign.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span></p>

<p>Ever since the duke of Alva had been in Paris the impression
had prevailed that Henry II and Philip II purposed to establish
the Inquisition in France,<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> and that the project had been foiled
by the French king’s sudden death. The Huguenots were convinced
of it and keen politicians like the prince of Orange and
Count Egmont taxed Granvella with the purpose in 1561.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> What
the government did do has been carefully stated by another:</p>

<div class="pbq">

<p class="p1">The Government largely increased the powers of the Ecclesiastical Courts,
and, <i>pari passu</i>, detracted from those of the regular Law Courts called the
Parlements. The Parlement of Paris protested not only against the infringement
of its privileges, but against conversion by persecution, and the same
feelings existed at Rouen, where several members had to be excluded for
heretical opinions. The introduction of the Spanish form of inquisition, under
a bull of Paul IV, in 1557, still further exasperated the profession. The Inquisitors
were directed to appoint diocesan tribunals, which should decide
without appeal. The Parlement of Paris flatly refused to register the royal
edict, and continued to receive appeals. The finale was the celebrated Wednesday
meeting of the assembled chambers, the Mercuriale, where the King
in person interfered with the constitutional freedom of speech, and ordered the
arrest of the five members, thus giving his verdict for the ultra-Catholic minority
of Parlement against the moderate majority. Marshal Vieilleville, himself a
sound Catholic, strongly dissuaded this course of action. Its result was that
one of the most influential elements of the State was not indeed brought into
connection with Reform, but as placed in an attitude of hostility to the Government,
and as the grievance was the consequence of the religious policy of the
Crown, it had at all events a tendency to bring about a <i>rapprochement</i> between
the Reformers and the judicial classes.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-013.jpg" width="450" height="298"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">EXECUTION OF DU BOURG</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>Five of the advocates of the Parlement of Paris, of whom Du Bourg
and Du Four were the most prominent, protested against this
action, both because of its intolerance and because they believed
it to be a political measure, at least in part, and were put under
arrest for this manifestation of courage. Men reasoned very differently
regarding this edict. The politicians and intense Catholics
regarded it as necessary, both to preserve the church and in order
to suppress those seditious spirits, who, under color of religion,
aimed to alter or subvert the government. Others, who had no
regard either for policy or religion, likewise approved of it, not as
tending to extirpate the Protestants, for they believed it would
rather increase their numbers, but because they hoped to be enriched
by confiscations and that the King might thereby be enabled
to pay his debts, amounting to forty-two millions, according to
Castelnau, and thus restore his finances.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> The trial of the parliamentary
councilors was postponed for some time on account of
Henry II’s death, but soon afterward they were brought before
“the bishops and Sorbonnists.”<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> Du Four, upon retraction, was
suspended from office for five years;<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> three others were fined and
ignominiously punished; but Du Bourg<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> was condemned and
executed on December 23, 1559, in spite of the solicitations of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>
Marguerite, wife of the duke of Savoy, and the count palatine
who wrote to the King for his life.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p>

<p>At the same time the measures of the government were redoubled.
In November, 1559, a new edict ordained that all who
went to conventicles, or assisted at any private assemblies, should
be put to death, and their houses be pulled down and never rebuilt.
By special decree the provost of the city was authorized, because
Huguenot sessions were more frequent in Paris and its suburbs
than elsewhere, to proclaim with the trumpet that all people who
had information of Protestant assemblies should notify the magistrates,
on pain of incurring the same punishment; and promise
of pardon and a reward of five hundred livres was to be given
to every informer. The <i>commissaires des quartiers</i> of Paris were
enjoined to be diligent in seeking out offenders and to search
the houses of those under suspicion from time to time using
the <i>archers de la ville</i> for that purpose. Letters-patent were
also given to the lieutenant-criminal of the Châtelet and certain
other judges chosen by the cardinal of Lorraine to judge without
appeal. The curés and vicars in the parishes were to excommunicate
all those who had knowledge of Protestant doings
and failed to report them.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> In order to discover those who were
Calvinists, priests bore the host (<i>corpus Domini</i>) through the
streets and images of the Virgin were set up at the street corners,
and all who refused to bow the head and bend the knee in adoration
were arrested.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> Similar measures were adopted in Poitou,
at Toulouse, and at Aix in Provence where the double enginery
of state and church was brought to bear in the suppression of
heresy.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> So great was the volume of judicial business as a
result of these new measures that four criminal chambers were
established at the end of the year, one to try offenses carrying the
death penalty, the second for trial of those who might be condemned
to make <i>amende honorable</i>, the third to judge those who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>
might be publicly burned, the last to punish various other offenses.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>
The saner Catholic opinion, as, for example, that of Tavannes,
the brilliant cavalry leader, reprobated this recourse to extraordinary
tribunals on the ground that the judging of criminals by
special commissioners, who were persons chosen according to the
passion of the ruler, was bound to be unjust or tyrannical, and
that those counselors who were drawn from the courts of the parlements
to be so employed offended their consciences and mingled
in that which did not pertain to them. Tavannes justified his contention,
legally as well as morally, on the ground that the King,
being a party in the cause could not justly change the ordinary
judges.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p>

<p>The assassination of Minard, vice-president of the Grand
Chamber of the Parlement of Paris, and one of the judges, who
was shot in his coach<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> on the night of December 18, the same day
that Du Bourg was degraded, was the protest against this order
of things.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> The murder was committed in such a way that the
author of it could never be discovered.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> This was followed by
that of Julien Frène, a messenger of the Parlement, while bearing
some papers and instructions relating to the prosecution of certain
Protestants. These two crimes undoubtedly hardened the government<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>
and hastened the prosecution of Du Bourg, who was put to
death just a week later, on December 23, and led to some new
regulations. In order to protect the Parlement, it was commanded
to adjourn before four o’clock, from St. Martin’s Eve (November
10) until Easter; a general police order forbade the carrying of
any firearms whatsoever<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> and in order to prevent their concealment,
the wearing of long mantles or large hunting-capes was
forbidden.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p>

<p>It is to be observed that the Huguenots were concerted not only
for religious, but for political interests. The distinction was fully
appreciated at the time, the former being called “Huguenots of
religion” and the latter “Huguenots of state.”<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> The former were
Calvinists who were resolved no longer to endure the cruelties of
religious oppression; the latter&mdash;mostly nobles&mdash;those opposed
to the monopoly of power enjoyed by the Guises.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> The weight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
of evidence is increasingly in favor of the view that the causes of
the Huguenot movement were as much if not more political and
economic than religious.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">It was only in the general dislocation and <i>désœuvrement</i> of society that
followed the cessation of the foreign wars that the French began to realize the
weight of the burdens which their governmental system laid upon them.
Until the religious sense gave a voice to the dumb discontent, social or
political, first in the Huguenot rising and afterward in the outbreak of the
League, there was little to show the real force of the opposition to the established
order.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Abstractly considered, the religious Huguenots were not very
dangerous to the state so long as they confined their activity to
the discussion of doctrine. This could not easily be done, however,
nor did the opponents of the church so desire; for the church
was a social and political fabric, as well as a spiritual institution,
and to challenge or deny its spiritual sovereignty meant also to
invalidate its social and political claims, so that the whole structure
was compromised. Thus the issue of religion raised by the Huguenots
merged imperceptibly into that of the political Huguenots,
who not only wanted to alter the foundations of belief, but to change
the institutional order of things, and who used the religious opposition
as a means to attack the authority of the crown. The most
active of this class were the nobles, possessed of lands or bred to
the profession of arms, whom a species of political atavism actuated
to endeavor to recover that feudal power which the noblesse had
enjoyed before the powerful kings like Louis IX and Philip IV
coerced the baronage; before the Hundred-Years’ War ruined
them; before Louis XI throttled the League of the Public Weal
in 1465. The weakness of Francis II, the minority of the crown<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
under Charles IX, and, above all, the dissatisfaction of the princes
of the blood and the old aristocracy, like the Montmorencys, with
the upstart pretensions and power of the Guises&mdash;these causes
united to make the Huguenots of state a formidable political
party. Religion and politics together provoked the long series
of civil wars whose termination was not until Henry IV brought
peace and prosperity to France again in 1598.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p>

<p>It is necessary to picture the state of France at this time. The
French were not essentially an industrial or commercial nation
in the sixteenth century. France had almost no maritime power
and its external commerce was not great. The great majority
of the French people was composed of peasants, small proprietors,
artisans, and officials. If we analyze city society, we find first
some artisans and small merchants&mdash;the bourgeois and the <i>gens-de-robe</i>
forming the upper class. The towns had long since ceased
to govern themselves. Society was aristocratic and controlled
by the clergy and nobility. The upper clergy was very rich.
High prelates were all grand seigneurs, while the lower clergy was
very dependent. Monks abounded in the towns, and the curates
possessed a certain influence. The most powerful class was the
nobles, seigneurs, and gentlemen, who possessed a great portion
of the rural properties, and still had fortified castles. They were
wholly employed either at court or in war, or held appointments
as governors of provinces and captains of strongholds. The
nobles alone constituted the regular companies of cavalry, that
is to say, the dominant element of the army. This class was therefore
of influence in the state and the most material force in society.
The government was an absolute monarchy. The king was
theoretically uncontested master and obeyed by all; he exercised
an arbitrary and uncontrolled power, and could decide according
to his pleasure, with reference to taxes, laws, and affairs both of
the state and of the church, save in matters of faith. He named
and revoked the commissions of all the governors and acted under
the advice of a council composed of the princes of the blood and
favorites. But this absolute authority was still personal. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
king was only obeyed upon condition of giving the orders himself.
There was no conception of an abstract kingship. If the king
abandoned the power to a favorite, the other great personages
of the court would refuse to obey, and declare that the sovereign
was a prisoner. Everything depended upon a single person. No
one thought of resisting Francis I or Henry II because they were
men grown at their accession. But after 1559 we find a series of
royal infants or an indolent monarch like Henry III. Then began
the famous rivalries between the great nobles, rivalries out of which
were born the political parties of the times, in which the Guises,
the Montmorencys, and the famous Châtillon brothers figure so
prominently.</p>

<p>Fundamentally speaking, the aims of both classes of Huguenots
were revolutionary, and were directed, the one against the authority
of the mediaeval church, the other against the authority of the
French monarchy. The latter was a feudal manifestation, not
yet republican. The republican nature of early political Huguenotism
has been exaggerated. There was no such feeling at all
as nearly as 1560,<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> and even at the height of Huguenot activity and
power in 1570-72, most men still felt that the state of France was
<i>vrayement monarchique</i>,<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> and that the structure of society and the
genius of the people was strongly inclined to the form of government
which eight centuries of development had evolved; that it
was searching for false liberty by perilous methods to seek fundamentally
to alter the state.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> In a word, most political Huguenots
in 1560 were reformers, not revolutionists; the extremists were
Calvinist zealots and those of selfish purposes who were working
for their own ends. For in every great movement there are always
those who seek to exploit the cause. Mixed with both classes of
Huguenots were those who sought to fish in troubled waters, who,
under the guise of religion or the public good, took occasion to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
pillage and rob all persons, of whatever degree or quality; who
plundered cities, pulled down churches, carried off relics, burnt
towns, destroyed castles, seized the revenues of the church and
the king, informed for the sake of reward, and enriched themselves
by the confiscated property of others. Similar things are not less
true of the Catholics. For there were zealots and fanatics among
them also, who under pretext of religion and patriotism were guilty
of great iniquity and heaped up much ill-gotten wealth.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p>

<p>The ascendency of the Guises quite as much as the suppressive
measures of the government against Calvinism served to bring
this disaffection to a head. The issues, either way, cannot be separated.
The practical aims of the Guises were large enough to
create dismay without it being necessary to believe that as early
as 1560 they aimed to secure the crown by deposing the house of
Valois. It was unreasonable to suppose, though it proved to be
so in the end, that the four sons of Henry II would all die heirless,
and even in the event of that possibility, the house of Bourbon
still remained to sustain the principle of primogeniture.</p>

<p>The Guises came from Lorraine, their father having been
brother of the old duke of Lorraine; and through their mother
they were related to the house of Bourbon. They were thus
cousins-german of the king of Navarre and the prince of Condé
and related to the King and the princes of the blood. Their income,
counting their patrimony, church property, pensions and
benefits received from the king, amounted to 600,000 francs
(nearly $500,000 today), the cardinal of Lorraine alone having the
disposal of half that sum. This wealth, united with the splendor
of their house, their religious zeal, the popularity of the duke of
Guise, and the concord which prevailed among them, put them
ahead of all the nobles of the realm. The provincial governments<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
and the principal offices were in their hands or those of their
partisans.</p>

<p>The cardinal, who was the head of the house, was in the early
prime of life. He was gifted with great insight which enabled him
to see in a flash the intention of those who came in contact with
him; he had an astonishing memory; a striking figure; an eloquence
which he was not loath to display, especially in politics; he
knew Greek, Latin, and Italian, speaking the last with a facility
that astonished even Italians themselves; he was trained in theology;
outwardly his life was very dignified and correct, but, like
many churchmen of the time he was licentious. His chief fault
was avarice, and for this he was execrated. His cupidity went
to criminal limits, and coupled with it was a duplicity so great
that he seemed almost never to tell the truth. He was quick to
take offense, vindictive, envious. His death would have been as
popular as that of Henry II.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p>

<p>On the other hand, the duke of Guise was a man of war, famed
as the recoverer of Calais and the captor of Metz. He was as popular
as his brother was otherwise. But, like him, he was avaricious
stealing even from his own soldiers.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> According to their opponents
the ambition of the Guises was not to be content with the throne
of France merely. The throne of St. Peter and the crown of
Naples were also believed to be goals of their ambition, the cardinal
of Lorraine aspiring to the first and his brother, the duke, aspiring
to the other in virtue of the relationship of the Guises to the house
of Anjou, one-time occupants of the Neapolitan throne.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> Even
this programme was to be excelled. Their enterprises in Scotland
in favor of Mary Stuart<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> are known to every student of English
history; and after having vanquished Scotland many of the German
princes feared that they might move their forces into Denmark
in order to put the duke of Lorraine, their relative and the brother-in-law
of the king of Denmark, into possession of the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span></p>

<p>“La tyrannie guisienne”<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> was a practical ascendency, not a
mere fiction of their opponents. As uncles of Francis II, destined
morally to be a minor always, owing to his weakness of will and
mediocre ability, having in their hands the chief offices of state,
the Guises proceeded to build up a system of government wholly
their own, not only in central but in provincial affairs, to compass
which the removal of the constable and the princes of the blood
from the vicinity of the King was the first step. Then followed an
attempt to acquire control of the provincial governments. Montmorency,
the late constable, was deprived of the government of
Languedoc;<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> the governments of Touraine and Orleans, in the
very heart of France, were given to the duke of Montpensier and
the prince de la Roche-sur-Yon. Trouble arose, though, in January,
1560, when the Guises excluded the prince of Condé from
the government of Picardy and gave it to the marshal Brissac,
although “the office had been faithfully administered by his predecessors.”<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p>

<p>The cardinal of Lorraine’s position with reference to the finances
enabled him to provide the Guise faction with the resources
necessary to back up its political intentions.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> The onerous taxation
of Francis I had been increased by Henry II, both the taille
and the gabelle, the collection of which had caused a fierce outbreak
at Bordeaux in the middle of the last reign; loans were
resorted to, “not without great suspicion of their being applied
to the King’s finances;” and the wages of the soldiers in garrisons
and officers withheld.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> This condition of things naturally drew<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
the constable<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> and his partisans toward the prince of Condé, who
vainly endeavored to persuade the king of Navarre, as first prince
of the blood, and therefore the natural supporter of the crown
instead of the Guises, to take a firm stand, Condé especially representing
to him how great a humiliation it was to the crown that
the administration of the kingdom should fall so completely into
the hands of the “foreigners” of Lorraine; that, considering the
weakness of the King, the fact that the provincial governorships
and those of the frontier fortresses and the control of finances
(which enabled the Guises to subject the judiciary to their devotion)
were in their hands, foreboded ill to France.</p>

<p>Antoine of Bourbon listened to the complaints against the
the Guises, but did little. At this time he was forty-two years
of age. He was tall of stature, well-knit, robust; affable to
everybody without affectation or display. His manners were
open and frank, and his generosity was so great that he was
always in debt. By the two merits of urbanity and generosity
he made a superficial impression that did not last. In speech
he was vain, and imprudent and inconstant in word and deed,
not having the strength of will to adhere to a fixed purpose.
He was suspected of indifference to religion and even of impiety
at this time because he renounced the mass, though it was generally
thought that this was with the purpose of making himself chief
of the Huguenot party and not for religious zeal. The Protestants
themselves called him a hypocrite.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> Antoine would not make common
cause with the constable partly from natural vacillation of
character, partly because he believed that the constable had not
supported his claims to the kingdom of Navarre, which he had
been in hopes of recovering during the late negotiations at Cateau-Cambrésis.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>
With the conceit of a weak man in a prominent
position, the king of Navarre entertained schemes of his own, which
he proceeded to develop. His purpose was to play Spain and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
England against one another, in the hope that he either might
persuade Philip II to restore the kingdom of Navarre to him by a
firm advocacy of Catholicism in France, which, of course, prevented
him from affiliating with the Huguenot party to which Condé and
the Châtillons were attached; or, in the event of failure in this, to
side with the Huguenots and enlist English support. Accordingly,
shortly after his arrival at the court from Béarn, on August 23,
1559, Antoine sent a gentleman to Throckmorton, the English
ambassador in France, desiring him to meet him “in cape” in the
cloister of the Augustine Friars on that night. When they met,
after a long declaration of his affection for Elizabeth, he said that
he would write to her with his own hand, since he would trust no
one except himself, for if either the Guises or the Spanish ambassador
knew of it, “it would be dangerous to both and hinder their
good enterprise.”<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p>

<p>In the interval, while waiting to hear from the English queen,
Antoine of Bourbon, who had been coldly received at court, found
that there was no room for a third party between those of the constable
and the Guises.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> At the same time the latter were made
fully aware of his doings through the treachery of D’Escars, his
chamberlain and special favorite,<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> and shrewdly schemed to rid
themselves of his presence by sending him to Spain as escort for
Elizabeth, the celebration of whose marriage (by proxy) to the
King of Spain had come to such a fatal termination, and whose
departure had been necessarily delayed by her father’s death.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> In<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
order to bait the hook the Guises represented to the beguiled
king of Navarre that the opportunity was a most excellent one to
urge his claims to his lost kingdom, and called in Chantonnay,
the Spanish ambassador in France, to enforce this argument.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span></p>

<p>The spirit of unrest in France, both political and religious,
was so great that only a head was wanting, not members, in order
to bring things to a focus. The whole of Aquitaine and Normandy
was reported, in December, 1559, to be in such “good heart” as
to be easily excited to action if they perceived any movement
elsewhere;<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> in February, 1560, the turbulence in Paris was so
great that Coligny was appointed to go thither in advance of the
King’s entrance “for the appeasing of the garboil there.”<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> In
order to repress this spirit of rebellion the government diligently
prosecuted the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> The Guises hoped that the severity
exercised during the last few months in Paris and many other
cities against persons condemned for their religion, of whom very
great numbers were burnt alive,<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> would terrify the Calvinists and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
the political Huguenots into obedience. But on the contrary,
local rebellion increased. At Rouen, at Bordeaux, and between
Blois and Orleans, Huguenots arrested by the King’s officers were
rescued by armed bands, in some cases the officers being killed.
Indeed, so common did these practices become that they were at
last heard of without surprise.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p>

<blockquote>

<p>Imagine a young king [wrote the Venetian ambassador] without experience
and without authority; a council rent by discord; the royal authority in the
hands of a woman alternately wise, timid, and irresolute, and always a woman;
the people divided into factions and the prey of insolent agitators who under
pretense of religious zeal trouble the public repose, corrupt manners, disparage
the law, check the administration of justice, and imperil the royal authority.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p></blockquote>

<p>The interests of the religious Huguenots and the political Huguenot’s
continued to approach during the autumn and winter of
1559-60. In order to make head against the usurpation of the
Guises,<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> which they represented as a foreign domination, the latter
contended that it was necessary to call the estates of France in order
to interpret the laws, just as the Calvinists contended for an interpretation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
of the Scriptures. The contentions of the Huguenots, the
tyrannical conduct of the Guises, the menaces which they did not
hesitate to utter against the high nobles of the realm, the retirement
into which they had driven the constable, the removal of the princes
of the blood which they had brought about upon one pretext or
another, the contempt they expressed for the States-General, the
corruption of justice, their exorbitant financial policy, the disposal
of offices and benefices which they practiced&mdash;all these causes,
united with religious persecutions, constituted a body of grievances
for which redress inevitably would be demanded. The question
was, How? The leaders of the Huguenots&mdash;and the term is used
even more in a political sense than in a religious one&mdash;were not
ignorant of the history of the Reformation in Germany, nor unaware
of the fact that politics had been commingled with religion
there.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> The question of ways and means being laid before the
legists of the Reformation and other men of renown in both France
and Germany, it was answered that the government of the Guises
could be <i>legally</i> opposed and recourse made to force of arms, provided
that the princes of the blood, who, in such case had legitimate
right to bear rule in virtue of their birth, or any one of their number,
could be persuaded to endeavor to do so.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> But the attempt necessarily
would have to be of the nature of a <i>coup de main</i>, for the
reason that the King was in the hands of the Guises and the council
composed of them and their partisans. After long deliberation
it was planned, under pretext of presenting a petition to the King,
to seize the cardinal of Lorraine and the duke of Guise, then to
assemble the States-General for the purpose of inquiring into their
administration, and before them to prosecute the ministers for
high treason.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> Three classes of men found themselves consorting
together in this movement: those actuated by a sentiment of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
patriotism, conceiving this to be the right way to serve their prince
and their country; second, those moved by ambition and fond of
change; finally, zealots who were filled with religious enthusiasm
and a wish to avenge the intolerance and persecution which they
and theirs had suffered.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> For such an enterprise Louis of Bourbon,
the prince of Condé, was the logical leader, both because of his
position as a prince of the blood and on account of his resentment
toward the Guises for having been excluded from the government
of Picardy. But the prince, when besought to attempt the overthrow
of the Guises for the deliverance of the King and the
state, in view of the dubious conduct of his brother, concluded
that it would be too perilous to the cause for him to be overtly
compromised, in event of failure.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> Montmorency was not
possible as a leader, for his religious leanings were in no sense
Calvinistic; he was not a prince of the blood, and therefore his
contentions could not politically have the weight of Condé’s; and
finally, his grievance was more a personal than a party one.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span></p>

<p>The conspirators found a leader in the person of a gentleman of
Limousin or Périgord, one Godfrey de Barry, sieur de la Renaudie,<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>
who had been imprisoned at Dijon, escaped and found refuge in
Switzerland;<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> he had a special grievance against the Guises, who
had lately (September 4, 1558) put his brother-in-law, Gaspard de
Heu, sieur de Buy, to death.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p>

<p>The active participants were, in the main, recruited from the
Breton border, Anjou, Saintonge, and Poitou, with individual
captains from Picardy, Normandy, Guyenne, Provence, and Languedoc.<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>
Their rendezvous was at Nantes, in a house owned,
it is said, by D’Andelot.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> But the author of the whole daring
project was the famous François Hotman, a French refugee at
Geneva, and the real inspiration of the movement came from
Switzerland, for the unexpected death of Henry II seemed to the
French exiles in Switzerland to open the door of the mother country
again to them.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-033.jpg" width="400" height="526"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE<br />SURRENDER OF THE CHÂTEAU DE NOIZAY</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>The whole plot was concerted in a meeting held at Nantes on
February 1, 1560,<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> which was chosen partly because of its remoteness,
partly because the Parlement of Brittany being in session,
the conspirators could conceal their purpose by pretending to be
there on legal business. A marriage festival also helped to disguise
their true purpose; and for the sake of greater caution, the
principals were careful not to recognize one another in public.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> It
was determined to muster two hundred cavalry from each town
in the provinces of Guyenne, Gascony, Périgord, Limousin, and
Agenois. For the maintenance of this force they intended to avail
themselves of the revenues and effects of the abbeys and monasteries
of each province, taxing them arbitrarily and using force if
unable to obtain payment in any other way.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> The initiative was
to have been taken on March 6,<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> under the form of presenting a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
petition to the King against the usurpation of the Guises.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> Unfortunately
for the success of the enterprise, it was too long in preparation
and too widely spread to keep secret.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> The magnitude of
the plot alarmed the Guises, in spite of the full warning they had
received.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Aside from outside sources of information, the conspiracy
was revealed by one of those in it, an advocate of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
Parlement named Avenelles, whose courage failed him at the
critical moment.<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> Thereupon, for precaution’s sake, the court
moved from Blois to the castle of Amboise, which the duke, having
the King’s authority to support him, immediately set about fortifying.
He likewise secured the garrison and townspeople, and
found a plausible pretext to watch the prince of Condé, by giving
him one of the gates to defend; but, at the same time, sent his
brother, the grand prior along with a company of men-at-arms
of assured fidelity. In view of alarming rumors a posse was sent
on March 11 under command of the count of Sancerre to Tours,
where some ten or twelve of those in the plot, notably the baron<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
de Castelnau, the captain Mazères, and a gentleman named Renay
were already awaiting the money which was to be distributed among
companies of theirs secretly stationed in the neighboring villages.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>
Twenty-five of the conspirators were arrested without opposition,
whilst incautiously walking outside the Château de Noizay, between
three and four leagues from Amboise, which belonged to the wife
of Renay, and the whole number of them, with five others arrested
at Tours by the count de Sancerre, were taken to Amboise. Immediate
examination, though, showed that some of them had
risen in arms, partly from friendship for certain captains under
whom they had served, while others had been tempted by a trifle
of earnest money in lieu of pay, as usual when soldiers were
raised for companies, without knowing the place of their service,
or its purpose. They were all dismissed, with the exception of
one or two who remained prisoners, the chancellor Olivier having
admonished them and told them that though they deserved to die
the king of his clemency, for this once granted them their lives.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>
To enable them to return home, the King had a crown (teston =
10 to 11 sous) given to each man. But the alarm was not yet ended.
That night (March 14) several couriers arrived at the court bringing
new advices. The next morning at daybreak there was
greater commotion than ever before the castle, for two hundred
cavalry made their appearance in the town. They thought themselves
almost sure of not finding any sort of resistance and that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
they consequently would be able to effect their purpose, as all the
princes and lords, like all the rest of the court, had no sort of defensive
armour except some coats of mail, and very few even of those,
while their offensive weapons were merely swords and daggers,
with a few pistols, whereas, on the contrary, the insurgents were
well armed with both kinds of weapons and were for the most
part well horsed. Some boatmen saw the insurgents following
the course of the Loire, and their shouts aroused the castle. One
or two were killed, whereupon the rest took to flight toward the
country. But several were captured and two of them having been
recognized as among the company who had been pardoned on the
evening before, they were instantly hanged, with two others taken
on the preceding day, on the battlements over the castle gate.</p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-035.jpg" width="450" height="298"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE EXECUTION OF AMBOISE, DEATH OF CASTELNAU</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>As a result of the new alarm there was a general scattering of
bands of arrest on the next day (March 15). The marshal St. André
was dispatched to Tours with nearly two hundred horse, with
orders to take five companies of men-at-arms from the garrison
in the immediate neighborhood. He was followed by Claude of
Guise, the duke d’Aumale, the duke de Nemours and the prince<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>
of Condé.<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Marshal Termes was sent to Blois; the marshal
Vieilleville to Orleans; the duke of Montpensier to Angers; La
Rochefoucault to Bourges; Burie to Poitiers.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> During the day
some forty others were taken. Fifteen of those pursued retreated
into a house and defended themselves most obstinately, wounding
many of their assailants who surrounded it, so that the house was
set on fire: one of them, rather than surrender, burned himself
alive by throwing himself into the flames. Toward nightfall six
or seven more of them were hanged. The duke of Guise, whom
the King in the exigency of the moment, made lieutenant-general
on March 17,<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> did not fail to take every precaution; he appointed
two princes and two knights of St. Michael for each quarter of
Amboise, keeping sentries there and sending out scouts as if the
town were besieged. The most exposed parts of the castle were
repaired and supplied with food, and above all with money, weapons,
and artillery. The most useful remedy, however, was the
publication and transmission for publication to all the towns and
places in France of a general pardon for all the insurgents who
within twenty-four hours after its notification should return to
their homes, or otherwise they would be proclaimed rebels and
traitors, and license would be given to all persons to slay them and
inherit their property; but assuring the insurgents, nevertheless,
that if they wished to say anything, or to present any request to
the King they would be heard willingly, without hurt, provided
they made their appearance as loyal subjects.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-037.jpg" width="400" height="521"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">DEATH OF LA RENAUDIE</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>The prisoners confessed that in all the neighboring towns,
viz., Blois, Orleans, Chartres, Chateaudun, and others, a great
supply of arms had been made in secret, most especially of arquebuses,
one of the men who were hanged having revealed that in
one single house at Blois there were six large chests full of these.
During the next three days nothing was attended to but fortifying
the castle, repairing the weakest places around it, and making a
trench in front of the principal gate, which opened on the country,
in which some arquebuses and three or four small pieces of artillery
found accidentally and brought there from neighboring places,
were fixed. Round the town, besides cutting the bridges which
were at its gates, except the principal bridge over the Loire, the
moats were cleansed and restored, leaving but one gate open.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>
Scouting parties were daily sent out, and on March 19 a company
of five fell in with an equal number of insurgents; after a long and
stout fight the posse at length killed their commander and two of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
his men and made the other two prisoners. One of those killed
proved to be La Renaudie.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p>

<p>But the Guises did not stop with these acts of punishment near
by. Besides sending letters of authority to all bailiffs and seneschals
ordering the arrest of all men, whether on foot or on horseback,
to be found in the country surrounding Amboise,<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> Tavannes, on
April 12,1560, was ordered to do the like in Dauphiné, being
actually armed with <i>lettres de cachet</i> issued in blank.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p>

<p>Few other disturbances developed except at Lyons, and in Provence
and Dauphiné<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> but the government was anxious with regard
to Gascony and Normandy, “their populations being much more
daring,”<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> “The whole of Normandy is filled with Huguenotism,”
wrote the Venetian ambassador, “the people by thousands sing
every night until ten o’clock the Psalms of David and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
men-at-arms dare not touch them. The people of Dieppe every
night in the market-place sing psalms and some days have
sermons preached to them in the fields; in most towns in
Normandy and many other places they do the same thing.”<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>
In consequence of this state of things, the marshal de Termes
was appointed with royal authority and full and absolute powers
throughout the province summarily to confiscate, imprison, condemn
and put to death whomsoever he pleased.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p>

<blockquote>

<p>In the end the government sent 1,200 of those implicated in the conspiracy
of Amboise or under suspicion to execution. A morbid desire to
witness the shedding of blood seized upon society, and it became a customary
thing for the ladies and gentlemen of the court to witness the torture of those
condemned after the manner of the <i>auto da fé</i> in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> D’Aubigné<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> the
eminent historian of the French Reformation, was an eye-witness of such incidents,
and though but ten years of age, swore like young Hannibal before his
father, to devote his life to vengeance of such atrocities.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a></p></blockquote>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c40" id="c40">CHAPTER II</a></h2>

<p class="pch">CATHERINE DE MEDICI BETWEEN GUISE AND CONDÉ.
PROJECT OF A NATIONAL COUNCIL</p>

<p>The insurrection of Amboise was not wholly displeasing to
many even in the court. Huguenot dissidence and the discontent
of many persons with the government gave the cardinal and the
duke of Guise many troubled thoughts even after every external
sign of disquiet had ceased. Strong suspicion rested upon the
prince of Condé<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> who was forbidden to leave the court and so
closely watched that he was afraid to speak to any of his friends.
The Guises were in a dilemma, not having the courage to shed
the blood royal,<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> yet, on the other hand, they feared lest, by letting
their suspicion pass in silence, the prince might be rendered
more daring and confident for the future.</p>

<p>So pointed did the accusation become that Condé finally demanded
a hearing before the Council, where he cast down the
gauntlet to the Guises, declaring that “whoever should say that
he had any hand in conspiring against the King’s person or government
was a liar and would lie as often as he said so;” he then
offered to waive his privilege as a prince of the blood in order to
have personal satisfaction and withdrew. But the cardinal of
Lorraine, instead of accepting the challenge, made a sign to the
King to break up the session.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p>

<p>Antoine of Navarre had been in the south of France during
these events but, nevertheless, he also did not escape suspicion;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
a secretary of his who was staying in Paris to look after his affairs
was searched and all the furniture of his house ransacked to discover
incriminating papers, if possible.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> The Bourbon prince was
doubly alarmed at the suspicion of guilt because his name was
associated with that of the English queen.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> The king of Navarre
may have had imperfect knowledge that something was in the wind
when he left the court to visit his dominions in the south, but he
was no party to the conspiracy.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> Of Queen Elizabeth’s indirect
participation there is no doubt at all. The belief prevailed in
Paris that great offers had been made to the earl of Arran by Gascony,
Poitou, Brittany, and Normandy, if he would lead an English
descent into those parts,<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> and in the two last-named provinces
English merchants and sailors animated the people to rebellion
against the house of Guise by means of proclamations in the French
language <i>printed in England</i>.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> But if the Guises shrank from
shedding the blood of the princes, they struck as near to them as
they dared, by urging the pursuit of Visières, a former lieutenant
of Montgomery, for whose apprehension, dead or alive, a reward
of 2,000 crowns was offered,<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> and Maligny, a lieutenant of the
prince of Condé.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span></p>

<p>Although the initial purpose of the conspiracy had failed, namely
to take the King and drive out the Guises,<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> Condé and his followers
did not fail to perceive that things were not entirely unfavorable.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>
Catherine de Medici, who while jealous of the position of the
Guises in a place which naturally, and by tradition, if the regencies
of Blanche of Castille and Anne of Beaujeu counted as precedents,
belonged to her, had nevertheless sustained the drastic policy followed
out after the execution of Du Bourg, in spite of the arguments
of the admiral.<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Now, however, she saw her opportunity to make
head against the cardinal and his brother and played into the hands
of Coligny and Condé.<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> She prevailed upon the King to send the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
admiral upon a special mission to Normandy late in July, where
he was expected to take the edge off the Marshal Termes’ conduct,
and secretly abetted the faction of the constable.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> The opportunity
was the better to do these things owing to the death of the
chancellor Olivier on March 27,<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> who had been an instrument of
the Guises, and the queen mother was quick to seize it. The
famous Michel de l’Hôpital<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> was immediately appointed to the
vacancy. He was a man of great knowledge in the law and of
great culture; at the moment he was president of the <i>chambre des
comptes</i> and had been chancellor to Madame Marguerite of France,
the duchess of Savoy (who had Protestant leanings, and had interceded
for Du Bourg), and was a member of the <i>conseil privé</i> of the
King. L’Hôpital’s accession was followed by the proclamation
of letters of pardon to all recent offenders, provided they lived
as good Catholics, the King declaring that he was unwilling to
have the first year of his reign made notorious to posterity for its
bloody atrocities and the sufferings of his people.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> This was
followed in May, 1560, by the royal edict of Romorantin, whereby
the jurisdiction of legal processes relating to religion was completely
taken away from the courts of parlement and from lay judges who
had power to pass summary judgments, and was remitted to the
ecclesiastical judges; which was interpreted as an assurance to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
accused persons that they needed no longer fear the penalty of
death, owing to the opportunity of delaying sentences by means
of appeals from the acts and sentences of bishops to archbishops
and from thence to Rome.<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> In August a supplementary decree
ordered the bishops and all curates to reside at their churches, the
bishops being prohibited in the future from proceeding against
anyone in the matter of religion except the Calvinist preachers or
persons in whose houses Huguenot meetings were held, the government
thus tacitly permitting others to live in their own way,
which was interpreted as a virtual “interim.”<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> The spirit of this
legislation, as well as the skilful use of the law made therein, is
certainly due to the heart and brain of the chancellor L’Hôpital,
although Coligny is not without credit for his influence.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a></p>

<p>These changes had the double effect, first, of persuading the
queen to take the management of affairs upon herself and endeavor
to remove the house of Guise from court; and second, in giving
the Huguenots and their partisans the opportunity of strengthening
themselves. The leniency of the government drew back into
France numbers of those who had withdrawn, among them preachers
from Geneva and England who gave new life to the party by
exhorting them to continue their assemblies and the exercise of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
their religion.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> There was fear that the “interim” would be used
by the Huguenots like the edge of a wedge to open the way to possess
churches of their own, and such a demand was shortly to be
made openly in the King’s council at Fontainebleau in August,
1560.</p>

<p>It was apparent that there was not a province which was not
affected, and there were many in which the new religion was even
spreading into the country, as in Normandy, Brittany, almost
all Touraine, Poitou, Guyenne, Gascony, the great part of Languedoc,
Dauphiné, Provence, and Champagne.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> The “religion of
Geneva” extended to all classes, even to the clergy&mdash;priests, monks,
nuns, whole convents almost, bishops, and many of the chief prelates.
The movement seemed to be widest among the common
people, who had little to lose, now that life seemed safe. Those
who feared to lose their property were less moved. But nevertheless
all classes of society seemed deeply pervaded. While the
“interim” lasted only those were punished who were actually
preaching and holding public assemblies. The prisons of Paris
and other towns were emptied, and in consequence there was a
great number of persons throughout the kingdom who went around
glorying in the victory over the “papists,” the name which they
give their adversaries. To add to the discomfiture of the Guises,
the breach between them and Montmorency was widened.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> The
duke of Guise had purchased the right of the sieur de Rambures
to the county of Dammartin, not far from Paris, and adjacent to
that of Nanteuil,<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> which the duke had shortly before acquired,
the lower court of which was held in relief of Dammartin. In
order to do so the duke of Guise had persuaded Philippe de Boulainvilliers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
who had lately sold the property to the constable, to
rescind the contract which had been made, and sell it to him.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a>
But the duke met with a straight rebuff, for when he sent word of
the transaction, the constable answered by Damville, his son, that
“as he had bought it, so would he keep it.”<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> The feud between
the Guises and Montmorency naturally threw the “connestablistes”
more than ever to the side of Condé. Damville was sent
to the King and the queen mother, who were staying at Chateaudun,
to inform them that the Guises were his declared adversaries, and
then went to confer with the prince of Condé, whom he met,
“environ le jour appelé la feste de Dieu au mois de Mai,”<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> between
Etampes and Chartres, near Montlhéry, when on his way to Guyenne,
to see his brother of Navarre. The Guises, who had information
of the interview, enlarged upon the dangerous conduct of
Condé and pushed the suit for the lands of Dammartin in the
courts.<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></p>

<p>Catholic zealots made much of the events of Amboise to enlarge
the reputation of the Guises. “During the whole of this Passion
week,” wrote the Venetian ambassador, “nothing has been
attended to but the sermons of the cardinal of Lorraine, which
gathered very great congregations, not only to his praise, but to
the universal astonishment and admiration, both on account of
his doctrines and by reason of his very fine gesticulation, and incomparable
eloquence and mode of utterance.”<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></p>

<p>On the other hand, those who abhorred him on account of religion
and for other causes did not fail to defame him by libels and
writings placarded publicly in several places in Paris, where they
were seen and read by everyone who wished.<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> Scarcely a day
passed without finding in the chambers and halls of the King’s
own palace notes and writings of a defamatory nature abusing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
the cardinal of Lorraine. In Paris the Palais de Cluny, belonging
to the Guise family, full of furniture of great value, was nearly
burnt by a mob.<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> In several places the cardinal’s painted effigy,
in his cardinal’s robes, was to be seen, at one time hanging by the
feet, at another with the head severed and the body divided into
four quarters, as was done to those who were condemned. In the
Place Maubert he was hanged in effigy and burnt with squibs.<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p>

<p>But worse disturbances than violent manifestoes disquieted the
government. On June 1, 1560, the day of the Corpus Domini at
Rouen, when the procession passed through the city with the
customary solemnities, it was remarked that in front of a certain
house before which the procession passed no tapestry or any other
decoration had been placed. Villebonne, the King’s officer, “who
on account of these disturbances about religion remained there,”
perceived the omission and being suspicious of some clandestine
meeting of the Huguenots, chose to verify the fact instantly. He
attempted to enter the house by force, but met with such stout
resistance on the part of its inmates that the procession was interrupted,
and a great tumult arose, both sides having recourse to
arms. After much fighting, each party having several wounded,
at length with the death of some defenders of the house and after
very great effort, the authorities quieted the uproar as well as they
could. Next morning upward of 2,000 persons appeared before
the royal magistrates, not only very vehemently to demand justice
and satisfaction for the death of those persons who had been killed,
but to present also the “Confession” of what they believed and
the mode in which they intended it should be allowed them to live,
demanding that the “Confession” should be sent to the King that
it might be granted, and protesting that if on that account his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
ministers proceeded against any of them by arrest or capital punishment
or other penalty, they would put to death an equal number
of Catholic officials of the government. The president and four
councilors of the Parlement of Rouen journeyed to Paris to present
the “Confession.” They assured the King that the whole of Normandy
was of the same opinion as those who declared themselves.
In its quandary the government blamed Villebonne, accusing him
of too much zeal and inquisitiveness. Moreover, fresh commotions
were heard of daily, and the government plainly feared some
sudden attack like that of Amboise.<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></p>

<p>The Guises plucked courage, however, from the fact that under
the pretext of still preparing for the war in Scotland in support of
Marv Stuart,<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> they could fill France with soldiery.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> Months
before the outbreak of the conspiracy of Amboise their agents had
been at work in Germany, using French gold for the purchase of
arms, ammunition, and above all, men, for Germany was filled
with small nobles of broken fortune, vagabond soldiers,<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> and
lansquenets ready to serve wherever the pay was sure and the
chance for excitement and plunder good.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span></p>

<p>On March 30, 1560, Guido Giannetti, Elizabeth’s secret agent
at Venice, wrote to Cecil, “France will have enough to do in her
religious wars that have just sprung up, which will be worse than
the civil war of the League of the Public Weal, in 1465 under
Louis XI.”<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> The prophecy soon became true. In spite of the
formidable preparations made to continue the war in Scotland,<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>
the more necessary since the death of the queen dowager of Scotland,
news of which reached France on June 18,<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> France&mdash;or rather
the French party in Scotland&mdash;on July 6, 1560, signed the treaty
of Edinburgh, which, so far as the Guises were concerned, was
the renunciation on their part of aggression abroad.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> Nothing
but the grave state of home politics could have induced the Guises
so to yield the cause of their niece in Scotland.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></p>

<p>The Huguenot issue promised to come to a climax during the
summer of 1560.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> From all over France came reports of sedition
and insurrection. The Protestants were masters of Provence.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
The cardinal Tournon, returning from Rome, dared not bring
with him the cross of the legation, for fear of its meeting with disrespect
by the people of the places through which he would have
to pass.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> From another source came the report that “very free
sermons have been delivered in the churches of Bayonne.”<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> The
bishop of Agen wrote the council that all the inhabitants of that
city were in a state of furious insurrection; that they went to the
churches, destroyed all the images, and maltreated certain priests.
The queen mother was mysteriously warned that unless she released
certain preachers imprisoned at Troyes she would become
the most unhappy princess living.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> The Pope’s legate left
Avignon in disgust at the license of the “Lutherans,”<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> and when
the pontiff proposed to send thither the cardinal Farnese, who
was willing to go provided a suitable escort of Italian and Swiss
infantry was furnished, France refused to consent, being unwilling
to allow a foreign prince to enter the kingdom on such a
warlike footing.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></p>

<p>At the same time the personal attack upon the Guises became
more venomous.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> The enmity between the Guises and
the house of Montmorency had become so open and proceeded
so far, owing to the dispute about Dammartin, that it was expected
they would take up arms. To crown all, the government
received information through several channels of a design
against the King and his ministers of worse quality than the
recent Amboise conspiracy.<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> The information that came to light
caused the greatest anxiety because this time the evidence seemed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
strongly to compromise the vidame de Chartres,<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> and the prince
of Condé.<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a></p>

<p>Although the war in Scotland was practically at an end, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
Guises had not relaxed their efforts to raise men and money.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>
Philip II, knowing what was in progress, seems to have made
a partial offer of assistance. In July fifteen German captains
were dispatched beyond the Rhine, each commissioned to bring
back three hundred pistoleers for the King’s service;<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> letters were
sent to the Rhinegrave and Duke John William of Saxony, urging
them to form a league of the German princes and procure forces
in case there should be need of them.<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> La Mothe Gondrin was
sent into Provence and Dauphiné, and another agent into Champagne,
on similar errands.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> Fifteen hundred men with armor
and munitions were sent to the castle of Guise.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> The Guises
even endeavored to effect a reconciliation with the constable
through the mediation of the marshal Brissac.<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></p>

<p>The prevailing alarm was not allayed by the admiral, Gaspard
de Coligny, who at a full council meeting held at Fontainebleau,
on August 20, 1560, presented two petitions,<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> one for the King,
the other for his mother, asking the King, in the matter of religion,
to concede the petitioners two places of worship in two parts of
the kingdom for greater convenience, that they might there exercise
their rites and ceremonies as private congregations, without being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
molested by anyone, arguing that meetings in private residences
would thus be obviated.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> Coligny claimed to speak with authority,
having been officially sent into Normandy by the queen mother
to inquire into the cause of the disturbances there. A hot altercation
ensued between the admiral and the cardinal of Lorraine.
Coligny had prudently omitted signatures to the petition, but
declared that he “could get 50,000 persons in Normandy to sign
it,” to which the cardinal retorted that “the King could get a million
of his own religion to sign the contrary.”<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> L’Hôpital, the
chancellor, however, deftly diverted the discussion into a political
channel by a long discourse<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> upon the condition of the realm,
comparing it to a sick man, asserting that the estates were troubled
and corrupt, that religious dissidence existed, that the nobility
were dissatisfied, and concluded by saying that if the source and
root of all the calamities visiting France could be discovered, the
remedy would be easy.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> In reply the cardinal of Lorraine offered
to answer publicly for the administration of the finances and showed
by an abstract of the government accounts that the ordinary expenses
exceeded the revenue by 2,500,000 livres (over seven and one-half
million dollars); his brother, the duke of Guise, as lieutenant-general,
laid papers upon the table with reference to the army and
forces of the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> An adjournment was then taken until
August 23, when, upon reassembling, each member of the Council
was provided with a memorandum containing a list of the topics
which the crown wished to have debated.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a></p>

<p>Montluc, the bishop of Valence,<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> as the youngest privy-councilor,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
began the discussion when the Council reconvened.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> But
the speech of the occasion was that of Marillac, the liberal archbishop
of Vienne, who, taking his cue from the chancellor, in a
long discourse<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> enlarged upon the religious, political, and economic
distress of France. His address is a complete statement of the
Huguenot programme in church and state. He began by saying
that the true “ancient and customary” remedy was a general
council, but failing that, recourse must be had to a national council,
and then proceeded to enumerate the things to be considered therein;
first, the intrusion of foreign prelates&mdash;chiefly Italians&mdash;into
French ecclesiastical offices,<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> “who fill a third portion of the
benefices of the kingdom, who have an infinite number of pensions,
who suck our blood like leeches, and who in their hearts, laugh at
us for being so stupid as not to see that we are being abused;”
secondly, he demanded that the clergy of France show by some
notable act that they were sincerely bent upon reform and not
merely seeking to fortify their prerogatives and privileges under the
pretension of reform; and to this end the illicit use of money&mdash;“that
great Babylonian beast, which is avarice, in whose path
follow so many superstitions and abominations”&mdash;must be guarded
against; thirdly, the wicked must make sincere repentance;
fourthly, for the adjustment of the political and economic questions
vexing the people the States-General must be convened. Then
followed a statement of conditions: that the king must live upon
the income of the royal domains, the spoliation of which should
cease; that his wars be supported by the old feudal aids and
not by recourse to extraordinary taxes.</p>

<p>This speech highly pleased the admiral, who added three points,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
namely, that, a religious “interim” be officially granted until the
findings of the Council of Trent, which the Pope was to be asked
to reconvene; that in event of refusal to do so, a national council
of the clergy of France be called in which the Huguenots should
have a representation;<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> and that the number of guards around
the court, “which were very expensive and only served to infuse
fears and jealousies into the people’s minds” be reduced.<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a></p>

<p>The upshot of the conference was the resolution to call a meeting
of the States-General for December 10 at Meaux (later changed
to Orleans), and in default of the convening of a general church
council, to convene a national body of the clergy at Paris on January
10, 1561, the long interval being allowed in order to permit
the Pope to act.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> In the meantime the <i>status quo</i> was maintained
with reference to the worship of the Protestants, but for the sake
of precaution, an edict was issued by which all subjects of the
realm, whether princes or no, were prohibited from making any
levy of men, arms, armor, horses, or moneys, on pain of being
declared rebels against his majesty.<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a></p>

<p>There is no doubt that the resolution of the Council of Fontainebleau
conformed to the conviction of a large element in France,
the religious troubles having stirred up a strong demand for another
general council of the church (the second session of the Council
of Trent having been interrupted by the defeat of the emperor
Charles V in the Smalkald war), or a national council, if the convocation
of the former proved impossible.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> Even the cardinal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
of Lorraine, desirous of acquiring fame by reforming the church
of France, urged the course, though it was hostile to the interest
of the Holy See, until the development of events at home persuaded
him to change his tactics.<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a></p>

<p>The project of a national council was not pleasing to the Pope,
who cherished the hope of reconvoking the Council of Trent,<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>
either in France, Spain, or Germany.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> When the cardinal of
Lorraine urged it, the Pope’s rejoinder was that he would not divide
Christ’s garment.<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> The Holy Father was in a quandary, being
unable with safety to grant a free council, or to refuse the general
one. He wanted to regard the prospective council as a <i>continuation</i>
of the Council of Trent, and not as a new council.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> But there
were political difficulties in the way of so doing, for not all the German
princes were in favor of the decrees of Trent, and the Emperor
was bound by his oath not to attempt execution of the decrees lest
the princes of the Confession of Augsburg become alarmed for
fear that the Emperor, His Catholic Majesty and the Most Christian
King had formed a Catholic concert.<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> The Kings of Spain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
and France, moreover, although in favor of the general council,
had reservations of their own regarding the application of the Tridentine
decrees.<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p>

<p>The matter of the council was of much importance to every
ruler in Europe. France, although resolved to convene the
national clergy if the Pope protracted things, nevertheless urged
the latter to hasten to grant a free and general council, not only
by means of the bishop of Angoulême, the French ambassador
in Rome, and the cardinals, but also through Bochetel, the bishop
of Rennes, ambassador to the Emperor, and Sebastian de l’Aubespine,
the bishop of Limoges, ambassador to Philip II. The Venetian
senate, too, was importuned to use its influence. But the
Pope hesitated for a long time, because the secular governments
and himself were divided upon the question as to whether such
a council should be regarded as a continuation of the Council of
Trent (as the Pope wished), or as a council <i>de novo</i>. The Pope
was fearful of compromising the papal authority by admitting the
French contention of an authority superior to himself, for this he
could never grant, taking the ground that, whether present or
absent, he was always the head of and superior to all councils.
Finally, Pius IV, alarmed by the resolution of the French government
to assemble a national council if the general council should
not be held, both because it would diminish his authority and
because, even though nothing should be resolved on in opposition
to the see of Rome, yet the assembling of a council by France without
its consent would be prejudicial, and might be made a precedent
by other states, came to the conclusion that further delay was
dangerous, and convoked the general council for Easter, 1561,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
at Trent, “to extirpate heresy and schism and to correct manners,”<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a>
declaring that the canons of the church could permit of no other
course.</p>

<p>The resolution of the French government had forced the hand
of the Pontiff, who, however, consoled himself by the thought that
either the national council would not now take place, or that the
Guises would prevail in the States-General, so that the national
council could be silenced, if held.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> The Pope figured that he would
force the Catholic princes to side with him, lest by hazarding a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
change of religion in a national council they would also endanger
their kingdoms. Philip II concurred in this belief. A king so
orthodox as he had not failed to watch the course of the movement
in France upon the ground of religious interests. But the Spanish
King had also a political interest in France. His own Flemish and
Dutch provinces were turbulent with revolt, and Granvella wrote
truly when he said that it was a miracle that with the bad example
of France, things were no worse in the Low Countries.<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> Accordingly,
Philip II sent Don Antonio de Toledo into France to divert
the French King from the idea of a national council.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> The means
of persuasion were readily at hand, for the French King was already
far too compromised with Philip II to refuse his request. After
the arrest of the vidame of Chartres, Francis II, in a long ciphered
letter of August 31, 1560, to his ambassador in Spain, had besought
the Spanish king to be prepared to assist him, in case it should be
necessary.<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> To forefend the proposed national council, Philip II
now offered at his own expense to give the French aid in suppressing
all rebellion and schism.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span></p>

<p>Warlike preparations accordingly went forward under cover
of a proposed intervention in Scotland,<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> which the uncertainty
regarding Condé and Antoine of Bourbon facilitated, for it was
currently believed that both the king of Navarre and the prince
absented themselves from court on purpose.<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> At the court the
rumor prevailed that both were plotting recourse to arms, so much
so that on September 2 the cardinal Bourbon was sent to them,
desiring them in the name of the King to repair to the court, which,
on the next day, was moved from Fontainebleau to St. Germain.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>
The marshal Brissac was transferred from the government of
Picardy to that of Normandy, and Du Bois, master of the footmen,
was instructed to conduct all the footmen he could levy
with great secrecy into Normandy, while all the men in the
ordinary garrison of Picardy and other frontier points were drawn
in toward Orleans.<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> At the same time the Rhinegrave was notified
to come, but met unexpected opposition.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span></p>

<p>Parallel with these military preparations new financial measures
were taken. On October 11, 1560, the King demanded
100,000 crowns (testons&mdash;a silver coin valued at ten or eleven sous;
the amount was between $750,000 and $775,000) from the members
of the Parlement, the provost, the chief merchants of Paris,<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> and
“certain learned men of the Sorbonne.”<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> The Parisians murmured
because they thought the military display was meant to
intimidate them. In November the crown imposed 10,000 francs
(approximately $7,500) upon Orleans and demanded 100,000
more to pay the troops.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> Lyons furnished a loan<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> and money
was also secured by confiscations from the Huguenots on the part
of the local authorities in many places.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p>

<p>In the provinces disturbances continued to take place.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> In
Amboise and Tours the people stormed the prisons and released
all those who had been confined as agitators on account of religion.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
The valley of the Loire seems to have been the storm center of
these provincial uprisings, and in the middle of October<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> the king
came hastily to Orleans with three companies of veteran infantry
from the garrisons of Picardy.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> It was now decided to convene
the States-General at Orleans instead of Meaux.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> On October
30 the prince of Condé, who all along had borne himself as if innocent
and who came with his brother to Orleans, was arrested,<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> and
the vidame of Chartres, who had been incarcerated in the Bastille,
was sent for from Paris that he might be examined face to face
with Condé.<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> Besides being accused of implication in the conspiracy
of Amboise, he was accused of being the author of the recent
insurrection at Lyons.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a></p>

<p>A significant change was made in the provincial administration
at this time. The Guises, having observed the dissatisfaction
that prevailed because so many offices, dignities, and commissions
had been distributed among them, in order to fling a sop to the
princes of the blood and their faction, advised the King to create<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
two new governments in the middle of the kingdom in favor of
the duke of Montpensier and his brother, the prince de la Roche-sur-Yon.
In compliance with this suggestion the government of
Touraine, to which province was added the duchies of Anjou and
Vendôme and the counties of Maine, Blois, and Dunois, was
created in favor of the former, and the government of Orleans,
to which was added the duchies of Berry, the <i>pays</i> Chartrain, the
Beauce, Montargis, and adjacent places, in favor of the latter.
But the new office was reduced to a shadowy power by the revolutionary
step of appointing provincial lieutenants over the governors,
who were responsible to the duke of Guise as lieutenant-general
of the realm, in this case the sieur de Sipierre being lieutenant
in the Orléannais and Savigny in Touraine, each of whom was a
servitor of the Guises.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a></p>

<p>There is little reason to doubt that the Huguenots would have
made a formidable revolt at this early day if they had been certain
of effective leadership. But the cowardice of Antoine of Navarre,
the logical leader of the party, prevented them from so doing. The
great influence he might have exerted as first prince of the blood
was in singular contrast with his weak character.<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> His policy,
which he flattered himself to be a skilful one of temporization, was
looked upon with contempt by the Huguenots, who despised him
for weakly suffering his brother to be so treated and then added
to his pusillanimity by foregoing his governorship of Guyenne,
which was given to the marshal Termes.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> In vain the Huguenot
leaders urged upon him their supplications and their remonstrances;<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>
in vain they laid before him the details of their organization;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
that six or seven thousand footmen throughout Gascony and
Poitou were already enrolled under captains; that between three
and four thousand, both foot and horse, would come from Provence
and Languedoc; that from Normandy would come as many or
even more, with a great number of cavalry; that with the aid of
all these he would be able to seize Orleans (thus controlling the
States-General), and Bourges, with Orleans the two most important
towns in central France. They assured him that thousands
were merely waiting for a successful stroke to declare themselves
and that money was to be had in plenty; for every cavalryman
and every footman was supplied with enough money for two months
and that much more would be forthcoming, provided only the king
of Navarre would declare himself the protector of the King and
the realm and oppose the tyranny of the Guises.<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a></p>

<p>This was the moment chosen by Catherine de Medici to assert
herself. Hitherto, there had been no room for her between the
two parties, each of which aspired to absolute control of the King.
The queen mother had no mind to see herself reduced to a simple
guardian of the persons of her children, utterly dependent upon
the action of the council, without political authority nor “control
of a single denier,”<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> and perceived that she might now fish to
advantage in the troubled waters; to change the figure, she determined
to play each party against the other<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> in the hope of herself
being able to hold the balance of power between them. This
explains her double-dealing after the conspiracy of Amboise,
when she represented to Coligny that she wished to be instructed
in the Huguenot teachings in order, if possible, that she might be
able to discover the “true source and origin of the troubles,” and
conferred with Chaudien, the Protestant pastor in Paris, and
Duplessis, the Huguenot minister at Tours, at the same time also
inquiring into the political claims of the Huguenots, having the
cardinal of Lorraine concealed, like Polonius, behind the arras;<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
why, too, she used fair words at the conference at Fontainebleau
and simultaneously saw Francis II write to Philip II asking for
Spanish aid in the event of civil war.</p>

<p>The Venetian ambassador said truly that the famous Roman
temporizer, Fabius Cunctator, would have recognized his daughter
in this astute woman of Etruria.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> For fear of being sent back
to Italy or of staying in France without influence, she aimed to
play the two parties against one another. She did not hesitate
to hazard the crown in order to keep the government in her hands,
although, as the Venetian ambassador said, “to wish to maintain
peace by division is to wish to make white out of black.”<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a></p>

<p>The time was a peculiarly propitious one. With the prince
of Condé out of the way<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> she counted upon the vacillation and
hesitancy of the king of Navarre to keep the Huguenots from overt
action, while the prospect of the coming States-General, which
had grown out of the assembly at Fontainebleau, as the bishop
of Valence had predicted,<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> filled the Guises with dismay, so much
so that when the demand for the summons of that body began to
grow, they had endeavored to persuade the King to ordain that
whoever spoke of their convocation should be declared guilty of
<i>lèse-majesté</i>.<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> The reason of their alarm is not far to seek. The
demand for the States-General was the voice of France, speaking
through the noblesse and the bourgeoisie. crying out for a thorough
inquiry into the administration of the Guises and reformation
of the governmental system of both state and church; as such it
was a menace to the cardinal and his brother and in alignment
with the demands of the political Huguenots. The costly wars
of Henry II, the extravagance of the court; the burdensome taxation;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
the venality of justice; the lawlessness and disorder prevailing
everywhere; the impoverishment of many noble families, and
the rise of new nobles out of the violence of the wars in Picardy
and Italy, more prone to license and less softened by the social
graces that characterized the old families;<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> the dilapidation of
ancestral fortunes and the displacements of wealth; the religious
unrest; the corruption of the church&mdash;all these grievances, none
of which was wholly new, were piling up with a cumulative force,
whose impending attack the Guises regarded with great apprehension.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a></p>

<p>The administration of the cardinal of Lorraine and his ducal
brother had not mended matters, but in justice to them it should
be said that their ministry was quite as much the <i>occasion</i> as the
<i>cause</i> of the popular outcry for reform. The evils of the former
reign were reaching a climax which their haughtiness and ambition
served to accentuate.<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> Misappropriation of public moneys, exorbitant
taxation, denial of justice, spoliation of the crown lands,
especially the forests, the dilapidation of church property, and
the corruption of manners, were undoubtedly the deepest popular
grievances. In the demand for redress of these grievances all
honest men were united. In 1560 the cry of the Huguenots for
freedom of worship was the voice of a minority of them only.
Most Huguenots at this time were political and not religious Huguenots,
who simply used the demand of the new religionists as a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>
vehicle of expression; this sentiment also for local risings
to rescue arrested Calvinists, the participants in many cases being
actuated more by the desire to make a demonstration against the
government than by sympathy with the Calvinist doctrines.<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a></p>

<p>The debts of the crown at the accession of Francis II aggregated
forty-three millions of livres,<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> upon which interest had to be paid,
without including pensions and salaries due to officers and servants
of the royal household, and the gendarmerie, which were from
two to five years in arrears,<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> a sum so great that if the entire revenue
of the crown for a decade could have been devoted to its discharge,
it would not have been possible to liquidate it. The result was
the provinces abounded with poor men driven to live by violence
and crime, while even the nobility, because of their reduced incomes,
and the soldiery on account of arrears of wages, were driven to
plunder the people.<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> Even members of the judiciary and the
clergy had recourse to illicit practices.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> The regular provincial
administration was powerless to suppress evils so prevalent, whose
roots were found in the condition of society. It was in vain that
the crown announced that it was illegal to have recourse to arms
for redress of injuries and commanded the governors in the provinces,
the bailiffs, seneschals, and other similar officers to stay
within their jurisdictions and vigilantly to sustain the provost-marshals<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
in suppressing sedition or illegal assemblies. Some
men thought the remedy lay in more drastic penalties and advocated
the abolishment of appeal in criminal causes, as in Italy and
Flanders.<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> But history in many epochs shows that the social
maladies of a complex society cannot be so cured. Obviously
the true remedy lay in searching out the causes of the trouble and
destroying them, and this was the intent of the demand for the
States-General.</p>

<p>The summons of the States-General of Orleans and the further
act of the government in announcing that it would summon a national
council of the French clergy to meet in Paris on January 10,
1561, unless the Council General was called in the meantime,
were equivalent to promises that reform would be undertaken
in both state and church. The double announcement was the
simultaneous recognition of one necessity&mdash;reformation.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c69" id="c69">CHAPTER III</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE STATES-GENERAL OF ORLEANS</p>

<p>The prosecution of the prince of Condé and the vidame of
Chartres was pushed during the month of November in order to
overcome any Huguenot activity in the coming States-General.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a>
The Guises assured both the Pope and Spain that their intention
was, after the execution of the prince, to send soldiery into the
provinces under the command of the marshals St. André, Termes,
Brissac, and Sipierre, whose Catholicism was of a notoriously
militant type, and thus either to crush the Huguenots, or drive
them out of the country.<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> Condé claimed, upon the advice of his
counsel, the advocates Claudius Robert and Francis Marillac,
that as a prince of the blood he had to give account to the King
alone and to judges suitable to his condition, as peers of France,
denying the jurisdiction of the ordinary judges.<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> This the latter
refused to allow, on the ground that there was no appeal from
the King in council (which at least had been the practice of the
crown since Francis I) because the judgment so given was an
absolute declaration of the king’s pleasure; whereupon Condé,
after the example of Marchetas, when condemned by Philip of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
Macedon, appealed from the King in bad council to the King in
good council. The prince, however, adhered to his claim, until
by a subterfuge he was made, in a way, to commit himself; for
at last he signed an answer <i>to his counsel</i>, Robert, whereby the
prosecution gained a point prejudicial to him, although good
lawyers affirmed that a defendant’s counsel could not be made his
judge. Thereupon the government organized a court in which
there was a sprinkling of peers, in order to seem to comply with
the law.<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> Under such practices the judgment was a foregone
conclusion, although even after being declared guilty, the general
opinion was that the prince would not be put to death, but that
the worst that could befall him would be imprisonment in the
dungeons of Loches, where Ludovic Sforza died in the reign of
Louis XII; or that he would be kept in confinement elsewhere
pending greater age on the part of the king and new developments.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a></p>

<p>What Condé’s fate would have been still remains a problematical
question, for Francis II died at Orleans on December 5, 1560,
and his death put an end to all proceedings against the prince.<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a>
The prince of Condé was released on December 24, and immediately<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
went to La Fère in Picardy.<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> The crown descended to the
dead king’s younger brother, Charles IX, a boy ten years of age.
His accession was not an auspicious one. Well might the Venetian
ambassador exclaim: “Vae tibi terra cujus rex puer est.”<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> The
execution of two Calvinists in Rouen on December 3 occasioned
a riot during which the gates of the city were shut,<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> and at Bordeaux
a serious insurrection of 1,200 persons had taken place in consequence
of the arrest of Condé, so that the general pardon of religious
offenders issued on January 3, 1561, was a wise step.<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> All
the plans designed and prepared for execution at Orleans were
broken by the death of the King. The Guises were furious.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a></p>

<p>It was hoped that the new reign might be established tranquilly,
without an appeal to arms, but there was much misgiving owing
to “the bad spirit among the people on account of the religious
question, and of their dislike of the existing government.”<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> Many
had thought that in the event of the death of the king a general
uprising might result throughout the realm, for religious and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
administrative reform, since Charles IX, being a minor, would be
placed under the guidance of the king of Navarre, the oldest and
nearest prince of the blood, who by consenting to the demands of
the Huguenots, either from inclination or from inability to repress
them, would open the door to such a course. Others believed
that the Guises would not be put down, but that with the military
resources concentrated around Orleans, at their disposal, they
would seek to overawe the opposition and retain their power, finding
means, through papal dispensation, to marry Mary Stuart
to the new king.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> There was a third class who rightly surmised
that the queen mother, if not able to establish the regency in her
favor, would play the parties against each other in such a way as
to be able to exercise large control herself. In pursuance of
this double course, Catherine secretly incited the king of Navarre
and the prince of Condé, giving out that the action lately taken
against the latter had been by the advice of the Guises. At the
same time she gave the Guises to understand that the hard feeling
which the Bourbon princes felt for them was contrary to her wish
and pleasure and that it was they who had sought to compel
the Guises to render account of their administration.<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>. As the
constable seemed to command the balance of power, both the queen
mother and the Guises began to compete for his favor,<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> Catherine<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>
overcoming her old enmity on account of her fear of the Guises.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a>
Between the Guises and Montmorency the enmity was too great
for any <i>rapprochement</i>, so that the Guises endeavored to counter
the coalition of Catherine de Medici and the constable by overtures
to Antoine of Navarre, whose own pliant nature readily
yielded to their blandishments, telling him that Philip II probably
would be inclined to restore his lost kingdom of Navarre or give
him an equivalent in Sardinia, in the event of the adoption of a
strong Catholic policy on his part.<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p>

<p>Catherine de Medici, however, by the promptness of her action,
and perhaps not a little owing to the unpopularity of the cardinal
of Lorraine,<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> got the better of the Guises, the government being
organized around the queen mother and the three Bourbon princes,
the king of Navarre, the cardinal of Bourbon, the prince of Condé
the constable, the three Châtillons&mdash;the admiral Coligny, the cardinal
Odet, and D’Andelot&mdash;the duke de Montpensier and the
prince de la Roche-sur-Yon.<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> The duke of Aumale, the marquis
of Elbœuf, the grand prior of France, and the cardinals of Lorraine
and Guise, all brothers of the duke of Guise and the cardinal
of Lorraine left the court at the same time,<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> but if the pride of the
Guises was wounded, they did not show it. They were followed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
by all the companies of ordinance, both cavalry and infantry, which
had been sent to Orleans.</p>

<p>But Catherine de Medici looked farther than the present order
of things and schemed to have the coronation effected as soon as
possible, thinking that it would remove many difficulties alleged
of the King’s minority<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> and make him of sufficient authority to appoint
such governors as he pleased.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> She found means to have
it arranged in the Privy Council (March 27, 1561) that she and
the king of Navarre, in the capacity of lieutenant-general, should
rule jointly, the King’s seal being in the custody of both and kept
in a coffer to which each should carry a different key. This
astute move gave Catherine exclusive guardianship of the person
of Charles IX, and assured her at least an equal power in the
regency.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> At the same time orders were given for the ambassadors
and others who wished for audience to ask it of the queen mother
through the secretaries.<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> By this new arrangement it became
unnecessary to give account of one’s business first of all either to
the cardinal of Lorraine or the constable, or to anyone else, as
was usually done before; but at once to address the queen, who,
should the matter need to be referred to the council, could propose
it and give reply according to their decision. As not one of these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
councilors was superior to another, the power was all in Catherine’s
hands. She had played her cards well and had won. The duke
of Guise ceased to be of influence at court and the constable “was
satisfied to lose his authority in order to damage his enemies.”<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>
France began to awaken to the fact that the queen who had led
a life of retirement during her husband’s reign, in that of her son
was evincing that capacity for public affairs which was an hereditary
possession in her family. In her quality as queen mother,
she kept the King well in hand. She would not permit anyone
but herself to sleep in his bed-chamber; she never left him alone.
She governed as if she were king. She appointed to offices and
to benefices; she granted pardon; she kept the seal; she had the
last word to say in council; she opened the letters of the ambassadors
and other ministers. Those who used to think she was a
timid woman discovered that her courage was great; and that, like
Leo X and all his house, she possessed the art of dissimulation.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a></p>

<p>The Huguenots had hoped for much politically from the sudden
revolution, and looked forward to organizing the States-General,
while the Catholics hoped that the precautions taken during the
elections had insured the election of men opposed to any novelty
in the matter of religion.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> The first session took place on December
13.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> L’Hôpital, the chancellor, made an eloquent and earnest
plea in favor of harmony among the members, endeavoring to
draw them away from religious animosities by pointing out the
great necessity of administrative and political reform, urging that
the root of the present evils was to be found in the miscarriage of
justice, the burdensome taxes, the corruption of office, etc.<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span></p>

<p>He ascribed the religious inquietude to the degeneracy of the
church and advocated thorough reform of it, saying that the clergy
gave occasion for the introducing of a new religion, though he
avoided entering into the matter of merit of its doctrines.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> He
pointed out the needs of France and the necessity for civil and
religious concord, and, in the peroration pleaded for earnest,
patriotic support of the boy-King, “for there never was a father,
no matter of what estate or condition, who ever left a little orphan
more involved, more in debt, more hampered than our young
prince is by the death of the kings, his father and his brother. All
the cost and expenses of twelve or thirteen years of long and continuous
war have fallen upon him; three grand marriages are to
be paid for, and other things too long to tell of now; the domain,
the aids, the salt storehouses, and part of the <i>taille</i> have been alienated.”<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a></p>

<p>In spite of the efforts of the chancellor, however, to smooth
the way, the ship of state encountered rough water at the very
beginning. It was doubtful whether anything would come of
the session, as the difficulties between the delegates were endless,
partly from the diversity of their commissions and of the requests
they had to make, partly from individual caprice. The commons
and the clergy readily agreed to meet together, but many of the
nobility made difficulty. Some of those of Guyenne and of some
parts of Brittany, Normandy, and Champagne would not consent
to treat with the government without a fresh commission, saying
that their commission was to the late king, Francis II&mdash;an invention
of those who were not satisfied with the present government<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
and disliked the queen’s supremacy.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> Perceiving this obstacle,
the queen sent for the president of La Rochelle and told him to
have an autograph list made of all those who dissented and to
bring it to her. But no one dared to be the first to sign this list.
This was admirable adroitness on Catherine’s part. She was
playing for a large stake, because if the estates treated with the
new government, they would in a certain way approve its legitimacy
by general consent.</p>

<p>Finally, after a week’s delay, during which the <i>cahiers</i> of the
delegates were handed in and classified, deliberations were resumed.
The three chief questions before the estates of Orleans were religion,
the finances, and the regulation of the courts of judicature.
The three estates in order, beginning with the commons, presented
each its cause. The orator of the third estate, an <i>avocat du roi</i>
at Bordeaux, demanded a general council for the settlement of
religious controversy; the discipline of the clergy, whom he denounced
in scathing terms; their reformation in manners and
morals; revision of justice, and alleviation of taxes.<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> As a whole,
the commons seemed to wish for a general pardon for all the
insurgents, and that everybody should be restored to favor; that
the election of prelates should be regulated, so as to insure the
nomination of fitting persons to reform the life and customs of the
clergy; and that the revenues of the churches should be limited
to persons appointed for that purpose.<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a></p>

<p>The spokesman of the noblesse, one Jacques de Silly, sieur de
Rochefort, invoked biblical authority, besides Assyrian and classical
history, to prove that the nobility had been ordained of God
and recognized by men of all times as the pillar of the state. The
harangue was a carefully worded assertion of the political interests
and claims of the nobility. Even religion was subordinated to
their political ends, a written memorial being presented by some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
of the nobles asking for leave for each great feudal proprietor to
ordain what worship he might choose within his lands, after the
manner of the settlement at Augsburg in 1555 (<i>cujus regio, ejus
religio</i>).<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-078.jpg" width="450" height="300"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">STATES-GENERAL OF ORLEANS</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>The clergy naturally were in conformity with the canons and
the Catholic ritual. They were declared to be “the organ and
mouth” of France, much history and doctrinal writing being cited
to prove their supremacy. Liberty of election in the matter of
church offices, abolition of the abuse of the <i>dîme</i>, which, it was
complained, had been extorted from the church, not once, but
four, five, six, and even nine times in a year, and prelates put in
prison for failure to pay, to the destruction of worship in the
churches; suppression of heresy (thus early stigmatized as <i>la
prétendue réformation</i>), and royal support of the authority of the
priest-class, were the four demands of the clerical order.<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> The
sittings were rendered less tedious by a bold attack made upon
the persecution of religion by a deputy who demanded that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>
Huguenots be permitted to have their own church edifices&mdash;a
plea which was reinforced by a hot protest of the admiral Coligny
against an utterance of Quintin, the clerical orator.<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a></p>

<p>As to religion, grave questions arose. Would the toleration
of religion occasion civil war? Would it cause an ultimate alteration
of the faith of France? Would it, finally, alter the state,
too? The States-General refused to enter deeply into these
problems. The petition of the Protestants was not mentioned.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a>
In the end it was determined to grant a general pardon to all
throughout the kingdom, without obliging anyone to retract, or
to make any other canonical recantation&mdash;a proposal which was
quite at variance with the constitution of the church and was
regarded by Rome as exceeding the bounds of the authority of
the King and his Council, cognizance of matters of this nature
appertaining to ecclesiastics and not to laymen.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> The pressure
of the third estate as well as the influence of Coligny, L’Hôpital,
and others, is discernible in this measure. For it had been determined
in the Privy Council that should the Council-General not
be held before June, the National Council would assemble in
France. This could not be denied to the estates who demanded
it; and this concession apparently at first caused all the three
estates to agree not to renounce the old religion. To this must
be added another reason, viz., that although the greater part of
the clergy, more especially the bishops, approved the old religion,
yet many of the nobility approved the new one.<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span></p>

<p>Even more favorable action toward the Huguenots might have
been taken if Catherine’s caution and her fear of antagonizing
the Guises too much had not acted as a restraint. The pardon
of the government was theoretically not understood to be granted
to those who <i>preached</i> the Calvinistic doctrine, nor to the King’s
judges who had authority in the cities and provinces of France
who espoused it. But it was tacitly admitted that no one was to
be prosecuted for heresy on this account. In Orleans the people
worshiped in Huguenot form and in Paris&mdash;wonder of wonders&mdash;<i>Catholic</i>
preachers were admonished to cease inveighing against
“Lutherans” and Huguenots, and not to speak against their sects
or their opinions&mdash;an order generally interpreted as consent from
the Privy Council for all to follow such opinions about faith as
most pleased their ideas.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a></p>

<p>A corollary to the question of religion was that touching the
government of the church. Several excellent ordinances were
passed for reforming the abuses of the church, particularly for
preventing the sale of benefices. The election of the bishops
was taken out of the King’s direct jurisdiction and remitted to
the clergy, and to satisfy the people it was added that twelve noblemen
and twelve commoners together with the governor and judges
of the city in which a bishop was to be elected were to unite with
the clergy in election, giving laymen the same authority as ecclesiastics.
Another matter also was determined which was sure to
displease the Pope, viz., that moneys should no longer be sent to
Rome for the annates or for other compositions on account of
benefices, on the ground that these charges drew large sums of
money from the kingdom and were the cause of its poverty. Even
the payment of the Peter’s Pence was resented by some. The
bishop of Vienne publicly asserted that it was with astonishment
and sorrow that he observed the patience with which the French
people endured these taxes “as if,” said he, “the wax and lead of
the King was not worth as much as the lead and the wax of Rome
which cost so much.”<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> As it would have seemed strange were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
the Pope not first informed of it, the estates elected one of the
presidents of the Parlement to go to Rome to give an account to
the Pope of the matter, not so much to ask it as a favor from the
Pope as merely to state the causes which moved the government
thus to decide. The strong inclination of many in France whose
catholicity could not be impugned, to diminish the papal authority
and assert the old Gallican liberties, is noticeable. Pontifical
authority would have been quite at an end if the estates had
determined to lay hands on the church property, as was desired
by many persons.</p>

<p>The two other questions before the estates were those of justice
and finance. In the matter of the former nothing was done. For
although there was universal dissatisfaction, the issue was too
complicated, as all judicial offices were sold, and in order to displace
those who had bought them it would have been necessary
to reimburse the holders, which could not have been done then.
The chances, accordingly, were that the administration of justice
was likely to go from bad to worse.<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a></p>

<p>The main work of the estates of Orleans had to do with the
reorganization of the finances of the kingdom, the administration
of which was intimately connected with the future government.
The crown was over forty million francs (exceeding eighteen million
crowns) in debt.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a></p>

<p>It may be well at this point to give a short survey of the financial
policy of the French crown during the sixteenth century.
Under Louis XII the <i>taille</i>, which was the principal tax, and which
fell upon the peasant, was reduced to about six hundred thousand
écus, a sum little superior to the amount originally fixed under
Charles VII. It was raised by Francis I to two millions. In the
time of Louis XII the total revenue amounted to barely two millions;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
his successor brought it up to five, the <i>dîmes</i> of the clergy
being included.<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> When the expenses of the government came
to exceed the receipts, Francis I had recourse to extraordinary
measures, that is to say, to augmentation of the taxes, to new loans,
or to new forms of taxation. In 1539 he introduced the lottery
from Italy. These extraordinary practices were not submitted
to any process of approval, not even in the <i>pays d’état</i>. Foreigners
were astonished at the ease with which the king of France procured
money at his pleasure. Francis I quadrupled the <i>taille</i> upon
land, and even had the effrontery to raise it to the fifth power. In
general the people paid without murmuring, although in 1535 an
insurrection broke out at Lyons on account of an alteration in the
<i>aides</i> demanded by the crown; and in 1542 there was a serious
outbreak at La Rochelle owing to burdensome imposition of the
<i>gabelle</i>.</p>

<p>The author of the new financial measures of 1539 was the chancellor
Poyet, a man of ability, who owed his advancement to the
favor of Montmorency. Several very excellent measures are due
to him, pre-eminently numerous ordinances relating to the inalienability
of the royal domain, which he promulgated as a fundamental
law of the monarchy, a law which the weak successors of Henry
II repudiated. He also endeavored to suppress dishonest administration
in the provinces. Thus he called to account both the
marshal Montjean, whose exactions in the Lyonnais produced
wide complaint, and Galiot de Genoullac, the sire d’Acir, whose
stealings were enormous. These measures would have had a salutary
effect if the administration of justice had been independent
and honest in France. Unfortunately Poyet’s reputation for integrity
was not as great as it should have been in a minister, and his
policy made him many enemies.</p>

<p>The incomes of Francis I, great as they were, did not suffice
for Henry II, the renewal of the war continuing to increase his
necessities. Under him the increase of the <i>gabelle</i> and the tithes
and other special taxes brought the total of the revenues up to
six and a half million écus, which did not yet save the King from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>
being reduced to the necessity of making alienations and loans,
which reached on the day of his death fourteen millions of écus,
about thirty-six millions of francs.<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a></p>

<p>The practice of the French government of making loans, a
practice which has today become familiar to us on a colossal scale,
both in Europe and America, antedates the Hundred Years’ War.
St. Louis contracted various loans with the Templars and Italian
merchants for his crusades.<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> Philip the Fair borrowed from
Italian merchants, from the Templars, and from his subjects.<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>
His war with Edward I of England and his enterprises in Italy
increased the amount, so that his sons inherited a considerable
public debt. The Hundred Years’ War enormously increased
it. We have few means of knowing what rates of interest obtained
upon most of the public loans of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
but they were probably high in most cases. Charles VIII
in 1487 fixed the rate of interest upon a loan made in Normandy
at twelve <i>deniers tournois</i> for each livre, which would not be over
5 per cent. Seven years later, when he was preparing for the
Italian campaign, a rate of two sous per livre obtained, which
would be approximately equivalent to 10 per cent.</p>

<p>In the time of the direct Valois kings, most of the government’s
loans were arranged in the provinces, as in Normandy and Languedoc.
But, beginning with Francis I, the city of Paris became
increasingly the place where the crown obtained financial aid,
so much so indeed that the supervision of the <i>rentes</i> of the Hôtel-de-Ville
became a separate administrative bureau of the royal
treasury, although it must not be understood that the government’s
operations were henceforth exclusively confined to Paris; for loans
continued to be made wherever possible with towns, corporations,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
the clergy, and private loan brokers and bankers. These <i>rentes</i>
of the capital, it should be understood, were technically a substitution
of the credit of the city of Paris for the somewhat dubious
credit of the crown.<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> From that date (1522) forward in France,
government loans took the form of perpetual annuities, payable
at the Hôtel-de-Ville in Paris. But other cities, such as Orleans,
Troyes, Toulouse, and Rouen, also furnished the King with money
in the form of annuities.</p>

<p>Aside from Paris, the church of France was the grand pillar
of the government’s finances, and as the initiation of the <i>rentes</i>
is due to Francis I, so to this king also is the second expedient to
be ascribed. In 1516, on the occasion of the <i>concordat</i>, Leo X
allowed Francis I to exact a new tenth, theoretically to be distinguished
from the <i>dîme</i> of the clergy of France, the pretext being
a war projected against the Turks. The new tithe was levied
by the King’s officers alone, on the basis of a grand survey of the
property of the clergy (<i>Description générale du bien d’église</i>) made
in this year. In this financial survey the tax or quota of each
benefice and the total of the tithe in every diocese were indicated.
Thenceforth it was easy for numerous tithes to be levied by the
will of the King alone. However, in order to conceal the arbitrariness
of this conduct, the crown sometimes indicated its purpose
to Rome which issued the necessary validation, but more
often the King addressed the clergy itself united in assemblies of
the bishops at Paris and in provincial or diocesan assemblies.
The consent of the clergy was nothing but a formality, for the royal
authority fixed in advance the sum to be paid. The diocesan
assembly had nothing to do but distribute the impost. This concession
of the Pope was successively renewed, under different pretexts,
for a number of years, under the name of a <i>don caritatif</i>, and
was equivalent to another tithe, the practice, prolonged year<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
after year, at last hardening into a permanent form of taxation
required of the clergy, so much so that under Henry II receivers
of the “gift” were established in every diocese.<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a></p>

<p>Wastefulness and bad management characterized the reign of
Henry II from the very first. The treasury was soon completely
exhausted. A reserve of four hundred thousand écus d’or, which
Francis I had amassed to carry the war into Germany, with little
owing save to the Swiss, payments to whom Francis I had continued
in order to prolong his alliance with them, was dissipated
within a few months, and the government had resort to increased
taxation and the creation of new taxes. The <i>gabelle</i> upon salt,
from which Poitou, Saintonge, and Guyenne had hitherto been
exempt, and which was now introduced into those provinces,
raised a terrible revolt which was not crushed until much violence
had been done and much blood shed. The renewal of the war
against Charles V and the invasion of Lorraine, added to the insatiable
demands of the court, required new financial expedients.
Not less than eighteen times during the twelve years of the reign
of Henry II were the <i>échevins</i> of Paris called upon to supply the
King with sums of money. Four millions and a half were thus
demanded of the capital. In order to obtain these sums, which
the people refused to advance gratuitously, the King was forced
to humiliate himself exceedingly. Thus in 1550, in a general
assembly of the sovereign courts of the clergy and of the bourgeois
it was reported that “the King, being obliged to give money to the
English, and not having any money in his treasury except mutilated
and debased currency which could not be recoined, is under
the necessity of offering this debased and mutilated coin as security
for a public loan.” As might be expected, this not very tempting
offer did not entice the provost of the merchants, much to the
chagrin of the King, who, however, consented to a short delay.
But three years later Henry II was even less shameless. Although
there was still just as much unwillingness on the part of the merchants
of the city to take the King’s notes, this little difficulty was
easily overcome by the King’s agents. If the money were not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
forthcoming, the sideboards of the wealthy bourgeois of Paris
contained enough gold and silver plate to answer the purpose, and
an edict of February 19, 1553, ordered certain specified persons
to bring to the mint their vessels of gold and of silver, for which
the government issued its notes.</p>

<p>But Paris was not the only city which was almost incessantly
called upon to supply the King’s needs. Each year, and even
each month, was characterized by a new demand, and numbers
of the cities of France were from time to time taxed for sums which
were not secured, however, without resistance to the royal treasurers.
Lyons, which was at this epoch the seat of a commerce
greater even than that of Paris, was more often mulcted than any
other in this way. Conduct so high-handed naturally resulted
not only in creating bitterness against the government, but demoralized
trade as well. The credit of the government depreciated to
such an extent that the rate of interest rose as high as 14 per cent.<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a>
During the twelve years of Henry II’s reign a greater amount in
taxes had been imposed upon the people of France than in the
fourscore years preceding, besides which many of the crown lands
had been dissipated. Naturally “hard times” prevailed.<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span></p>

<p>Some members of the States-General were for bringing the
officers of finance to account and obliging them to submit the list
of all the grants which had been made in favor of the great and
influential at the court of Henry II. But the cooler element
thought that this policy could not be followed out on account of
the powerful position of those involved and that occasion for new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
commotions only would ensue.<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> Instead, retrenchment was
resolved upon. The stipends of the gentlemen of the King’s
household and of the <i>gens de finance</i> were reduced one-half and
all pensions were abridged one-third,<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> except in the case of foreigners
in the King’s service, who were supposed to have no other
source of income. This last provision created an outcry, on the
ground that foreigners could only be so employed in time of war,
save in the case of the Scotch Guard.<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> Even this was cut down,
one hundred men-at-arms and one hundred archers being dismissed.
The royal stables and mews were also broken up and
the horses and falcons sold.<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a></p>

<p>Something more constructive than mere economy, however,
was necessary, and the burden of paying the King’s debts fell
heaviest upon the clergy. This was partly owing to the great
wealth of the church; partly to the fact that the clergy had rushed
in where others feared to tread, and, officiously asserting their
superiority in matters of state as well as of church, had proceeded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
to examine the royal accounts, which the nobles and the commons
were too wary to inspect.<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> The nobles took the ground that they
were not concerned in the matter of paying the King’s debts,
claiming that they paid their dues to the crown by personal service
in war time.<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a></p>

<p>As far back as the assembly at Fontainebleau far-sighted councilors
of the king had pointed out that the revenues of the church
would have to be made to do duty for the government, and intercourse
with Rome had been under way looking to such an arrangement.<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a>
The Pope was not as bitterly opposed to such a policy
as one might at first be led to think, for he was thoroughly frightened
at the prospect of a national council of the French clergy
being convened in France and was disposed to be accommodating.
But of course a roundabout method had to be resorted to,
for the church would not have suffered a barefaced taxation of
ecclesiastical revenues by the political authority. The resulting
arrangement was in the nature of a political “deal.” Upon the
understanding that no French council should be convened, the
French crown was permitted to appropriate three hundred and
sixty thousand ducats <i>per annum</i> for five years from the incomes
of the church,<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> the condition of the subsidy, theoretically, being
that France was to maintain a fleet to serve against the Turks.<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a></p>

<p>When these things had been done and the King had received
in writing the <i>doléances</i> and requests of the three orders, the States-General
were prorogued<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> until the first of May, to meet at Pontoise<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
in order to complete the settlement of affairs,<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> for time was necessary
to make the arrangements with the church, since the prelates
present had not been commissioned to enter into such a compact.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c91" id="c91">CHAPTER IV</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE FORMATION OF THE TRIUMVIRATE</p>

<p>The factional rivalry which had been engendered during the
course of the session of the States-General at Orleans was so great
that this discord, combined with the agitation prevailing on account
of religion, seemed ominous of civil war, and “every accident was
interpreted according to the passions of the persons concerned.”<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a>
The affair of the custody of the seal created bitter feeling for a
time between the duke of Guise and the king of Navarre, until the
former out of policy and the latter either from policy or lack of
courage, affected to become reconciled. The Guises realized that
they had suffered a serious blow politically through the death of
Francis II and Catherine was shrewd enough to know that while
she controlled the seal, she was the keeper of the King’s authority.
The prince of Condé was a double source of friction. In the first
place, his trial for treason was still pending before the Parlement
of Paris.<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> The queen mother was anxious to have the cause
settled out of court, for if condemned (which was unlikely) the
whole Bourbon family would be disgraced as formerly through
the treason of the constable Bourbon in 1527, and if acquitted,
the prince would not rest until he had been avenged of his enemies.
Accordingly, she caused a letter to be written in the King’s name
instructing the Parlement to dismiss the case. But the mettlesome
spirit of the prince resented this process, and his discontent
was increased to furious anger when the duke of Guise recommended
that all the evidence be burned and prosecution be dropped,
although his opinion was that legally Condé could not be acquitted
as the trial so far had proved him to have been implicated in the
revolt of Lyons.<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> To both parties Catherine de Medici steadily
replied that she had written the letter in order to adjust the affairs
of the prince of Condé to his honor and to the satisfaction of all,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span>
and that the seal was in her hands. On March 15 the prince was
readmitted to the Privy Council; but the Parlement was not disposed
to drop the case so easily and deliberated at length upon
the matter, finally on June 13, going on record, in a delicately
balanced pronouncement which was intended to please all parties
concerned and satisfied none.<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a></p>

<p>A new source of friction was the vacant government of Champagne
which the queen gave to the duke of Nemours. This offended
Antoine of Navarre, because he wanted to have it conferred
upon the prince of Condé.<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> To these dissensions, finally, must
be added a recent ruling of the Privy Council, in compliance with
one of the resolutions of the States-General, that all bishops,
including the cardinals, were to return to their sees.<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> This regulation
eliminated some of the leaders of both parties, the cardinal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>
of Lorraine on the one hand and the cardinal de Châtillon on the
other, to the discomfiture of both parties. Only the cardinal
Tournon, whose great age made him harmless and who really
wanted to pass the rest of his life in retirement, and the cardinal
of Bourbon whose easy disposition also made him harmless, were
permitted to stay with the court.</p>

<p>Philip II of Spain had been an attentive follower of all that had
happened in France since the early autumn of 1560 and had been
kept thoroughly informed by his indefatigable ambassador. His
disquietude over the death of Francis II and the new direction of
affairs in France was so great<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> that in January Philip sent Don
Juan de Manrique, his grand master of artillery, to Orleans, ostensibly
to perform the office of condolence and congratulation,<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> but
in reality to win over the constable, to harden the policy of the
French government toward the Huguenots, to persuade it against
the project of a national council,<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> and to promote Philip’s purposes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
regarding the marriage of Mary Queen of Scots, to Don
Carlos, Philip’s son.</p>

<p>Catherine de Medici soon divined both the purpose and the
danger, and her alarm was correspondingly great, because the
increasing confusion in the realm on account of religion every day
made Spanish intervention more possible,<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> One of two results
seemed certain to happen: either that things would end with the
Huguenots having churches in which they could preach, read, and
perform their rites according to their doctrine without hindrance,
as they had temporarily obtained churches by the declaration of
Fontainebleau, at the end of August, in compliance with the resolution
presented by the admiral; or else that obedience to the Pope
and to the Catholic rites would be enforced at the point of the
sword, and a manifest and certain division in the kingdom would
result, with civil war as the consequence. When Francis II died,
a great number who had fled to Geneva and Germany after the
conspiracy of Amboise came back to France. For the government
of Charles IX had inaugurated the new reign by a declaration of
toleration (January 7, 1561) which, although Calvin disapproved
it,<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> may yet with reason be regarded as a liberal edict. The Protestants
were not slow to profit by the change, and flocked back
from Switzerland and Germany and resumed their propaganda,
one phase of which was a vilification of Rome and the Guises to
such an extent that the King protested to the Senate of Geneva
regarding their abuse.<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> Paris soon abounded with Huguenot
preachers from Geneva, who relied upon the division in the council
or the protection of persons in power for the maintenance of
the new edict.<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span></p>

<p>In some provinces, such as Normandy,<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> Touraine, Poitou,
Gascony,<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> and the greater part of Languedoc, Dauphiné, and
Provence, congregations and meetings were openly held. Guyenne
save Bordeaux, was badly infected with heresy.<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> The new religion
penetrated so deeply that it affected every class of persons,
even the ecclesiastical body itself, not only priests, friars,
and nuns, but even bishops and many of the principal prelates.
Among all classes there were Huguenot sympathizers, the nobility
perhaps more manifestly than any other class.<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> The congregations
of Rouen and Dieppe sent to the King for license to preach the
word of God openly. In Dieppe the Calvinists once a day met
in a great house, “of men, women and children above 2,000 in
company.”<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> There were Huguenot outbursts at Angers, Mans,
Beauvais, and Pontoise, in April, and at Toulouse in June.<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> At
Beauvais when the cardinal of Châtillon, who was bishop there,
caused the Calvinist service to be conducted and communion
administered in his chapel, “after the manner of Geneva,” the
canons and many of the people “assembled to good numbers to
have wrought their wicked wills upon the cardinal.” Some were
hurt and killed in the trouble, and one poor wretch was brought
before the cardinal’s gate and burned.<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> A similar riot took place
in Paris, on April 28, in the evening, near the Pré-aux-Clercs.</p>

<p>As a result of these excesses things took a sterner turn. A
new measure interdicted Huguenot meetings, even in private
houses; and all persons of every condition <i>in Paris</i> were required<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
to observe the Catholic religion.<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> The attitude of Paris was ominous
for the future. The populace was wholly Catholic and
hostile to religious change,<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> and was strongly supported by the
Sorbonne and the Parlement.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> The Sorbonne freely let it be understood
that it would never obey any order issued to the injury of
the Catholic religion, asserting that whenever the crown changed
faith and religion, the people were absolved from the oath of fealty
and were not bound to obey.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> The words “civil war” were on
the lips of all who were attentively observing events. “Between
the two parties, justice is so little feared,” wrote the duke of Bedford,
“and policy has so little place that greater things are to be
dreaded.”<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a></p>

<p>The responsibility for the government’s vacillation at this
season is not to be imputed wholly to Catherine de Medici.<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> It
is to be remembered that France was under a double regency, and
that the weakness of the king of Navarre materially embarrassed
affairs. At this moment he seemed to be inclined toward the
faith of Rome in the hope of conciliating Philip II of Spain, in
order to recover the kingdom of Navarre. The Spanish ambassador
and the Guises naturally made the most of his aspiration,
the former telling Antoine that although it was impossible to obtain
what he claimed from His Catholic Majesty by mere force, he
might make a fair agreement with Philip by maintaining France
in the true faith.<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a></p>

<p>During these months of tension and tumult, the ambassador<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
worked out a scheme, which in principle was that of Philip II,
but the details were of Chantonnay’s own arrangement. The
aim was to form a group of influential persons at the court, who
should begin by complaints of the government’s policy and then
proceed to threats and dark hints of the displeasure of Spain,
finally presenting a bold front to Catherine, and compelling her
to abandon her policy of temporizing and moderation. The
constable Montmorency was the objective leader of this cabal,
and his persuasion to the enterprise was one of the secret purposes
of the mission of Don Juan de Manrique. While this envoy bore
letters expressing Philip’s esteem to all the most notable Catholics
at the French court, there was a distinction between them. The
king of Spain wrote in common to the duke of Guise, the constable,
the duke of Montpensier, the chancellor, and the marshals St.
André and Brissac,<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> and a joint note to the cardinals of Lorraine
and Tournon.<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> But Montmorency and St. André each also
received a separate letter. The discrimination shows the wonderfully
keen penetration of Philip’s ambassador, for these two
were destined to be two of the three pillars of the famous Triumvirate.<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a>
In reply the cardinal of Lorraine hastened to inform
Philip II of his deep interest in maintaining the welfare of Catholicism.<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a>
But it required time and adroitness to overcome the
constable’s prejudice against Spain, and his attachment to his
nephews.<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a></p>

<p>In the meantime, before the constable was persuaded, the cabal
made formidable headway by winning Claude de l’Aubespine to
its cause. This paved the way for an action which, if Catherine
de Medici could have known it, would have thrown her into consternation
indeed. For Claude de l’Aubespine’s brother Sebastian,
the bishop of Limoges, was Charles IX’s ambassador in Spain.
On April 4, 1561, the latter addressed a secret letter to Philip II<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>
of Spain describing the turmoil in France and thanking him,
in the queen’s name, for the “bons et roiddes offices” of
Chantonnay.<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a></p>

<p>Coincident with this event, things in France had come to a
head precisely as Philip and his ambassador had planned to have
them. At this juncture Montmorency took a decisive stand.
When the constable saw that meat was being freely eaten during
these Lenten days; that Protestant service was held in the chambers
of the admiral and the prince of Condé; that Catherine de
Medici invited Jean de Montluc, the heretic bishop of Valence,
to preach at court on Easter Sunday, the old warrior’s spirit rose
in revolt. In vain his eldest son, the marshal Montmorency,
pleaded that his father’s fears were exaggerated and his prejudices
too deep-seated. The old man was firm in his convictions, in
which he was sustained by his wife, Madeleine of Savoy, a bitter
adversary of Calvinism.<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> Moreover, the political as well as religious
demands of the Huguenot party, especially the demands of
certain of the local estates, which advocated drastic reform, alarmed
him. The whole power of the political Huguenots was directed
against the constable, the duke of Guise, the cardinal of Lorraine,
and the marshals Brissac and St. André, the leaders of the party
being determined to call them to account for their peculations
during the reign of Henry II and his successor, and to force them
to surrender the excessive grants which had been given them.<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a></p>

<p>On the evening of April 6, 1561, Montmorency, after having
expostulated with the queen, invited the duke of Guise, the duke
de Montpensier the prince of Joinville, the marshal St. André,
and the cardinal Tournon to dine with him. In his apartments<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>
that famous association named by the Huguenots the Triumvirate,
in which the constable, Guise, and St. André were principals, was
formed.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a></p>

<p>The preparations of the Guises during the former year enabled
the Triumvirate rapidly to lay its plans. Spanish, Italian, German,
and Swiss forces could be counted upon and procured within
a very short time. These forces were to be divided under the
command of the duke of Aumale and the three marshals, Brissac,
Termes, and St. André. In order to support these troops, the
Catholic clergy were to be assessed according to the incomes they
enjoyed; cardinals 4,000 to 5,000 livres per annum; bishops
1,000 to 1,200; abbots 300 to 400, priors 100 to 120; and so on
down to chaplains, whose annual stipend was but 30 livres, and
who were only assessed a few sous. But as some immediate means
were necessary, the gold and the silver of some of the churches,
and the treasure of certain monasteries was to be appropriated
at once, receipts being given for the value of the gold taken, and
promise being made that reimbursement would be made shortly
out of the confiscations made from the heretics.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a></p>

<p>Catherine de Medici’s plan to govern through the constable
Montmorency and the admiral,<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> leaving Antoine of Navarre only
nominal authority, received an abrupt shock when the Triumvirate
was established. Her policy partook of both doubt and
fear, and vacillated more than ever.<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a></p>

<p>But more formidable than the project to organize insurrection
at home, thus promoted by the Triumvirate, was the foreign policy
it adopted. The Triumvirate formally appealed to Philip II for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
aid.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> The response was not slow in forthcoming, though the
royal word was prudently couched in vague terms.<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> To make
matters worse, Antoine of Navarre inclined more than ever toward
the faith of Rome in the hope of conciliating Philip II of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a></p>

<p>To a man less vain and gullible than Antoine of Bourbon
such a proposition, upon its very face, as the restoration of
Navarre, would have appeared to have been preposterous.
Aside from the blow to its prestige which any loss of territory
entails upon a nation, it is only necessary to look at the
position of Spanish Navarre to perceive that Spain could
better afford to lose a war abroad than to part with this key
to the passes of the western Pyrenees. There is no need to relate
at length the story of Antoine’s alternate hopes and fears, of his
great expectations, and of the empty promises made him.<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> The
office Antoine held, not the man, made him important to France
and Spain. For this reason, he was alternately wheedled and
cajoled, mocked and threatened, for more than a year; and all
the time the pitiable weakling shifted and vacillated in his policy.<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a>
It is amazing to see how successfully Antoine was led along by the
dexterous suggestions of Chantonnay, and the evasive answers
of Philip II. It was a delicate game to play, for there was continual
fear lest he would discover that he was being made the dupe
of Spain, and prevail upon the queen mother and the prince of
Condé to join him in avenging his wrongs, a not impossible development,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
as Granvella observed, “considering that prudence does
not always preside over the actions of men.”<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a></p>

<p>The game was the more difficult because Antoine wanted the
restoration of his kingly title more than anything else. If he had
been willing to become vassal to Spain, as Chantonnay said to
St. André, there were a thousand ways to satisfy him. But Spain
could not think of alienating any of her provinces, least of all any
frontier possession like Navarre or Roussillon.<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> Time and again
the prince of Condé told his brother he was a fool to be so wheedled,
and Jeanne d’Albret sarcastically said that she would let her son
go to mass when his father’s inheritance was restored.<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> When
the game was likely to be played out, and Antoine, discovering
that fine words did not butter parsnips, began to complain or boldly
to bluster,<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> a possible substitute for the kingdom of Navarre which
Antoine did not want to hold as a Spanish dependency<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> was suggested.
At one moment it was Sienna; at another the county of
Avignon; at a third the crown of Denmark&mdash;to be gotten through
the influence of the Guises. The most alluring offer in Antoine’s
eyes, however, was Sardinia.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> In return for the crown of Sardinia,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>
Antoine was willing to leave all the fortresses of the island in Spain’s
possession; and to put his children in Philip’s hands as hostages.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a></p>

<p>This digression has somewhat anticipated the progress of events.
Charles IX had been crowned at Rheims on May 15 (Ascension
Day).<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a> The declared majority and the coronation of her son
seems to have given Catherine new courage, for in spite of the
menace implied in the formation of the Triumvirate, she still
labored in the interest of the Huguenot cause. On June 13, as
we have seen, the definite exoneration of the prince of Condé was
pronounced by the Parlement of Paris,<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> and in the following<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
August an outward reconciliation, at least, was effected between
the prince and the duke of Guise.<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a></p>

<p>Encouraged by the positive attitude of the queen mother and
the vacillation of the king of Navarre, the Huguenots urged the
cause of toleration and presented a request to the King on June
11, 1561, through the deputies of the churches dispersed throughout
the realm of France.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> They declared that the reports of their
refusing to pay the taxes and being seditious were false and calumnious;
they begged the King to cause all persecutions against
them to cease; that he would liberate those of them who were in
prison, and that he would permit them to build churches as their
numbers were so great that private houses would no longer suffice;
finally offering to give pledges that there would be no sedition in
their assemblies, and promising all lawful obedience.</p>

<p>The queen mother referred this petition to the Privy Council,
but as it involved so important a matter the council was of opinion
that it ought to be laid before the Parlement as well as to be considered
by the princes of the blood and all the peers and councilors
of the Court of Parlement.<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> The Catholic party was quite willing
to have this course followed, feeling confident that the Parlement
in its official capacity would refuse to register an edict for such
purpose. But L’Hôpital<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> and Coligny had hopes that the interest
and authority of the princes of the blood and other persons of
influence might carry it through the Parlement after all.<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> However,
in the end nothing positive was concluded, final resolution
being deferred until a colloquy of the bishops and other clergy,
who were convoked at Poissy, near St. Germain, for the end<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
of the month, took place.<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> Meanwhile a tentative ordinance&mdash;the
Edict of July, similar to the Edict of Romorantin&mdash;was to
obtain. This gave the church, as before, entire cognizance of
the crime of heresy and deprived the Parlement, the bailiffs, seneschals,
and other judges of any jurisdiction. In every case local
ecclesiastical courts had to act first; banishment was to be the
severest punishment for heresy; false accusers were to be punished
in the same way that the accused would have been if really guilty;
amnesty was granted for past offenses; and firearms were forbidden
to be carried in towns or elsewhere, with certain exceptions, under
a penalty of 50 gold crowns.<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> Within a short time, accordingly,
the Protestant assemblies appeared as frequently as before,
although the Calvinist clergy seemed to have become more discreet
in their utterances.<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a></p>

<p>This cleverly designed edict, while seeming to pronounce judgment,
really avoided the question at issue. There was sufficient
leeway still for the holding of Protestant assemblies, and moreover,
even though ecclesiastical affairs were to be referred to the spiritual
courts, the Huguenots were protected by a saving clause (except
for offenses cognizable by the secular power).<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> Such qualified<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
toleration, so guardedly given, was probably all that might with
safety have been granted to the Huguenots at this early date. But
they were far from seeing things in this light. The hotheads
among them, in their meetings and in public places, used the most
violent language in detraction of the Catholic church and its sacraments.<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a>
In some places popular feeling against priests was so
strong that they were compelled, for the safety of their lives, to
disguise their costumes and not to wear the clerical habit abroad,
nor long hair, nor have the beard shaved, nor exhibit any other
mark which would indicate that they were priests or monks.<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c106" id="c106">CHAPTER V</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE COLLOQUY OF POISSY. THE ESTATES OF PONTOISE.
THE EDICT OF JANUARY, 1562</p>

<p>In the summer of 1561, France saw two separate assemblies
convene: the adjourned session of the States-General at Pontoise
and the conference of the leaders of the two religions at Poissy. In
a sense the cause of the political Huguenots was represented in the
former, that of the religious Huguenots in the latter, although the
deliberations of the two assemblies were finally combined in an
instrument known as the Act of Poissy. The elections in the provinces,
each of which sent up two<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> representatives from each bailiwick
of the kingdom, had enabled the opposition to go on record,<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a>
so that the crown had early intimation of the sort of legislation
that was likely to be demanded. The business of the estates was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
to find a way out of the financial difficulties which overwhelmed
the King.<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a></p>

<p>The spokesman of the third estate, one Jean Bretaigne, mayor
of Autun, after a tedious prologue copiously laden with biblical
and classic lore, at last came to the pith of things: he summed up
in a paragraph of portentous dimensions the burden imposed upon
the people by war and the extravagance of the court during the
past twenty years, declaring that the people were so penniless that
they had nothing to give the King, “save a good and loyal will.”
Things had come to such a pass that mere economy and retrenchment,
nor even an honest and effective administration, although
that was demanded and was promised by the King, could save
the future.<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> The immense resources of the clergy must be made
to restore the dilapidated finances of the monarchy; the church
must come to the material rescue of the state, as in the days of
Charles Martel. The entire revenue he argued, must be taken
of all offices, benefices, and ecclesiastical dignities not actually
officiated either in person or in a titular capacity, the Knights of
Rhodes and the Hospitalers of St. James included; all the fruits,
also, of benefices in litigation which the collators were accustomed
to take during the time of litigation should be appropriated by
the state, as well as the moneys of deceased bishops and monks.
Moreover, one-quarter of the income should be taken of all beneficiaries
actually resident in their benefices, in cases where the
revenue was from 500 to 1,000 livres; of those having a revenue
of 1,000 to 3,000 livres, one-third; of those with incomes running
from 3,000 to 6,000 livres, one-half; of those ranging from 6,000
to 12,000 livres, two-thirds. Those of the clergy whose incomes
exceeded 12,000 livres and above were to be permitted to retain
4,000 livres, the surplus being applied to liquidate the King’s debts,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>
save in cases where the beneficiaries were bishops, archbishops,
primates, and cardinals, to whom 6,000 livres revenue was to be
allowed. As to the monastic orders, their whole treasury and
revenues were to be appropriated, save enough for their support,
for the maintenance of their buildings, and for charity. And this
was not all: all houses, gardens, and real property within either
cities or faubourgs not actually employed for ecclesiastical uses,
were to be confiscated by the government; the clergy were to be
made to pay taxes upon the rich furniture and works of art or
adornment given them to enjoy either for a length of years or in
perpetuity. Finally, all lands providing revenues, either in money
or in kind, as oil, wine, and grain, in case of being let to contract
or change of control, were to be declared redeemable. If these
measures should prove insufficient, then recourse must be had to
more drastic means, namely the direct sale of the property of the
church. Twenty-six million livres’ worth of this could be readily
sold, the speaker argued, which would be no more than one-third
of the church’s possession; the remainder should be administered
by a trustworthy commission, which, after paying the stipends
of the clergy in the amounts above indicated, should devote the
balance to the payment of the debts of the crown.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a></p>

<p>This formidable programme, which suggests the policy actually
followed by France in 1789, in spite of the hot declaration of the
constable that the speaker presenting it ought to be hanged,<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a>
proved so reasonable that the government, without going to the
extreme proposed, saw that the moment was a favorable one to
secure important aid from the clergy. The clergy, on the other
hand, were sharp enough to see that in order to save their property,
they would have to make sacrifice of a portion of it. At first they
offered the crown a bonus of ten million livres, which it refused
as being too small a sum, and demanded a greater subsidy.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> A
temporary settlement at last was made on the basis of 1,600,000<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>
livres annual revenue to be levied upon the vineyards of the clergy,
in order to relieve the King’s present needs.<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> But something
more fundamental than this had to be done, for these measures
only supplied the King with funds for current expenses, and did
not admit of redemption of the debt or resumption of the crown
lands, which had been mortgaged for about thirty millions of
francs. This matter was the subject of investigation and debate
through the ensuing November and December. Finally, a scheme
was worked out whereby the royal domain was all to be redeemed
by the clergy within six years, and the remainder of the debt to
be discharged within another six.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a></p>

<p>The contract of Poissy-Pontoise presents two important stipulations:
one, a gift of money to the King; second, the repurchase
by the clergy of the domains of the crown and the redemption of
the debt. If this contract had been observed, it would have rendered
the other assemblies of the clergy useless, but the failure to
execute it made necessary the subsequent assemblies of 1563 and
1567, which established a rule of periodicity, as it were, and fixed
the next session at 1573. By 1567, the clergy had fulfilled its
first obligation and declared itself ready to resume the second by
giving to the provost of the merchants and to the <i>échevins</i> of Paris
the guarantees desired for the redemption of the <i>rentes</i>. But the
King at the same time insisted upon the continuation of the subsidy
of 1,600,000 livres. The clergy protested, demanding his
adherence to the contract of Poissy. The crown enforced continuation,
but as “an easement” waived claim to the “secular tithe”
heretofore exacted, and granted to the clergy, for the first time, the
right to collect taxes by its own agents, and the right to judge in a
sovereign capacity all cases which might arise from these financial
matters. The government observed this convention no better<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
than the first, and in addition to extraordinary subventions&mdash;two
million livres in 1572, nearly half of which was squandered by the
duke of Anjou in Poland&mdash;resorted to compulsory alienations of
church property, as in 1563, 1568, 1574, which were made upon
order of the King, without recourse to papal affirmation. Purchasers
were not wanting for the new credit. The rate of interest
fell to 5 per cent. in the autumn of 1561 as a result of these expedients,
and, provided civil war could be averted, it seemed probable
that the dilapidated finances might be rehabilitated.<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a></p>

<p>Simultaneous with the sitting of the estates at Pontoise to settle
the financial issue, the religious issue was being debated by the
doctrinal leaders of Catholicism and Calvinism, at Poissy.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> This
solemn assembly had been summoned in June to meet on the
second of the following month,<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> in spite of the opposition of the
clergy and Spain, who warned Catherine that such a concession
would lead to disaster.<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> But delay ensued, and the assembly
did not actually convene until September, for the members were
slow in coming.<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> The conditions governing the meeting at Poissy
were published in council on August 8, namely, that the clergy
should not be umpires; that the princes of the blood should preside
at the disputation, and that the different proceedings should
be faithfully recorded by trustworthy persons.<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> With respect to
the other matters the Calvinists were required to make some concessions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
in order to avoid the reproach of seeming to evade the
colloquy. While awaiting the formal opening of the conference
at Poissy, Beza was invited by the court to speak before the King,
the queen mother, the king of Navarre, and the Council. He was
listened to with great attention by all until he began to deny the
Real Presence, when the Catholic party tried to stop his address,
exclaiming that it was blasphemy, and Beza and his partisans
would certainly have been ejected if their opponents had not been
restrained by the royal authority and compelled to listen to the
end. At its conclusion the cardinal Tournon exhorted the King
to continue firm in the faith of his ancestors,<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> and not to permit
France to be reduced to the Swiss cantonal system.<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a></p>

<p>Many of the clergy said that it was not pertinent for the colloquy
to determine these points, but that it was for the General Council
to decide; moreover, it was argued that as the delegates of the
Spanish clergy would shortly be coming through France on their
way to Trent, why should not they assist as well as the others?<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a>
Catherine, it is said, had intended that there should be no disputation
about dogma. But there is some reason to believe that she
confounded dogma with the rites and observances of the church,<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a>
and it is certain that the Huguenots were determined to push their
privilege of free speech to the very limit. Indeed, the conditions
predicated by Beza formed the substance of a petition presented
by the Reformed leaders to Charles IX.<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a></p>

<p>When the conference met a great attempt to maintain secrecy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
was made. No one was permitted to enter except those who had
been formally appointed;<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> the duke of Guise carried the keys to
the conference hall, and careful search was made at the beginning
of each sitting to find any who might be hid.<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a></p>

<p>The principal points in dispute turned upon the use of images;
the administration of the sacrament of baptism; the communion;
the mass; the laying-on of hands and the vocation of ministers,
and finally the consideration of a possible accord in doctrine, in
which points the usages of the primitive church and the reasons
of separation were involved.<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-112.jpg" width="450" height="317"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE COLLOQUY OF POISSY</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>On the second day of the conference (September 16) the cardinal
of Lorraine spoke, dwelling upon these principal points: first,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>
that the King, being a member of the church and not its head,
could not set himself up as a judge in matters of religion and faith,
but was subject to the church like every other Christian; second,
the definition of the authority of the church was extended even over
princes.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a></p>

<p>Before long, however, it became evident, both that the attempt
to reconcile the Catholic and the Calvinist parties was an impossibility,
and that the government’s policy of accommodation was
exciting discontent.<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> The demands of the Huguenots, based on
Beza’s arguments, were as follows:</p>

<p>1. That bishops, abbots, and other ecclesiastics should not be
constituted in any way judges of the Huguenots, in view of the
fact that they were their opponents.</p>

<p>2. That all points of difference be judged and decided according
to the simple word of God, as contained in the New and Old
Testaments, since the Reformed faith was founded on this alone,
and that where any difficulties arose concerning the interpretation
of words, reference should be made to the original Hebrew and
Greek text.<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a></p>

<p>This second article was a rock of contention from the very
beginning. The whole Catholic doctrine of tradition having equal
weight with Scripture was denied in this article. It was manifest,
indeed, from the first that three things would <i>not</i> be suffered to
be considered: (1) a change of religion; (2) the authority of the
Pope; (3) the possible alienation of church property.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> This state<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
of things, together with the fact that the prolongation of the session
entailed great expense,<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> brought about a change of plan. Five persons,
the bishop of Valence, the archbishop of Sens, and MM.
Salignac, d’Espence, and Boutellier, were appointed by the queen
and agreed to by the clergy, to confer with five representatives of the
Calvinists, viz., Peter Martyr,<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> Beza, De Gallars, Marborat, and
D’Espine.<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> Within ten days more the prelates and ministers had
ceased to confer and were taking their departure.<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> The assembly
of Poissy dissolved of itself on October 18, having accomplished
nothing,<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> except doctrinally still further to disunite the Protestant
world, which otherwise might possibly have had a council of its own,
composed of French, Scotch, English, Germans, Danes, Swiss and
Swedes, to face the Council of Trent.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a></p>

<p>Two days later the cardinal and the duke of Guise departed
from the court, in spite of the urgency of the queen mother to have
them remain, accompanied by the dukes of Nemours and Longueville
and other great personages and mustering six or seven hundred
horse. Outwardly there was no sign of disaffection. Immediately
afterward the constable also left, expressing dissatisfaction
with the tolerant policy of the government. It was plain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>
throughout the proceedings at Pontoise (and at Poissy) that the
chancellor of France, L’Hôpital, and the admiral, had the chief
direction of affairs in their hands, although the queen mother and
the king of Navarre had the greater show of authority.<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a></p>

<p>The Vatican had been an anxious observer of affairs in France,
and early in June, 1561, the Pope had resolved to send the cardinal
of Ferrara, Hippolyte d’Este, to France as legate.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> The principal
points of his mission to the French court, where he arrived on
September 14, were to entreat the French crown that the annates
might still remain as the Pope’s revenue; that there might be no
change of religion and observance in the church; to solicit the
King to recognize the Council of Trent and to break off the colloquy
at Poissy.<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> But when the legate presented his credentials, at the
instance of the chancellor, who impugned his powers, the estates
protested against the entry of any of the Pope’s bulls or letters
without the King’s consent and seal.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> The Parlement of Paris<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
went even farther, and refused to confirm the King’s letters-patent.
But the King’s council overrode this resolution, and recognized
the legate’s credentials, although L’Hôpital steadfastly refused to
affix the seal of state to the council’s action.</p>

<p>The cardinal began his negotiations by offering on the part of
the Pope to resign the tenths and subsidies exacted by the church,
and promising all the help His Holiness could give with honor,
on condition that the resolution of the estates of Orleans, prohibiting
payment of the annates, which the estates of Pontoise had
reasserted, should not be executed. The nuncio argued that this
action was a violation of the concordat of 1516, and that the principle
in the case had been decided by the council of Basel, and
accepted by Charles VII in the Pragmatic Sanction. Accordingly,
the nuncio asked for a revocation of the actions taken touching
the property of the church, and that things be restored to the state
in which they originally were.<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> But the cardinal’s arguments
were of no effect. The execution of the new law went forward.
The first province where it was applied was Guyenne&mdash;within
the government of the king of Navarre, then Touraine, and the
Orleannais.<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a></p>

<p>An even more interested observer, perhaps, of French affairs
than the Pope, was Philip of Spain. The progress of heresy in
France, the seizure of the property of the church there, the attitude
of the French crown toward the Council of Trent, the uncertainty
of Antoine of Bourbon’s conduct&mdash;these were all disquieting facts
to the Spanish ruler. Philip curtly told Catherine and her son
that her government must abandon its policy of weakness and
dissimulation, that too many souls were being imperiled by her
course, and that coercive measures must be used.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> The duke of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
Alva had the boldness to declare that unless the government of
France revived the rigorous suppressive measures of Henry II,
and punished every heretic, His Catholic Majesty was resolved
to sacrifice the welfare of Spain and even his own life in order to
stamp out a pest which he regarded as menacing to both France
and Spain.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> Singly and together the bishop of the Limoges (who
was still at the Spanish court) and D’Ozances, while deploring
the malice of the times and “the disasters of which everyone knew,”
tried to justify their government on the ground that Calvinism had
become a necessary evil in France and that it was better to give it
qualified toleration than to plunge the country into fire and war.
They pointed to the deliberations of the assembly of Fontainebleau,
to the States-General of Orleans, to the <i>arrêts</i> of the Parlement,
and the findings of Pontoise and Poissy in proof; they asserted
that the queen mother and the king of Navarre&mdash;they were cautious
not to style him thus in Philip’s presence, however&mdash;were
“of perfect and sincere intention” not to let heresy increase in
France; “the scandal and outrage” of heretical preaching never
would be permitted in Paris or at the court, although it was necessary
to permit the Protestants to have their own worship outside
of some of the towns; that the purpose of the crown was fixed never
to change or alter the true religion; that France was not hostile
to the Council of Trent, but in her distress was naturally impatient;
and finally they importuned the king of Spain not to show his anger,
but to give “advice and comfort” for the sake of the friendship
which existed between their country and his, and for the repose of
Christendom.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span></p>

<p>The appeal fell upon deaf ears. Philip coldly replied that it
was useless for France to expect the advice or assistance of Spain
so long as her government tolerated heresy in any degree whatsoever;
that those at the court who were Huguenots, like the admiral
and the prince of Condé, should be sent away forthwith, and all
others should be coerced; that from the point of view of religion
it was blasphemy to permit the Huguenots to have any places of
worship, and from the political point of view it was suicide to
tolerate them, for “there could never be new things in religion
without loss of obedience to the temporal power,” in proof of which
the King pointed out that in certain of the provinces of France
the people were refusing to pay tithes and taxes, at the same time
triumphantly asserting that he was better informed of things happening
in France than in Spain; that as to the Council of Trent,
the Germans would have nothing to do with it and Spain had no
need of it, while France was torn by heretical controversy, so that
it might well be said that the council sat for the benefit of France
alone.<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a></p>

<p>One of the points upon which Philip II dwelt with earnestness
in the interviews he granted the two ambassadors of France was
the vicious education under which Charles IX’s brother Henry,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
duke of Orleans, was being brought up. He emphatically condemned
the Huguenot environment of the young prince. It did
not seem a coincidence therefore, when a plot was discovered in
November to seize the duke of Orleans&mdash;afterward Henry III&mdash;who
was to have been made <i>capo di parti</i> by the Catholics. It was
even said the conspirators aimed also to remove the king and queen
of Navarre, Condé, and the admiral, by poison. The duke of
Nemours was charged with being the principal author of it, and
was to have carried the young duke off to Lorraine or Savoy.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a>
This supposition was given greater probability when the whole
company of the Guises suddenly left the court and departed for
Lorraine. But Catherine was not yet intimidated, though she
prudently dropped the investigation which she had set on foot
when she discovered clues that led to the Escurial and the Vatican.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a>
In spite of the omens, she still adhered to a middle course. The
government resolved to send twenty-five bishops and two archbishops
to Trent, although they went “very unwillingly.”<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> At
the same time permission was granted to the ministers of the Reformed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>
churches to preach in private houses or in gardens environed
with houses (the erection of churches being prohibited), if it was
done without tumult.<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> At court the ministers of the Reformed
churches preached one day, when the queen of Navarre, the prince
of Condé, and the admiral would be present. The next day either
some Cordelier, Jesuit, Jacobin, Minim, or other of the cloistered
sects, preached, on which occasion, the King, the queen mother,
the king of Navarre, the cardinal of Ferrara, accompanied by
those who leaned toward the see of Rome, would be present. But
moderation was exacted of both sects. On one occasion a famous
preacher of the Minims, who had won some credit with the Catholics
for his railings, was in the night secretly taken from his
lodgings and carried to the court to answer for his rabid utterances.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a></p>

<p>But it was increasingly manifest that events, both within and
without France, were passing beyond the grasp of the government.
The Huguenots, sometimes from fear no doubt, but not infrequently
for effrontery, went to their services with pistols and matchlocks,
in spite of the laws against the bearing of arms; and they even
were bold enough to march through the streets singing their psalms,
to the anger and scandal of Catholic Christians.<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> An outbreak
was imminent at any time.</p>

<p>In Paris, on October 12, the Protestants assembled together
to the number of 7,000 or 8,000 to hear one of their ministers preach,
half a mile from the town. The Catholics thereupon shut the
gates to prevent their re-entry. Finding the gates closed, the
Protestants forced them, and many were wounded and some slain
on both sides.<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> From the provinces word had come in July that
the duke of Montpensier, going to his house in Touraine for the
burial of his mother, and finding numbers in many towns who
made open profession of Calvinism, by virtue of his governorship
of that country, imprisoned about one hundred and forty in Chinon.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>
Whereupon the people, not forgetting his conduct toward them in
the previous reign, when he razed the houses of several who were
reported to him to be Huguenots, assembled in great numbers&mdash;about
12,000 or 15,000, we are told&mdash;surely a great exaggeration,
and marched so fast upon him that he was besieged in his house
and forced to release all the prisoners in order to appease the
multitude.<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a></p>

<p>The organized nature of the Huguenot agitations in various
localities, especially in southern France, did not escape the keen
observation of Philip’s ambassador.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> At Montpellier in Languedoc
the Protestant organizations, by September, had taken the
form of a definite league, with the sweeping motto: “No mass,
no more than at Geneva,” whose operations were so thorough
that many Catholics were on the point of emigrating to Catalonia.<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a></p>

<p>Quite as formidable as armed and insurrectionary religion at
home was the drift of the negotiations of both parties abroad. The
formation of the Triumvirate had been taken as a sign by both
parties that the issue between them was, as in Germany before
the Smalkald war, likely soon to pass from religious difference
and political rivalry into military combat; and both sides accordingly
prepared against this fatal day. Naturally, the Protestant
German princes who had followed the proceedings at Poissy with
intense interest<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> were the ones looked to for assistance by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
Huguenots. In May, 1561, the prince of Condé had sent Hotman
to the chief German princes, begging them not to desert the cause
of the true religion in France and saying that Philip II was endeavoring
to terrify the queen from making any concessions to the
Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> The fact that some of these, as the count palatine
of the Rhine, and the landgrave of Thuringia were Calvinists,
while others were Lutherans, was not an insuperable barrier to
co-operation, although the Lutherans wished that the confession
of Augsburg might first be recognized in France. But the prevailing
opinion was that the adherents of both of the Protestant
faiths should first unite in endeavoring to secure freedom of worship
and liberty of conscience in France, and then they might
proceed to establish uniformity of religion, if possible.<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> Two
propositions were made to the German princes. The first was
that if the Guises, or any of their confederates, tried to enlist soldiers
in Germany, measures should be taken to stop the effort; secondly,
that if the Guises or their accomplices resorted to the use of arms
against Condé and Coligny and were supported by Spain, then
assistance should be given them. Some of the German princes
agreed at once to this latter proposition, provided the expenses
of such military support were defrayed by the Huguenots; but
others thought that the matter could only be settled in a general
assembly of the princes. The circle of Huguenot negotiations at
this moment was a wide one and their prospects were bright. For<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>
at this time Denmark, too, was suing for French favor. Among
the ambassadors who came to offer the condolences of their sovereigns
for the death of Francis II and to congratulate young
Charles, had come an envoy of the Danish king proposing the marriage
of his sister to a French prince and himself to marry Mary
Stuart. This proposed Franco-Danish alliance could have produced
no other effect than to facilitate the Protestant cause in
France.<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> On the other hand, the prospect of Swiss support of
the Catholic cause in France was not good. Aside from the great
expense this alliance had always entailed, the number of the Catholic
cantons had been diminished by the secession of Glaris, which had
lately gone over to Protestantism, in consequence of which the
rest, seeing themselves weakened, had asked aid from the duke
of Savoy and the Pope.<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a></p>

<p>The Catholics adroitly emphasized the difference between the
two Protestant faiths, with the hope not only of preventing Lutheran
support of the Huguenots, but even of securing their aid against
the French Calvinists. The duke of Guise went in person to confer
with the duke of Württemberg at Saverne (February 15, 1562),<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a>
while Philip II redoubled his efforts to alienate the king of Navarre.<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a>
The support of the Spanish monarch was the vital factor
in French politics. The French Calvinists had no single <i>most
powerful ally</i> to support them, such as the Catholic party enjoyed
in the assistance of Spain. England was the only Protestant
power capable of being a rival to Spain, and England was too
cautious or too much occupied with home politics to risk embroilment
abroad.</p>

<p>Both Rome and Spain at this moment took a resolute attitude.
Shortly after the conference of Poissy came to an end, a consistory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>
of the curia, on October 10, 1561, had resolved to resist the Protestants
in France.<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> The counter-reformation programme deliberated
at Trent recognized Philip II as the secular head of the
movement (“à ceste fin d’un commun consentement le tout chef
et conducteur de toute l’enterprise”) who was to wheedle or compel
the king of Navarre to commit himself in favor of the Catholic
cause in France, of which the duke of Guise was to be formally
recognized as leader. The Spanish monarch was also to bring
pressure to bear upon the Emperor to compel the Catholic princes
of Germany to prevent the Lutherans and Rhenish Calvinists
from supporting the Protestants of France. France must be
saved from self-ruin for the sake both of religion and the preservation
of other Catholic nations. Time and circumstances would
show the hour of such intervention, but everything must be prepared
in advance.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a></p>

<p>Aside from his inflexible religious convictions, in Philip’s eyes,
policy also pointed toward Spanish intervention in France. Spain,
Spanish Burgundy, and Flanders were, as Montluc of Valence
declared, “les trois plus belles fleurs de chapeau du roy Philippe;”
each of them bordered France, and France lay between Spain and
them, splitting the Spanish empire like a wedge. Under these
circumstances the prevention of heresy in France was not merely
an act of religious duty but an act dictated by political expediency.
Moreover, Spain might territorially profit by such a policy. The
son of Charles V dreamed of acquiring ducal Burgundy, which
his father had failed to secure; the Three Bishoprics might be
wrested away from Charles IX, either violently or as the price of
Spanish aid, and joined to Franche Comté they would materially
strengthen Spain’s midcontinental road from Lombardy to the
mouths of the Rhine.<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span></p>

<p>Fear of Spain and of the Guises gave Catherine de Medici
more anxiety than the insurrections of the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> The
government was justly apprehensive of Philip II’s movements and
warned Joyeuse to be on his guard against any effort to throw
Spanish troops across the frontier.<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> Reinforcements were sent
to Calais.<a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> At the same time more captains and companies were
sent to Metz, where Vieilleville, the governor, was ordered not
to admit anyone known to be a Guisard into the city, as the
Guises were suspected of wishing to hand it over to Philip.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> Precautionary
changes were also made in the military posts, in the
case of those known to be well-affected to the Guises, the changes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
all being in favor of the Huguenot party.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> De Gourdan was
removed from Calais and the command given to the sieur de Grammont,
who had married a sister of the vidame de Chartres; the
prince de la Roche-sur-Yon was made king’s lieutenant in Paris;
the admiral made governor of Normandy in place of the duke of
Bouillon; Condé was sent to Picardy, where the marshal Brissac
had lately resigned on account of illness.<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a></p>

<p>“Here is new fire, new green wood reeking, new smoke and
much contrary wind blowing,” wrote Shakerley to Elizabeth’s
ambassador, Throckmorton, on December 15, 1561.<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> The words
were wisely as well as quaintly used. From the capital to every
edge of France unrest, suspicion, conspiracy, insurrection prevailed.
The Catholic orders began to fortify the abbeys. Every
day Catherine’s determination to maintain an even balance of the
two religions was producing greater tension and more heat. Violence
was ominously on the increase.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> Robbery was common<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
under pretense of searching for heretics.<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> In the hope of bettering
things, the crown relieved the prince de la Roche-sur-Yon of the
lieutenancy and committed it to the marshal Montmorency, from
whose religious moderation and popularity much was expected.<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a>
The capital of France at this season presented a strange and terrible
appearance. Armed bands roamed the streets. The city
more resembled a frontier city in a state of siege than a mercantile
or university town. The students of the Sorbonne paraded the
streets and went armed to mass, the authorities being powerless
to control them.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a></p>

<p>The condition in the provinces was as bad; only here the odds
seem to have been in favor of the Protestants. In Guyenne a
Huguenot mob sacked a town, committed many outrages, and
finally besieged the governor, Burie, in his house.<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> A worse
occurrence was the murder of Fumel, an eminent lawyer in Languedoc,
as an “enemy of the religion.”<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> There were riots in
Troyes, Orleans, Auxerre, Rouen, Meaux, Vendôme, Bourges,
Lyons, Tours, Angers,<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> Bazas.<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> The Huguenots of Sens erected<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>
a church outside the town. Then finding that they outnumbered
the Catholics they pillaged the treasury of the cathedral and robbed
the monasteries.<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a></p>

<p>Still the queen mother persevered, taking her counsel from the
chancellor L’Hôpital, the admiral Coligny, the prince of Condé,
and his brother, D’Andelot, and adhered to her resolution to permit
the Huguenots to enjoy freedom of worship. On January 3,
1562, the chancellor made an earnest plea for religious toleration
before the Court of Parlement,<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> which was followed by the
most decisive action the government had yet taken, namely the
issuance of the famous edict of toleration of January 17, known
as the Edict of January, which was the first that granted exercise
of the Reformed religion <i>in public</i>.<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span></p>

<p>This edict was expressly declared to be <i>provisional</i> in its nature,
pending the decisions of the Council of Trent, which, by a coincidence,
was opened on the day following, January 18, 1562, the
first formal session being set for the second Thursday in Lent.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a>
The preamble recited that the government’s action was taken in
consideration of the state of affairs prevailing in the kingdom;
that it was not to be construed as approving the new religion;
and that it was to remain in force no longer than the King should
order; it deprecated the “disobedience, obstinacy, and evil intentions
of the people” which made even provisional recognition of
Calvinism necessary. Specifically, the edict provided for the
restoration by the Huguenots of all property unlawfully possessed
by them; it forbade them to <i>erect</i> any churches, either within or
without the cities and towns (Art. 1) or to assemble for worship
within the walls thereof either by day or night, or under arms
(Arts. 2, 5). Protestant worship was required to be in the daytime,
outside the town gates, in the open, or, if under cover, in
buildings occasionally used, and not formally consecrated as
churches. For this reason the Reformed ministers preached,
some in the fields, others in gardens, old houses, and barns, according
to their particular inclinations or convenience. For they were
expressly forbidden to build any chapels, or meddle with the
churches, upon any account. Access to their meetings was always
to be permitted to the King’s officers, i.e., bailiffs, seneschals,
provosts, or their lieutenants, but <i>not</i> to officers of judicature
(Arts. 3, 6; and supplementary declaration of interpretation, February
14, 1562). Furthermore, the raising of money among the
Huguenots was to be wholly voluntary and not in the form of
assessment or imposition. They were to keep the political laws
of the Roman church, as to holidays and marriage, in order to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>
avoid litigation and confusion of property rights; and to refrain
from harboring any person who might be accused, prosecuted,
or condemned by the government, under penalty of a fine of 1,000
crowns, to be devoted to charity, together with whipping and
banishment (Arts. 8, 9, 12). The use of reproachful or vituperative
language touching the faith or practice of the Catholic church was
made a misdemeanor (Art. 10). Finally, all Protestant synods
or consistories were required to be held by permission of or in
presence of the lieutenant-general of the province concerned, or
his representative, and the statutes of the churches were to be
communicated to him (Art. 7, and supplementary declaration and
interpretation of February 14, 1562).</p>

<p>In order to prevent seditions, an edict was sent to the judges
of the towns, in the name of the King, by which the authorities
were ordered to disarm all Catholics in their towns of every species
of weapon and to make them deposit their arms in the local city
hall or other common point, where they were to be kept under the
guard of the <i>procureur</i> and the <i>échevins</i>.<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a></p>

<p>It is a question worthy of consideration, whether the preachings
of the Reformed might not have been peaceably maintained after
the Edict of January, the provisional form gradually being modified
until complete religious toleration would have been secured,
if Spain had not continued to tamper with French politics, and
if the persistence of the political Huguenots had not continued
to push things to such a point that at last the two causes, originally
separate, became the obverse and reverse sides of the same issue
and had to stand or fall together. On the other hand, had not
these concessions of the crown been too long delayed? Was the
edict “dead from birth,” as Pasquier wrote?<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c131" id="c131">CHAPTER VI</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE FIRST CIVIL WAR. THE MASSACRE OF VASSY (MARCH 1,
1562). THE SIEGE OF ROUEN</p>

<p>The progress of events had developed so rapidly as to bely the
Edict of January almost as soon as it was passed. The continued
absence of the Guises from the court made them open to suspicion,
particularly as messengers were passing frequently between Joinville
and St. Germain.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> The nets of conspiracy woven by the
Triumvirate were daily being drawn tighter around France.
Directed by Chantonnay and the cardinal of Ferrara (who generally
spoke in Spanish when together in public, that those near
by might not understand),<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> the plans of the Triumvirate were
concerted, the Spanish ambassador looking ahead to the day when
force would supplant diplomacy.<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a></p>

<p>Ever since its formation, as we have seen, the Triumvirate had
sought to win over the king of Navarre. As he was, therefore,
sought by both parties, he was much inflated with a sense of his
own importance. Antoine still lived in hope of compounding
with Philip for the kingdom of Navarre, and to that end still negotiated
both with the Vatican and with Spain.<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> But he was getting
very tired of the procrastination of the Spanish king, so that there
was danger of the thread of his patience being snapped.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> If war<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
broke out in France and found him in such a mood, an attempt
might possibly be made to overrun Navarre.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> In consequence,
it became necessary to make a more tangible proposition to the
Bourbon prince. It took the form of a demand and a promise.
The demand was that every Huguenot should be banished from
court and the Protestant clergy expelled from the country together
with the prince of Condé, the Châtillon brothers, the chancellor,
and Montluc, the bishop of Valence. In return Antoine was to
receive the “kingdom of Tunis” as a reward. This was the new
prize used by Spain to bait the hook, and gradually Antoine was
drawn over to the side of Spain and the Triumvirate. The amusing
feature of this proffer was not so manifest to the men of that
day as to us. Geographical knowledge, even of the Mediterranean
coast, was hazy. The constable, for example, thought that Tunis
was an island! But Antoine knew more history and geography
than Montmorency; he knew that Tunis was a Turkish possession
which Charles V had vainly tried to seize, and had to be beguiled
with visions of oriental splendor and large plans for its conquest
before he became passive. Pending its acquisition, Philip II
renewed the offer of Sardinia. Meanwhile Antoine received
instruction in the Catholic faith from a teacher recommended to
him by the general of the Jesuits,<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> and quarreled with Jeanne d’Albret<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>
because she would not let the future Henry IV be taken to
mass, or permit him to be present at the christening of the infant
son of the Spanish ambassador.<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> By March (1562) it was evident
that the king of Navarre was “never so earnest on the Protestant
side as he was now furious on the other.”<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a></p>

<p>But if the Spanish ambassador used smooth words to the king
of Navarre, his language was quite otherwise toward Catherine
de Medici. In the name of his sovereign he demanded the banishment
of Jeanne d’Albret from court, the compulsory education
of Henry of Navarre in the Catholic religion, and so soundly rated
her for harboring Coligny and D’Andelot at court that the outraged
queen mother demanded his retirement,<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> ordered the marshal
St. André back to his government,<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> and the constable to retire
to Chantilly, and contemplated doing the same with the old cardinal
Tournon. This procedure offended Antoine who imputed her
conduct to Coligny and his brother, and in consequence he inclined
more than ever toward the Triumvirate.<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> Finally on Palm Sunday
(March 22) Antoine cast the die and went to mass, coming from the
service with the emblem of the celebration in his hand.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a></p>

<p>A superficial aspect of peace still prevailed at court, but in the
provinces a state of war already prevailed. Sens,<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> Abbeville,<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a>
Tours, Toulouse, Marseilles, Toul in Lorraine,<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> and most of all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
Cahors and Agen,<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> where the terrible Montluc figured, were all
scenes of riot and bloodshed during the winter months, in which
the Huguenots were generally worsted.<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> In Agen it was so bad
that the government had to take more than ordinary notice of the
situation. Charles IX called upon the governor of Guyenne to
repress “les excès, forces, violences, sacagements d’églises, séditions
et escandalles advenus en nôtre pays d’Agenais,” and ordered
the consuls of the city to send him the names of those who disturbed
the peace.</p>

<p>In this condition of things only a spark was needed to throw
the whole country into flames. Force alone could settle the irreconcilable
conflict, and it was soon to be invoked. War was
certainly anticipated by both parties. But contrary to expectation
it was not precipitated by Spanish intervention, but by outbreak
within France. It was the massacre of Vassy on March 1, 1562,
that threw the country into civil war.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-135.jpg" width="450" height="357"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE MASSACRE OF VASSY, MARCH 1, 1652</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Bib. Nat., Estampes. <i>Histoire de France</i>, Q. b.)</p>
</div></div>

<p>The duke of Guise had spent the winter, as we have seen,
working in the interest of the Triumvirate. On February 15, 1562,
he had a conference at Saverne with the duke of Württemberg,
whom he adroitly persuaded into the belief that the Calvinists
were aiming to involve the German Protestants in their own quarrel,
thereby securing his neutrality in event of civil war. Shortly
after his return to France the duke left Joinville with the intention
of rejoining the court. As he was passing through Vassy,<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> his
retinue encountered a Huguenot congregation worshiping in a
barn outside of the town. Though the service was strictly in conformity
with the Edict of January, the sight angered the duke,
whose followers fell upon the company, and the famous massacre
ensued. It was March 1, 1562. How much provocation was
made by the Protestants for this attack is a matter of dispute.
The duke himself and Catholic partisans ever since have asserted
that stones were first thrown at him. Probably the absolute
truth will never be known. Ranke, perhaps, sums up the verdict
of history best in the statement that “whether the duke intended
the massacre or not, it is enough that he did not prevent it.”<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a>
Two weeks later, on March 16, the duke of Guise, accompanied
by the chief members of his house, save the cardinal of Lorraine
and the duke of Elbœuf, arrived in Paris. The capital, which long
since had learned the news of Vassy, received him joyfully.<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> At<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>
the St. Denis gate he was met by the constable and his four stalwart
sons, the eldest of whom was governor of the city, the four marshals
of France, and twenty-one knights of the Order. Having arrived
at his hotel, the provost of the merchants, who was syndic of Paris,
accompanied by many of the chief merchants, visited him, “testifying
his joyful welcome,” which was further attested by the proffer
of two millions of gold in favor of the Catholic cause. The duke
made an adroit reply, assuring them that the queen mother and
the king of Navarre, with the aid and advice of the King’s council,
would pacify the realm; that he, as a faithful and loyal subject,
must abide where the King commanded, and that he hourly expected
a summons to court. On the same day the prince of Condé,
returning from the court to Paris with the intention of going to
Picardy, finding the duke of Guise in the capital, changed his
plans and tarried in Paris, though offering to leave the town by
one gate if the duke, the constable, and the marshal St. André
would leave by the other.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> When the Guises perceived that the
Huguenots were undismayed by the events, they began to increase
their adherents in the city, so that in a short time, it was thronged
with nearly ten thousand horsemen. It was impossible, on the
other hand, for the Huguenots to concert measures of defense in
Paris, and accordingly the prince of Condé soon quitted the capital
(March 23) “like another Pompey,”<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> going to Meaux, where
Coligny and D’Andelot soon joined him.<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile Catherine de Medici, fearful lest the person of the
King would be forcibly seized by the Guises, and recognizing that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>
the king of Navarre had surrendered completely to the Triumvirate,
endeavored to remove the King to Blois. But Antoine
hotly protested against so overt a move in favor of the Huguenots
and Spain’s ambassador fulminated so strongly against “the evil
reputation” of L’Hôpital,<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> that the court was compelled to go to
Fontainebleau instead.<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> Even this place met with small favor
on the part of the Guises, who would have preferred keeping the
court in Paris. But when they urged the necessity of the queen’s
presence in the council in consideration of the grave state of affairs,
Catherine caustically rejoined that she thought “it more meet to
have regard to the health of the King than to inform so many wise
men what was necessary to be done.” This speech of the queen
mother, however, was not said altogether in sarcasm. For instead
of following the advice of the constable, who showed signs of
resenting the Guise ascendency, that the crown repudiate and
condemn the massacre of Vassy and announce its determination
to maintain the Edict of January,<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> Catherine in her alarm lest the
rising of the Huguenots sweep the Valois dynasty from the throne
began to incline toward Spain.<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> For the time being the Triumvirate
professed itself satisfied, intending after Easter to compel
the court to repair to Bois de Vincennes, in order to have the King
in their midst and thus strengthen with his name the authority
of their actions.<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> Great was the alarm, therefore, when the prince
of Condé, accompanied by the admiral Coligny and D’Andelot,
appeared before the gates of Paris on March 29 with three thousand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>
horse.<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> Immediately all the bridges were drawn up and preparations
made to meet an attack.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> Already extraordinary arrangements
had been made for the defense of Paris. Strangers were
compelled to leave the city; no persons except gentlemen were
permitted to wear arms and these were limited to sword and
dagger; only six gates were open and these were under double
guard.<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> Failing to enter the city, the prince quartered his troops
at St. Cloud and took possession of the highroad from Paris to
Orleans at Longjumeau, while in Paris the duke of Guise, the
king of Navarre, and the constable hastened forward the preparations
for war.<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> But the prince of Condé refrained from the use
of force. He gave out that he had as much right to enter the city
under arms as had Guise, and complained of the fact that Guise
and his following, on March 27, which was Good Friday, had
visited the King and Queen at Fontainebleau, where the latter
“made them strange countenance because the train came in arms
to the court.”<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> The apparent purpose of the prince of Condé
was to cut Fontainebleau off from Paris, for the admiral lay at
Montreuil, but four leagues distant, and thus force a reasonable
settlement, or push matters to an extremity by making himself
master of the Loire, thus cutting France in twain and having all
Guyenne and Poitou and much of Languedoc at his back. Color
was lent to this belief by the fact that so many men from the northern
and eastern provinces were passing southward that a special
body of troops was set to guard the line of the Seine.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-159.jpg" width="400" height="671" id="i139"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p>But the Catholic leaders guessed Condé’s purpose and by a
<i>coup de main</i> seized the King and his mother and carried them
off from Fontainebleau to Melun, a town strong enough to be
withheld against any sudden enterprise. Thereupon the prince,
perceiving that he had been outreached, marched toward Orleans<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a>
in spite of an order sent from the King, and undoubtedly inspired
by Guise, that he should lay down his arms. An attempt to prevent
him from reaching Orleans was blocked by a rapid advance
of D’Andelot.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the constable had assumed the direction of affairs
in Paris, where on April 5 the Huguenot house of worship near
the Port St. Antoine was torn down, the pulpit, forms, and choir
burned, and fragments carried away as souvenirs by the mob.
Troops patrolled the streets, arresting suspects, and a house to
house visitation was made in search of Calvinist preachers. The
same day the court came to Bois de Vincennes. During the next
few days vain overtures were made to the prince. Coligny and
D’Andelot offered to meet the queen mother at such a place as
she would appoint, provided the prince of Navarre, the future
Henry IV, Damville, the constable’s second son, and one of the
Guises, were given into Orleans as hostages for them. Catherine
was willing to accept the offer, but was overruled by Antoine of
Bourbon, the duke of Guise, and Montmorency.<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a> Those who
were least alarmed still looked for settlement at the hands of the
General Council. But there were serious political difficulties, as
well as those religious, in the way of this, the three principal ones
being: (1) the summons of the council, which many Catholics
even wished to be convoked by the Emperor, and not by
the Pope; (2) the place of the council; (3) the authority of
the council, which many Catholics wished to be above the
Pope.<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a></p>

<p>On April 12, 1562, at Orleans, the prince of Condé formally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>
assumed command of the Huguenot forces,<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> his chief lieutenants
being the admiral Coligny and D’Andelot.<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> The first civil war
was a reality. The city on the Loire for some years to come was
destined to be the capital of the Protestants, dominating all the
surrounding country. Blois and its château, Tours and its castle,
Amboise, Saumur, Angers, and many other towns on the Loire
and in Maine, were occupied by the Protestants. Orleans was
reputed to have bread and wine enough in store to withstand a
two years’ siege,<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> and the Huguenots seemed to have plenty of
money for immediate necessities, thanks to their despoilment of
the churches of the region, especially the rich abbey of Marmoutier.<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a>
Although the purposes of the Huguenots were clandestinely
more political than religious, it was expedient to cloak them under
a mantle of faith.<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> The political organization of the Huguenots
was effected through the medium of an association, a form of
organization of which there are many examples, both Protestant
and Catholic, during this troubled period. The preamble of the
instrument of government disclaimed any private motives or
considerations on the part of those who were parties to the association,
and asserted that their sole purpose was to liberate the
King from “captivity” and punish the insolence and tyranny of
the disloyal and the enemies of the church. Idolatry, blasphemy,
violence, and robbery, were forbidden within the territory of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>
association, in order that all might know that it had “the fear of
God before it.” The association was to expire after the King had
attained his majority.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a></p>

<p>The essential difficulties in the situation as it obtained at this
time are manifest. The Huguenots declared the King to be a captive
in the hands of the Guises and themselves claimed to be loyal
subjects in rebellion against tyranny.<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> The Guises, on the other
hand, branded the Huguenots as rebels and schismatics, although
Catherine de Medici still had a lingering hope of restoring
peace, and in official utterances carefully refrained from alluding
to the prince of Condé as a rebel.<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> Neither side would agree to
lay down its arms without the other doing likewise, and neither
dared take the initiative in this matter. The situation, therefore,
was an irreconcilable one, which nothing but war could settle.
The political determinations of the Huguenots were quite as fixed
as their religious convictions, for part of their platform was the
article agreed upon by the estates at Orleans to the effect that the
cardinal of Lorraine, the duke of Guise, the constable, and the
marshals Brissac and St. André, should render an account of their
stewardship.<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a> How far politics governed the situation is evidenced
by the fact that late in April the king of Navarre and Montmorency
began to weaken in their attitude when it was known that Condé
dominated the middle Loire country, Touraine, Maine, Anjou,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>
and much of Normandy; when it was learned that the cities of
Lyons,<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> Toulouse, Caen, Rouen,<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> Dieppe, Troyes, Bourges,<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> and
the provinces of Dauphiné, Provence, and Poitou, had declared
for the Huguenot cause; and when troops were pouring into
Orleans by thousands.<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a></p>

<p>If the Guises and the marshals Brissac and St. André could
have acquitted themselves with so little discredit as Antoine of
Bourbon or the constable, it is possible that a compromise might
have been made even yet.<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> But such an issue was impossible under
the circumstances. The guilt of Vassy still hung over the duke,
for he had not yet been absolved either by the Court of Parlement
or by the peers of France. Having appealed to force, force remained<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>
the only method of settling the great dispute that divided
France, and Guise daily assembled horse and foot in Paris in expectation
of battle.<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a></p>

<p>The formidable nature of the Huguenot rising by this time had
so increased the fear of Catherine de Medici that she completely
surrendered to the Triumvirate and resolved to appeal to Spain
for help. On April 19 she sent for Antoine of Navarre, the duke
of Guise, the constable, and the two marshals, Brissac and St.
André, to whom she declared that she had been badly advised
hitherto, and that she now trusted to their support. Montmorency
at once proposed to ask the nuncio to petition His Holiness to send
money and troops to the help of Catholic France. But Spain,
not Rome, was the political cornerstone of the Catholic world,
and it was now that the momentous resolution was taken to invite
Philip II to lend assistance. Catherine de Medici, who shortly
before this time had looked upon the prospect of Spanish intervention
with apprehension, was now in favor of it. At Catherine’s
instance the Triumvirate formally invited Spain’s support in a
joint letter which was accompanied by Antoine of Navarre’s written
profession of the Catholic faith.<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> Two weeks later, May 8,
Charles IX himself formally solicited military assistance of Philip II.<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
Catholic Switzerland,<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> Catholic Germany,<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> Savoy, the Pope,<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> and
other princes of Italy were also looked to.<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> The queen mother<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>
did not know that already the Triumvirate had anticipated her request
by asking the Spanish King to instruct the regent of Flanders<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
to hold the troops there in readiness “because Madame de Parma
would not let a single horse go out of Flanders without orders.”<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a>
By the end of June these troops were ready. They were almost
all Spaniards and Italians, then universally regarded as the best
soldiers in the world.<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> Philip II, though, was actuated by other
motives besides zeal for Catholicism.<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> He feared lest the south
of France might attack Navarre, owing to the identification of
Jeanne d’Albret with the Huguenot cause, and so sent reinforcements
to Fontarabia and Pampeluna; a movement which weakened
the prince of Condé by preventing Grammont’s Gascon
troops from going to Orleans.<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a></p>

<p>The war went forward in spite of lack of funds on both sides.
In order to pay the expenses of the war in Brittany Catherine
authorized the seizure of the plate in the churches. But the duke
of Etampes, who was governor of Brittany, was cautious about
carrying out this order. “The people are so religious and scrupulous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
in these things,” he wrote, “that if they found out that we
wanted to take it, they would not readily endure it, especially in
Lower Brittany.” Instead he advised that the plate of the churches
be deposited in some principal town in each bishopric, “under
color of retaining and guarding it there, and that a tax of from
15 to 20 livres be imposed upon each person for this purpose,”
figuring that this expedient would produce from 15 to 20,000 livres.<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a>
The Huguenots let no money pass from the provinces under their
control, even going so far as to destroy the government registers
in the towns they took.<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a></p>

<p>Every day increased the interest of the populace in the struggle.<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a>
“If the prince of Condé should come to Paris,” wrote an Englishman
in Paris, “they could not tarry there, on account of the fury
of his soldiers and the populace.”<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> In Dauphiné, De la Mothe
Gondrin, lieutenant of the duke of Guise, was slain at Valence
by the Protestants. It is just to say, however, that he was the
aggressor. Accompanied by sixty or eighty gentlemen he went
out into the country and came upon a worshiping company of
Calvinists “and left not one of them alive.” A Huguenot nobleman,
Des Adresse who styled himself “lieutenant of the King in
Dauphiné,” acquired a reputation in the region as sinister as that
of Montluc in Gascony. The whole southeast of France seemed
up in arms.<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> Grenoble, Macon in Burgundy, Châlons in Champagne,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>
Moulins in Bourbonnais, where they destroyed the tombs
of Antoine’s ancestors,<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> were taken by the Huguenots. Lyons, by
reason of its proximity to Geneva, was radically Huguenot, and
this sentiment was stimulated still more by the great discontent
that prevailed among the lower classes, engaged in silk manufacturing
and other industries.<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> In Normandy it was even worse.
At Rouen the Huguenots routed the Catholics and seized the
government.<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> On May 14 Maligny took Havre-de-Grace, which
astonished and affrighted the Catholics because it stood at the
mouth of the Seine and made open communication between the
Huguenots and the English easy. At Caen,<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> Bayeux, and most
places in Lower Normandy, the inhabitants defaced the images
in the monasteries and parish churches, and arrested the King’s
revenues coming to Paris.<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> Caudebec, which revolted on May
15, was besieged by the Guisards, but had placed men in it previously
and so saved itself. In Dieppe, where the revolt followed
hard upon news of Vassy, a conflict between Protestants and
Catholics resulted in the death of 150 persons.<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> Terrible cruelties
were committed at Angers<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> by the Protestants.</p>

<p>Amid this almost spontaneous insurrection involving provinces
widely separated from one another, the Ile-de-France and Burgundy
adhered to the crown and the Catholic cause, the former
wholly from inclination, the latter in part because of the adroitness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
of Tavannes, the brilliant captain, who foiled the Huguenot assault
upon Dijon,<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> and saved Châlons-sur-Saône.<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a></p>

<p>In spite of these occurrences, however, abortive negotiations
for peace filled the ten days between the 18th and the 28th of May.<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a>
In Paris it was expected that Condé would attack the city. The
government’s force was not sufficient to take the field, and twenty-five
pieces of artillery were paraded through the streets to make
an impression and to induce the clergy and Parisians to contribute
money for this religious war-making.<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> Popular opinion in Paris
was bitterly hostile to the Huguenots, but the bourgeois were not
inclined to go down into their pockets and so, when the cowardly
king of Navarre published a proclamation on May 26<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> expelling
all Protestants from Paris and leaving their goods at the mercy
of their adversaries, it was hailed with delight by the capital.
Mobs of Catholics forcibly expelled Huguenots from the city and
destroyed their goods. The city was so full of men-at-arms, highwaymen,
and robbers at this time that every householder was
required to keep a light in his street window until daybreak.<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>
Risings in many parts of the country continued to be heard of;<a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a>
Vendôme, La Charité, Auxerre, Montargis, Poitiers, together with
most of the towns of Saintonge and Angoumois,<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a> either declared
for the prince of Condé or were taken by him. But at Toulouse
the Huguenots suffered heavily.<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> In Normandy, there was great
fear of English intervention.<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a></p>

<p>Overtures for peace came to nothing because the Huguenots
made the withdrawal of the Triumvirate a condition precedent
to their laying down of arms.<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a> The prince contended that he
could not be secure unless the duke of Guise, the constable, and
the marshal St. André retired from the court. The queen mother in
reply represented that it was not right, during the King’s minority,
to remove from him such important personages; that the Catholics
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>in Paris had taken up arms to oppose the Edict of January, and
that if the Huguenot soldiery would retire to their homes they might
live there as they liked, while a council (of which he should be
a member) considered some better means of settlement.<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> Gradually
the hostile armies&mdash;the prince of Condé at the head of the
Huguenots and the duke of Guise, the constable, the marshal
St. André and the recreant king of Navarre with the Catholic host&mdash;drew
near to each other.<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a> An attempt was made to take Jargeau,
eight miles from Orleans; but fearing lest its capture would cut
supplies off from Orleans, Coligny and D’Andelot destroyed the
bridge there. This forced the Catholic captains to change their
intention, and they traversed the Beauce so as to surprise Beaugency,
fourteen miles from Orleans, midway between Orleans and
Blois, where there was a bridge across the river. On June 15 the
two forces arrived near the bridge at almost the same time and a
fight seemed imminent. The two armies were about five miles
apart, and about the same distance from Orleans. Both being
south of the Loire, there was no river to hinder an engagement.
There were many vineyards between them, which was an advantage
to the prince, who had more infantry than cavalry, while Guise<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>
had 7,000 horse, D’Aumale having come from Normandy with
his force. The Catholic forces were divided: Guise lay north
of the river, beyond Beaugency, Paris-ward; D’Aumale’s detachment
was on the other side of the river at Clerie, midway between
Orleans and Beaugency, having the town and the bridge in his
hands; while Navarre was established at Vernon, a league from
Beaugency.<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a></p>

<p>The condition of the country around Orleans at this time, considering
that a state of war existed, was not bad. Condé had
plenty of money for the moment, having secured the riches of the
churches of Bourges. Food was good and plentiful in Orleans
and bread was cheap. Everything the Huguenots took they paid
for, as a matter of policy,<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a> although large funds were not in sight
and they looked anxiously to England for 100,000 crowns, offering
the notes of the leaders as security or else the bonds of some of
the most notable Reformed churches, as Rouen and Lyons. The
Huguenot army made a brave display. Many of the gentlemen
were rich and wore long white coats (<i>casaque blanche</i>) of serge,
kersey, or stramell, after the old manner, with long sleeves over
their armour.<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> The truce expired on June 21 (Sunday), but only<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>
light skirmishing was indulged in while specious negotiations were
continued by Montmorency.<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> But the Catholic leaders offered
such hard conditions that Condé would not accept them. Among
others it was demanded that all preachers should be banished from
France, together with the prince himself, the brothers Châtillon,
and the other Huguenot leaders, until the King was of age.</p>

<p>During this delay the prince lost the advantage he had
possessed. For the duke of Guise, the constable and Marshal
St. André returned from Chartres to the camp again, which
was between Beaugency and Blois, which lends color to the theory
that it was they who overruled Antoine of Navarre and Catherine.
After the rupture of the truce, the Catholic army marched to Blois,
which they battered for a day and a night, assaulted and entered,
although the inhabitants offered to let them in at the gates. When
the magistrates of the city offered the keys to the duke of Guise,
he pointed to the cannon with him, saying they were the keys he
would enter by. At the same time St. André took Poitiers and
Angoulême and drove La Rochefoucauld into Saintonge with the
aid of Spanish troops.<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a> When informed of the duke’s proceedings
at Blois, Condé marched to Beaugency, which, after bombardment,
was entered on July 3, the most part of those who were left to
guard it being killed.<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> Then seeing his own fortunes diminishing
daily, he retired to Orleans, with scarcely 3,000 horse and 6,000
footmen. The prince was in doubt what next to do; whether to
retire to Lyons and join with the baron des Adresse,<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> who had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>
acquired Grenoble, Valence, and Châlons in Burgundy, despite
Tavannes who kept the field with his forces,<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a> and was reputed to
have 8,000 foot and 1,500 horse besides 6,000 Swiss sent from Bern
and Lucerne, or to retire to Gascony where the queen of Navarre
was, or thirdly to go to Rouen and thereby keep Normandy. In
the end, however, he and Coligny stayed in Orleans. The
remainder of his force was either dispersed in the various towns or
dismissed.</p>

<p>The Protestants stood in dire need of outside aid during this
summer.<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a> A few days after Condé had retired within Orleans,
D’Aumale took Honfleur (July 21). In Paris mobs killed almost
hourly men, women, and children, notwithstanding an edict to
the contrary under pain of death. Arms were in the people’s
hands, not only in Paris but in the villages. Neither the King nor
the queen mother had the means to rule them, for the king of
Navarre and the duke of Guise were then at Blois, with the result
that Paris did much as it pleased. The leaders contemplated the
recovery of Touraine, Anjou, and Maine, and all the towns upon
the Loire, and then proposed to go into Normandy and recover
Havre-de-Grace, Dieppe, and Rouen. In pursuance of this project
the duke of Guise took Loudon and Chinon in Touraine. In
the same month Mondidier was entered by the Catholics upon
assurance that all the Protestants therein should live safely; but
notwithstanding the promises they were all cut to pieces, robbed,
or driven forth. Numbers of men, women, and children were
drowned in the night with stones about their necks, at Blois, Tours,
and Amboise, and those towns which surrendered to the king of
Navarre.</p>

<p>While these events were taking place in the Loire country, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
duke of Aumale again approached Rouen on the 29th of June, and
planted his batteries before St. Catherine’s Mount, but succeeded
in doing little in spite of his long battery. He hoped to recover
Havre-de-Grace after Guise had seized the towns upon the Loire.
The great fear of the French was lest Havre-de-Grace should be
given by the Huguenots into the hands of the English, and the
atrocious practice of D’Aumale was likely to further such conduct
on the part of the Huguenots,<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> for he promised the peasantry
not only the privilege of sacking the châteaux of the nobles, but
also to relieve them of all taxes. As a result of this vicious policy,
trade was dead and whole families of the nobility retired to Dieppe,
abandoning their homes.<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a></p>

<p>Violence increased both in the cities and in the provinces. In
the southeast Somarive committed great cruelties in Orange, killing
men, women, and children wherever he went.<a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> But the achievements
of Montluc, “the true creator of the French infantry”<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a>
were the conspicuous feature of the war in the south. By his own
confession this famous soldier “rather inclined to violence than
to peace, and was more prone to fighting and cutting of throats<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>
than to making of speeches.”<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> The war in the southern provinces,
it is plain, was one of both politics and religion. The practices
of the Huguenots penetrated the whole administrative machinery.
The sieur de Burie, king’s lieutenant in Guyenne, was old and
overcautious, and not without suspicion of Calvinism,<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a> while
Duras, the Huguenot leader was so active that the crown had
sent the veteran of the siege of Sienna into Guyenne in January,
1560, with a special commission.<a name="FNanchor_577_577" id="FNanchor_577_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a> The Huguenots tried to buy
Montluc off through one of their captains formerly with him
before Sienna, who came to him saying that the church at Nérac
had made him their captain. Montluc’s reply nearly took the
captain off his feet. “What the devil churches are those that
make captains?” was his fierce question.<a name="FNanchor_578_578" id="FNanchor_578_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a> He speedily began to
make his name formidable by hanging six Huguenots without
process of law “which shook great fear into the whole party.”</p>

<p>Montluc’s arrival was in the nick of time for the Catholics of
the south. He thought that if the Huguenots had been more led
by soldiers and not so “guided by ministers, they had not failed
of carrying Bordeaux and Toulouse. But God preserved those
two forts, the bulwarks of Guyenne, to save all the rest.” Montluc
was everywhere at once, never resting long in any place, holding
his foes in suspense everywhere, and not only was himself in continual
motion, but also with letters and messages perpetually
solicited and employed all the friends he had.<a name="FNanchor_579_579" id="FNanchor_579_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> His troops were
few in numbers and so ill-paid that he sometimes was reluctantly
compelled to ransom his prisoners. “We were so few that we were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>
not enough to kill them all,” he comments. “Had the King paid
his companies I should not have suffered ransom to have been in
use in this quarrel. It is not in this case as in a foreign war where
men fight for love and honor. In a civil war we must either be
master or man, being we live as it were, all under a roof.” He
was as good as his word and “shook a great terror into the country
everywhere.” When he appeared before Agen he “wondered
that the people should be so damnably timorous and did not better
defend their religion.” Instead “they no sooner heard my name
but they fancied the rope already about their necks.” Yet terrible
as the old war-dog was, he still waged war according to the rules
of the game. He is outspoken in condemnation of the conduct
of the Spanish companies sent by Philip II which joined him before
Agen.<a name="FNanchor_580_580" id="FNanchor_580_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a> The importance of Montluc’s services in the south was
great. He helped save Toulouse and Bordeaux to the government
and the subsequent capture of Lectoure, and the notable
battle of Vergt in Périgord (October 9, 1562) prevented the Huguenots
south of the Loire from joining the forces of the prince of
Condé, who thus narrowly lost the battle of Dreux.<a name="FNanchor_581_581" id="FNanchor_581_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a></p>

<p>As the Catholic cause mended, the situation of the Huguenots
darkened. Four thousand Swiss in June had joined Tavannes
in Burgundy and thereby Dijon, Macon, and Châlons-sur-Saône
were made safe. Late in July 6,000 lansquenets passed through
Paris toward the camp at Blois. Pope Pius IV sent his own
nephew to the aid of Joyeuse with 2,500 footmen, one thousand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
of whom were “Hispainolz.”<a name="FNanchor_582_582" id="FNanchor_582_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> The Huguenots impatiently awaited
the coming of German pistoleers and footmen, to be brought by
Casimir, the second son of the count palatine, accompanied by
D’Andelot who had been sent into Germany for assistance. But
the German princes were slow in responding, especially to the
demand for money,<a name="FNanchor_583_583" id="FNanchor_583_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a> so that the prince of Condé actually promised
to give them the pillage of Paris!<a name="FNanchor_584_584" id="FNanchor_584_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> D’Andelot passed the Rhine
on September 22, 1562&mdash;three weeks too late to relieve Bourges&mdash;with
2,000 German horse and 2,000 musketeers, who figured in
the battle of Dreux in the next December.<a name="FNanchor_585_585" id="FNanchor_585_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a> France had seen
nothing like these reiters in days heretofore. Their coming created
both consternation<a name="FNanchor_586_586" id="FNanchor_586_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a> and curiosity. Claude Haton in vain sought
the meaning of the word.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">The word reiter had never had vogue in France within the life of the
oldest of men, and one had never used the word until the present, although
the kings of France had been served in all their wars by Germans, Swiss,
and lansquenets, who are included under this word and name of Germany or
Allemaigne. I have taken pains to inquire of numerous persons, who are
deemed to know much what was the signification of this word “reiter,” but
I have not found a man who has been wise enough to tell me what I wished
to know.<a name="FNanchor_587_587" id="FNanchor_587_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span></p>

<p class="p1">In order to pay the reiters and to find money, a <i>taille</i> was imposed
upon the Huguenots of all classes, in all towns and villages
under their control, upon nobles, priests, merchants, bourgeois,
and artisans. But as this means was very tedious, the prince had
recourse to the gold and silver vessels, chalices, and crosses of
the churches which the Huguenots had pillaged. He also seized
upon the government receipts from the <i>gabelle</i> and other taxes of
the King in all the villages and <i>élections</i> controlled by the Huguenots,
even the moneys of the royal domain, and the revenues of the
churches.<a name="FNanchor_588_588" id="FNanchor_588_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile on August 19 the siege of Bourges had begun. The
city was defended by about 3,500 soldiers, but the circuit of its
walls was very great. It was well provisioned for a time, and
had considerable munitions and artillery of an inferior sort, but
neither cannon nor culverin. Half the town was protected by a
great marsh near by; the other half was fortified. It was the
plan of D’Andelot, who had entered Lorraine with 2,000 horse
and 4,000 foot, commanded by the duke of Deuxponts, feeling he
could do nothing in time for Bourges, to cut off Paris by securing
the passages of the river at St. Cloud and Charenton.<a name="FNanchor_589_589" id="FNanchor_589_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a> Accordingly
the constable and the duke of Guise, learning of the approach<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>
of the reiters, dispatched D’Aumale with a commission to levy
all men of war in Champagne, Brie, and Burgundy, both foot and
horse, and to sound the tocsin for the purpose of raising new levies
for the King if those which he first raised should not suffice, and
to make a great camp of all these men for the purpose of combating
the reiters.<a name="FNanchor_590_590" id="FNanchor_590_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> But D’Aumale dallied so long,<a name="FNanchor_591_591" id="FNanchor_591_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> to the intense chagrin
of his army, which clamored to “frapper dessus les lif-lof de reistres,”<a name="FNanchor_592_592" id="FNanchor_592_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a>
that the German troopers were able to cross the river
Seine at Chanceaux, whence they took the road above Auxerre,
crossed the Yonne, and so joined the prince of Condé at
Orleans.</p>

<p>It would have been much better for France, and especially for
the provinces of Champagne, Brie, and Burgundy, if D’Aumale
had attempted to repulse the reiters, for his soldiers were the ruin
of the villages where they lodged, and any action, even defeat,
would have been better than license and idleness. When it was
known that the reiters had evaded the force sent against them,
the King, seeing new villages of France taken every day, sent orders
to all those who still adhered to the crown to the effect that they
should be on their guard night and day, for fear of being taken
by surprise. For greater security commissions were dispatched<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>
authorizing the election of a gentleman of honor and credit to be
town-captain in every town.<a name="FNanchor_593_593" id="FNanchor_593_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a></p>

<p>The Catholic and Huguenot position with reference to each
other between Paris and the Loire was now somewhat as follows:
the former held Chartres, Bonneval, Chateaudun, Blois; the
latter St. Marthurin, Montargis, and Gien. On August 31, 1562,
the surrender of Bourges took place. The crown guaranteed life,
property, and liberty of conscience to the commandant and soldiers
and inhabitants of the town, in consideration of an indemnity of
50,000 livres “pour avoir été si gracieusement traités.”<a name="FNanchor_594_594" id="FNanchor_594_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> But the
Catholic leaders were in doubt what next to do, for all the Huguenots
were within the towns, neither occupying the open country
nor having a camp outside the walls. The king of Navarre urged
the siege of Orleans, but the council was not in agreement with
him for two reasons: first, on account of the plague which was
there; secondly because they had hopes that Navarre might prevail
upon his brother to desert the Huguenot cause, and so spare
them the exercise of force. For these reasons it was resolved
not to push the siege of Orleans and to attack Rouen instead,
where the duke of Aumale was already.<a name="FNanchor_595_595" id="FNanchor_595_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span></p>

<p>The Guises were now fully aware of the formidable nature of
the revolt of Normandy, there being danger of their also losing
western Normandy, where the duke de Bouillon held Caen castle,
but was disposed to be neutral. They planned, therefore, to send
the greater portion of their new forces, Germans and Swiss, to
the aid of D’Aumale, who had advanced against Rouen after
D’Andelot gave him the slip, for they were little needed in the Loire
country. Roggendorf, Guise’s chief German agent, at this time
arrived in Paris with 1,200 German pistoleers, well armed and
mounted; the Swiss captain, Froelich had brought fifteen ensigns
of Swiss, and the Rhinegrave was in Champagne with two regiments
of foot and three hundred pistoleers.<a name="FNanchor_596_596" id="FNanchor_596_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a></p>

<p>The constable and the duke of Guise in fear of English support,
resolved to concentrate the greatest part of their force against
Rouen and Havre-de-Grace. Another motive lay in the fact that
Paris was in want; for the Huguenots recognized that if Rouen,
Havre-de-Grace and Dieppe were well held, coercion of Paris was
not impossible. The condition at Dieppe and Havre-de-Grace
was the source of more anxiety to the government than any other
matter. These towns, owing to their situation, were the chief
keys to France, without which neither Paris nor Rouen could be
free. Havre-de-Grace was of more use to France than Calais
as a port of supply, and daily all those who escaped from Pont
Audemer, Honfleur, Harfleur, and the Protestants between Dieppe<a name="FNanchor_597_597" id="FNanchor_597_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a>
and Rouen were flocking thither.</p>

<p>The chief hope of the French Protestants was based upon the
expected aid of England. Early in April, 1562, the prince of
Condé and the admiral had solicited her support.<a name="FNanchor_598_598" id="FNanchor_598_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> But the anxiety<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>
of Elizabeth in the welfare of Protestantism beyond sea was not
disinterested, any more than Philip II’s catholicism. The legality
of her position as queen required her adherence to everything
anti-Catholic, to which may be added the influence of the political
aims of Philip II with reference to England, especially his interest
in the doings of Mary Stuart and Spanish tyranny in the Low
Countries, both of which jeopardized England. Her ambassador
in France observed truly when he wrote her: “It standeth Your
Majesty, for the conservation of your realm in the good terms
it is in, to countenance the Protestants as much as you may.”<a name="FNanchor_599_599" id="FNanchor_599_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a>
Another practical end to be gained by English support of the
Huguenots was the possibility of recovering Calais.<a name="FNanchor_600_600" id="FNanchor_600_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a> Yet in spite
of their deep religious animosity and their political hostility to one
another, England and Spain were in so peculiarly complicated
a relation that neither state wished to go to war. Philip II assured
Charles IX that although Elizabeth would squirm at sight of
Spanish assistance given to France, she dared not strike back in
aid of the Huguenots, and would have to compel herself to view
things from afar.<a name="FNanchor_601_601" id="FNanchor_601_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> The key to this extraordinary situation is to
be found in the commerce of the Low Countries. The duke of
Alva flatly said that his master could not afford to break with the
English because of the commercial injury he would sustain in the
Netherlands.<a name="FNanchor_602_602" id="FNanchor_602_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a> The same proposition, reversed, was in like stead
true of England; her commercial interests in Holland and Flanders
were too great to be risked.</p>

<p>But the good prospect of regaining Calais coupled with the
fear lest the reduction of France to Spanish suzerainty would
entail greater danger to England in the long run than the loss of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>
her commerce beyond sea, at last persuaded Elizabeth to support
the Huguenots, upon certain conditions, the ultimate one being
restoration of Calais to England.<a name="FNanchor_603_603" id="FNanchor_603_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> Accordingly, in September,
1562, the queen offered to land 6,000 men to guard the towns in
Normandy, to take Havre and Dieppe under her protection, and
receive into them the refugees of the Reformed church, and promised
not to abandon Havre without the prince’s consent, nor
receive Calais from the opposite party. The vidame of Chartres
agreed to deliver the custody of Havre-de-Grace to the queen’s
lieutenant on condition that the latter would recompense him and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>
Condé by annual pensions or assigned lands, because of the loss
of their estates and goods in France. In pursuance of this compact,
on September 24, 1562, the English proclamation for the
expedition into Normandy was published. It was time, if success
were to crown the enterprise, for in Havre troubles and enemies
multiplied and patience with the English was on the point of
breaking. “No prey happens to a sleeping fox,” wrote the vidame
impatiently to the English admiral. On October 1, 1562, the
English sailed from Portsmouth for Havre, and on Sunday, October
4, entered the roadstead of Havre at three in the afternoon,
and immediately landed as many men as they could with the tide.</p>

<p>The English occupation of Havre-de-Grace startled the government
into new activity before Rouen, and the King determined
to take it before English assistance could be afforded.<a name="FNanchor_604_604" id="FNanchor_604_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> The town
was well supplied with provisions and had plenty of small arms,
but was short of artillery and gunpowder. The garrison numbered
about 4,000, under command of Montgomery, the guardsman
who had accidentally killed Henry II in tournament, for Morvilliers,
the former chief in command in Rouen, had hesitated about the
introduction of English soldiers and had been replaced.</p>

<p>In the first week of October the attack of the royal forces upon
Rouen was renewed with fury and the fortress on St. Catherine’s
Mount was taken by them. Desperation soon prevailed in the
beleaguered city and there was talk of conditional surrender if that
could be effected, until the arrival of a few companies of English
revived the courage of the Rouennais and the fight was renewed.
But the procrastinating caution of the English by this time overreached<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>
itself. In spite of the importunities of Throckmorton,<a name="FNanchor_605_605" id="FNanchor_605_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a>
the English government was reluctant to venture its arms beyond
the seaboard,<a name="FNanchor_606_606" id="FNanchor_606_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> although Throckmorton’s arguments were reinforced
by every other English agent in France, Rouen being represented
as “such a jewel for them that by no means is it sufferable
to become an enemy.”<a name="FNanchor_607_607" id="FNanchor_607_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a> All urgency was in vain. The instructions
to the earl of Warwick, the English commander in Havre-de-Grace,
were to the effect that if requested to send aid to Rouen
or other places he should make some “reasonable delay,” without
offending them.<a name="FNanchor_608_608" id="FNanchor_608_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a> It is easy to see from such instructions and the
policy pursued by the English government in France that its interest
was purely practical and in no sense sentimental or religious.
England wanted to hold Havre-de-Grace in pawn for Calais, under
cover of pretending to support the Huguenots.</p>

<p>By mid-October, however, it had become plain that this narrow
policy could not be so rigidly adhered to. The success of the
Catholic armies in Normandy was even endangering Havre-de-Grace,
and Havre-de-Grace was not nearly so favorable a point of
vantage for the English as Calais had been, for there the pale
protected the city proper; in the city at the Seine’s mouth the
fortifications were weak and, worst of all, the location was a poor
one for defense.<a name="FNanchor_609_609" id="FNanchor_609_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> With the coming of winter, it would be possible
for the French with slight effort to prevent much intercourse by
sea between Havre and the English ports, while already the country
roundabout was being devastated by the German reiters.
D’Aumale was reported to have said&mdash;and there was justification
of the statement&mdash;that the English garrison might make merry
as it pleased, the winter and famine would cause them to pack
homeward faster than they had come. Too late the English at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>
last determined to succor Rouen after the fall of St. Catherine’s
Mount,<a name="FNanchor_610_610" id="FNanchor_610_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> and relief troops were sent forward to Rouen from Havre-de-Grace
and Dieppe. An intrepid English captain named
Leighton (he was afterward made governor of Guernsey), with a
handful of men, made his way into the city, but substantial assistance
did not come until the middle of October. Even then misfortune
overtook the English. The approach was made by the
river in six small ships, but one of them struck on a sand bar near
Caudebec and was intercepted by Damville, so that only 600
English got into the town.<a name="FNanchor_611_611" id="FNanchor_611_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a></p>

<p>On the morning of the 16th, Montgomery and two of the chief
men of the city came out of Rouen, under a flag of truce, and spoke
with the queen, returning a second time with fresh proposals, but
nothing resulted. The Huguenots demanded, first of all, liberty
of preaching, and of living according to their religion. Besides
this, they insisted that the King should not put a garrison in Rouen,
and as security for the observance of these conditions they required
hostages from the King, to be kept by them at Havre-de-Grace.
In the second interview they enlarged the conditions; namely,
that the Edict of January might be observed and that they might
preach freely <i>in the cities</i>, although by the edict preaching was
permitted only <i>outside</i> of cities.<a name="FNanchor_612_612" id="FNanchor_612_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a> Moreover, they insisted on this
agreement being extended to <i>all</i> towns of France; and in order to
give this convention a general effect, the prince of Condé was to
confirm it. For the observance of all these conditions they demanded
as hostages the prince de Joinville, eldest son of the duke<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>
of Guise, and brother of the marshal Brissac,<a name="FNanchor_613_613" id="FNanchor_613_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a> superintendent of
the King’s revenues.</p>

<p>Although Montgomery was unaware of it, the government
already, alarmed by the English intervention, had made overtures
to the prince of Condé in Orleans. But in each case, a condition
required would not be yielded. The demand of the Rouennais
that the Edict of January be revised so as to permit Protestant
worship <i>in all towns</i> broke off negotiations with them. In the
overtures made to Condé and Coligny, restitution of all in rebellion
to their estates and offices was promised, as also the assurance to
the Huguenots that they might enjoy their religion peaceably <i>in
their houses</i>, but <i>public</i> worship, even without the towns, was not
to be permitted. The Protestant leaders seem to have been
inclined to yield to these terms, although they implied a reduction
of their religious privileges, but insisted that the crown should
assume the payments due to Condé’s German auxiliaries. The
government balked at this proposal, and the prince and the admiral
themselves balked when the king of Navarre declared that D’Andelot’s
German troopers and the Huguenots should unite to expel
the English from France, so that in the end neither set of negotiations
was successful.<a name="FNanchor_614_614" id="FNanchor_614_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a></p>

<p>During the successful assault upon Fort St. Catherine which
followed the rupture of these negotiations both Antoine of Navarre
and the duke of Guise were wounded, the former by an arquebus-shot
in the joint of the shoulder, as it proved, mortally, because
mortification of the wound could not be stayed.<a name="FNanchor_615_615" id="FNanchor_615_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a> Montgomery
fought furiously in the assault, which lasted seven hours, and
threatened to use his sword upon any who might seek to yield.
It was a desperate and vain battle, however.<a name="FNanchor_616_616" id="FNanchor_616_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a> The King’s forces<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>
mined clear to the walls of the town, and the havoc of their explosions
could not be remedied. The breach in the walls made by
both mine and shot was so wide that some of the royal force rode
through on horseback.<a name="FNanchor_617_617" id="FNanchor_617_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a> On Monday, October 26, the besiegers
fought their way through and over the walls. In this supreme
movement the English and the Catholic Germans came sharply
together. No quarter was given the English in the town, the
command being given “that they should all pass the sword.”
Many of them were stripped naked by the victors. The wounded
English who were found had their throats cut; the rest were sent
to the galleys. The King entered Rouen the day after its capture,
making his way over dead bodies which had been spoiled by the
soldiers.<a name="FNanchor_618_618" id="FNanchor_618_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a> The royal forces now had unlimited control of the
Seine below Rouen; at Caudebec they staked half the river, so
that ships and boats were compelled to pass close under their guns.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span></p>

<p>The Guises now anticipated a swift collapse of the Huguenot
cause. All the chief towns in France save Orleans<a name="FNanchor_619_619" id="FNanchor_619_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> and Lyons
were either by inclination or compulsion obedient to the crown,
which found powerful support from the property-owning and
lawyer class. Politically and financially the government was
stronger, although the court was in want of money at this time.
The duke of Guise, the most notable captain and soldier in France,
the constable and veteran marshals like Brissac and St. André,
had made a combination too strong to be overcome. In this
strait, the Huguenot leaders grasped at the last straw&mdash;the hope
that the prince of Condé might succeed the king of Navarre as
lieutenant of the realm by winning the support of liberal Catholics
and the anti-Guisard element.<a name="FNanchor_620_620" id="FNanchor_620_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a> There was ground for this hope
if the Calvinists could be persuaded to be a little less radical, and
if the Catholic religion would be suffered without criticism to be
and remain the religion of France, and the Huguenots would make
no further alteration in their form of worship than the English
Reformation had done.<a name="FNanchor_621_621" id="FNanchor_621_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a></p>

<p>Antoine of Bourbon, since sustaining the wound received
at Rouen, had been gradually sinking, and died on board a boat
on his way to Paris, October 26, after prolonged suffering.<a name="FNanchor_622_622" id="FNanchor_622_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> Condé<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>
now, by virtue of the arrangement made at the meeting of the
States-General at Orleans, legally succeeded to his brother’s
office as lieutenant of the realm, and proceeded forthwith to send out
commissions to the constable, marshals, and to all the governors
of provinces and places, to repair to him as the King’s lieutenant-general
and governor of France. But in spite of the regulation of
the estates, the court and Catholic party, by the advice of the
cardinals of Ferrara, Lorraine, and Guise, the duke of Guise, the
constable, and marshal St. André, with the special solicitation of
the Spanish ambassador who voiced his master’s wishes with “a
lusty swelling tongue,” resolved to establish the cardinal of Bourbon
in the authority the king of Navarre had held.<a name="FNanchor_623_623" id="FNanchor_623_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c172" id="c172">CHAPTER VII</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE FIRST CIVIL WAR (<i>Continued</i>). THE BATTLE OF DREUX
(DECEMBER 19, 1562). THE PEACE OF AMBOISE
(MARCH 19, 1563)</p>

<p>After the fall of Rouen, the chief military design of the Guises
seems to have been to protract the war, without giving battle, until
the Germans with D’Andelot and Condé either deserted for lack of
pay or were corrupted by them. Catherine’s wish, on the other hand,
was to end the war by composition and not by the sword, fearing
to have either party become flushed with success. In pursuance
of this policy numbers of the soldiers were permitted to go home,
the war being considered to be practically at an end until the spring,
except that garrisons of horse and foot were kept in the towns
round about Orleans after the manner of a flying siege (<i>siège
volante</i>). But the rapid advance of the prince toward Paris from
Orleans, where he had been waiting for D’Andelot, who mustered
his German horse in Lorraine in the middle of September, after
he learned of his brother’s death, required the duke of Guise to
change his plans. Passing by Etampes, which the Guises abandoned
at his approach,<a name="FNanchor_624_624" id="FNanchor_624_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a> the prince of Condé marched toward Corbeil
in order to win the passage of the Seine, where 4,000 footmen
and 2,000 horse of the enemy lay in order to keep the Marne and
the Seine open above Paris for provisioning the capital. The
Huguenot army numbered about 6,000 footmen; 4,000 of them
Germans, and nearly 3,000 horsemen. Most of the Germans
were well armed and mounted, and all “very Almain soldiers, who
spoil all things where they go.”<a name="FNanchor_625_625" id="FNanchor_625_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a></p>

<p>The duke of Guise, having received word of the approach of the
Huguenots upon Paris, abandoned his purpose of going to Havre,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>
in order to return to the succor of the city. Great difficulty was
experienced in accomplishing the return of the army, because it was
the depth of winter and the days were short and the roads heavy.
“Nevertheless everyone in camp took courage, because he was
returning to the good French wines and no more needed to drink
the cider of Normandy.”<a name="FNanchor_626_626" id="FNanchor_626_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a></p>

<p>To combat the Protestant force, Guise and the constable had
not over 6,000 footmen and 1,000 horsemen at Paris, though this
force could be somewhat enlarged by drawing in the troops around
Rouen and before Havre-de-Grace. It was fully expected that
the prince of Condé would march upon the capital or else take the
straight road to Normandy in order to unite with the English and
with their help attempt to regain possession of Rouen and Dieppe.
Paris was in the greatest alarm. All the people living in the faubourgs
were compelled to abandon their houses. The state of
the royal army was bad; the soldiers were scattered and disorganized,
for the spoil of Rouen had induced every kind of license
and debauchery. Moreover, the plague was raging everywhere.
In this exigency the duke of Guise abandoned the country roundabout,
within two or three leagues of Paris, to the pillage of the
Protestants, withdrew his scattered forces within the walls, and
feverishly employed every available person in the erection of fortifications,
principally upon the side toward Orleans, for which
certain unfinished erections of Francis I were utilized. The city
was so crowded with people even before the appearance of the
troops of the prince that it seemed to be in a state of siege. If
Condé at this time could have seized the river above and below
the capital by which provisions were received into Paris, the city
could have been speedily reduced to famine, as there was even at
this time a scarcity of food.<a name="FNanchor_627_627" id="FNanchor_627_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a></p>

<p>But Louis of Condé was not a man of good judgment and, while<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>
personally brave, he lacked political daring. To gain time for the
arrival of reinforcements, Catherine and the Guises wheedled him
with empty overtures for peace and sent the marshal Brissac’s brother
to the Protestant camp near Etampes to propose a plausible
settlement, saying that the Huguenots might have what they desired
if they would aid in expelling the Germans, and especially the English.
The last possibility was what the English agents in France
had most feared, the more because of the undeniable strength of the
Catholic crown party, which had won to itself a great number of the
nobility, and because of the approaching winter, the lack of money
among the Huguenots, the scarcity of food, and the weariness of the
country. Such abandonment of the English by the prince of Condé
could hardly have been construed as a breach of faith, seeing the
apathy of the English participation after the seizure of Havre-de-Grace
and Elizabeth’s slowness in sending him financial assistance.
But the prince refused to treat with an agent and continued his
march toward Paris. On November 25 his cavalry appeared in
sight of the city and the queen mother and the constable went out to
parley further. The prince of Condé demanded the post of lieutenant-general
of the realm; for the Huguenots the right to have
churches in all towns except Paris and its <i>banlieue</i> and frontier
towns; the right of all gentlemen to have private worship in their
own houses, and the retirement of the foreign troops. To these
demands, the queen replied that no one should have her authority,
adding that the government was already well made up of gentlemen,
officers, and ministers, among whom the responsibilities of
state had been divided, so that the government was capable of
being well conducted until the King had attained his majority.
As to toleration, she declared that to grant it would only be to
encourage civil war.<a name="FNanchor_628_628" id="FNanchor_628_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a></p>

<p>Too late Condé found that he had been trifled with<a name="FNanchor_629_629" id="FNanchor_629_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a> in order<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>
to give the government time to bring up reinforcements<a name="FNanchor_630_630" id="FNanchor_630_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> and
that the terms he offered had not even been considered. The
blame for this unfortunate turn in the war must rest, not
upon the queen mother, but upon the Guises. For the duke
of Guise and his brother, with the constable, could not but
fear, that in the event of peace they would be ruined, and
the duke used his own popularity with the masses and the enmity
felt by the Parisians toward the queen to gain his ends. When<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>
duplicity failed, then Catherine’s adversaries used intimidation,
and the Spanish ambassador at their instigation was sent to her,
“either threatening or protesting, or promising and offering aid,
and thus upsetting everything.”<a name="FNanchor_631_631" id="FNanchor_631_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a> When Paris was full of soldiers
negotiations were broken off, the prince of Condé declaring defiantly
that the Huguenots would sharpen their swords as they would
have need of them.</p>

<p>The only advantage the prince had gained was that he had been
able to draw his force close in toward Paris, so that in the last
week in November he was camped near the Pont de Charenton.
On the 26th he planted his camp on the left bank, a mile from
the faubourgs. If the prince of Condé had attacked Paris at once,
instead of wasting time at Corbeil in vain <i>pourparlers</i>, the whole
Huguenot cause might have triumphed, for the government would
have been forced to yield almost everything. He might have won
the suburbs with little loss, although in want of heavy artillery,
and the city could not then have held out long. But now the case
was such that he either had to fight&mdash;with small hope of winning,
let alone of taking Paris&mdash;or else come to an accord upon his
enemy’s terms.<a name="FNanchor_632_632" id="FNanchor_632_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a></p>

<p>The prevailing opinion was that the prince would not be able
to keep his army together for want of provisions and money,
especially in mid-winter.<a name="FNanchor_633_633" id="FNanchor_633_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a> This proved to be true. On December<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>
9 he broke camp and marched off crestfallen, toward Normandy,
after burning the camp, to effect a juncture with the English.<a name="FNanchor_634_634" id="FNanchor_634_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a>
By this time he had barely 7,000 men, the time of the year
telling hard upon the army, for it was compelled to live in the open,
while his adversaries had 15,000 or 16,000 men of all nations,
one-quarter of whom were mounted. The difficulty of his position
was the greater because he was on the left bank of the Seine, with
no prospect of passing the river, for the duke of Guise lay at Poissy,<a name="FNanchor_635_635" id="FNanchor_635_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a>
while the Rhinegrave and Villebonne were guarding Pont de l’Arche
lower down. Warwick was unwilling to venture forth from
Havre to the prince’s assistance, but hoped, by stopping the shipment
of salt and other merchandise up the Seine, to be able to
compel the towns of Normandy, as Honfleur, Harfleur, Caudebec,
and Rouen, for necessity’s sake to come to terms.<a name="FNanchor_636_636" id="FNanchor_636_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a> Being unable
to pass the Seine, Condé drew off toward Chartres, followed at
the distance of about five leagues by the duke of Guise and the
constable, and came to a halt near Montfort not far from Evreux,
while Guise lay at a point about ten leagues west of St. Denis,
from whence, including Paris, he drew his supplies.<a name="FNanchor_637_637" id="FNanchor_637_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a> All around
the two armies the country was destroyed.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-178.jpg" width="450" height="307"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">BATTLE OF DREUX, DECEMBER 19, 1562</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Bib. Nat., Estampes, <i>Histoire de France</i>, Q. b)</p>
</div></div>

<p>The prince’s inability to secure provisions, combined with the
failure of English support, finally compelled him to give battle
to the duke of Guise near Dreux on December 19, the engagement
being precipitated by his attempt to force the passage of the Eure,
although the odds were against him in every particular, for the
duke of Guise was posted at a point so chosen that he could fall
back on Dreux if compelled to do so; his flank was protected by
a stream and a wood; and his artillery was more numerous than
that of Condé.<a name="FNanchor_638_638" id="FNanchor_638_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a> The advance guard of the Huguenots was commanded
by the admiral; the “battle,” in which were the German
reiters, by D’Andelot; the rear guard by the prince of Condé
himself. The Huguenot ministers and preachers, armed and
mounted, moved about among the men, who sang their psalms
in such a loud voice that the camp of the King could easily hear
them. On the Catholic side the marshal St. André was pitted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>
against D’Andelot; the constable Montmorency commanded the
rear guard, with instructions to hold off until the Huguenot rear
guard entered the fight; while the duke of Guise himself commanded
the advance guard against the admiral.<a name="FNanchor_639_639" id="FNanchor_639_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a></p>

<p>The battle was begun about noon by a victorious charge of the
Huguenot horse, headed by Condé and Coligny, which drove back
the Catholic Swiss and resulted in the capture of six pieces of
cannon and the constable Montmorency who was slightly wounded
in the mouth. His captors “sent him to Orleans with such speed,
that he drank but once by the way and that on horseback.”<a name="FNanchor_640_640" id="FNanchor_640_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> The
second charge was less effective owing chiefly to the slowness of
the prince’s German reiters who had to have their orders interpreted
to them, and partly to the effective artillery fire of the enemy,
and culminated in the capture of Condé, whose horse was shot
under him. Too late to save the prince of Condé the admiral
made a partial rally of the French and German cavalry, in the
course of whose attack the marshal St. André was killed.<a name="FNanchor_641_641" id="FNanchor_641_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a> Even
then the issue might have been different if the Huguenot footmen
had not behaved like cowards.<a name="FNanchor_642_642" id="FNanchor_642_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> The Protestant loss included
about 800 of the noblesse, and nearly 6,000 footmen and reiters
according to those who buried the dead.<a name="FNanchor_643_643" id="FNanchor_643_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a> The Catholic loss was
about 2,000, the most conspicuous among the fallen being the
marshal St. André and Montbrun, the youngest son of the constable
Montmorency.<a name="FNanchor_644_644" id="FNanchor_644_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span></p>

<p>The battle of Dreux was fought on the day of the feast of St.
Thomas&mdash;almost the shortest day of the year&mdash;and the Huguenots
had to thank the oncoming of darkness for saving them from
pursuit. Under its cover Coligny drew off toward Auneau where
he pitched camp, but some of the Huguenot horse galloped all
night toward Orleans. Fortunate was the Calvinist who could
find a cross to put upon his clothing on the morrow.<a name="FNanchor_645_645" id="FNanchor_645_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a> Twenty-two
standards of the prince of Condé were found upon the ground,
which were sent to the King and hung in the cathedral of Notre
Dame. Almost all Condé’s German footmen were taken prisoners,
about 2,000, three-quarters of whom were sent back to Germany
on parole, without weapons, and bearing white rods in witness
of their abdication; the rest entered the service of the King and
were joined with the Rhinegrave’s forces under command of Bassompierre,
an Alsatian in the service of Charles IX.<a name="FNanchor_646_646" id="FNanchor_646_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-180.jpg" width="400" height="646" id="i180"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>


<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-181.jpg" width="450" height="500" id="i181"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span></p>

<p>The battle of Dreux, while not a complete rout of the Huguenots,
was no less a disaster, because it foiled the efforts of Coligny
to effect a junction with the English in Havre and compelled him
to fall back on Orleans. Even Spain breathed easier, for anxiety
lest the English get Calais was dispelled.<a name="FNanchor_647_647" id="FNanchor_647_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a> Moreover, the French
Protestants were in need of money, both Coligny’s and D’Andelot’s
troops being in arrears of pay, the latter’s reiters having gone three
months without wages.<a name="FNanchor_648_648" id="FNanchor_648_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a> On the other hand the government was
in better financial condition through the efforts of the cardinal
of Lorraine, who collected some money at the Council of Trent<a name="FNanchor_649_649" id="FNanchor_649_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a>
in order to continue the war, and the active efficiency of the Spanish
ambassador and the papal legate, who were excellent coworkers.<a name="FNanchor_650_650" id="FNanchor_650_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a>
Yet, in spite of defeat, Coligny was resolved to continue the fight,
though uncertain what policy to follow. At first he was inclined
to go into Dauphiné and join forces with Des Adresse against the
duke of Nemours,<a name="FNanchor_651_651" id="FNanchor_651_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> but the prospect of Catholic relief from Germany
in the early spring made it advisable to abandon this plan.</p>

<p>The military situation was much as follows in mid-January,
1563: the Huguenot center was at Orleans, where D’Andelot lay,
in control of the middle line of the Loire above Blois and as far
northward as Chateaudun and the vicinity of Chartres;<a name="FNanchor_652_652" id="FNanchor_652_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a> Coligny
lay at Villefranche (January 12); Montgomery was in Dieppe and
the English in Havre. But communication between the Protestant
coreligionists was prevented by the way in which the Catholic
troops were disposed. Etampes, which the duke of Guise recovered
in January, restored the necessary connecting link between
Blois and Paris, and the whole line of the Seine was in the hands
of the Catholics; Warwick was being besieged in Havre by
Vieilleville (he had succeeded the Marshal St. André and was
also governor of Normandy), who lay at Caudebec.<a name="FNanchor_653_653" id="FNanchor_653_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> The marshal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>
Brissac was at Rouen with seventeen ensigns. The marshal
Bourdillon who had been given the bâton of the late marshal
Termes was in Piedmont. Paris of course was in the government’s
hands. In Berry where the upper waters of the Loire and the
Seine flow close together the lines of the two hostile parties came
in contact. The admiral in the second week in January, 1563,
passed the Loire at Beaugency and distributed his men at St.
Aignan, Celles, and Montrichard, which lay on the right bank
of the stream.<a name="FNanchor_654_654" id="FNanchor_654_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> At the same time Guise had been minded to cross
the river the other way and attack Orleans. This move on the
part of each commander brought about a collision of forces near
Cléry, in which Guise was repulsed. The condition of the country
at the time was terrible, especially for the duke, whose troopers
were so pressed that they had to forage twelve leagues from camp.<a name="FNanchor_655_655" id="FNanchor_655_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a>
Everywhere the reiters were held in terror, for these raiders frequently
made long and rapid marches and fell suddenly upon
places, carrying death and destruction with them.</p>

<p>In the meanwhile, the constable had been kept in light captivity
at Orleans,<a name="FNanchor_656_656" id="FNanchor_656_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> a treatment in contrast with that experienced by
Condé, who was first kept under strong guard by Damville in
the little abbey of St. Pierre at Chartres, both the windows and
the street being barred, and later, on January 24, 1563, brought
to Paris.<a name="FNanchor_657_657" id="FNanchor_657_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a> Ever since Dreux, the queen mother and the constable
had been constantly employed in the endeavor to make a settlement.<a name="FNanchor_658_658" id="FNanchor_658_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>
In the case of the constable, self-interest was the chief
motive: he chafed under confinement and was envious of the duke
of Guise.<a name="FNanchor_659_659" id="FNanchor_659_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a> On the other hand, Catherine’s anxiety was of a political
nature. She was fearful lest England permanently acquire
Havre-de-Grace. Her purpose was to make peace with the Huguenots
and then unite the parties in a war for the recovery of Havre.<a name="FNanchor_660_660" id="FNanchor_660_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a>
But the mistrust of the Huguenots that the overtures of peace
were meant to be an accord in appearance only; the ambition of
the Guises who saw their power thrive in the struggle; the opposition
of Paris, and perhaps above all, the opposition of Spain,
were difficulties in the way.<a name="FNanchor_661_661" id="FNanchor_661_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> Philip II’s joy over Dreux was
tempered by his anxiety, and he secretly aimed to thwart any
terms of peace at all favorable to the Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_662_662" id="FNanchor_662_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a> Catherine
probably would have preferred to abide by anything rather than
have the Guises gain greater profit.<a name="FNanchor_663_663" id="FNanchor_663_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a> The queen mother urged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>
the necessity of peace on account of lack of funds to carry on the
war.<a name="FNanchor_664_664" id="FNanchor_664_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> But her arguments were cast to the winds by the triumphant
Guises when money began to pour into France from Spain, Venice,
the duke of Tuscany, and from some of the Catholic German
princes.<a name="FNanchor_665_665" id="FNanchor_665_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a></p>

<p>On the other hand, the penury of the Protestants increased
from day to day. Coligny was in daily fear lest the reiters would
desert him on account of the delay in paying them.<a name="FNanchor_666_666" id="FNanchor_666_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a> In vain he
wrote to Elizabeth, urging the speedy remittance of money. The
cautious procrastination and niggardly policy of Elizabeth in the
end was fatal to his purpose. In vain her ambassador in France,
the faithful Throckmorton, urged immediate and liberal action.
Warwick also added his plea, informing the home government
and the queen that the admiral would be “ruined and unable to
hold up his head without her aid in men and money.”<a name="FNanchor_667_667" id="FNanchor_667_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a> Elizabeth’s
notorious parsimony led her to deceive the French Protestants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>
with vague promises, a policy so short-sighted that it ultimately
lost England the support of the Huguenots and compelled
the evacuation of Havre-de-Grace, which otherwise they might
have made another Calais. By February the admiral’s patience
was well-nigh exhausted, and his troops in mutiny, the reiters raiding
the country to such an extent that the court and the foreign
ambassadors were compelled to retire from Chartres to Blois, not
daring to try to go to Paris. As his position became more desperate
from want of funds, Coligny determined to strike northward,
if possible to effect a juncture with the English on the coast of
Normandy, and so while his agents parleyed for peace in order
to gain time and deceive the enemy, the admiral, leaving his wagons
and baggage behind him in order that his reiters might ride unimpeded,
stole away from Jargau on the night of February 1 with
2,000 reiters, 1,000 mounted arquebusiers, and 500 gentry. His
purpose was to join Warwick, but when he reached Dreux, where
the battle had been fought six weeks earlier, he discovered that
it was impossible for him to cross the Seine, and hence, after sending
word to the earl that he was in hard straits for money to pay
his men and had “much ado to keep them together,” he drew off
toward Caen.<a name="FNanchor_668_668" id="FNanchor_668_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a></p>

<p>While Coligny lay at Dives, Throckmorton&mdash;it must have been
against his own convictions&mdash;was sent to confer with him, informing
him that if the admiral counted that the payment of his army
and the support of the war depended upon Elizabeth alone, he was
to understand that the people of England would not willingly contribute
to such an expense, since the war was of little profit to them.
Therefore Elizabeth advised the Huguenots not to refuse reasonable
conditions of peace, the English queen including in the sphere
of “reasonable conditions” Huguenot insistence that Calais be
restored to England.<a name="FNanchor_669_669" id="FNanchor_669_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a></p>

<p>In the meantime, while Coligny’s position was growing worse<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>
and worse, the position of D’Andelot in Orleans had also become
serious. The duke of Guise invested the city on February 4, and
got possession of Portereau (February 6), a faubourg of Orleans
across the river, which had been fortified during the previous
summer. But the Huguenots still held the town at their end of
the bridge and broke several of the arches down. A tiny island
lay in the stream and this the duke planned to reach by filling
thousands of sacks with sand and gravel and throwing them into
the river between the banks at Portereau and the island from
whence he would be more able to attack Orleans with cannon.<a name="FNanchor_670_670" id="FNanchor_670_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a>
But it being winter time, the river was too deep and the current
too strong. Failing this, he planned to cut the river above Orleans
in order to let the water into the meadow lands.<a name="FNanchor_671_671" id="FNanchor_671_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a> The spirited
siege lasted many days. Every kind of metal was impressed into
service by those of Orleans, including shells made of brass, “which
was a new device and very terrible,” and their ammunition seemed
likely to outlast that of their enemy. The Catholic position around
Orleans was by no means an enviable one. Food, money, and
ammunition were lacking. All Guise’s men-at-arms and light
horsemen lived at discretion&mdash;that is, they quartered themselves
on the surrounding villages and forced the poor people of the
country to feed them and their horses. The court was doing the
same at Blois to the “marvellous destruction” of the country.
The lack of powder bade fair to be fatal to the duke’s success, for
the government’s powder factories at Chartres, Chateaudun, and
Paris were all blown up, accidentally or otherwise, about this time,
that of Paris having occurred on January 28, 1563, with great
destruction of property and some lives.<a name="FNanchor_672_672" id="FNanchor_672_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> In consequence of these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>
disasters, the Catholic artillery had to send all the way to Flanders
for gunpowder. Although some breaches were made in the wall
by the Catholics, the duke of Guise delayed final assault, for two
reasons: first, because the queen mother hoped to take the city
by composition, secondly, because Catholic reinforcements were
looked for late in March out of Germany, Switzerland, and Gascony,
to the number of ten thousand.</p>

<p>No such silver lining lightened the cloud on the Huguenot horizon.
D’Andelot from Orleans, the princess of Condé, Eleanor
de Roye, from Strasburg, her imprisoned husband, and Coligny
all implored the English queen in vain for speedy relief. The
admiral’s position by the end of February was desperate. He had
been compelled to move into the western part of Normandy, for
his 5,000 reiters were “in such rage for their money that he could
scarce keep them together,” and were being so corrupted by the
enemy that he might otherwise have lost them utterly.<a name="FNanchor_673_673" id="FNanchor_673_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a> Powder
also was wanting.<a name="FNanchor_674_674" id="FNanchor_674_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a> The condition of Montgomery<a name="FNanchor_675_675" id="FNanchor_675_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a> in Dieppe
and of Warwick in Havre was quite as bad. In Havre food was
so scarce that rations were reduced to a two-penny loaf to four
persons; wood was unprocurable; the water was bad.<a name="FNanchor_676_676" id="FNanchor_676_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a> The
spoiling of Normandy from the devastation of Coligny’s reiters
who were levying upon the country without law or order, and
burning and destroying villages without regard to religion, was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>
terrible. “If the reiters understand that another messenger has
arrived here (Caen) from the queen and the money not come,”
wrote the admiral, “it will be impossible to save our throats from
being cut.” Fortunately the very next day the English ambassador
arrived in Caen with word for Coligny to the effect that eight
thousand pounds in English sovereigns, French crowns, angels,
and pistolets were on the way from Portsmouth to Caen.<a name="FNanchor_677_677" id="FNanchor_677_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> Fire
opened on Caen castle on March 1, and the next day the marquis
D’Elbœuf surrendered it. Bayeux also capitulated.<a name="FNanchor_678_678" id="FNanchor_678_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> The fall
of these two places and the fearful state of the country,<a name="FNanchor_679_679" id="FNanchor_679_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> might
have broken the resolution of the crown to continue the war.<a name="FNanchor_680_680" id="FNanchor_680_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a> But
another fate intervened.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-189.jpg" width="450" height="297"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF GUISE, FEBRUARY 18, 1563</p>
        <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>Henry of Guise was mortally wounded on the night of February
18, 1563, by a Huguenot assassin named Poltrot<a name="FNanchor_681_681" id="FNanchor_681_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> and died on
Ash Wednesday following, February 24. The death of the duke
of Guise was a heavy blow to the Catholics. His following, because
of his personal magnetism, was greater than that of any other
Catholic leader, for many noblemen and gentlemen adhered to
the Catholic cause more for love of him than for loyalty to the
established religion. Moreover, he was an able general uniting
quickness of intelligence, determination, experience, popularity,
and physical endurance in his talented person. Immediately after
Guise was hurt, the queen mother went to the camp with the
desire to see the constable. The prince of Condé and the constable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>
were obviously the men of the hour, and as they could not
conduct negotiations while they were prisoners, they were both
liberated on March 8, and held a conference together on that day.<a name="FNanchor_682_682" id="FNanchor_682_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a>
On March 19 the King, with the assent of his council, formally
decreed religious toleration and appointed the prince of Condé
lieutenant-general of the realm with exemption for seizure of any
of the royal revenues by him during the troubles.<a name="FNanchor_683_683" id="FNanchor_683_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a> It was high
time for peace to be made, for the revolt of the provinces was
increasing. In La Rochelle, Poitou, Guyenne, and Picardy the
“Howegenosys” had again rebelled in February, and the lieutenants
of these provinces sent to Blois for aid.<a name="FNanchor_684_684" id="FNanchor_684_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-190.jpg" width="450" height="317"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">INTERVIEW ON THE ILE-AUX-BŒUFS</p>
        <p class="cap1">(Bib. Nat., Estampes, <i>Histoire de France</i>, Q. b)</p>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span></p>

<p>The terms of Amboise are interesting because they mark the
triumph of the aristocratic element in the Huguenot party, whose
interests were identified with their political purposes and their
feudal position, over the “Geneva party,” who were austere Calvinists,
and who had an eye single to religion only.<a name="FNanchor_685_685" id="FNanchor_685_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a> D’Andelot,
and to a less degree the admiral, were representatives of this latter
group.<a name="FNanchor_686_686" id="FNanchor_686_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a> The terms of peace provided that the prince of Condé
was to succeed to the place of the late king of Navarre; that the
Huguenot army was to be paid by the government; that in all
towns where the Reformed religion prevailed, save Paris, it was
to be protected; that in every bailiwick the King was to appoint
one town where the gospel might be preached; that all gentlemen
holding fiefs in low or mean justice might have preaching in their
houses for the benefit of their families; that all nobles enjoying
high justice might have preaching on their estates; that property
confiscated from either church was to be restored.<a name="FNanchor_687_687" id="FNanchor_687_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> Paris firmly
refused at first to tolerate any terms of peace,<a name="FNanchor_688_688" id="FNanchor_688_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a> its Catholic prejudices
being aggravated by desire to revenge the murder of the
duke of Guise; but the King replied to the demur of the Parlement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>
that the city must make up its mind to accept the conditions.<a name="FNanchor_689_689" id="FNanchor_689_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a>
On the other hand, Lyons as obstinately refused to receive the
mass, so that the country round about it remained turbulent well
into the autumn.<a name="FNanchor_690_690" id="FNanchor_690_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> Rouen, Dijon, Toulouse, encouraged by the
opposition of the Parlement, refused to recognize the edict.<a name="FNanchor_691_691" id="FNanchor_691_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a> The
roads were filled with robbers, and the continued presence of the
reiters, to whom an enormous sum in wages was due, was a perpetual
menace.</p>

<p>The Germans who had been in the service of the King and
those of the prince of Condé fraternized on the road home. They
made a great troop to the number of 10,000 or 12,000, taking the
road from Orleans by way of Pluvières and Etampes to Paris, and
arrived there in Easter week, where they stayed for five weeks at
least. When they left they were an entire day crossing the bridge
over the Seine, because of the enormous amount of baggage which
they had. After having crossed the Seine, the reiters divided into
two bands for better living, one of them skirting the right bank
of the Seine, the other crossing Brie to the Marne, in order to find
better provisions for themselves and their horses. These latter
traversed Champagne to the River Aube and encamped at Montier-en-Der
near Vassy for six entire weeks, marauding the country<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>
for five or six leagues about. Their depredations drove the peasantry
to such despair that protective associations composed of
the peasantry and nobles were formed to resist their aggressions,
and these fell upon stragglers whenever they found a little group
of them, and cut their throats. Gradually, however, these despoilers
were drawn off out of the land, being accompanied to the frontier
by the French infantry under the command of the prince de
Porcien, who was then at Metz, where he had been stationed to
foil any effort the Emperor might make for its recovery.<a name="FNanchor_692_692" id="FNanchor_692_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a> The
priest-historian of Provins has graphically depicted the depredations
of the reiters:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">At the beginning of this war [he says] the people of the villages were so
rich and well provided for, so well furnished in their houses with all kinds
of furniture, so well provided with poultry and animals, that it was noble to
see.... But the soldiers destroyed their beautiful tables, their shining
brass-bound chests, and killed a great quantity of poultry without paying for
it, or else offering a paltry sum in proportion to the number of soldiers who
were lodged in the house. It was all one whether one man or many were so
lodged, because the soldier who had a house to himself seized everything to his
own profit. The wives and daughters of the peasantry were compelled to
defend their honor. Property was seized and every sort of villainy was done
by the soldiers, within the space of the three or four days that they might
remain at a place.<a name="FNanchor_693_693" id="FNanchor_693_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Not since the Hundred Years’ War had France beheld a people
more fearful and formidable than were these reiters. They plundered
the wretched people of all their goods, loading their horses
and wagons therewith. Amid their equipment they carried winnowing
fans to winnow the grain, flails to beat it in the granges,
and sacks to bind it up in. They had with them mills to grind
the grain and little ovens to bake bread in. Wherever they lodged
they tore up floors, broke into closets, and ransacked gardens,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span>
courts, and chimneys, in order to find booty. They even fell upon
the houses and châteaux of the nobles, where they passed, if they
saw they were not strong or well defended.<a name="FNanchor_694_694" id="FNanchor_694_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a> For this reason those
living in poorly fortified houses vacated them and fled to the towns.
Those who owned strong and well-fortified houses levied soldiers
for their defense. What happened at Provins happened, doubtless,
in many other places, too.</p>

<p>In the carrefours of Provins, it was proclaimed that no inhabitant
of the town, under pain of a fine of one hundred livres <i>tournois</i>
and imprisonment, should leave it, and that every man at the
hour of ten in the morning must report with his arms before the
house of his sergeant (<i>dizainier</i>) for the purpose of mounting guard
upon the walls, each in his own part of the city. Everybody in
the surrounding country began to vacate their houses and to drive
their cattle into the town. On the evening before Easter messengers
of Provins reported that the reiters were near. At this
news watchers were set upon the wall of the town, and a <i>corps de
garde</i> posted by the town authorities. On the morning of the
morrow, which was Easter Sunday, the gates of the town were
not opened until eight o’clock, upon which there poured into the
town an infinite number of wagons and pack-animals laden with
the possessions of the villagers round about. There was hardly
room to bestow so many people and so many animals. Divine
service was celebrated in the parish churches, for it was expected
that the reiters would take their course toward the town, and the
people were resolved not to let them enter, but to resist to the very
last drop of blood.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">In order to ascertain what was the equipment and the arms of each inhabitant
of the town, a general meeting was called at midday for a view of
arms, but it was not possible to hold the meeting because all the streets and
squares were packed with the refugees and their animals. In consequence of
this, local meetings were held in each of the quarters of the city. Thus the
day wore on and consternation abated only when it was learned that the
reiters had gone off toward the Marne, which they crossed above Coulumiers
On the morrow, Easter Monday, there was no procession in the streets as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>
usual, for fear of a surprise, and it was not until evening that the people who
had found refuge within the town, began to depart.<a name="FNanchor_695_695" id="FNanchor_695_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a></p>

<p class="p1">But the undisguised hostility of Spain to the Edict of Amboise
was a greater source of danger to France than protests of the Parlement
or popular violence. “If the heretics obtain their demands
with the aid of the English queen,” Chantonnay had threatened
on March 6, “the Catholics in their turn will rise, and they will be
sustained by the King my master and by all the Catholic princes.”<a name="FNanchor_696_696" id="FNanchor_696_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a>
But Catherine was in no mood to be intimidated. She openly
told him that he treated her as if he governed the country, and
charged him with wilful fabrication, sarcastically adding that she
could excuse him for so doing in some degree because she knew
from whom he derived his opinions, meaning the constable and
the two deceased members of the Triumvirate.<a name="FNanchor_697_697" id="FNanchor_697_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a> Philip II’s religious
convictions were outraged by the toleration of Calvinism allowed
in the Edict of Amboise, the more so because the queen
mother, in justification of the course of the government, compromised
the church at large by declaring that the sole practical
solution of the difficulty could be accomplished by a true general
council of the church, and <i>not</i> by the one sitting at Trent, in defiance
of whose conclusions she asserted the legality and inviolability
of the edict.<a name="FNanchor_698_698" id="FNanchor_698_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a></p>

<p>Catherine de Medici was deeply concerned over the conduct
of the Council of Trent. For the programme of zealous advocates<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span>
of the counter-Reformation there aimed at church consolidation
and the enlargement of papal authority to such an extent that
the immemorial liberties of the Gallican church, confirmed by the
great concordat of 1516, and the rights of the crown over the temporalities
of the church in France were seriously threatened. The
complication of the Huguenots with England and the murder of
the duke of Guise had brought this issue to a head. In the month
in which the duke was assassinated there was a significant meeting
of the ambassadors of the ultra-Catholic powers resident at the
French court, in which it was resolved to support the Council in
matters of religion; to prevent future appropriation of church
revenues by the state under pain of excommunication; to stamp
out heresy; and to avenge the murder of the duke of Guise.<a name="FNanchor_699_699" id="FNanchor_699_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a> The
cardinal of Lorraine was the chief representative of France at
Trent and perhaps the most conspicuous prelate there. He was
bitter against the policy of Charles IX, advocating utter suppression
of the Huguenots. His continuance at Trent, therefore, became
a danger to France and Catherine de Medici dexterously found
means to remove him by sending him on special errands to Vienna
and Venice, leaving the case of France at Trent in the hands of
the sieur de Lansac, whose loyalty to the Catholic faith did not
subvert his patriotism.<a name="FNanchor_700_700" id="FNanchor_700_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span></p>

<p>Aside from his religious antagonism, Philip II regarded
his own political interests as also jeopardized by the French
situation. He was alarmed at the possible recovery of Calais
by England,<a name="FNanchor_701_701" id="FNanchor_701_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a> and the progress of heresy and rebellion in the
Netherlands, especially at Valenciennes and Tournay, was certain
to be encouraged by the example of France, while a common
effort of the Huguenots of Picardy and those of the religion
across the Flemish border was seriously feared.<a name="FNanchor_702_702" id="FNanchor_702_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c198" id="c198">CHAPTER VIII</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE WAR WITH ENGLAND&mdash;THE PEACE OF TROYES<a name="FNanchor_703_703" id="FNanchor_703_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a> (1563-64)</p>

<p>The closure of the civil war was a necessary condition precedent
to the war France now planned to wage with her “adversary of
England” for the recovery of Havre-de-Grace. Catherine de
Medici had paid Coligny’s reiters in order to close the chasm as
soon as possible. The keen-witted representatives of Queen
Elizabeth in France&mdash;Throckmorton and Smith&mdash;had done all
in their power to diussade the Protestants from making peace.<a name="FNanchor_704_704" id="FNanchor_704_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a>
Too late Elizabeth perceived the result of her procrastination.
War between England and France over Havre was inevitable,<a name="FNanchor_705_705" id="FNanchor_705_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a>
though in March the French government dissembled its real
intention, giving the English to understand that the last portion
of the fourth article of the peace, which referred to putting strangers
out of the realm, applied to the German reiters.<a name="FNanchor_706_706" id="FNanchor_706_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a></p>

<p>The English declared that if the French would restore Calais
to the queen, Elizabeth would surrender Havre-de-Grace and
Dieppe, with all that was held by the English in Normandy.<a name="FNanchor_707_707" id="FNanchor_707_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a> But
the French contended that the English, having occupied Havre-de-Grace,
were deprived of all right to Calais,<a name="FNanchor_708_708" id="FNanchor_708_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a> and declined to
entertain such a proffer, hoping to recover Havre-de-Grace by
force<a name="FNanchor_709_709" id="FNanchor_709_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a> and also to remain masters of Calais by virtue of the treaty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>
of 1559, which provided that if, during the term of the treaty,
which was to endure for the space of eight years, the English acquired
other possessions in France, they would immediately lose
their right to Calais. To this England replied that France had
been the first offender, when French troops were sent into Scotland
in aid of Queen Mary; and that thereby the treaty was broken
and Calais was due her. Elizabeth refused to see that her own
selfish conduct had compelled the Huguenots to make terms, and
bitterly upbraided the Huguenot leaders for their “desertion.”<a name="FNanchor_710_710" id="FNanchor_710_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a></p>

<p>The determination to push the war proceeded entirely from
the queen, the chief members of the government having opposed
it both because of the strength of the fortress, which they thought
difficult to take, and also because of the confusion which still prevailed
in the kingdom. On April 7 the prince of Condé was
established in the lieutenantship. Marshal Brissac, who was chief
military commander, a week later quitted Paris for Normandy in
company with the Swiss, and the whole artillery lately used before
Orleans was sent forward.<a name="FNanchor_711_711" id="FNanchor_711_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a> Artillery and ammunition were sent
by the river, and provisions also were forwarded. The campaign
was delayed until this time for two reasons: first, to ascertain
whether the internal disturbances could be quelled and the reiters
gotten out of the kingdom, as otherwise it would have been perilous
to make any movement in the direction of the coast; secondly,
all the territory of Normandy had been so devasted by the war that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span>
the army could not be maintained except at very great cost and
inconvenience. Fortunately for the French government anxiety
with reference to the Emperor’s designs regarding Metz was now
removed, the cardinal of Lorraine having persuaded Ferdinand
that if the Three Bishoprics were restored they would become a
refuge for the heretics from Lower Germany and Luxembourg.<a name="FNanchor_712_712" id="FNanchor_712_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a></p>

<p>The queen mother appealed to Paris to obtain 200,000 crowns,
and a royal edict commanded the clergy to contribute 100,000
<i>écus de rentes</i> annual revenue.<a name="FNanchor_713_713" id="FNanchor_713_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a> At the same time a government
<i>octroi</i> upon wines was laid for six years, to the dismay of many
towns, which opposed the execution of the edict, claiming that
the vine and wine were their sole means of livelihood.<a name="FNanchor_714_714" id="FNanchor_714_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a> The King
also went to Parlement to obtain pecuniary supplies there against
England, saying that the 200,000 crowns from the city was to be
used to pay the reiters of the Rhinegrave, who had mutinied for
their pay in Champagne, to quit the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_715_715" id="FNanchor_715_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a> Paris readily
responded, “the Parisians caring not what they gave to recover
Newhaven;” it had been “a scourge and loss to them of many
millions of francs” during that year.<a name="FNanchor_716_716" id="FNanchor_716_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile the position of Warwick in Havre had grown so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span>
bad that he had expelled all strangers from the town.<a name="FNanchor_717_717" id="FNanchor_717_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a> Anticipating
a siege, a new fosse 30 feet wide, 10 feet broad, and 8 feet deep
had been constructed outside of the old ditch around the town.
The delay of the English government, however, was fatal to the
success of Warwick. All his labors went for naught.<a name="FNanchor_718_718" id="FNanchor_718_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a> On May 22
the French assault upon Havre began in earnest.<a name="FNanchor_719_719" id="FNanchor_719_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a> In the midst
of the tedium and the anxiety Catherine de Medici dominated
all, having no regard for her own convenience, but being in vigorous
action at all hours, and under great mental strain most of
the time. Yet her patience, her address, and her assiduous attention
during the time of the siege to the councils of the government,
and to her continual audiences, were remarkable. “Her
Majesty,” wrote the Venetian ambassador, “exceeds all that could
be expected from her sex, and even from an experienced man of
valor, or from a powerful king and military captain.” She insisted
on being present at all the assaults, and even in the trenches,
where cannon-balls and arquebus-bullets were flying.<a name="FNanchor_720_720" id="FNanchor_720_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a></p>

<p>The character of Catherine de Medici from this time forth,
throughout her long and varied career, continued to fill her subjects
with astonishment. Not even the most consummate courtier<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>
could have praised her beauty. She had big eyes and thick lips,
like Leo X, her great-uncle.<a name="FNanchor_721_721" id="FNanchor_721_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a> She possessed, too, the characteristics
of her family. She loved to erect public edifices; to collect
books. She made a profession of satisfying everybody, at least
in words, of which she was not saving. Her industry in public
business was the subject of astonishment. Nothing was too small
for her notice. She could neither eat nor drink without talking
politics. She followed the army without regard to her health
or even her life. Her physical characteristics, if not the admiration,
were certainly the wonder of all. She was fond of good-living,
eating much and irregularly, and was addicted to physical exercise,
especially hunting, which she also followed for the purpose of
reducing her weight. With this design, incredible as it may seem,
she often rode clad in heavy furs.<a name="FNanchor_722_722" id="FNanchor_722_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a> When fifty years of age she
could walk so fast that no one in the court was willing to follow her.</p>

<p>The difficulties of the French in the siege of Havre-de-Grace
were very great. The locality was surrounded for the distance
of a mile by marsh and by the waters of the sea, which were cut
by inaccessible canals. There was a strand of sand on the seaside
only about thirty yards distant from the wall at low tide. The
besiegers passed along the shore, somewhat concealed by the
sand and gravel cast up by the sea, and wedged themselves and
their artillery between this strand and the sea, and opened fire.
By the end of July the French had approached so near the walls
of Havre-de-Grace that they were almost able to batter them
point-blank, and the besieged went out to parley and demanded
four days’ time to communicate with England.<a name="FNanchor_723_723" id="FNanchor_723_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-202.jpg" width="450" height="340" id="i202"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">SKETCH MAP OF THE FORTIFICATIONS OF HAVRE-DE-GRACE</p>
        <p class="cap1">Dated July 15, 1563. Original in Public Record Office, State Papers, Foreign, Elizabeth, Vol. XL, No. 919.</p>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span></p>

<p>The garrison was reduced to a sorry plight, for the French were
about to storm the place, as they had already battered effectually
and dismantled a bulwark and several towers of the fort and filled
up the whole moat, so that with but a little more work they would
have opened a road for themselves securely with a spade. They
had, moreover, a battery of forty cannon, so that while only twenty
or thirty shots each day formed the usual feature of a siege at this
time, the French now fired more than a hundred and twenty shots.<a name="FNanchor_724_724" id="FNanchor_724_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a>
At last on July 28 Warwick agreed to surrender Havre-de-Grace,
and to embark in four days. Two days later the English admiral
Clinton appeared in sight, with thirty ships and five galliots. The
French artillery was then directed toward the sea, so the admiral
set sail the next evening with the fleet, and the French army
entered on Sunday, August 1, 1563.<a name="FNanchor_725_725" id="FNanchor_725_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a></p>

<p>The capture of Havre was of immense immediate advantage to
France, especially to Normandy, Havre being the door through
which all the traffic and commerce entered, not only to Rouen,
but also to Normandy, and to a great part of France. Without
this commerce Normandy-of-the-Seine suffered greatly.<a name="FNanchor_726_726" id="FNanchor_726_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a></p>

<p>But Elizabeth was reluctant to believe that she had been beaten,
and the autumn of the year witnessed tedious negotiations.<a name="FNanchor_727_727" id="FNanchor_727_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a> The
chief difficulty between the two crowns turned on the restitution
of Calais. The French insisted that they were absolved from the
terms of Cateau-Cambrésis through the action taken by England
in the matter of Havre-de-Grace; that thereby forfeiture of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span>
English right to Calais was made.<a name="FNanchor_728_728" id="FNanchor_728_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a> Elizabeth, on the other hand,
would not make peace unless her pretensions were recognized.<a name="FNanchor_729_729" id="FNanchor_729_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a></p>

<p>In the meanwhile, in the seas of Flanders, France, and England
thousands of acts of piracy were committed, and trade in the
Channel was quite interrupted.<a name="FNanchor_730_730" id="FNanchor_730_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a> A partial agreement at last was
patched up. On April 11, 1564, the treaty of peace was signed
at Troyes,<a name="FNanchor_731_731" id="FNanchor_731_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a> the articles yielding Havre-de-Grace to France, in
return for 120,000 gold crowns, a sum which the English grudgingly
took, though they had demanded a half million, the terms
also providing for property indemnifications and freedom of commerce
between the two nations.</p>

<p>Nothing was specified as to Calais. After three years of negotiations
the question still remained unsettled. In June, 1567, Sir
Thomas Smith, Elizabeth’s ambassador, demanded the restitution
of Calais. Charles was evasive, saying that the messenger
must be content to wait till the King had obtained the consent
of his council, before whom the King told Smith openly that he
would not restore Calais, but would hold it as the possession of
his ancestors, to which the queen of England had no just right.
When the ambassador replied, citing the word of the treaty, the
chancellor answered that the promise had been given under the
express conditions that the English queen should not in any way
molest the subjects or territory of France or Scotland, but from
what had taken place at Havre-de-Grace it appeared manifest
that she had forfeited all claims which she might have had to Calais.
The King’s rejoinder was notable in that it is so excellent an example
of the French doctrine of “natural frontiers,” Charles IX<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>
replying to the effect that the queen ought not to regret the loss
of Calais, knowing that of old it was the possession of the crown
of France, and that God had willed it to return to its first master,
and that the two realms ought to remain content with the frontiers
created for them by nature and with a boundary so clearly defined
as the sea.<a name="FNanchor_732_732" id="FNanchor_732_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c206" id="c206">CHAPTER IX</a></h2>

<p class="pch">EARLY LOCAL AND PROVINCIAL CATHOLIC LEAGUES</p>

<p>Thanks to her own enterprise in pushing the war which had
culminated with so much honor to France, and partly also to her
skilful handling of the factions at court, Catherine de Medici was
now in enjoyment of supreme power. The entire weight of the
government rested on her shoulders, there being no longer any
other person who controlled public affairs. The Guises and
Châtillon factions were full of animosity toward one another, for
Madame de Guise refused to recognize the admiral’s acquittal
for the murder of her husband;<a name="FNanchor_733_733" id="FNanchor_733_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a> Montmorency was deeply offended
because the young duke of Guise received the grand-mastership
and the gift of the duchy of Châtellerault, and so feigned to have
the gout in order to avoid service before Havre; Condé was doubly
angry at the queen, both because she withheld the promised lieutenant’s
commission and because the daughter of Marshal St.
André, who left a great fortune, was not permitted to marry his
son. The parties were, therefore, in a triangular relation toward
one another and Catherine’s art was bent upon maintaining the
balance in order to hold her own.<a name="FNanchor_734_734" id="FNanchor_734_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a></p>

<p>The population of the wittiest city in Europe was quick to
perceive the animosities and paradoxes that existed. “The
Parisians have three things to wonder at,” the saying went, “the
constable’s beads, the chancellor’s mass, and the cardinal Châtillon’s
red cap. One is ever mumbling over his beads and his head<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>
is ever occupied with other affairs; the other hears mass daily
and is the chief Huguenot in France; the third wears a cardinal’s
cap and defies the Pope.”<a name="FNanchor_735_735" id="FNanchor_735_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a> The queen mother had hoped that
religious animosities would be forgotten in the course of the war
with England. But she was disappointed. The peace of Amboise
could not be enforced. Even in Paris armed troops and
armed guards had to patrol the streets to prevent outbreaks of
violence.<a name="FNanchor_736_736" id="FNanchor_736_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a> It was impossible to disarm the Catholics, who made
house-to-house searches to ferret out Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_737_737" id="FNanchor_737_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a> Under the
terms of pacification the Protestants were permitted to return to
Paris, but who dared avail himself of so precarious a liberty?
Instead, they were compelled to sacrifice their property.<a name="FNanchor_738_738" id="FNanchor_738_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a> In the
provinces the same condition of things prevailed&mdash;in Languedoc,
in the Orléannais, in the Lyonnais.<a name="FNanchor_739_739" id="FNanchor_739_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a> In Languedoc the association
of the Huguenots maintained its organization, raised money, levied
troops.<a name="FNanchor_740_740" id="FNanchor_740_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a> Yet in spite of its failure to enforce pacification, the
government required the demolition of the walls of towns known
to be Huguenot strongholds, as Orleans, Montauban, and St. Lô,
a procedure which the Protestants strongly resisted; so that a
condition of petty civil war existed throughout much of France,
the Edict of Amboise notwithstanding.<a name="FNanchor_741_741" id="FNanchor_741_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a> Summarized, the troubles
of France at this time may be said to have been the feud between
the house of Guise and that of Châtillon&mdash;a feud which compromised<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>
the crown and most of the other great families of the kingdom;
the queen’s ambition to govern, which led her to nourish
the quarrel; religious intolerance; the poverty of the crown; the
uncertainty of its foreign relations; and finally the detriment to
its commerce on account of the war with England, which deprived
France of four or five millions of gold.<a name="FNanchor_742_742" id="FNanchor_742_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a></p>

<p>Even before peace was made between France and England
it had been decided that the King should make a tour of the provinces
for the better pacification of the country.<a name="FNanchor_743_743" id="FNanchor_743_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a> A programme
of administrative and financial reform was developed at the same
time. The army was to be reduced; in place of the royal garrisons
there was to be a “belle milice” of forty ensigns of footmen, ten
each in Picardy, Normandy, Languedoc, and Dauphiné. These
troops were to be supported partly by the crown, partly by the
provinces. The Scotch Guard was to be cut down. Through
the church’s aid twelve millions of the public debt, including the
unpaid balance of the dowries of Elizabeth of Spain and the duchess
of Savoy, were to be paid off within six years and the alienated
domains of the crown redeemed.<a name="FNanchor_744_744" id="FNanchor_744_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a> Already Charles IX’s majority
had been declared at Rouen, during the course of the siege of
Havre<a name="FNanchor_745_745" id="FNanchor_745_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a>&mdash;a dexterous stroke of the queen mother to thwart the
ambitions of the factions.<a name="FNanchor_746_746" id="FNanchor_746_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span></p>

<p>In the early spring of 1564 the court set out from Fontainebleau,
and thence went to Sens and Troyes, where the peace was signed;
from Troyes the way led to Bar-le-Duc and Nancy. But the
journey of the King, instead of allaying the disquietude of the
Huguenots, alarmed them still more. For the strongest overtures
were made to the King to break the peace of Amboise, not only
by provincial authorities<a name="FNanchor_747_747" id="FNanchor_747_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a> but also through the ambassadors of
certain of the Catholic powers.</p>

<p>The Council of Trent had finished its labors with somewhat
unseemly haste on December 4, 1563, on account of the anticipated
decease of Pius IV,<a name="FNanchor_748_748" id="FNanchor_748_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a> and strong pressure was brought upon
the French and Spanish governments to accept its findings.<a name="FNanchor_749_749" id="FNanchor_749_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> The
Pope, in consistory, accepted them in their integrity, on January
26, 1564.<a name="FNanchor_750_750" id="FNanchor_750_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a> But various European governments, especially France,
strongly objected to the findings as prejudicial to the interests of
monarchy.<a name="FNanchor_751_751" id="FNanchor_751_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a> On the first Monday in Lent the cardinal of Lorraine<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>
presented the decrees of Trent to the King in council and
others of the Parlement, urging that their adoption was necessary
for the repose of the kingdom. The debate which followed, in a
certain sense was a test of strength between the moderate Catholic
party, led by the chancellor L’Hôpital and the Guises. Much
objection was made to the findings, especially by the chancellor,
who asserted that they were contrary to the privileges of the Gallican
church, and that the cardinal’s party was now trying to compass
by craft what they had failed to do by force of arms. The
cardinal rejoined with words to the effect that L’Hôpital was
unmindful of the benefits he had received of them (the Guises),
using the word “ingrate” (<i>ingrat</i>). To this the chancellor haughtily
returned that he had never received any benefits from the cardinal
or his family, that he had only filled the post of <i>maître de
requêtes</i>, which was not a high office, and that he did not desire
to pay his debts at the expense of the King’s sovereignty by voting
in favor of the decrees. In the end, France refused to accept all
of the findings.<a name="FNanchor_752_752" id="FNanchor_752_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a></p>

<p>With the closing of the Council of Trent, the representatives
of the ultra-Catholic powers, notably Spain and Savoy, intimated
to Charles IX that their sovereigns would assist him in the extirpation
of heresy in France. The offer was both a promise and
a menace, the implication being that the Catholic world at large
would not tolerate the recognition of Protestantism accorded by
France and that a joint action of the powers most concerned might
compel the king of France to live up to his title of Most Christian
King. The cardinal of Lorraine had carried the idea of the Triumvirate
to Trent with him,<a name="FNanchor_753_753" id="FNanchor_753_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a> and on the floor of the Council had
proposed the formation of an association to be called “The Brotherhood<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span>
of Catholics in France.” He offered to secure the co-operation
of his nephews, relatives, and friends, and returned to France
with the consent of the Pope for that purpose.<a name="FNanchor_754_754" id="FNanchor_754_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a> The Triumvirate,
as we have seen, had already made overtures to Spain, to which
Philip II had responded with cordial, if no very definite sentiments,
and from the time of the promulgation of the Edict of January
and the formation of the Triumvirate, the idea of a Catholic league
in which the Pope and the king of Spain were to be the chief pillars,
begins to take shape.<a name="FNanchor_755_755" id="FNanchor_755_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a> The mission of Louis de St. Gelais,
sieur de Lansac, to Trent and Rome in this month, was partly
to prevent the formation of such a league, and partly to persuade
the Pope to approve the French government’s appropriation of
the property of the church. Granvella was not unfavorable to the
idea, though in his eyes such a league should be formed, not for
the purpose of intervening in France, but as a defensive measure,
lest Catherine endeavor to profit by the critical situation prevailing
in the Spanish Netherlands and interfere there in order to divert
the discontent of the French from home affairs, and to prevent the
Protestants of the Netherlands from assisting their coreligionists
in France.<a name="FNanchor_756_756" id="FNanchor_756_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a></p>

<p>The outbreak of civil war after the massacre of Vassy and the
seizure of Havre-de-Grace by the English had convinced Philip II
that the time to act had come in France, and Spanish troops and
Spanish money were put at the disposal of the Guises, although
Philip denied to England that he was giving succor to Catholic
France.<a name="FNanchor_757_757" id="FNanchor_757_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a> In May, and again in August of 1562, the Triumvirate
appealed to Philip II,<a name="FNanchor_758_758" id="FNanchor_758_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a> and on June 6 the Spanish King wrote to the
regent in the Netherlands to send the Triumvirate assistance. But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span>
the order was easier to give than to execute, and exactly a month later
(July 6) both Margaret and Granvella replied, asserting the impracticability
of carrying out Philip’s wishes on the ground that no money
could be procured from the estates for such a purpose.<a name="FNanchor_759_759" id="FNanchor_759_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a> In the
meantime, the cardinal-legate in France, convinced that “in order
to lay the ax at the root of the evil, there was no shorter way and
no better expedient than recourse to arms,”<a name="FNanchor_760_760" id="FNanchor_760_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a> and impatient of
Spain’s slow reply to the petition of the Triumvirate,<a name="FNanchor_761_761" id="FNanchor_761_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a> stirred up
both the Vatican and the court of Madrid to livelier action.<a name="FNanchor_762_762" id="FNanchor_762_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a> As
a result, although it was against their better judgment, Margaret
and Granvella prevailed upon the Council of State in August to
appropriate 50,000 écus for the war in France, and in September
3,000 Italians were sent from Franche Comté to the aid of Tavannes
in Burgundy.<a name="FNanchor_763_763" id="FNanchor_763_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a></p>

<p>The elements of the future Holy League are here manifest as
early as 1561-62. But apart from the course being followed out
in high political circles, at the same time, popular associations
for the maintenance of the Catholic religion were being formed
within France. The years 1562-63 witnessed the formation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span>
several provincial leagues and town associations, which were the
real roots of the Holy League.</p>

<p>The people of the capital had begun to manifest their prejudices
in an organized military form as early as 1562, and the
government, instead of suppressing this tendency, encouraged it.
On May 2, 1562, the Parlement of Paris passed an ordinance
ordering the <i>échevins</i> and all loyal Catholics in each quarter of the
city to organize under arms, with captains, corporals, and sergeants.<a name="FNanchor_764_764" id="FNanchor_764_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a>
But the preponderance of Paris in the formation of the Holy
League has been exaggerated. When it became a national affair,
Paris, as the capital and most Catholic city of France, seized hold
of it and made it her own. But it is inverting things to say that
Paris gave the League to the provinces. Rather Paris identified
herself with their interests, and reflected their passions and their
character, “fierce in Languedoc, sullenly obstinate in Brittany,
everywhere modified in its nature and its devotion by the politics
of the towns.”<a name="FNanchor_765_765" id="FNanchor_765_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a></p>

<p>The south of France was far more aggressive than the north in
this particular, and anti-Protestant associations were formed in
many provinces to the disquietude of the government, which knew
not how to control them.<a name="FNanchor_766_766" id="FNanchor_766_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> The earliest of such local associations
formed by the Catholics seems to have been one of Bordeaux,
where the people were organized after the Protestant attempt to
gain possession of the Château Trompette in Francis II’s reign.<a name="FNanchor_767_767" id="FNanchor_767_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span>
This association formed in Bordeaux is the germ of the Catholic
League which later expanded over the Bordelais and Gascony.
Other portions of France followed suit. In November, 1562, the
Association of Provence was formed at Aix and terrorized the
Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_768_768" id="FNanchor_768_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a> Toulouse was notoriously Catholic, and street wars
between Catholics and Protestants were of common occurrence.
A more than usually violent outburst of popular fury here culminated
on March 2, 1563, in the formation of a Catholic League,
of which the cardinals Armagnac and Strozzi, lieutenants of the
King in the sénéschaussées of Toulouse and Albi, the president
of the Parlement, Du Faur, who was advocate-general of the
crown, certain eminent knights of the Order, and the famous
Montluc, were sponsors. The immediate occasion of this outbreak
at Toulouse seems to have been the combination of fury
and fear of a plot which the Catholics felt when they learned of
the duke of Guise’s assassination. When the outbreak began,
the president of the Parlement of Toulouse hastily dispatched a
messenger to Montluc entreating him to come to their assistance.
Upon Montluc’s arrival at Toulouse the leaders prayed him to
put himself at the head of the troops in the province against the
Huguenots.</p>

<p>Montluc at first made some difficulty about consenting to this
request, because he had no permission from Damville, the governor
of Languedoc, in which province Toulouse was located, and who,
moreover, was not one of his friends.<a name="FNanchor_769_769" id="FNanchor_769_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a> Finally, however, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span>
yielded to their request, and measures were taken to put an army
on foot in thirty days. Those who composed this assembly drew
up the compact of a league or association on March 2, 1563, which
was to be observed by the clergy, the nobility, and the third estate
in the towns and dioceses within the jurisdiction of the parlement
of Toulouse, both in Languedoc and Guyenne. According to
the articles of this association the members engaged to bear arms,
and to make oath between the hands of those commissioned by
the Parlement, or by the King’s lieutenant in the country, to march
whenever required for the defense of the Catholic religion. The
parlement of Toulouse approved and authorized this association
on March 20, provisionally and without charges, “subject to the
good pleasure of the King.” In the name of this league taxes
were laid, men were levied, and an inventory of arms made in
every <i>généralité</i> and diocese.<a name="FNanchor_770_770" id="FNanchor_770_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a></p>

<p>Montluc had come to Toulouse, fresh from the formation of
another and earlier league for the preservation of the Catholic faith,
in Agen, which had been organized on February 4, 1563. This
league was a direct consequence of the siege of Lectoure and the
battle of Vergt. Montluc had received orders to report, with the
marshal Termes, to the King in the camp before Orleans. But
the Agenois was not quite pacified and the gentry of the country
were so filled with alarm, that they concluded, so Montluc naïvely
says, “that in case I should resolve to go away to the King, as his
Majesty commanded, and offer to leave them without a head,
they must be fain to detain me in the nature of a prisoner.”<a name="FNanchor_771_771" id="FNanchor_771_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a> The
upshot of things was that the “Confederation and Association of
the town and city of Agen and other towns and jurisdictions of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span>
Agen” was formed and organized on February 4, 1563, with a
captain, lieutenant, sergeants, corporals, and other necessary
officers, in order to extirpate the Huguenots from the region. It
was an oath-bound covenant.<a name="FNanchor_772_772" id="FNanchor_772_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a></p>

<p>The examples of Agen and Toulouse were contagious, and
the popular hatred of the Huguenots, on account of the assassination
of the duke of Guise, induced the spread of these local leagues.
On March 13, 1563, the Catholic lords of Guyenne also entered
into a league at Cadillac on the same plan and for the same object
as that of the Catholics of Agen and Languedoc.<a name="FNanchor_773_773" id="FNanchor_773_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a> Like the earlier
ones, the league of Guyenne was organized by parishes, districts,
sénéschaussées and provinces, under the direction of one supreme
chief assisted by a council chosen from the third estate. In the
north of France, as has been observed, the tendency of the Catholics
to associate was not so strong as in the south. There is evidence
of a weak association of the Catholics in the towns of the
Rouennais and the lower part of the Ile-de-France in 1563,<a name="FNanchor_774_774" id="FNanchor_774_774"></a><a href="#Footnote_774_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a> and
of a town league in Anjou and Maine.<a name="FNanchor_775_775" id="FNanchor_775_775"></a><a href="#Footnote_775_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a> But no formidable Catholic
association was formed north of the Loire, until the appearance
of the Confrérie du St. Esprit in 1568, under the marshal
Tavannes.</p>

<p>The nucleus of many of these Catholic associations, before
they expanded into provincial leagues, in most cases seems to have
been a local guild or confraternity<a name="FNanchor_776_776" id="FNanchor_776_776"></a><a href="#Footnote_776_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a> of some nature. These were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span>
closely connected with the body of tradesmen, each trade having
its patron saint, its sacred banner, and devoted bands; but some
of the more aristocratic people were joined with the artisans. The
members had fixed places of meeting and certain days on which
to assemble, common exercises, and often a common meal. They
swore to use their wealth and their life, if need be, for the defense
of their faith.<a name="FNanchor_777_777" id="FNanchor_777_777"></a><a href="#Footnote_777_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a></p>

<p>The new rôle now begun to be played by these ancient guilds
is an interesting phase of the religious wars. If France in the
sixteenth century was laboring in the throes of a religious revolution,
she was also in a state of industrial transformation. In
origin the economic revolution was independent of the Reformation,
yet so influential were its social and economic effects upon
the Reformation that in a very true sense the religious movement
may be said to have been the subordinate one.<a name="FNanchor_778_778" id="FNanchor_778_778"></a><a href="#Footnote_778_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a> The identity and
fulness of this change in the old order of things coincides with
the Reformation, which in large part became the vehicle of
its expression. The crisis coincides with the reign of Charles
IX and Henry III, although the beginnings of it are very manifest
in the time of Louis XI (cf. the ordinances of 1467,
1474-76, 1479). The change particularly involved the guilds,
whose traditional practices had now reached the point of an
industrial tyranny. More and more, from the middle of the
fifteenth century, control of the guilds had tended to fall into the
hands of a few. This growth of a social hierarchy within the
guilds had serious political and economic results. For inasmuch
as city government was so largely an out-growth of guild life, this
exclusiveness threw political control of the cities into the hands
of a “ring” composed of the upper bourgeoisie, who formed an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span>
oligarchy and gradually squeezed the lower classes out of all participation
in the government. The general body of the commonalty
everywhere, in France, in Germany, in England, tended to
disappear or to be replaced by a select group from the inner circle
of the guild. The lower bourgeoisie was shut out of the council
at Nevers in 1512, at Sens in 1530, at Rheims in 1595.</p>

<p>But the economic revolution implied in this change was of far
greater importance than the political. The <i>gens de métier</i> became
a monopolist, a capitalist class, controlling the “hoards” of the
guilds as well as being the ruling class in local politics. The old
guild was transformed into a mercantile association, operated in
favor of a few rich families who were possessed of capital and
regulated wages and fixed the term of apprenticeship to their own
advantage. In order to secure cheap labor the masters increased
the number of apprentices, lengthened the time of service, raised
the requirements of the <i>chef-d’œuvre</i>, made membership in the
guild increasingly difficult, and reduced wages by employing raw,
underpaid workmen in competition with skilled labor. The
result was that the distance widened continually between the
upper and lower working classes.<a name="FNanchor_779_779" id="FNanchor_779_779"></a><a href="#Footnote_779_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a> The social democracy and
honorable estate of guild life, as it had been in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries, passed away and was replaced by a strife
between labor and capital, between organized labor and free
labor, which brings the sixteenth century, remote as it is in time,
very near to us in certain of its economic conditions.</p>

<p>To be sure there were some things which partially neutralized
this antagonism, such as better facility in communication, the
increase of production, the activity of exchange, the invention of
new industrial processes, and the opening of new industries,
notably printing and silk manufacture.<a name="FNanchor_780_780" id="FNanchor_780_780"></a><a href="#Footnote_780_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a> But nothing compensated
the workman for the rise in the price of necessities of life
due to the influx of gold and silver from America, for his wages<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span>
did not rise in proportion. In consequence the cleavage grew
more and more sharp. The result of this tendency was that poor
workmen, despairing of getting economic justice from the guilds,
took to working in their own quarters. So common was this practice
in the sixteenth century that a new word was coined to define
this unapprenticed class&mdash;- <i>chambrelons</i>. These plied their trades
in their own houses and sold the product of their handicraft anywhere.
As early as 1457, and again in 1467, the masters complain
of this practice.<a name="FNanchor_781_781" id="FNanchor_781_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a> It is easy to understand the disastrous influence
of this new form of industry upon guild labor, since the new class
of workmen was not subject either to the same money charges or
to the same restrictive regulations. It was “unfair” competition
for the old order of things which reposed upon the maintenance
of an economic equilibrium between demand and supply, between
labor and capital, was upset by the new tendencies.</p>

<p>To the toiling masses trodden down by the masters and economically
tyrannized over, the Reformation came as the first <i>organized</i>
movement of discontent, and hosts of dissatisfied workmen throughout
Germany and France hastened to identify themselves with
Protestantism, not for religious reasons, but because the Reformation
constituted exactly that for which they were seeking&mdash;a protest.
The situation was further aggravated by the influx of
foreign workmen, chiefly from Germany, where this economic
revolution was earlier and more fully developed than elsewhere
in Europe, in great industrial centers like Nürnberg, and where
small German workmen were more completely shut out than
was the case in France or England. These men&mdash;such as cobblers,
shoemakers, carpenters, wool-carders, and other simple
artisans&mdash;wandered over the country from one province to another,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span>
carrying the economic gospel of free labor and the religion of
Lutheranism with them. Naturally they imbued their French
fellow-workmen with their sentiments&mdash;and to such an extent
that for years, during the early course of the civil wars, the
Huguenots were commonly called “Lutherans.” Before 1560, the
greater portion of the Protestant party was made up of woolcombers,
fullers, drapers, weavers, shoemakers, hosiers, dyers,
tailors, hatters, joiners, glaziers, bookbinders, locksmiths, cutlers,
pewterers, coopers, etc.<a name="FNanchor_782_782" id="FNanchor_782_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a> Even as late as 1572, when the Huguenot
movement had for twelve years been led by noblemen like
the Châtillons and the Rohans, the Venetian ambassador still
characterized the Huguenots as “a sect which consists for the most
part of craftsmen, as cobblers, tailors, and such ignorant people.”<a name="FNanchor_783_783" id="FNanchor_783_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a></p>

<p>Coupled with this religious and economic revolution, went also
a change in the manners of society, which pervaded all classes&mdash;a
change which began in the reign of Francis I and was continued
under Henry II. The new internationalism of France, due to the
Italian wars, was probably the initial cause of this. Returned
soldiers, laden with the pay of booty of warfare, brought back into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span>
France the manners and customs of Italy, which commingled
with the manners and customs introduced by wandering workmen
from Germany and Switzerland.<a name="FNanchor_784_784" id="FNanchor_784_784"></a><a href="#Footnote_784_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a></p>

<p>The revision of the statutes of the guilds was one of the minor
features of the reform programme of the political Huguenots in
the States-General of Orleans, and the <i>Cahier-général</i> of the third
estate which was compiled from the local <i>cahiers</i> presented by
the deputies shows traces of the interest of France at large in the
issue. Unfortunately these fuller local records are lost.<a name="FNanchor_785_785" id="FNanchor_785_785"></a><a href="#Footnote_785_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a> But this
revision only looked to a modernizing of the mediaeval language
of the <i>ordonnances</i>, which chiefly dated from the fourteenth century,
and did not contemplate an entire recasting of them, so as
to make them harmonize with the new industrial conditions. Only
one man in the assembly seems to have appreciated the real condition
of things. This was the chancellor L’Hôpital. Not content
with the mild reorganization of the guilds recommended by
the third estate, on the last day of the session, January 31, 1561,
the chancellor drew up the famous ordinance of Orleans.<a name="FNanchor_786_786" id="FNanchor_786_786"></a><a href="#Footnote_786_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a> The
intent of this statute was indirectly to restrain the enlarged economic
tyranny of the guilds, to lessen the burden of apprenticeship,
and to establish freer laboring conditions. This purpose the government<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span>
aimed to attain by dissolving the confraternities, for by
striking at these it really struck the guilds, since many of these
associations were one and the same. No distinction was made
between associations whose character was religious or charitable,
and those composed of patrons and workingmen; all the confraternities
were grouped together and governmental supervision
was provided for. They were not legislated out of existence by
the new action, but reduced to a partial dissolution. Their accumulated
hoards of capital were ordered to be expended for the
support of schools and hospitals and similar institutions in the
towns and villages where these various guilds were, and only a
limited amount of money was left in their hands. The municipal
officers, in co-operation with those of the crown were made personally
responsible for the execution of this measure in every
bailiwick. It is important to notice the significance of this course.
The government, in fact, was pursuing a policy of partial secularization
of the property of these confraternities for the benefit of
the people at large, and compelling distribution of the great sums
locked up in the hands of the guilds in much the same way that
the church had come to possess enormous sums in mortmain.
This legislation, if it had really been effective, would have destroyed
the guilds.</p>

<p>The guilds thus put upon the defensive, owing to the reforming
policy of the crown and the political Huguenots, sought to save
themselves by pleading that they were religious associations. By
this adroit movement they gained the support of the Catholic
party. But the crown refused to yield, and we find the <i>Confréries
de métiers</i> directly supervised in letters-patent of February 5, 1562,
and December 14, 1565. Coupled with these measures, we find
others forbidding banquets, festivals, and like celebrations (edicts
of December 11, 1566, and of February 4, 1567) which by this
time had become centers of religious agitation among the Catholics.
But the government could not maintain its course. The identification
of the guilds and confraternities with the Catholic party
gave them great and unexpected support. Under the new order
of things they became the nuclei of local and provincial Catholic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span>
leagues.<a name="FNanchor_787_787" id="FNanchor_787_787"></a><a href="#Footnote_787_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a> In other words, the labor party became identified with
the Huguenots, while the upper bourgeoisie, controlling the guilds,
adhered to the Catholic cause&mdash;at Rouen in 1560 the merchants
actually declared a lock-out against workmen who attended
preachings<a name="FNanchor_788_788" id="FNanchor_788_788"></a><a href="#Footnote_788_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a>&mdash;and became the nuclei of the provincial leagues,
exactly as in France in 1793 every Jacobin club became an arm
of the Terror government.</p>

<p>It was said at the time, and has often been asserted since, that
these local Catholic leagues were but protective associations in the
beginning and formed to repel Huguenot violence.<a name="FNanchor_789_789" id="FNanchor_789_789"></a><a href="#Footnote_789_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> The Huguenots
practiced as violent methods as their religious opponents
and their offenses were as numerous; but with the exception of
the Huguenot association in Dauphiné, there is no early example
of a Protestant association similar to the leagues of the Catholics<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>
in the provinces. The Protestant local organizations were not so
highly developed, in a military sense, as early as this, nor were they
of the same form as those of the Catholics. Montluc himself, than
whom there is no better judge, testifies that in the war in Guyenne
in 1562 “they showed themselves to be novices, and indeed
they were guided by their ministers.” The Protestants had a
sort of triumvirate, it is true, in the two Châtillon brothers, and
the prince of Condé, but their work only remotely partakes of the
policy of the real Triumvirate; even their appeal to Elizabeth
did not contemplate such radical conduct as the Triumvirate
displayed.<a name="FNanchor_790_790" id="FNanchor_790_790"></a><a href="#Footnote_790_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a></p>

<p>No Huguenot leader ever thought of subordinating the government
of France to a foreign ruler for the maintenance of the faith
he believed in,<a name="FNanchor_791_791" id="FNanchor_791_791"></a><a href="#Footnote_791_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a> as the Guises, Montmorency, and St. André did.
Condé’s declaration that the civil war was caused by the Triumvirate’s
action had much truth in it. The rules of the association
which the Huguenots formed at Orleans, on April 11, 1562, were
as much a body of military regulations for the discipline of the
army as they were a political compact, as a reading of the articles
will prove.<a name="FNanchor_792_792" id="FNanchor_792_792"></a><a href="#Footnote_792_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a> There was little of the politico-military character of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span>
the Catholic leagues about it. It is not until after the Bayonne
episode that we find a solid federation of the Reformed churches
beginning to form, and the first test of the Protestant organization
was made at the beginning of the second civil war.<a name="FNanchor_793_793" id="FNanchor_793_793"></a><a href="#Footnote_793_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a> This is not
the place, however, to dwell upon its development. In due time
the subject will be taken up.</p>

<p>The edict confirming the act of pacification (March 19, 1563)
in its sixth article forbade the formation of any leagues in the
future, and ordered the dissolution of those already in existence.<a name="FNanchor_794_794" id="FNanchor_794_794"></a><a href="#Footnote_794_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a>
This prohibition was a dead letter from the beginning. The
government not only was unable to prevent the formation of new
leagues; it was even unable to suppress those already in existence.<a name="FNanchor_795_795" id="FNanchor_795_795"></a><a href="#Footnote_795_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a>
When the first civil war ended, there were three well-organized
Catholic leagues in southern France, namely those of Provence,
of Toulouse, and of Agen. Catherine de Medici, who, for some
months to come, continued to give substantial manifestation of
her desire for peace,<a name="FNanchor_796_796" id="FNanchor_796_796"></a><a href="#Footnote_796_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> in announcing the act of Amboise to Montluc,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span>
demanded the dissolution of these associations. Instead of so
doing, however, Candalle, Montluc’s chief agent in Guyenne,
continued his activities. On March 13, 1563, as has been noticed,
in defiance of the impending edict of pacification (which was
completed and only awaited promulgation) the Catholic seigneurs
of Guyenne, at Cadillac (near Bordeaux) entered into a
league identical in purpose and in form with those of Agen
and Languedoc.<a name="FNanchor_797_797" id="FNanchor_797_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a> This league, which is the germ of that
which spread over Gascony, seems to have been denounced
to the government by Lagebaston, the president of the parlement
of Bordeaux, between whom and Montluc there was
friction, partly because of Montluc’s preference for Agen as a
working capital for the region, partly because of his notorious dislike
of the lawyer class, whose disposition to regard forms of law
and vested right interfered with Montluc’s high-handed and
arbitrary management of affairs.<a name="FNanchor_798_798" id="FNanchor_798_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a> This new league in such
glaring violation of the edict, called forth a sharp letter of rebuke
from the queen mother to Montluc on March 31. After alluding
in a general way to “les maulx” due to the existence of “les partialitez
et les associations, qui se sont faictes” she says:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">J’ay esté advertye qu’il s’en est faicte une autre en la Guyenne dont est chef
Monsieur de Candalle, laquelle encores qu’elle ayt esté faicte à bonne intention
durant la guerre, si n’est-ce que, cessant la dicte guerre et se faisant la paix,
elle n’est plus nécessaire et ne la peult ung roy trouver bonne, ny que ceulx
qui veullent estre estimez obéyssans ne peuvent soustenir sans encourir le
mesme cryme de rebellion dont ilz ont accusé leurs adversaires. Et pour
ceste cause, et que le Roy monsieur mon filz n’est pas délibéré d’en souffrir
plus aucun, de quelque costé qu’elle procedde ny permectre plus à ses subjectz,
de quelque religion qu’ilz soient, d’avoir autre association qu’avec luy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span>
et selon son obéyssance, il fault, Monsieur de Monluc, que, pour le bien de son
service, comme il le vous commande expressément par ses lettres, que vous,
qui estes son lieutenant-général par delà, faciez rompre celle qui s’est faicte
sans permectre qu’ilz ayent aucune force, puissance ou authorité que celle que
vous leur baillerez, ny aucune volunté que d’obéyr à ce que par vous, pour
le bien du service du Roy monsieur mon filz, leur sera commandé; pour lequel
effect j’en scriptz, comme faict le Roy monsieur mon filz, une lectre audit
s<sup>r</sup> de Candalle et à tous ceulx qui y sont comprins, comme nous en avons esté
bien amplement advertiz.<a name="FNanchor_799_799" id="FNanchor_799_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Until the ambition of the Guises created an opposition to them
among the old-line nobility, and so identified the Huguenot movement
with the interests of the aristocracy,<a name="FNanchor_800_800" id="FNanchor_800_800"></a><a href="#Footnote_800_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a> the French Reformation
found its chief support among the lower bourgeois class in the
towns. The proportion naturally varied from place to place.
Lyons, partly from its proximity to Geneva, but more because of
its strong commercial position and its great manufacturing interests,
among which the silk industry was of most importance, was
the greatest Huguenot city in France.<a name="FNanchor_801_801" id="FNanchor_801_801"></a><a href="#Footnote_801_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a> Where we find Protestantism
prevailing in feudal districts, it is largely to be ascribed to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span>
the influence of Protestant gentleman-farmers, often retired bourgeois,
who purchased the county estates of the older nobility who had
been bankrupted by the wars in Italy and Flanders, or else preferred
to live at court. The strongholds of French Protestantism were
the river towns, on the highways of trade, or sea-ports like Rouen
and La Rochelle. Dauphiné, which fattened on the commerce out
of Italy through the Alpine passes, and Provence which bordered
the Mediterranean, both of which “cleared” through Lyons;
Lower Poitou, where La Rochelle was, and Normandy on the Channel
were the chief Protestant provinces of France. Normandy was
probably the most Protestant province of all, for here Calvinism
not only obtained in the ports and “good” towns, but in the country
areas as well.<a name="FNanchor_802_802" id="FNanchor_802_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a></p>

<p>But there are evidences of the penetration of Protestantism
into the country districts elsewhere as well&mdash;in Orléannais, Nivernais,
Blésois, the diocese of Nîmes and even in isolated parts of
Champagne and Gascony.<a name="FNanchor_803_803" id="FNanchor_803_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a> In general, however, the French
peasantry were strongly Catholic.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">The reason for this is, first, a social one: while the revolution of the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries was ruinous for the artisan, it was profitable to
the peasant. The rent paid to the landlord, immutably fixed in the twelfth
or thirteenth century, represented under the new values of money a very light
burden, while the fall in the price of silver considerably raised the nominal
worth of the products of the soil, when the villein sold them. The price of
land was falling rapidly at the very time when the French gentry, ceasing to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span>
an aristocracy of gentlemen-farmers and becoming a court-nobility, were compelled
to sell their estates to meet their expenses and, as was said, to put their
mills and meadows on their shoulders. When a lord wished to sell at any
price a part of his estates, there was always, in the parish, a countryman who
had been, as one may say, saving money for centuries, and who, realizing at
last the dream of bygone generations, bought land. Thus did the French
villein become a landowner. The reign of Louis XII and the beginning of
that of Francis I was for the French peasants an epoch of real prosperity; his
situation presented a striking contrast with that of the German peasant who,
at the same date, was in danger of relapsing into bondage. We may easily
understand why there was not in France, as in Germany, a peasants’ revolution
both social and religious.<a name="FNanchor_804_804" id="FNanchor_804_804"></a><a href="#Footnote_804_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a></p>

<p class="p1">But there are other reasons for the religious growth of the
Huguenot cause among the people not so hard to find. Their
ministers preached in the French language and avoided the use
of Latin, which tended to mystery and obscurity; after sermons
the service was continued with prayer and the singing of psalms
in French rhyme, with vocal and instrumental music in which
the congregation joined. In their church polity, the Huguenots
had carried changes farther than had the Reformation elsewhere
in Europe. In Germany and England the Reformation still
adhered to many of the institutions of the mediaeval church,
retaining the episcopate and inferior clergy, as deacons, archdeacons,
canons, curates, together with vestures, canonical habits,
and the use of ornaments.<a name="FNanchor_805_805" id="FNanchor_805_805"></a><a href="#Footnote_805_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a></p>

<p>No reliable estimate can be made of the proportion between
Catholics and Huguenots in the sixteenth century. A remonstrance
of 1562 to the Pope declared that one-fourth of France
was separate from the communion of Rome.<a name="FNanchor_806_806" id="FNanchor_806_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a> The Venetian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span>
ambassador thought “hardly a third part of the people heretical”
in 1567.<a name="FNanchor_807_807" id="FNanchor_807_807"></a><a href="#Footnote_807_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a> The <i>échevins</i> of Amiens declared three-quarters of
the inhabitants of Amiens were Protestant in the same year.<a name="FNanchor_808_808" id="FNanchor_808_808"></a><a href="#Footnote_808_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a>
Charles IX in a remonstrance to Pius IV asserted that a fourth
part of France was Protestant.<a name="FNanchor_809_809" id="FNanchor_809_809"></a><a href="#Footnote_809_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a> Montluc, no mean observer,
estimated that one-tenth of the population of Guyenne was Protestant.<a name="FNanchor_810_810" id="FNanchor_810_810"></a><a href="#Footnote_810_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a>
If this proportion be applied to France at large, the
Huguenots would have numbered something like 1,600,000. Beza,
who presided over the synod of La Rochelle in 1571, claimed that
the Huguenots had 2,150 congregations, some of them very large,
as in the case of the church of Orleans, which was said to have
7,000 members. At the time of the Colloquy of Poissy, Normandy
was said to have 305 pastors, Provence 60.<a name="FNanchor_811_811" id="FNanchor_811_811"></a><a href="#Footnote_811_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a> But the number of
Huguenots in Normandy, Provence, or the Orléannais was exceptionally
large. The average congregation must have been small.
If we assume that the population of France was sixteen millions<a name="FNanchor_812_812" id="FNanchor_812_812"></a><a href="#Footnote_812_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a>
and that one-tenth of the people were Calvinist, we would have
a total of 1,600,000 Protestants for all France, which would give
an average of about 750 members to each congregation on the basis
of Beza’s statement as to the number of the Huguenot churches.
This is certainly much too high a figure. Personally I believe the
average was less than half of this. If the congregation averaged
400 members each, on Beza’s calculation there would have been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span>
860,000 Huguenots in France. A Venetian source of the year
1562 sets the number at 600,000.<a name="FNanchor_813_813" id="FNanchor_813_813"></a><a href="#Footnote_813_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a> This may be too low, but all
things considered, I believe it not far from the truth. The total
Protestant population of France I do not believe to have exceeded
three-quarters of a million before 1572, and after that date it is
often difficult to distinguish between Huguenots and Politiques.</p>

<p>Such was the state of things when the first civil war came to an end.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c232" id="c232">CHAPTER X</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE TOUR OF THE PROVINCES.<a name="FNanchor_814_814" id="FNanchor_814_814"></a><a href="#Footnote_814_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a> THE BAYONNE EPISODE</p>

<p>“I am always <i>en voyage</i>,” wrote the Venetian ambassador to
the senate. “Since the beginning of my embassy the King has
not staid more than fifteen days in any one place. He goes from
Lorraine to Poitou, and then to Normandy and the edge of Belgium,
back again to Normandy, then to Paris, Picardy, Champagne,
Burgundy.”<a name="FNanchor_815_815" id="FNanchor_815_815"></a><a href="#Footnote_815_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a> Dr. Dale wrote in the same strain to Lord Burghley:
“The Spanish ambassador has a saying that ambassadors
in France are eaten up by their horses, since they are constrained
to keep so many because of the habit of the court of moving
from place to place continually.”<a name="FNanchor_816_816" id="FNanchor_816_816"></a><a href="#Footnote_816_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a></p>

<p>But there was point to Charles IX’s famous tour of the provinces
in 1564-66. The unsettled condition of the country, if
no other reason, accounts for Catherine’s great design of completing
the pacification of the kingdom by having the King tour the realm.
The route lay through Sens<a name="FNanchor_817_817" id="FNanchor_817_817"></a><a href="#Footnote_817_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a> (March 15) to Troyes (March 23)<a name="FNanchor_818_818" id="FNanchor_818_818"></a><a href="#Footnote_818_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a>
where the peace with England was signed on April 13; thence
to Châlons-sur-Marne, Bar-le-Duc, Dijon (May 15), Macon
(June 8), and thence to Lyons, where the court arrived on June
13. The King traveled with his ordinary train, that is, with his
mother, his brother, the duke of Anjou, the constable, and the
archers of the guard, in order to spare the people the burden of
great entertainment, and those princes and nobles who wished
to follow were accompanied only by their ordinary servants.<a name="FNanchor_819_819" id="FNanchor_819_819"></a><a href="#Footnote_819_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a> If
the Huguenots viewed the King’s sojourn at Bar-le-Duc with
apprehension,<a name="FNanchor_820_820" id="FNanchor_820_820"></a><a href="#Footnote_820_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a> it was not without anxiety that his Catholic subjects
saw Charles IX visit the great city located at the junction of
the Rhone and the Saône rivers.<a name="FNanchor_821_821" id="FNanchor_821_821"></a><a href="#Footnote_821_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a> Lyons seems to have imbibed
something of Calvinism from the very waters of the arrowy river
whose source was the lake of the citadel of Calvinism.<a name="FNanchor_822_822" id="FNanchor_822_822"></a><a href="#Footnote_822_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a> The
rumor was current that a greater conspiracy than that of Amboise
was on foot; that the King and queen were to be deposed
and slain, and that Lyons would unite with Geneva to form a
greater Calvinistic republic.<a name="FNanchor_823_823" id="FNanchor_823_823"></a><a href="#Footnote_823_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-232.jpg" width="450" height="518" id="i232"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span></p>

<p>But Lyons welcomed the King graciously, and gave him sumptuous
accommodation.<a name="FNanchor_824_824" id="FNanchor_824_824"></a><a href="#Footnote_824_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a> Charles was charmed with the reception
given him and amazed at the wealth and commercial prosperity
of the city.<a name="FNanchor_825_825" id="FNanchor_825_825"></a><a href="#Footnote_825_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a> Situated at the confluence of the Rhone and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>
Saône rivers, the wines and grain of Burgundy came to Lyons
for market, while it was the natural entrepôt of the commerce out
of Italy, besides much that came from Spain and Flanders. There
were four fairs there each year. The great industry of the city
was silk manufacturing. In 1450 Charles VII had granted it
the monopoly in this. Francis I in 1536 relieved the silk operatives
of all taxes and military service. The bulk of the commerce
was in the hands of Italians, of whom there were said to be above
twelve thousand in the city&mdash;chiefly Florentines, Genoese, and
Milanese.<a name="FNanchor_826_826" id="FNanchor_826_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a> There were also many Germans and Swiss, whose
presence gave the governor, the duke of Nemours,<a name="FNanchor_827_827" id="FNanchor_827_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a> great anxiety,
because large quantities of arms were smuggled into the city in
the guise of merchandise.<a name="FNanchor_828_828" id="FNanchor_828_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a></p>

<p>The court had not been long upon its tour through the provinces
before Catherine de Medici discovered that the petition of the
estates of Burgundy for the abolition of Protestant worship was
not merely a local prejudice, but the sense of the provinces.<a name="FNanchor_829_829" id="FNanchor_829_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a> The
elements of this public opinion were various: The clergy&mdash;not all,
however&mdash;wanted the findings of the Council of Trent accepted
<i>in toto</i>; all of them were dissatisfied with the recognition of the
rights of the Protestants; the alienation of their lands was a grievance
to the clergy, the more so because speculators had bought
them at a low price because of the doubt as to the validity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span>
of the title.<a name="FNanchor_830_830" id="FNanchor_830_830"></a><a href="#Footnote_830_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a> The Guises were angry that the prosecution
of Coligny for the murder of the duke had been abandoned.<a name="FNanchor_831_831" id="FNanchor_831_831"></a><a href="#Footnote_831_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a>
Among high and low alike there were unprincipled folk who had
hopes of profiting by confiscations and forfeitures imposed upon
the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_832_832" id="FNanchor_832_832"></a><a href="#Footnote_832_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a></p>

<p>The queen mother was too good a politician not to pay heed
to these signs of popular feeling, more especially as the voice of
the provinces chimed with those in high authority, who not
only urged that the war be renewed against the Protestants but
also hinted broadly of foreign support in aid of the crown. At
first Catherine answered graciously, yet guardedly, to the effect
that a peace which had been so solemnly made, by the advice of
the princes of the blood and the council, could not be too lightly
cast aside.</p>

<p>The miserable effects of the war were everywhere evident.
Agriculture had almost ceased in a country famous for its fertility,
and the whole country had been so plundered and harassed by
both parties that the poor people, being stripped of all their substance,
often preferred to fly to the forests rather than to remain
continually exposed to the mercy of their enemies. Wandering
soldiers and dissolute women, with stolen goods in their possession,
infested the roads.<a name="FNanchor_833_833" id="FNanchor_833_833"></a><a href="#Footnote_833_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a> As to trade and manufacturing, the mechanic
arts still were plied only in the largest and strongest towns; even
here merchants and tradesmen had shut up shop and gone off
to war, not always out of religious zeal, but in the hope of enriching
themselves by spoliation. The nobility were divided; the clergy
incensed. The civil war had been accompanied by the attendant
aids of violence, robbery, murder, rape, and justice had not been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span>
administered in the courts for months. The very methods resorted
to for the preservation of religion rendered it hateful in the eyes
of many men of both parties. Both parties were bigoted in belief and
in practice. The iconoclasm of the Protestants, who tore down
church edifices hoary with age and sanctified by tradition, expelling
the inmates, both male and female, if doing them no worse injury,
familiarized society with changes wrought by violence and
made the people callous to one of the most precious possessions
of a nation&mdash;a reverence for tradition.<a name="FNanchor_834_834" id="FNanchor_834_834"></a><a href="#Footnote_834_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a></p>

<p>To all these difficulties the prevalence of the plague must be
added. Since the century of the Black Death Europe had not
so suffered from this scourge as in the sixteenth. It recurred
intermittently, being especially violent in the years 1531, 1533,
1544, 1546, 1548, 1553, 1562-64, 1568, 1577-80.<a name="FNanchor_835_835" id="FNanchor_835_835"></a><a href="#Footnote_835_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a> No part of
Europe was spared. France, England, Spain, the Low Countries,
Germany, and Italy, all suffered. But certain portions of France
suffered more than others, as Bas-Languedoc, Provence, the Lyonnais,
Burgundy, Champagne, the Ile-de-France, and Normandy.
The west and especially the southwest were relatively exempt.
Apparently the disease followed the trades-routes along the river
valleys, for Toulouse, Lyons, Châlons-sur-Saône, Macon, Châlons-sur-Marne,
Langres, Bourges, La Charité, Orleans, Tours, Moulins,
Sens, Melun, Dijon, Troyes, Château-Thierry, Soissons,
Beauvais, Pontoise, Paris, Rouen, and the Norman ports suffered
most.<a name="FNanchor_836_836" id="FNanchor_836_836"></a><a href="#Footnote_836_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a> As always, Italy was the immediate source of the epidemic,
which was communicated from place to place by the movements<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span>
of trade. Lyons paid dearly for its commercial pre-eminence,
for the ravages of the plague were terrible there.<a name="FNanchor_837_837" id="FNanchor_837_837"></a><a href="#Footnote_837_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a> It was at its
height when the court was there in July, 1564. The English
ambassador, Smith, gives a fearful picture of the state of the city.
Men died in the street before his lodgings. His servant who
went daily for his provisions sometimes saw ten and twelve corpses,
some naked, lying in the streets where they lay till “men clothed
in yellow” removed them. A great many bodies were cast into
the river, “because they will not be at the cost to make graves.
This day,” he writes on July 12, “from break of day till ten o’clock
there laid a man naked in the street, groaning and drawing his
last breath, not yet dead. Round the town there are tents of the
pestiferous, besides those which are shut up in their houses.”<a name="FNanchor_838_838" id="FNanchor_838_838"></a><a href="#Footnote_838_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a>
Almost every third house was closed because of the plague. The
city authorities vainly tried to combat the disease by providing
that visits were to be made twice a day by those appointed; but
as there were but five “master surgeons” in the whole city, medical
attention must have been slight. Persons affected with the plague
were to be removed to the hospital&mdash;the oldest and one of the best
in Europe at that time. Corpses were to be buried at night and
the clothes of the dead burned.<a name="FNanchor_839_839" id="FNanchor_839_839"></a><a href="#Footnote_839_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a> “About the Rhone men dare
eat no fish nor fishers lay their engines and nets, because instead
of fish they take up the pestiferous carcasses which are thrown
in.” New sanitary regulations were made. All filth was to be
cast into the river and not allowed to pollute the streets or the river
banks. Fires of scented wood were kept burning between every
ten houses in the street. Pigs and other animals were not allowed
at large. Meat, fish, and vegetable stalls were to be inspected
and all decayed provisions destroyed.<a name="FNanchor_840_840" id="FNanchor_840_840"></a><a href="#Footnote_840_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a></p>

<p>It is interesting to observe the efforts made by local authorities
to prevent the spread of the disease and the relief measures that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span>
were taken. As soon as the plague was discovered, the town
authorities usually set guards to watch the houses of those stricken
and appointed barbers and gravediggers to treat ill and to inter
the dead. These attendants were supported and paid by a tax
laid upon the town. Those who were ill were sent to a house
of isolation appointed to be a hospital, which was often upon the
walls of the town, remote from the people. In Provins the church
and cemetery were immediately adjacent to the hospital! The
mortality was great. In Provins in 1562 there were eighty persons
stricken, of whom sixty died, among them four of the attendants.
Two of the barber-surgeons refused to serve and were proceeded
against by the town bailiff and were hanged in effigy because
the principals in the case had made their escape. Diseased houses
were sprinkled with perfumes and aromatic herbs were burned
in them in order to purify them.<a name="FNanchor_841_841" id="FNanchor_841_841"></a><a href="#Footnote_841_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a> As always, the dislocation of
society and the depravation of morals worked havoc in the community.
Crimes of violence were common.<a name="FNanchor_842_842" id="FNanchor_842_842"></a><a href="#Footnote_842_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a></p>

<p>Little by little, however, this picture of misery faded into the
background of the queen’s mind and the question of political
expediency, which was always the lodestar of her policy, became
her primary consideration.<a name="FNanchor_843_843" id="FNanchor_843_843"></a><a href="#Footnote_843_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a> The Catholics plucked up courage
as the court progressed<a name="FNanchor_844_844" id="FNanchor_844_844"></a><a href="#Footnote_844_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a> and Huguenot suspicion of the queen’s
course was early aroused. Shortly after the tour of the provinces
had begun, and while the court was still at Troyes pending the signature
of the treaty of peace, there was a jar between D’Andelot and
the queen mother, who would not permit him to choose his own
captains and other officers as was customarily permitted to colonels.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span>
Partially in consequence of this affront, and partially to avoid being
compromised more with Queen Elizabeth, D’Andelot, the prince of
Condé, and the cardinal Châtillon all remained away from the
sessions of the council while the terms of peace were under consideration,
and when the court resumed its migration, no one of
these attended it.<a name="FNanchor_845_845" id="FNanchor_845_845"></a><a href="#Footnote_845_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a> Indeed, after the court left Châlons-sur-Marne,
so wide was the breach between the prince of Condé, the admiral
and all of that faction, and the court, that the chancellor
L’Hôpital was the only official who continued to treat them with
deference.<a name="FNanchor_846_846" id="FNanchor_846_846"></a><a href="#Footnote_846_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a> The consideration shown Jeanne d’Albret only partially
relieved the suspicions of the Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_847_847" id="FNanchor_847_847"></a><a href="#Footnote_847_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a></p>

<p>We find the anxiety of the Protestants over the situation reflected
in the proceedings of the provincial synod of the Reformed churches
of the region through which the court had been traveling during
this season, namely the churches of Champagne, Brie, Picardy,
the Ile-de-France, and the French Vexin.<a name="FNanchor_848_848" id="FNanchor_848_848"></a><a href="#Footnote_848_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a> This synod assembled
on April 27, 1564, at La Ferté-sous-Jouarre, and was composed
of forty-five ministers. Letters were read from many parts of France
and abroad, among which was one from Beza bidding the Huguenots
to be on their guard as the priests were contributing money
for the purpose of rooting out the truth. It was agreed by the
body to reply that the Protestants were suspicious of the intentions
of the queen mother.<a name="FNanchor_849_849" id="FNanchor_849_849"></a><a href="#Footnote_849_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a> In its resolutions the synod condemned
the policy of the magistrates who cloaked their religious animosity
under the guise of the law,<a name="FNanchor_850_850" id="FNanchor_850_850"></a><a href="#Footnote_850_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a> and complained that the Catholics were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span>
carrying the King about the country in order to show him the ruin
of their churches.<a name="FNanchor_851_851" id="FNanchor_851_851"></a><a href="#Footnote_851_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a> The moderate La Roche even went so far as
to declare that the Reformed church never could have peace while
the queen mother governed.</p>

<p>Justice and historical accuracy, however, require that it be said
that the Huguenots’ own conduct was sometimes in violation of
the privileges granted them by the Edict of Amboise. Their
iconoclasm toward the images and the pictures which the Catholics
considered sacred was outrageous; they failed to confine their
worship to authorized places, so that the magistrates were acting
within their rights in so far repressing Protestant worship; their
provincial synods not infrequently were inflammatory political
assemblies.<a name="FNanchor_852_852" id="FNanchor_852_852"></a><a href="#Footnote_852_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a> On the other hand, the Catholics wilfully molested
the Huguenots, interfering in their congregations, and compelling
them to pay tithes and other dues for the support of the Catholic
poor and even&mdash;Castelnau says&mdash;to support their provincial
leagues.<a name="FNanchor_853_853" id="FNanchor_853_853"></a><a href="#Footnote_853_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a></p>

<p>But the Huguenots went too far in their suspicion of the government.
Beza, at the synod of La Ferté-sous-Jouarre had been
apprehensive of a joint attack of France and Savoy upon Geneva,
not knowing that the French aim was to renew the alliance with
the Catholic cantons in order to prevent Spanish ascendency
there.<a name="FNanchor_854_854" id="FNanchor_854_854"></a><a href="#Footnote_854_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a> Bern and Zurich were the pillars of French ascendency
in the Alpine country. France counted upon them more than
upon all else to prevent Spanish recruiting, and to close the Alpine
passes to Spain’s army. To this end Bellièvre, the marshal Vieilleville,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span>
and the bishop of Limoges, who had returned from Madrid,
where he was succeeded by St. Sulpice, were sent into Switzerland
in the early spring of 1564 to penetrate the designs of Spain, and
to promise an early payment of the French debts due to the cantons
in return for their military support in the wars of Henry II.<a name="FNanchor_855_855" id="FNanchor_855_855"></a><a href="#Footnote_855_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a>
Bellièvre’s particular mission was to the Grisons. The position
of the Grisons was a precarious one, for Spain could attack them
from the Valteline, or starve them by prohibiting the exportation
of grain into the country from Lombardy. By using such threats
the Spanish governor of Milan hoped to compel the adherence of
the Grisons to a treaty which would open to Spanish and imperial
arms the great Alpine routes of the Splügen, the Bernina, and the
Stelvio, thus connecting the territories of the two branches of the
Hapsburg house and shutting France out from eastern Switzerland.
Bellièvre fraternized with the popular element, and by May, 1564,
had almost completely neutralized the success of his Spanish rival
in spite of Spanish gold. Fortunately for France the Ten Jurisdictions
declared in her favor and the Grisons, though very Spaniardized,
luckily had a French pensioner as its chief magistrate, the
Swiss captain Florin.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the negotiations of the bishop of Limoges and the
marshal Vieilleville had progressed so far that the treaty of alliance
was all but signed. Late in October Bellièvre received from
Freiburg the text of the articles of alliance which the bishop of
Limoges and the marshal Vieilleville proposed to submit to the
Swiss diet. Encouraged by this success, he went to Glarus in order
to overcome the influence of the Zurich preachers who were outspoken
enemies of the French alliance, and if possible to settle
the difference between that state and Schwytz. By great dexterity
he prevailed upon the two cantons to accept a uniform treaty.
But he could not push negotiations to a conclusion until hearing
from his colleagues.</p>

<p>Spain made a supreme effort to secure the opening of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span>
passages between the Tyrol and the Milanais, but failed because
the Grisons promised France that they would accept the principle
of a renewed alliance, leaving the settlement of details pending,
so that although the supremacy of France in Switzerland was
not absolutely assured, at least the adherence of the three leagues
to her seemed assured.</p>

<p>But the Escurial and the Vatican were leagued to destroy
French influence in Switzerland. Spain gave up hope of compelling
the cantons to make a direct alliance with her, but by means of
commercial threats and commercial inducements counted on
still keeping the Alpine passes open to her arms. Her maxim was,
where the grain of Lombardy goes, there Spain’s armies may go,
too. To neutralize this danger the French energetically opposed
any renewal of an alliance between the Vatican and the Swiss
cantons. The Grey League, later won by the commercial promises
of Spain, separated from the other two in the end, but its
defection was not so serious as it might have been, since according
to the joint constitution the vote of two leagues in matters of foreign
policy compelled the adherence of the third. But in order further
to strengthen the hold of France, the French ambassadors had
recourse to a sort of referendum in order to secure an approval of
the majority of all the Swiss towns in favor of the French alliance,
in addition to the official action of the three leagues. The success
of this stroke was complete and the general diet of the three leagues
gave its adherence to the treaty of Freiburg concluded by the
bishop of Limoges and the marshal Vieilleville on December 7,
1564.<a name="FNanchor_856_856" id="FNanchor_856_856"></a><a href="#Footnote_856_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a> The poverty of France, however, seriously endangered
the continuance of this alliance. When it was concluded, France
tried to stave off payment of her debts, which amounted to more
than 600,000 livres, yet demanded the execution of the articles
of Freiburg. Glarus, Lucerne, Schwytz, Appenzell, Valais, the
Grisons, Schaffhausen, and Basel bitterly complained, the last
also because of the burdens laid upon the importations of her
commerce into France through Lyons.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span></p>

<p>In this conflict which France carried on against Spain and
the Holy See in Switzerland, Charles IX was supported by the
German Protestants, who of course were hostile to both houses
of Hapsburg, and France may be credited with considerable address
in smoothing the ruffled feelings of Basel and Schaffhausen, and
softening the Protestant prejudices of Zurich. This is simply
another way of saying that the foreign policy of France in Switzerland
was a Protestant policy. Even Bern yielded and joined the
general treaty of alliance instead of insisting upon a particular
treaty, as she had at first done.<a name="FNanchor_857_857" id="FNanchor_857_857"></a><a href="#Footnote_857_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a></p>

<p>The Huguenots, however, suspicious of the impending reaction
at home and misreading the diplomacy of France in Switzerland,
grew more and more fearful and began to turn their eyes again
toward the prince of Condé as a leader. But fortune and the
craft of Catherine had lured the prince away from his own; he had
become a broken reed, dangerous to lean upon. In July, 1564,
Eleanor de Roye, the brave princess of Condé, died.<a name="FNanchor_858_858" id="FNanchor_858_858"></a><a href="#Footnote_858_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a> The Guises
and the queen mother, who were now in co-operation,<a name="FNanchor_859_859" id="FNanchor_859_859"></a><a href="#Footnote_859_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a> at once
began to practice to lure Condé away forever from his party, and
the former at the same time, in order to make the alliance between
France and Scotland more firm, conceived the idea of marrying
the prince of Condé to Mary Queen of Scots.<a name="FNanchor_860_860" id="FNanchor_860_860"></a><a href="#Footnote_860_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a> As another possibility<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span>
the Guises cherished the hope of marrying their niece to Charles IX
and thus recovering the ascendency they had enjoyed under Francis
II.<a name="FNanchor_861_861" id="FNanchor_861_861"></a><a href="#Footnote_861_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a> The corollary of such a plan was the reduction of the Protestants
of France. To these ideas Philip II, was stoutly opposed,
though he concealed his opposition thereto; Mary was too valuable
for his projects to be suffered to become a tool of the Guises.
Their purposes were limited to France; his purposes embraced
Christendom.<a name="FNanchor_862_862" id="FNanchor_862_862"></a><a href="#Footnote_862_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a></p>

<p>In 1575 the Venetian ambassador wrote, à propos of one of
the courtships of Queen Elizabeth: “Princes are wont to avail
themselves of matrimonial negotiations in many ways.”<a name="FNanchor_863_863" id="FNanchor_863_863"></a><a href="#Footnote_863_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a> These
words sagely summarize the efforts of much of the diplomacy of
the sixteenth century. By a singular combination of events and lineages,
Mary Stuart was necessarily almost the cornerstone of the universal
monarchy Philip II dreamed of forming in Europe; her
possession of the Scottish crown, her claims to England, her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span>
relationship with the Guises, united with the religion she professed,
made the furtherance of her power the most practicable means to
that end. Whether Mary’s future husband were Don Carlos or the
Austrian archduke was a matter of detail in Philip’s plan&mdash;the end
remained constant. Mary Stuart was of too much value to
Philip II’s political designs to risk such a marriage as the Guises
contemplated.<a name="FNanchor_864_864" id="FNanchor_864_864"></a><a href="#Footnote_864_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a> Her hand might be disposed elsewhere with
greater advantage.</p>

<p>Those intense religious convictions of the Spanish King which
made him believe he was the divinely ordained instrument of the
counter-Reformation, united with his political purposes and
ambitions, required him to keep a watchful eye upon France.<a name="FNanchor_865_865" id="FNanchor_865_865"></a><a href="#Footnote_865_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a>
The Netherlands, France, Italy, England, Scotland were like so
many squares of a vast political chessboard upon which he aimed
so to move the pieces he was in command of as ultimately to seize
possession of those countries, and redeem them from heresy.
Mary Stuart was an important personage in Philip’s purposes.
He wanted to put her on the throne of Elizabeth and thus unite<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span>
Scotland and England under a common Catholic rule. For a
time he dreamed of marrying her to his own son, Don Carlos,
until Catherine interfered and offered her daughter Marguerite as
a less dangerous alternative to France. The death of Don Carlos,<a name="FNanchor_866_866" id="FNanchor_866_866"></a><a href="#Footnote_866_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a>
the eternal irresolution of the Spanish King, the development
of new events, continually altered the details of Philip’s purposes,
but his essential aim never varied an iota.<a name="FNanchor_867_867" id="FNanchor_867_867"></a><a href="#Footnote_867_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a></p>

<p>The subjugation of France, not in the exact terms of loss of
sovereignty, perhaps, but no less in loss of true national independence
was a necessary condition of Philip’s purposes. The
kingdom of France was situated in the very center of those
dominions whose consolidation was to be the Spanish King’s realization
of universal rule. Spain bordered her on the south; the
Netherlands on the north; in the east lay Franche Comté.
Besides these territories which were directly Spanish, the Catholic
cantons of Switzerland and Savoy were morally in vassalage to
Spain. Beyond Franche Comté lay the Catholic Rhinelands,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span>
bound to the other branch of the house of Hapsburg. Beyond
Switzerland and Savoy lay Italy, save Venice entirely, and Rome
in part, a group of Spanish dominions.</p>

<p>Catherine de Medici combated Philip II both at Madrid and
Vienna. But by the side of the negative purpose to thwart
Philip’s proposed alliances, Catherine de Medici had purposes of
her own of the same sort. The daughter of a house made rich
by banking and which never lived down the bourgeois tradition
of its ancestry in spite of all its wealth and power, even though
popes had come from its house, Catherine was fascinated by the
thought of marrying Charles IX to the eldest daughter of the Hapsburgs,
and her favorite son, the future Henry III, then known as
the duke of Orleans-Anjou, to the Spanish princess Juana, sister
of Philip, hoping to see some of Spain’s numerous dominions pass
to France as part of Juana’s dowry.</p>

<p>In the pursuance of this double marriage project, the
queen early began to beset Philip II for a personal interview, and
urged her daughter to persuade the king to the same end, using
Pius IV’s cherished idea of a concert of the great Catholic powers
to consider the condition and needs of Christendom with some
adroitness as a screen to her own personal purposes.<a name="FNanchor_868_868" id="FNanchor_868_868"></a><a href="#Footnote_868_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a></p>

<p>Much of her correspondence with St. Sulpice relates to an
interview with Philip II for the purpose of arranging these matters,
upon which she had set her heart, and the time of both the ambassador
and the Spanish King was consumed with repeated interviews
none of which was ever satisfactory, and all of which were tedious.<a name="FNanchor_869_869" id="FNanchor_869_869"></a><a href="#Footnote_869_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a>
The natural reluctance of Philip II to commit himself to any positive
course, united with the great aversion he felt toward the queen
mother because of her wavering religious policy&mdash;for rigid adherence
to Catholicism was Philip’s one inflexible feature&mdash;led the
King to follow a course of procrastination and duplicity for months,
during which, however, he never evinced any outward sign of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span>
impatience; his countenance remained as imperturbable as that
of a Hindu idol, and never by any expression reflected his thought.<a name="FNanchor_870_870" id="FNanchor_870_870"></a><a href="#Footnote_870_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a></p>

<p>Foolish pride and undue affection led Catherine even to use
the Turk as a means of pressure upon Spain in order to accomplish
this double marriage project. In the year 1562 an ambassador
of the Sultan passed through France, having come by way
of Venice to Lyons, and going thence via Dijon and Troyes to
Paris.<a name="FNanchor_871_871" id="FNanchor_871_871"></a><a href="#Footnote_871_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a> Turkey, after crushing the revolt of Bajazet,<a name="FNanchor_872_872" id="FNanchor_872_872"></a><a href="#Footnote_872_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a> was seeking
to avenge the accumulated grievances which she had suffered from
Austria and Spain, especially the latter, for Philip II’s expedition
to Oran and his capture of its fortress, which was regarded as
impregnable, had been a bitter blow to the Porte.<a name="FNanchor_873_873" id="FNanchor_873_873"></a><a href="#Footnote_873_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a> Exasperated by
Spain, Turkey whose war policy was guided by the able grand
vizier, Mohammed Sokolli, prepared a vast expedition to expel
her from all points which she occupied in Africa. But such
a campaign was not possible until Malta, lying midway
in the straits of the Mediterranean, was overcome.<a name="FNanchor_874_874" id="FNanchor_874_874"></a><a href="#Footnote_874_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a> Europe,
which still preserved an acute memory of the protracted
siege of Rhodes, looked forward with dismay to the prospective
attack upon Malta, so that Catherine de Medici’s cordial reception
at Dax of another Turkish ambassador&mdash;he was a Christian Pole
in the employ of the Sultan&mdash;in the course of the tour of the
provinces was a political act that was daring to rashness.<a name="FNanchor_875_875" id="FNanchor_875_875"></a><a href="#Footnote_875_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a> In
order to force Philip II’s hand Catherine even intimated that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span>
Charles IX might marry Queen Elizabeth, although this proposition
was too great a strain upon the credulity of Europe to be
given any consideration.<a name="FNanchor_876_876" id="FNanchor_876_876"></a><a href="#Footnote_876_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a> Soon after St. Sulpice reached Spain,
we find Toulouse suggested as the place for the desired interview,<a name="FNanchor_877_877" id="FNanchor_877_877"></a><a href="#Footnote_877_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a>
and thereafter for thirty-eight months this conference was one
of the dominant thoughts in Catherine’s mind.<a name="FNanchor_878_878" id="FNanchor_878_878"></a><a href="#Footnote_878_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a></p>

<p>The queen mother’s original plan had been to avoid the heat
of the south by passing the winter at Moulins, and visiting Languedoc
and Guyenne in the next spring.<a name="FNanchor_879_879" id="FNanchor_879_879"></a><a href="#Footnote_879_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a> But the influence of impending
change impelled her forward in the maze of tournaments,
balls, and masques.<a name="FNanchor_880_880" id="FNanchor_880_880"></a><a href="#Footnote_880_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a> Although she was in “a country full of
mountains and brigands,”<a name="FNanchor_881_881" id="FNanchor_881_881"></a><a href="#Footnote_881_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a> so that she feared “que cette canaille
sacageassent quelques uns de sa cour,” and strengthened Strozzi’s
band as a precaution, nevertheless Catherine’s resolution seems
to have increased in degree as she moved southward. Probably
the fact that the prince of Condé was in the toils encouraged her;
certainly the necessity of exhibiting something positive that would
please Spain, in view of the approaching interview, actuated her.
But apart from her own motives, outside pressure had been brought
to bear upon her to this end, when at Bar-le-Duc, where the King
went to attend the baptism of the infant child of Charles III, duke
of Lorraine, who had married Charles IX’s sister, Claudine, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>
March.<a name="FNanchor_882_882" id="FNanchor_882_882"></a><a href="#Footnote_882_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a> Later “when the court came to Lyons information was
brought to it that if the King and his advisers should continue to
resist the general rising against the Huguenots, it would be turned
against itself.”<a name="FNanchor_883_883" id="FNanchor_883_883"></a><a href="#Footnote_883_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a> In this instance, however, the pressure came, not
from Spain, but from Pope Pius IV whose agent, the Florentine
Ludovico Antinori, was sent to France to urge the extirpation of
Calvinism and to plead the cause of the findings of the
Council of Trent.<a name="FNanchor_884_884" id="FNanchor_884_884"></a><a href="#Footnote_884_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a> Catherine obeyed the signs. But as a sudden
rupture of the peace of Amboise would have been attended with
dangerous consequences she proceeded cautiously.<a name="FNanchor_885_885" id="FNanchor_885_885"></a><a href="#Footnote_885_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a></p>

<p>The first<a name="FNanchor_886_886" id="FNanchor_886_886"></a><a href="#Footnote_886_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a> definite intimation of the reaction was an edict issued
on July 24, prohibiting Calvinist worship within ten leagues of
the court, notwithstanding the fact that authorized places of Protestant
worship were affected by it. A fortnight later, on August
4, came a more sweeping edict&mdash;the so-called Edict of Roussillon<a name="FNanchor_887_887" id="FNanchor_887_887"></a><a href="#Footnote_887_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a>
which forbade all persons of whatever religion, quality, or condition
to molest one another, or to violate or maltreat images,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span>
or to lay hands upon any sacred objects upon pain of
death; magistrates were likewise enjoined to prevent the
Huguenots from performing their devotions in any suspected
places, but to confine them to such places as had been specified;
finally, the Huguenots were forbidden to hold any synods or other
assemblies except in the presence of certain of the King’s officers,
who were appointed to be present at them.<a name="FNanchor_888_888" id="FNanchor_888_888"></a><a href="#Footnote_888_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a> The pretext of both
of these edicts was the trespass upon the terms of Amboise by the
Protestants, and fear of a Protestant conspiracy. But in reality
the action of the government constituted a partial yielding to that
Catholic pressure which already had made itself manifest at
Nancy.</p>

<p>The Edict of Roussillon completely ignored a petition of the
Huguenots presented to the King while at Roussillon, which shows
the pernicious activity of the local Catholic leagues already. The
complaint specified that infractions of the Edict of Amboise had
been committed by the Catholics, especially in Burgundy; that
Catholic associations everywhere were being formed against them;
that the priests openly lauded the King of Spain from their pulpits;
that their synods were broken up by the enemies of their
religion.<a name="FNanchor_889_889" id="FNanchor_889_889"></a><a href="#Footnote_889_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a></p>

<p>After a sojourn of a month at Roussillon, the pilgrimage of
the court was again resumed. At Valence (August 22) Catherine
received word that Elizabeth of Spain had given birth to still-born
twin babes. On September 24 Avignon was reached, where a
stay of two weeks was made during which Catherine consulted
the famous astrologer Nostradamus. Hyères and Aix
were stages on the road to Marseilles<a name="FNanchor_890_890" id="FNanchor_890_890"></a><a href="#Footnote_890_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a> (November 3-10), whence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span>
it led to Nîmes<a name="FNanchor_891_891" id="FNanchor_891_891"></a><a href="#Footnote_891_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a> (December 12), and Montpellier<a name="FNanchor_892_892" id="FNanchor_892_892"></a><a href="#Footnote_892_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a> (December
17), and thence to Agde and Beziers,<a name="FNanchor_893_893" id="FNanchor_893_893"></a><a href="#Footnote_893_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a> where progress for
some time was blocked by heavy snow-falls. The snows irritated
Catherine and to placate her impatience she was shown historical
evidence that both Blanche of Castile and the queen of Charles
VII had once been snowed-in in these parts for three months.<a name="FNanchor_894_894" id="FNanchor_894_894"></a><a href="#Footnote_894_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a>
Unlike his mother, Charles IX enjoyed it, building a snow fort
in which he and his pages withstood a siege by some of the gentlemen
of the household.<a name="FNanchor_895_895" id="FNanchor_895_895"></a><a href="#Footnote_895_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a></p>

<p>During this enforced sojourn Catherine de Medici received
word of the famous conflict between the marshal Montmorency,
who had been made governor of Paris,<a name="FNanchor_896_896" id="FNanchor_896_896"></a><a href="#Footnote_896_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a> when the court started
<i>en tour</i>, and the cardinal of Lorraine. On January 8, 1565, the
cardinal of Lorraine sought to enter Paris with a great rout of
armed retainers. The marshal demanded the disarming of the
company, in compliance with a royal <i>ordonnance</i> of 1564 forbidding
the carrying of arquebuses, pistols, or other firearms,<a name="FNanchor_897_897" id="FNanchor_897_897"></a><a href="#Footnote_897_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a> not
knowing that the cardinal had a warrant from the queen mother<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span>
authorizing his men to wear arms if so desired. The cardinal
haughtily refused to obey, and a fight took place in the street
near the corner of St. Innocents, in which one man was killed.<a name="FNanchor_898_898" id="FNanchor_898_898"></a><a href="#Footnote_898_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a></p>

<p>The reactionary policy of the government stimulated the local
Catholic leagues in Languedoc during this winter of 1564-65.<a name="FNanchor_899_899" id="FNanchor_899_899"></a><a href="#Footnote_899_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a> The
religious prejudice which these associations manifested was influenced
by the bitter jealousy existing between the Guises and the
Montmorencys. From the hour of the clash between the cardinal
and the marshal, the Guises plotted to compass the ruin of the
house of Montmorency, and sought to find support in the Catholic
leagues of the southern provinces. The tolerant policy of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>
marshal Montmorency and his brother Damville was seized upon
by the Guises to make them odious.<a name="FNanchor_900_900" id="FNanchor_900_900"></a><a href="#Footnote_900_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a> The secular clergy and
still more the Jesuits and Capuchins were very active in this work,
going from town to town and village to village, urging Catholics
vigorously to defend their faith, and their fiery preaching materially
advanced the tendency to union among the provincial leagues.<a name="FNanchor_901_901" id="FNanchor_901_901"></a><a href="#Footnote_901_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a></p>

<p>Under the effective leadership of the sieur de Candalle, the
league of Agen had had an astonishing spread over Guyenne,
exhibiting a strength of organization and an audacity which foreshadows
that of the Holy League of 1576, in whose genesis, indeed,
it represents an evolutionary stage. What made the league of
Guyenne so peculiarly formidable, however, was not so much
its perfection of organization and its wide expansion, as the fact
that it was organized and had existence without the knowledge
or consent of the crown, and in transgression of the royal authority,
which forbade such associations. This highly developed stage
of existence was arrived at by the league of Agen in August, 1564,
from which date it may properly be called the league of Guyenne.<a name="FNanchor_902_902" id="FNanchor_902_902"></a><a href="#Footnote_902_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a></p>

<p>Naturally the Guises approached Montluc with their plan.
While the court was sojourning at Mont-de-Marsan (March 9-24,
1565), waiting the arrival of the Spanish queen and the duke of
Alva at Bayonne, an intimation was given to Montluc that a league
was in process of formation in France “wherein were several great
persons, princes and others,” and an agent of the Guises at this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span>
time endeavored to persuade Montluc to join the association.<a name="FNanchor_903_903" id="FNanchor_903_903"></a><a href="#Footnote_903_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a>
But Montluc was cautious; he had no great affection for the Guises
and, moreover, leagues and such associations were against the law,
which he, as a crown officer, was pledged to support. Grammont
who was opposed to Montluc had already complained of his conduct
to the queen mother.<a name="FNanchor_904_904" id="FNanchor_904_904"></a><a href="#Footnote_904_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a> Besides, there were private reasons,
whose nature will be soon developed, which made him hesitate.
Montluc carried his information to Catherine de Medici, who, not
yet perceiving that the ambition of the Guises was the chief motive,
was not at once seriously alarmed, since the anti-Protestant policy
of the government made it indifferent now to such associations.
Accordingly, when the court reached Bordeaux (it arrived there
on April 9) and the Huguenots renewed their complaints against
Candalle and his associates, the King ignored the petition, recognizing
that many of the nobles were members of the league of
Guyenne. Instead, he gave the league a quasi-legal status by
proclaiming that the crown would not listen to any more complaints
against Candalle and his associates.<a name="FNanchor_905_905" id="FNanchor_905_905"></a><a href="#Footnote_905_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a></p>

<p>But the queen mother was genuinely alarmed a few weeks later
when the real purpose and scope of the proposed league were revealed
to her through an intercepted letter which the duke of
Aumale had written on February 27, 1565, to the marquis d’Elbœuf.
The duke of Montpensier, the vicomte de Martigues, Chavigny,
who was a Guise protégé, D’Angennes, and the bishop of Mans,
were named in this letter as the chiefs of an association, which had
for its avowed end the abasement of the house of Montmorency.<a name="FNanchor_906_906" id="FNanchor_906_906"></a><a href="#Footnote_906_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span>
Catherine, apprehending the consequences certain to result from
such an extension of the feud of the two houses, implored the
King, at a large meeting of the council held on May 18, 1565, to
divulge what had been ascertained&mdash;that a secret association had
been discovered in defiance of the law, having political aims detrimental
to the monarchy, and a system of government for the levying
of men and money without the King’s authority. The counselors,
with one accord, denied their knowledge or implication,
and protested their devotion to the cause and the law. Catherine
was thoroughly alarmed, and appealed to Montluc for advice.
What followed may be told in his own words:</p>

<div class="pbq">

<p class="p1">I heard then some whisper of a league that was forming in France, wherein
were several very great persons, both Princes and others, whom nevertheless
I have nothing to do to name, being engaged by promise to the contrary. I
cannot certainly say to what end this League was contrived; but a certain
gentleman named them to me every one, endeavoring at the same time to
persuade me to make one in the Association, assuring me it was to a good end;
but he perceived by my countenance that it was not a dish for my palate. I
presently gave the Queen private intimation of it; for I could not endure such
kind of doings, who seemed to be very much astonished at it, telling me it was
the first syllable she had ever heard of any such thing; and commanding me to
enquire further into the business, which I did, but could get nothing more
out of my gentleman; for he now lay upon his guard.</p>

<p>Her Majesty then was pleased to ask my advice, how she should behave
herself in this business, whereupon I gave her counsel to order it so that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span>
King himself should say in public that he had heard of a League that was
forming in his Kingdom, which no one could do without giving him some
jealousy and offence; and that therefore he must require everyone without
exception to break off this League, and that he would make an Association in
his Kingdom, of which he himself would be the Head; for so for some time it
was called, though they afterwards changed the name, and called it the Confederation
of the King. The Queen at the time that I gave her this advice
did by no means approve of it, objecting, that should the King make one, it
was to be feared that others would make another; but I made answer and said
that the King must engage in his own all such as were in any capacity of doing
the contrary, which, however, was a thing that could not be concealed, and
might well enough be provided against. Two days after, her Majesty being
at supper, called me to her and told me that she had considered better of the
affair I had spoke to her about, and found my counsel to be very good, and
that the next day, without further delay, she would make the King propound
the business to his Council; which she accordingly did, and sent to enquire
for me at my lodging, but I was not within. In the evening she asked me why
I did not come to her, and commanded me not to fail to come the next day,
because there were several great difficulties in the Council, of which they had
not been able to determine. I came according to her command, and there
were several disputes. Monsieur de Nemours made a very elegant speech,
remonstrating “That it would be very convenient to make a League and
Association for the good of the King and his Kingdom, to the end, that if
affairs should so require, every one with the one and the same will might
repair to his Majesty’s person, to stake their lives and fortunes for his service,
and also in case any one of what religion soever, should offer to invade or
assault them, or raise any commotion in the state, that they might with one
accord unite, and expose their lives in their common defence.” The Duke of
Montpensier was of the same opinion, and several others saying that they
could not choose but so much the more secure the peace of the Kingdom, when
it should be known that all the Nobility were thus united for the defence of the
Crown.</p>

<p>The Queen then did me the honor to command me to speak; whereupon
I began, and said, “That the League proposed could be no ways prejudicial
to the King, being that it tended to a good end for his Majesty’s service, the
good of his Kingdom, and the peace and security of his People; but that one
which should be formed in private could produce nothing but disorder and
mischief; for the good could not answer for the evil disposed; and should the
cards once be shuffled betwixt League and League, it would be a hard matter
to make of it a good game; that being the most infallible way to open a door
to let strangers into the kingdom, and to expose all things to spoil and ruin;
but that all of us in general, both Princes and others, ought to make an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span>
Association, which should bear the title of the League, or the Confederation of
the King, and to take a great and solemn oath, not to decline or swerve from
it upon penalty of being declared such as the oath should import; and that his
Majesty having so concluded, ought to dispatch messengers to all parts of the
kingdom, with commission to take the oaths of such as were not there present,
by which means it would be known, who were willing to live and die in the
service of the king and state. And should anyone be so foolish or impudent
as to offer to take arms, let us all swear to fall upon them; I warrant your
Majesty I will take such order in these parts, that nothing shall stir to the
prejudice of your royal authority. And in like manner let us engage by the
faith we owe to God, that if any Counter-League shall disclose itself, we will
give your Majesty immediate notice of it; and let your Majesty’s be subscribed
by all the great men of your kingdom. The feast will not be right
without them, and they also are easy to be persuaded to it, and the fittest to
provide against any inconvenience that may happen.”</p>

<p>This was my proposition, upon which several disputes ensued; but in the
end the King’s Association was concluded on, and it was agreed, that all the
Princes, great Lords, Governors of Provinces, and Captains of Gens d’armes
should renounce all Leagues and Confederacies whatsoever, as well without
as within the Kingdom, excepting that of the King, and should take the oath
upon pain of being declared rebels to the crown; to which there were also
other obligations added, which I do not remember.... In the end all was
past and concluded, and the Princes began to take the oath, and to sign the
articles.<a name="FNanchor_907_907" id="FNanchor_907_907"></a><a href="#Footnote_907_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a></p></div>

<p class="p1">The weakness of the crown’s position in these circumstances is
evident. Recognizing its inability to crush these local associations
and fearing lest control of them would pass over wholly to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span>
Guises, the crown tried to save its power and its dignity by fusing
them into a single confederation under the King and forbidding
the formation of future associations without royal consent. But
the power of the crown was not commensurate with its show of
authority. The leagues continued to multiply and to remain
independent of the crown’s coercion. In the year 1565 the situation
is different in degree but not in kind from that which existed
in 1576 when the Holy League was formed.</p>

<p>Even the Spanish affiliations of the Holy League existed potentially
at this time through the treason of Montluc.<a name="FNanchor_908_908" id="FNanchor_908_908"></a><a href="#Footnote_908_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a> For the wily
Gascon, whose character was a combination of daring determination,
religious bigotry and envy, in recommending the measures
he did was really taking steps to cover up his own tracks. Montluc,
despite his professions of allegiance, was angry at the queen mother,
and quite ready to knife her in the dark. His heart was filled with
rebellious envy of Vieilleville, because the latter had been given a
marshal’s bâton. Disappointed in this expectation he asked for the
post of colonel-general which D’Andelot filled.<a name="FNanchor_909_909" id="FNanchor_909_909"></a><a href="#Footnote_909_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a> Instead Montluc
had to be satisfied with the office of governor of Guyenne, which he
regarded as ill compensation of his services.<a name="FNanchor_910_910" id="FNanchor_910_910"></a><a href="#Footnote_910_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a> In consequence of
these grievances, even before the recovery of Havre, Montluc had
entered into correspondence with Philip II, to whom he represented
the necessity of Spanish intervention in France, on account of the
double danger by which France was threatened through the purposes
of the Protestants and Catherine de Medici’s toleration of
them. The Spanish King at first hesitated, but soon availed himself
of the opportunity thus afforded, for two strings were better<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span>
than one to his bow. Profound secrecy covered the negotiations.
Philip’s love of mystery and the delicacy of the matter led him to
conceal the plan even from his ambassador in France, and operate
through Bardaxi, a cousin of a Spanish captain of that name, who
had been pursued by the Inquisition and had fled to France, where
he sought service under Montluc in recompense of which he finally
was rehabilitated.<a name="FNanchor_911_911" id="FNanchor_911_911"></a><a href="#Footnote_911_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a> Montluc proposed the formation of a league
between the Pope, the Emperor, the Spanish King, and the leading
Catholic princes of Germany and Italy to avert a union of the
Huguenots with outside Protestant princes for the overthrow of
the Catholic religion in France.<a name="FNanchor_912_912" id="FNanchor_912_912"></a><a href="#Footnote_912_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a> He enlarged upon the moral
“benefit” of such a league to France, now ridden by the Huguenots
to the imminent ruin of the monarchy, and pointed out to Philip II
the peculiar interest he had in crushing Calvinism.<a name="FNanchor_913_913" id="FNanchor_913_913"></a><a href="#Footnote_913_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a> The plan
was for Philip II to kidnap Jeanne d’Albret who was to be given
over to the Inquisition, and to seize possession of Béarn, and thus
accomplish two purposes at once&mdash;destroy the hearth of Calvinism
in France, and establish Spanish power north of the Pyrenees.<a name="FNanchor_914_914" id="FNanchor_914_914"></a><a href="#Footnote_914_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a>
Fortunately for France, the French ambassador at Madrid, St.
Sulpice, was informed of the plan, though he did not know of Montluc’s
treason, by a servant of the Spanish queen, and Catherine
de Medici’s energetic steps in the protection of Béarn nipped the
scheme in the bud.<a name="FNanchor_915_915" id="FNanchor_915_915"></a><a href="#Footnote_915_915" class="fnanchor">[915]</a></p>

<p>This joint plan of Montluc and Philip II for the seizure of Béarn<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span>
and the capture of its queen telescoped with another plot against
her to which Philip and Pope Pius IV were parties. On September
28, 1563, a papal bull excommunicated the queen for heresy,
and she was cited before the Holy Office for trial.<a name="FNanchor_916_916" id="FNanchor_916_916"></a><a href="#Footnote_916_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a> To Catherine’s
credit she at once took a firm stand in favor of the queen of Navarre.<a name="FNanchor_917_917" id="FNanchor_917_917"></a><a href="#Footnote_917_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a></p>

<p>It was not in the nature of Philip II to be daring in daylight.
Precaution was second nature to him. Lansac’s mission to Madrid
to protest against the action of Pius IV coincided with Montluc’s
overtures to the Spanish King. The discovery of part of the plan
made Philip timid about pushing it at all until a more favorable time
at least. Accordingly he gave Montluc little encouragement, save
offering him an asylum in Spain if events should compel him to quit
France on account of his treasonable correspondence,<a name="FNanchor_918_918" id="FNanchor_918_918"></a><a href="#Footnote_918_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a> while to
Lansac he said that “what the Pope had done against ‘Madame de
Vendôme’ was very inopportune and would be remedied.”<a name="FNanchor_919_919" id="FNanchor_919_919"></a><a href="#Footnote_919_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a> In a
word, Philip II dissembled his participation in the Pope’s conduct,
asserting that the procedure had been taken without his knowledge,
and that while he deplored the queen of Navarre’s apostasy
he could not be unmindful of the fact that she was kith and kin of
the queen of Spain, his wife!<a name="FNanchor_920_920" id="FNanchor_920_920"></a><a href="#Footnote_920_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a></p>

<p>There probably was a certain amount of spite work in Philip’s
repudiation of the Pope at this time. One of the important political
issues raised at the Council of Trent was the question of precedence
between the ambassadors of France and Spain. Lansac,
Charles IX’s ambassador to the Council, claimed the honor of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span>
going before the count of Lara, Spain’s representative, at which
Philip was “picqué oultre mesure.”<a name="FNanchor_921_921" id="FNanchor_921_921"></a><a href="#Footnote_921_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a> The papal party in vain
implored Lansac to yield. Lansac replied that “la France ne
pouvait renoncer aux droits qui lui avaient été reconnus dans tous
les précédents conciles, et que, plutôt que de laisser rien innover
sur ce point, ‘j’étais résolu, selon le commandement de mon maître,
après avoir protesté de nullité de ce concile, de m’en aller incontinent
avec tous les prélats de notre nation, sans entrer dans aucune
dispute ne composition.’”<a name="FNanchor_922_922" id="FNanchor_922_922"></a><a href="#Footnote_922_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a> Philip II refrained from making any
observation to France upon the disputed point<a name="FNanchor_923_923" id="FNanchor_923_923"></a><a href="#Footnote_923_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a> pending the decision
of the Pope.<a name="FNanchor_924_924" id="FNanchor_924_924"></a><a href="#Footnote_924_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a> But such a course was impossible. The contest
over the question became the absorbing topic of conversation
at Rome.<a name="FNanchor_925_925" id="FNanchor_925_925"></a><a href="#Footnote_925_925" class="fnanchor">[925]</a> The Pope was between Scylla and Charybdis.<a name="FNanchor_926_926" id="FNanchor_926_926"></a><a href="#Footnote_926_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a> Spain
claimed precedence for Philip II through the crown of Castile&mdash;“chose
peu véritable”&mdash;and argued that the services of Philip II
to the church justified her pretension; to which France rejoined
that her king was historically first son of the church, the Most
Christian King, who “had bled and suffered for the preservation
of the Catholic religion in his kingdom, for which he had combated
to the hazarding of his entire state.”<a name="FNanchor_927_927" id="FNanchor_927_927"></a><a href="#Footnote_927_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a> Finally being compelled
to decide, Pius IV made a choice in favor of France, to the immense
chagrin of Philip II who actually fell sick of the humiliation and
recalled his ambassador Vargas from Rome as a sign of his
displeasure.<a name="FNanchor_928_928" id="FNanchor_928_928"></a><a href="#Footnote_928_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span></p>

<p>The catalogue of Spain’s grievances against France, besides
the question of religion, the dispute over precedence, and France’s
refusal to accept the findings of Trent which Philip II had recognized<a name="FNanchor_929_929" id="FNanchor_929_929"></a><a href="#Footnote_929_929" class="fnanchor">[929]</a>
included still another complaint. This was the border
difficulty between the Spanish provinces of Artois and Luxembourg,
and France. It was a complex question, partly religious, partly
political, partly commercial. Like the Huguenot rebellion, the
growing insurrection in the Low Countries was of a double nature&mdash;religious
and political. Each side looked to the other for sympathy
and support and neither was disappointed. The Huguenots
retaliated for the assistance afforded the government of France
by Spain during the first civil war by aiding the revolt of the
Netherlands. This intimate connection of events on each side of
the line is an important fact to be observed.</p>

<p>It was in 1563, as Granvella had divined,<a name="FNanchor_930_930" id="FNanchor_930_930"></a><a href="#Footnote_930_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a> that the intrigues of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span>
the French Protestants in Flanders became a matter of serious
apprehension. Valenciennes was the most aggressive city of the
religion in Flanders, and Margaret of Parma actually was afraid
of Montigny doing as Maligny had done at Havre. Already the
prince of Orange was the recognized leader of those who sympathized
with the Huguenots. To this class England’s support of the
prince of Condé, and above all, the assassination of the duke of
Guise, came as a real stimulus. Valenciennes, Tournay, Antwerp,
even Brussels were stirred. In May, 1563, the demonstrations of the
Calvinists at Valenciennes and Tournay became so bold that it
required six companies of infantry to keep them overawed. But
this measure, instead of accomplishing the result expected, aggravated
the situation, for the marquis de Berghes, the commander,
was so ostracized by the nobles, that he lost courage. Philip II
grew alarmed and wrote to his sister on June 13, 1563, that the
example of France counseled most drastic suppression. In reply
the regent and the cardinal Granvella implored Philip to come to
the Netherlands, but he pleaded ignorance of the language and
poverty as excuse. Meanwhile the Orange party practiced so
successfully with the duchess of Parma that she inclined toward
conciliation instead of coercion. This threw the regent and De
Berghes into alignment, who proposed to convoke the States-General
to remedy the evils&mdash;a programme which the nobles enthusiastically
advocated.</p>

<p>The similarity between the Flemish movement and the programme
of the political Huguenots in France is very close.<a name="FNanchor_931_931" id="FNanchor_931_931"></a><a href="#Footnote_931_931" class="fnanchor">[931]</a> With the
design of suppressing heresy in its two most active centers, Granvella
proposed to imitate the method used at Paris, of exacting a profession
of faith together with a pledge to observe the laws, of all
citizens who wished to stay in the city. Recalcitrants were to be
disarmed, compelled to sell their property, one-third of the proceeds
of which was to be confiscated for the support of the soldiers
and municipal expenses, and the culprits were then to be banished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span>
from the country. This drastic policy called forth a mingled protest
and threat from the prince of Orange, whose wealth and German
connections, aside from other qualities he possessed, gave him
great influence. The government begged for money and troops,
“como la liga va cresciendo.”<a name="FNanchor_932_932" id="FNanchor_932_932"></a><a href="#Footnote_932_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a> Orange’s tactics were to persuade
the provincial estates to refuse to vote subsidies or to throw the
weight of the finances upon the church much after the manner of
things done at Pontoise. This he began to do in Brabant where
the indefinite postponement of a grant of money provoked mutiny
among the soldiers. In September De Berghes went out from
office, having distinguished himself by not putting a single heretic
to death. The change was immediately followed by the burning
alive of a Protestant preacher and the protestations of the quartet,
Orange, Hoorne, Egmont, and Montigny, became bolder.<a name="FNanchor_933_933" id="FNanchor_933_933"></a><a href="#Footnote_933_933" class="fnanchor">[933]</a> Finally
the nobles of Flanders resolved to protest to the King of Spain.
Philip II, always hesitating and undecided, did not respond. To
a petition which was sent him demanding the recall of the cardinal,
he replied by a flat refusal. The nobles showed their offense by
absenting themselves from the Council of State and used their
influence to detach the regent from Granvella. At last, after
months of negotiation, Philip II yielded. Granvella retired to
his splendid palace at Besançon in Franche Comté and the nobles
resumed their seats in the council. But the four were irritated
at Philip II’s delay in responding to their demands for reform.
It was evident, moreover, by November, 1563, that something
like a common purpose actuated the chief provinces&mdash;Flanders,
Artois, Holland, Zealand, and Utrecht.<a name="FNanchor_934_934" id="FNanchor_934_934"></a><a href="#Footnote_934_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a></p>

<p>The Calvinists were especially numerous in the Walloon provinces,
and preachers from Geneva and England were active
among them. The government undertook to restrain their assemblies,
and the conflict broke out. This conflict, it is important to
remark, did not turn upon the question of religion in and of itself,
but upon the manner of treating the heretics. Philip wanted to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span>
apply the edicts of his father, which required the death penalty
for heresy; but the government and Spanish officials in the Low
Countries, Catholics though they were, were opposed to so severe a
penalty and would rather have treated those offending as criminals
than as heretics. But with Philip the extirpation of heresy was a
question of conscience.</p>

<p>Valenciennes still remained the most prominent place of disaffection,<a name="FNanchor_935_935" id="FNanchor_935_935"></a><a href="#Footnote_935_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a>
but Brussels was much infected.<a name="FNanchor_936_936" id="FNanchor_936_936"></a><a href="#Footnote_936_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a> But more formidable
than local spirit was the marked tendency toward a union of the
provinces<a name="FNanchor_937_937" id="FNanchor_937_937"></a><a href="#Footnote_937_937" class="fnanchor">[937]</a> and the growing interest of the Huguenots in the Dutch
and Flemish cause,<a name="FNanchor_938_938" id="FNanchor_938_938"></a><a href="#Footnote_938_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a> so much so that Cardinal Granvella strongly
hinted at Spanish pressure being forcibly exerted upon France
for the reduction of the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_939_939" id="FNanchor_939_939"></a><a href="#Footnote_939_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a> The cardinal hoped to see
Charles IX and his mother more docile in receiving the advice of
Spain since the withdrawal of Chantonnay, who was made Philip
II’s ambassador at Vienna. But the theft of Alava’s cipher by
the Huguenots threw him into despair.<a name="FNanchor_940_940" id="FNanchor_940_940"></a><a href="#Footnote_940_940" class="fnanchor">[940]</a> The reciprocal connection
between politics and religion in France and the Low
Countries made the Spanish government watch the movement of
events in France with vigilance.<a name="FNanchor_941_941" id="FNanchor_941_941"></a><a href="#Footnote_941_941" class="fnanchor">[941]</a> So acute was the situation owing
to Huguenot sympathy with the cause of insurrection across the
border,<a name="FNanchor_942_942" id="FNanchor_942_942"></a><a href="#Footnote_942_942" class="fnanchor">[942]</a> that although Granvella ridiculed the wild rumor that
Montgomery was coming to Flanders, he nevertheless apprehended
the possibility of a rupture with France and was relieved to know<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span>
that precautions had been taken against any chance enterprise
of the Huguenots along the edge of Artois and Hainault.<a name="FNanchor_943_943" id="FNanchor_943_943"></a><a href="#Footnote_943_943" class="fnanchor">[943]</a></p>

<p>Margaret of Parma and the nobles sent ambassadors to Spain
to ask concession on two points: (1) that the provinces be governed
by native officials; (2) that the punishment of heresy be
moderated. The King hesitated long. It was not until October
17, 1565, that he gave decisive pronouncement in dispatches
issued from Segovia. In them he ordered the maintenance of
the Inquisition, the enforcement of the edicts, and the impoverishment
of those who resisted. In a word, Philip II would not yield.
The discontent against the administration of the King of Spain now
turned against the King himself. William of Orange used the
notable words, “We are witnessing the beginning of a great
tragedy.”</p>

<p>In the face of the growing resistance the duke of Alva strongly
advised Philip II to convert the towns into fortresses.<a name="FNanchor_944_944" id="FNanchor_944_944"></a><a href="#Footnote_944_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a> For the
Flemish cities were, as yet, commercial groups, not fortified burgs.
With the possible exception of Gravelines, no one of them was
capable of making a sustained defense.</p>

<p>This suggestion happened to coincide with the English occupation
of Havre-de-Grace and the possible return of Calais to
England in return therefor. Such a contingency could but be
viewed with anxiety by Spain,<a name="FNanchor_945_945" id="FNanchor_945_945"></a><a href="#Footnote_945_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a> and this fact, coupled with the
uncertainty of developments in France induced Philip to
follow out Alva’s suggestion by strengthening Gravelines.
France at once became alarmed over Calais and protested in
the same breath against the building of fortifications at
Gravelines and the duty upon her wines.<a name="FNanchor_946_946" id="FNanchor_946_946"></a><a href="#Footnote_946_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a> In retaliation
the French government also strengthened the garrisons on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span>
edge of Picardy, under the direction of the prince of Condé (who
was governor of the province), to the immense indignation of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_947_947" id="FNanchor_947_947"></a><a href="#Footnote_947_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a>
The Spanish erections around Gravelines reacted also upon the
state of things in Flanders. For new and heavier taxation was
the indispensable point of departure for carrying out such measures,
“unless one were willing to see everything said upon the subject
vanish in smoke.” The sole effective remedy for the state
of things prevailing in the Flemish provinces was, of course,
to reorganize the finances and the administration of justice in
accordance with the demands made by the nobles. But instead
of attempting to do this, the government aimed to weaken the
opposition by dividing the leaders, and the long silence of Philip II
covered an attempt to draw away Egmont, who was regarded as
the ringleader of the Flemish nobles at this time.<a name="FNanchor_948_948" id="FNanchor_948_948"></a><a href="#Footnote_948_948" class="fnanchor">[948]</a> The Spanish
government dreaded to summon the estates, as Orange insisted
should be done, for fear of things in Brabant and the other provinces
going the road of things in France under like conditions.<a name="FNanchor_949_949" id="FNanchor_949_949"></a><a href="#Footnote_949_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a></p>

<p>In order, therefore, to provide for funds without asking the
estates to vote subsidies, over which there was sure to be a conflict,
the Spanish government in the Netherlands undertook to raise
the needed money by tariffs. The cloth trade of England and the
wine trade of France were the two commodities so taxed. In 1563
a duty was laid on French wine.<a name="FNanchor_950_950" id="FNanchor_950_950"></a><a href="#Footnote_950_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a> In the case of England, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span>
excuse given for the high duty placed on imported cloth was precaution
against the plague.<a name="FNanchor_951_951" id="FNanchor_951_951"></a><a href="#Footnote_951_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a> France at once protested against
the tariff and threatened to retaliate by taxing the herring and cod
trade, though the Spanish ambassador at Paris represented that
such action would entirely destroy the wine trade and would compel
reprisal.<a name="FNanchor_952_952" id="FNanchor_952_952"></a><a href="#Footnote_952_952" class="fnanchor">[952]</a></p>

<p>Flemish merchants were doubly alarmed at the state of things,
for England, too, threatened reprisal by removing the cloth market
from Antwerp to Embden and imposing tonnage duties on merchant
ships of Flanders driven by stress of weather into English ports for
safety during storm.<a name="FNanchor_953_953" id="FNanchor_953_953"></a><a href="#Footnote_953_953" class="fnanchor">[953]</a> But the government in Flanders was obdurate.
Granvella declared England’s threat to remove the staple
to Embden to be “puerile rhodomontade.” He believed that
not only would the prohibition against the import of English cloth
compel Elizabeth to redress the grievances of Spanish subjects
against England, but that it might even make the English government
more lenient toward the Catholic religion. Furthermore,
he argued, the tax would operate like a protective tariff to stimulate
the manufacture of cloth in the Low Countries. “If not a
single bolt of English cloth ever comes into Flanders again,” he
wrote “it will be to the permanent profit of the Pays-Bas. We saw
this clearly last year during the plague when the prohibition having
temporarily suspended the importation of this kind of goods, there
was manufactured in the single county of Flanders 60,000 pieces
of cloth, or more than the sum total of the three preceding years.”<a name="FNanchor_954_954" id="FNanchor_954_954"></a><a href="#Footnote_954_954" class="fnanchor">[954]</a>
In the case of French wines the Flemish government even established<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span>
a maximum law for their sale which cut the throat of
French merchants worse than ever.<a name="FNanchor_955_955" id="FNanchor_955_955"></a><a href="#Footnote_955_955" class="fnanchor">[955]</a> The French government
carried the action of the Flemish government up to Madrid,
where for months the duty on wine and the buttresses of
Gravelines were matters of repeated interviews between St. Sulpice
and the King, and were still unsettled questions at the
time of the conference at Bayonne.<a name="FNanchor_956_956" id="FNanchor_956_956"></a><a href="#Footnote_956_956" class="fnanchor">[956]</a> Meanwhile the conflict of
the Flemish reform party became more acute because it became
complicated with the question of religion.</p>

<p>In the light of all these circumstances, it is no wonder that
Philip II hesitated long before giving his consent to an interview
with Catherine de Medici.<a name="FNanchor_957_957" id="FNanchor_957_957"></a><a href="#Footnote_957_957" class="fnanchor">[957]</a> Even then he imposed a number
of conditions and regulations. He would not go in person to
Bayonne&mdash;the place appointed; his wife was to be accompanied
by the duke of Alva; display was to be avoided by either side both
for motives of economy and to prevent having undue political
significance attached to an interview which was to be understood
to be purely personal. Philip II’s most striking regulations, however,
were those which had to do with the French <i>entourage</i>. No
one in the least tainted with heresy was to accompany the court.
The queen of Navarre, whom the Spanish King carefully alluded
to as “Madame de Vendôme,” the prince of Condé, the admiral,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span>
and the cardinal Châtillon were specifically named with abhorrence.
The queen mother acquiesced in this prohibition, save in the case
of the prince of Condé, protesting that, on account of his rank,
it would give great offense to forbid his presence, as well as create
belief among the Huguenots that the meeting contemplated something
disadvantageous to them. History has shown that Catherine’s
instincts were perfectly right in this particular; since
after the massacre of St. Bartholomew the Huguenots&mdash;indeed
almost the whole Protestant world&mdash;jumped to the conclusion
that that disaster was preconcerted at Bayonne. In vain St. Sulpice
argued political expediency, saying France and Spain must
not be judged alike, and that “experience had proved that the
way of arms had resulted in more dangers than profit to France.”
Philip II’s answer was metallically hard; he would not consent
to the presence either of Jeanne d’Albret or the prince of Condé
at Bayonne, because it would be a reproach to him and to Spain
for his wife to have had converse with a heretic.<a name="FNanchor_958_958" id="FNanchor_958_958"></a><a href="#Footnote_958_958" class="fnanchor">[958]</a></p>

<p>The last stage of Charles IX’s long tour of the provinces was
from Bordeaux<a name="FNanchor_959_959" id="FNanchor_959_959"></a><a href="#Footnote_959_959" class="fnanchor">[959]</a> to Bayonne<a name="FNanchor_960_960" id="FNanchor_960_960"></a><a href="#Footnote_960_960" class="fnanchor">[960]</a> where the French court arrived on
May 22, 1565. But that indolence of spirit which is so much
associated with Spanish character seems as early as the sixteenth
century to have become habitual,<a name="FNanchor_961_961" id="FNanchor_961_961"></a><a href="#Footnote_961_961" class="fnanchor">[961]</a> so that the Spanish queen was
forced to travel in the heat (six soldiers of Strozzi’s band died with
their armor on from heat prostration), which aggravated the plague
prevailing in certain parts.<a name="FNanchor_962_962" id="FNanchor_962_962"></a><a href="#Footnote_962_962" class="fnanchor">[962]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span></p>

<p>In conferences of state, especially international conferences,
things of importance are confined within four walls. The sixteenth
century was <i>par excellence</i> the age of closet politics. The
world upon the outside saw only the fêtes<a name="FNanchor_963_963" id="FNanchor_963_963"></a><a href="#Footnote_963_963" class="fnanchor">[963]</a> that marked the interview
at Bayonne. But these festivities were no more than the
flecks or wreaths of glittering foam that float upon the bosom of
the water for an instant and then are gone. The real business
at Bayonne was politics. But the great importance for three
hundred years<a name="FNanchor_964_964" id="FNanchor_964_964"></a><a href="#Footnote_964_964" class="fnanchor">[964]</a> attributed to this famous interview is today
proved to have had slight foundation in fact. The light of recent
research has dissipated the traditional belief that Philip II and
Catherine de Medici planned the massacre of the French Protestants
at Bayonne, and finally consummated it on St. Bartholomew’s
Day.<a name="FNanchor_965_965" id="FNanchor_965_965"></a><a href="#Footnote_965_965" class="fnanchor">[965]</a> The truth is that not what was contemplated but
<i>what was imagined was contemplated</i> at Bayonne became the
important historical influence of the future. An assumed fact
came to have all the force of reality. The principals in this
unfortunate conference, in point of truth, were far apart from
one another. Philip II’s interests were wholly political, and
personalities were merely incidental to his main purpose. On
the other hand, the queen mother’s interests were chiefly personal,
being centered in plans to achieve brilliant marriage<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span>
alliances for her children, for whose sake she ruinously compromised
herself and France.</p>

<p>If Catherine had been less vain and less foolishly affectionate,
she would have striven harder for the solution of things more
vital to France. It is true she was far from ignoring these issues
entirely, but she weakened the cause of France in respect to them
by subordinating these to her main purpose, so that she awakened
the greater suspicion of Spain by her attempts to avoid answering
in those matters of most concern to Philip II and by her continual
harping upon the things that were nearest to her heart, but not
of most moment either to France or to Spain. When the duke
of Alva drove her into a corner and compelled her to answer the
questions he put to her concerning greater politics, Catherine’s
replies were fatal to her aspirations. What were these matters?</p>

<p>Alva’s instructions were strict. He was to demand the expulsion
of the Huguenot ministers from France within thirty days;
the interdiction of Protestant worship; acceptance of the decrees
of the Council of Trent; profession of the Catholic religion by all
office holders.<a name="FNanchor_966_966" id="FNanchor_966_966"></a><a href="#Footnote_966_966" class="fnanchor">[966]</a> This policy of suppression and compulsion outlined
by his sovereign was wholly in keeping with his, the duke’s,
own judgment. But with greater penetration and less hesitation
than Philip II, Alva recognized clearly the intimate connection
between the politics of Flanders and the politics of France, and
favored the adoption of a parallel line of conduct at once in the Low
Countries. He was convinced that France was incapable of managing
her own affairs and was a menace to other states, politically and
religiously.<a name="FNanchor_967_967" id="FNanchor_967_967"></a><a href="#Footnote_967_967" class="fnanchor">[967]</a> The means of repression which Spain had often urged
had not produced the results desired: they had only delayed the total
ruin of the nation. Suggestion and insinuation must be replaced by
a more drastic policy. Assassination was a recognized, perhaps
a quasi-legitimate political recourse in the eyes of the men of the
sixteenth century. The old generation of French Catholics upon
whom Spain could rely, the cardinal de Tournon, the duke of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span>
Guise, the marshal St. André, had passed away&mdash;one of them
assassinated at the hands of a Huguenot. Tavannes and Vieilleville
were reluctant to sacrifice country to religion, especially when
a rival nation would profit thereby. The constable was the only
old-time figure of prominence remaining, and he could not be
relied on since the conflict between the marshal Montmorency
and the cardinal of Lorraine, for he favored the side of his nephews
and so was believed to be not far distant from the party of the
admiral.<a name="FNanchor_968_968" id="FNanchor_968_968"></a><a href="#Footnote_968_968" class="fnanchor">[968]</a> Power had fallen into the hands of the Huguenots,
whose leaders now excelled in personal force. “The shortest,
the most expeditious way, is to behead Condé, the admiral, D’Andelot,
La Rochefoucauld, and Grammont,” Alva told the duke of
Montpensier<a name="FNanchor_969_969" id="FNanchor_969_969"></a><a href="#Footnote_969_969" class="fnanchor">[969]</a> and Montluc, the two most earnest French converts
to this policy.<a name="FNanchor_970_970" id="FNanchor_970_970"></a><a href="#Footnote_970_970" class="fnanchor">[970]</a></p>

<p>But it was yet a far cry from this cool advocacy of assassination
of the Protestant leaders to the wholesale slaughter of August
24, 1572. There is really no positive connection between the
conference of Bayonne and the massacre of St. Bartholomew.<a name="FNanchor_971_971" id="FNanchor_971_971"></a><a href="#Footnote_971_971" class="fnanchor">[971]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span>
The slaughter of the French Protestants <i>as a sect</i> was never advocated
by any prince in Europe, not even Philip II. There is no
evidence at the Vatican of any Catholic or papal league for the
extirpation of the Protestants. Such a solution of the religious
problem was not contemplated, save by one person in Europe at
this time&mdash;Pope Pius V. It is this pontiff who has the sinister
distinction of having advocated general destruction of the Protestants,
rather than a discriminating assassination of the Huguenot
leaders.<a name="FNanchor_972_972" id="FNanchor_972_972"></a><a href="#Footnote_972_972" class="fnanchor">[972]</a> The most radical action touching the Huguenots<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span>
at large, it may safely be said, that was regarded practicable in
1564-65 was to forbid and prevent future conversion,<a name="FNanchor_973_973" id="FNanchor_973_973"></a><a href="#Footnote_973_973" class="fnanchor">[973]</a> or else the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span>
wholesale exile of the Huguenots from the realm.<a name="FNanchor_974_974" id="FNanchor_974_974"></a><a href="#Footnote_974_974" class="fnanchor">[974]</a> The alternative
of total destruction was not contemplated anywhere in Europe or
at any time, except in the single case mentioned.</p>

<p>No such crime as the massacre of the Huguenots was planned
at Bayonne, nor perpetrated as the result of that conference. The
principals in the case were too far apart in intention and conviction
for so gigantic a programme. The paramount purpose of the
queen mother was to marry Charles IX to the elder daughter of
the Emperor, Margaret of Valois to Don Carlos, and the duke of
Orleans (the future Henry III) to Donna Juana, Philip II’s sister.
But Alva was crafty. By a series of adroit questions which tantalized
her hopes and preyed upon her fears, he compelled Catherine
de Medici to commit herself upon the very political issues
which she wished to avoid discussing, until she was hopelessly
compromised. In vain she doubled like a fox pursued by the
hounds and tried to throw the duke off upon a false
scent.</p>

<p>“France must be cleared of this vicious sect,” said Alva. In
order to avoid replying, Catherine attempted, by a question, to
turn the conversation to the subject of a universal league, whether
it should be against the Turk or against the heretic. Alva was not
thrown off. The queen resorted to sarcasm.</p>

<p>“Since you understand the evil from which France is suffering
so well,” she said, “tell me the remedy.”</p>

<p>Alva sidestepped the direct shot, by suavely rejoining:</p>

<p>“Madame, who knows better than yourself?”</p>

<p>“The King, your master,” said Catherine ironically, “knows
better than I everything that passes in France. What means
would he employ to overcome the rebellious Protestants?”</p>

<p>Alva resorted to the Socratic method, hoping to involve the
queen in the toils of argument.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span></p>

<p>“Has the religion gained or lost since the peace of Amboise?”
he inquired insidiously.</p>

<p>“It has gained,” replied she.</p>

<p>The answer, in Spain’s eyes, was a condemnation of the policy
of France; it was a thorn in the road of the queen’s ambitious
hopes of marriage alliance. In her exasperation, Catherine
upbraided her daughter for out-Spaniarding the Spaniard.</p>

<p>“I am a Spaniard, I admit,” said Elizabeth. “ It is my duty.”<a name="FNanchor_975_975" id="FNanchor_975_975"></a><a href="#Footnote_975_975" class="fnanchor">[975]</a></p>

<p>Catherine broached anew the possibility of Philip II consenting
to have his sister marry her Benjamin&mdash;Henry duke of Orleans&mdash;and
conferring Artois as dowry upon the pair.</p>

<p>“The king would never consent to sacrifice one of his provinces,”
said Alva brusquely.</p>

<p>“But to give a Spanish province to the duke of Orleans,” argued
the queen mother, blinded by maternal affection, “would be the
same then as giving it to his own brother.”</p>

<p>Alva taxed the queen with maintaining a heretic, L’Hôpital,
in the chancellorship, and of opposing the Tridentine decrees.
Catherine emphatically denied the first charge, although her
daughter again supported Alva’s indictment by declaring that
even during the life of her father, L’Hôpital had passed for a Huguenot;
as to the second, she said the crown of France objected to
the political application of certain findings of the Council of Trent,
which she hoped to have adjusted. Alva saw the vulnerable
point in her reply and inquired if she aimed to call another assembly
like the Colloquy of Poissy.</p>

<p>“I recognize the danger of such assemblies,” said Catherine,
“but the king, my son, is strong enough to compel discussion only
of those subjects which he may designate.”</p>

<p>“Was it so at Poissy?” sneered Alva.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span></p>

<p>The queen’s reply was a tirade against the cardinal of Lorraine,
whom she blamed for the failure of the colloquy.</p>

<p>In the end there <i>was</i> a promise given by the queen mother at
Bayonne. But it was verbal, not written, and so governed by
circumstances that the edge of Spain’s intentions was dulled.
Compromising the agreement certainly was; convicting it is not,
for, aside from the fact that its fulfilment was dependent upon an
impossible condition of things, Catherine never permitted herself
to express in writing what the terms of this promise were. Our
knowledge of it is dependent upon Alva’s letters of June 15 and
July 4; upon Philip II’s construction of it in a letter addressed by
him to the cardinal Pacheco<a name="FNanchor_976_976" id="FNanchor_976_976"></a><a href="#Footnote_976_976" class="fnanchor">[976]</a> on August 24, 1565, and the dispatch
of the Venetian ambassador Suriano, who was with the French
queen, to the senate on July 22, supplemented by what information
St. Sulpice picked up during the last days of his mission in Spain.</p>

<p>It is evident from the careful reading of these documents that
the real triumph at Bayonne was scored by the papacy; that
Spain won a sterile victory, and France met an indecisive defeat.
Spain and France, being unable to carry their own purpose through
as each desired, compromised on a course which was an intermediate
plane of agreement to them, but which, <i>according to the letter</i>,
was a supreme triumph for Rome, and would have been a complete
victory for Rome <i>if the terms had ever been executed</i>. The
man of the hour was the cardinal Santa Croce, nuncio in France.
His services are thus reported by the Venetian ambassador in
France on July 2:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">On the eve of departure, the queen, perceiving the discontent of the duke
of Alva, summoned the nuncio, who was not far away, to Bayonne, in order
to have him at hand. It is he who has found a solution; he has satisfied both
parties. I shall be able to inform you shortly as to the nature of his solution.<a name="FNanchor_977_977" id="FNanchor_977_977"></a><a href="#Footnote_977_977" class="fnanchor">[977]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Three weeks later (July 22) the promised word was sent to
Venice in the form of a cipher dispatch,<a name="FNanchor_978_978" id="FNanchor_978_978"></a><a href="#Footnote_978_978" class="fnanchor">[978]</a> the information in which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span>
had been communicated to him in strictest secrecy.<a name="FNanchor_979_979" id="FNanchor_979_979"></a><a href="#Footnote_979_979" class="fnanchor">[979]</a> This
intensely important document reads as follows:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">Now that I have received positive information, I shall tell everything to
your Signory that has happened. Since his arrival, the duke of Alva has not
ceased to urge the queen to give his master a manifestation of her good will
toward the cause of religion by some manifest act, and he had urged her to
cause the decisions of the Council of Trent to be observed throughout the whole
realm of France, for which his Catholic majesty would show his satisfaction.
The queen had yielded readily to this proposition and had told him that she
was very inclined to convene an assembly of prelates, of theologians, and
savants, to examine the decisions made at Trent, <i>without occupying themselves
with doctrine</i>, but confining themselves to the reform of abuses.
The duke had found this offer strange and had not concealed his
discontent over it. According to him, this was to oppose a council to a
council, which would be the worst of results and mightily displease the king
his master. Since he urged the necessity of this measure, before passing to
any other consideration, and was so obdurate, the queen, being very pained
to see him depart so unsatisfied, and things being so desperate, notified the
nuncio, who was not lodged at Bayonne like all the ambassadors, and ordered
the <i>mareschal de logis</i> of the palace to prepare accommodation for him and
to have him come immediately. He came at once and being informed by the
queen, went to find the duke, but was very badly received by him. The duke
blamed and reproached him for not remaining firm in his opinion. The queen
holding to the idea of this assembly of prelates and theologians, and the duke
opposing it, the nuncio found another expedient which seemed to give satisfaction
to all. He broached it to the queen, and with her consent communicated
it to the duke. This remedy, at the twelfth hour, was very opportune.
It is this: This assembly shall be held: but under certain conditions. The
first is that the persons chosen to participate in it shall be of such influence
as to be able to demand that no Huguenot shall sit in it; secondly, the
assembly must conform to that which the queen had at first proposed;
that is to say, all disputes over dogma and doctrine shall be forbidden.
The queen, having accepted this, authorized the nuncio to communicate
her consent to the duke, who showed himself satisfied. Both of them
then came together to find the queen again, and on the next day, in the presence
of the queen of Spain, the cardinal Bourbon, the marshal Bourdillon, and
the leading nobles, the whole was confirmed.</p>

<p class="pbq">Great benefit can come from this: by eliminating everything that pertains
to dogma, and avoiding doctrinal difficulties, all the other resolutions
which are of less importance will be strengthened, especially as the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span>
Huguenots, the only ones who can give trouble will be excluded. There is
no doubt about both the king and the queen being disposed to the Catholic
religion, since they have given proofs of it. I am, moreover, assured by what
the queen has said, that there is no intention to touch any of the privileges of
the Holy See, nor, per contra, any of the concessions made by the popes to the
kings who were predecessors of the king now reigning. The execution of this
convention thus arranged is not to take place until the return of the king
to Paris.</p>

<p class="p1">The King of Spain, in the letter cited to Cardinal Pacheco,
expressed his contentment with this agreement,<a name="FNanchor_980_980" id="FNanchor_980_980"></a><a href="#Footnote_980_980" class="fnanchor">[980]</a> not perceiving
that the application of it was capable of a great amount of flexibility.
In his blindness he thought that the nuncio had broken
the loaf so as to give the greater portion to Spain; while in reality
the greater part was in the hands of the Pope, Philip II having
actually but the difference between a fragment and no bread. In
fine, no plot was entered into at Bayonne; no crime was ever
committed in pursuance of an agreement arranged there. The
“plot” agreed upon at Bayonne between Catherine de Medici
and Philip II of Spain consisted of an ambiguous promise, the
fulfilment of which was dependent upon an impossible condition
of things.<a name="FNanchor_981_981" id="FNanchor_981_981"></a><a href="#Footnote_981_981" class="fnanchor">[981]</a></p>

<p>The affair of Bayonne was not a crime; it was a colossal
blunder. The destruction of the ambitious marriage expectations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span>
of the Valois was the least loss. The irreparable thing
was that France forfeited the confidence of her Protestant
subjects. The secrecy that enveloped the conference made the
Huguenots apprehensive of the worst. They believed that a
Franco-Spanish alliance was made at Bayonne for their overwhelming;
and the second civil war was the outcome of their
misgivings.<a name="FNanchor_982_982" id="FNanchor_982_982"></a><a href="#Footnote_982_982" class="fnanchor">[982]</a> And when finally, <i>for other reasons</i>, the massacre
of St. Bartholomew befell them, not merely Protestant France but
Protestant Europe was convinced that the false hypothesis had
been demonstrated. The count Hector la Ferrière admirably
summarizes the situation:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">To maintain and loyally to adhere to the edict of pacification; to open to
the daring sailors of France the Indies and America, which Spain and Portugal
were endeavoring to close to them; and finally to rally Catholics and Protestants
under the same banner against the foreigner&mdash;this was the only true French
policy. The Spaniard at this time was the enemy of France. She encountered
him everywhere in her path; at Rome, at Vienna, at the Council of Trent
he disputed her precedence; in Switzerland by gold and by the menaces of his
agents he interfered with the renewals of the French treaties with the Catholic
cantons; at the very time when Catherine and Elizabeth of Valois were exchanging
false promises of alliance and friendship, Menendez was sailing for
Florida, bearing orders for the massacre of all the French found there.<a name="FNanchor_983_983" id="FNanchor_983_983"></a><a href="#Footnote_983_983" class="fnanchor">[983]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c283" id="c283">CHAPTER XI</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE TOUR OF THE PROVINCES (<i>Continued</i>). THE INFLUENCE
OF THE REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS UPON
FRANCE. THE AFFAIR OF MEAUX</p>

<p>From the field of Philip II’s empty victory the court resumed
its pilgrimage, crossing the Loire and traversing Guyenne which
was “in good repose,” visiting Angoulême, Cognac, Saintes,
La Rochelle, and Niort <i>en route</i> to Nantes. The country was the
veritable dominion of Calvinism in France, but as yet the Huguenots
let their hopes belie their fears.<a name="FNanchor_984_984" id="FNanchor_984_984"></a><a href="#Footnote_984_984" class="fnanchor">[984]</a> The progress through the
western provinces was purposely slow, for Catherine still hoped
against hope that Fourquevaux, who had succeeded St. Sulpice
at the Spanish court, might persuade Philip II to think more favorably
of her matrimonial schemes,<a name="FNanchor_985_985" id="FNanchor_985_985"></a><a href="#Footnote_985_985" class="fnanchor">[985]</a> until finally, late in December,
the bitter truth came out; only the younger daughter of the Hapsburgs
might marry a Valois, even though he was king of France.
The queen mother had been weighed in the balance by Catholic-Hapsburg
Europe and had been found wanting. Then it was
that Catherine turned her eyes toward eastern Europe in the hope
of finding in Poland a recompense for the fondled and despicable
Henry of Valois. Strange are the vicissitudes of history! The
effect of Philip II’s resolution was to put a mountebank on the
throne of Poland and cast Marguerite of Valois into the arms of
the son of Jeanne d’Albret.<a name="FNanchor_986_986" id="FNanchor_986_986"></a><a href="#Footnote_986_986" class="fnanchor">[986]</a></p>

<p>Long before this time, however, Spain had begun to be impatient
for the fulfilment of the compact of Bayonne. But procrastination
was Catherine’s trump suit. She averred that the plague<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span>
was too prevalent to make it safe for the court to return to Paris
until winter,<a name="FNanchor_987_987" id="FNanchor_987_987"></a><a href="#Footnote_987_987" class="fnanchor">[987]</a> and when the cold weather diminished the danger
from that source, pleaded the poverty and famine of the realm
as an excuse.<a name="FNanchor_988_988" id="FNanchor_988_988"></a><a href="#Footnote_988_988" class="fnanchor">[988]</a> It was an excuse the validity of which was everywhere
manifest. France truly had been in the dire pangs of hunger
and intense cold during the celebrated winter of 1564-65.<a name="FNanchor_989_989" id="FNanchor_989_989"></a><a href="#Footnote_989_989" class="fnanchor">[989]</a> Claude
Haton, the priest-historian of Provins, who was a close observer
of meteorological phenomena has given a graphic description of
this season.</p>

<div class="pbq">

<p class="p1">The winter at its commencement in November [he says] was very mild
and was so until December 20, the vigil of St. Thomas the apostle, without
either cold or frost in the mornings. The rain was so warm that it was thought
that the winter would be mild and open, but on the vigil of St. Thomas there
came a great cold, accompanied in the morning by a cold rain, which by midday
turned into snow, and which fell all the rest of the day in so great abundance
that the earth, which was very wet, was covered on the morrow to the depth of a
foot, king’s measure, and more, with snow. With this snow came a northeast
wind, which froze everything under a coating of thick ice. This cold continued
down to the last day of December. The ice was so thick that a man
could cross the river without breaking through. The snow lay so heavy upon
the fields that in the open places the drifts were as high as a man. After the
snow-storm had passed the cold redoubled, so that even the best clad suffered
whenever they went out doors. There was not a house in the village where
the water did not freeze, if it was not set close by the fire; and I do not exaggerate
when I say that in many good and well-built houses wine froze before
the great chimney, though the latter was heaped up with wood. I saw in
many houses iron pots suspended above the fire with icicles hanging over the
edge. Every night and morning when the people got up there was frost upon
the coverlet, from the evaporation of the bodies of the sleepers. There was
not a wine-cellar where the wine did not freeze in the casks, unless care was
taken to keep charcoal fires burning there. In some wine-cellars it was
necessary to close every aperture in order to prevent the wine from freezing.
It frequently froze so hard that it was necessary to pierce the bung-hole with
a red hot poker in order to draw it out. On the night of the 23-24 December,
as also on Christmas night, the ice was so heavy upon the trees that the boughs<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span>
were broken. These things had not been seen in France since the year 1480.<a name="FNanchor_990_990" id="FNanchor_990_990"></a><a href="#Footnote_990_990" class="fnanchor">[990]</a>
The greatest cold was on the day of the feast of the Innocents (December
28). Many men who were exposed died in the roads. The crests of cocks
and poultry were frozen and fell off some days afterwards, and many were
found dead under their roosts. The sheep also died.</p>

<p>Early in January the ice began to melt. It grew uncommonly warm for
the season, so that fire became unnecessary. On the day following the edict
of the king, about noon, a soft warm rain began to fall, which caused the snow
to vanish rapidly. This lasted for five days, so that the earth was covered
with water. And then came a second cold for three entire weeks, until the
28th of the month, and snow with a high wind came, which drove the snow
everywhere and piled it in great drifts. The winter grain was frozen in the
furrows. God knows how much the poor people who had no wood suffered.
Most of them stayed in bed night and day without getting up except to eat once
in twenty-four hours. The poor of Paris and others who had no means, were
compelled to burn their furniture. Those who had made no provision for the
winter, chiefly of wood, were compelled to purchase at high prices, for it was
not possible to do carting because of the condition of the roads; in many cases,
moreover, the bridges were destroyed. When the thaw came, the high waters
penetrated houses and churches in Provins to the depth of three, four, and
even five feet, washing out the very dead in the cemetery.<a name="FNanchor_991_991" id="FNanchor_991_991"></a><a href="#Footnote_991_991" class="fnanchor">[991]</a> At Paris the flood
damaged the Pont-au-Change and caused many houses to topple. Vine-growers
found themselves in great difficulty. Those who were wise cut their
vines back to the root, in order that they might sprout better again, and were
repaid for so doing, for they were the only ones that bore.</p>

<p>The spring was fair and mild, so that barley and oats were sown. Yet
much ground lay bare because in the fields sown with winter wheat the roots
were all killed, so that no grain grew. The walnut trees seemed to be dead
through all the month of April and half of May, for they did not put forth
their buds. Pear and apple trees bore a few blossoms. In some places there
were plums and cherries, but not everywhere.<a name="FNanchor_992_992" id="FNanchor_992_992"></a><a href="#Footnote_992_992" class="fnanchor">[992]</a></p></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span></p>

<p class="p1">The winter was just as bad in Gascony, Provence, and Languedoc.
On the day of the Feast of St. John the Baptist (June 24)
it snowed!<a name="FNanchor_993_993" id="FNanchor_993_993"></a><a href="#Footnote_993_993" class="fnanchor">[993]</a> Even the poor people were compelled to build fires,
though they could not afford the fuel. The vines throughout
central France were so badly injured that not a third part of
the crop remained. The grain likewise was destroyed. Water
courses were swollen and overflowed their banks, and in the meadows
of the Seine people had to take care lest they be drowned.
As a result of the cold spring, the harvest of 1565 failed over almost
all the realm to such an extent that it was necessary to abolish the
tolls between provinces and to permit free trade in grain. Paris
imported wheat from Champagne, Picardy, Anjou, Lower Brittany,
Burgundy, and Auvergne, the least stricken of the provinces.<a name="FNanchor_994_994" id="FNanchor_994_994"></a><a href="#Footnote_994_994" class="fnanchor">[994]</a>
The Parlement of Paris passed an ordinance forbidding speculation
in foodstuffs and compelled those possessed of a surplus of
grain to throw what was not needed for their own necessity upon
the market.<a name="FNanchor_995_995" id="FNanchor_995_995"></a><a href="#Footnote_995_995" class="fnanchor">[995]</a> A measure (<i>boisseau</i>) of wheat, from January to
April cost from 12-15 sous (= 1½ pecks at from 36 to 45 cents), and
after April the price rose every week until harvest time, to the sum of
25 sous <i>tournois</i> (approximately 75 cents). Wheat was very dear in
Paris and throughout all Brie, the Ile-de-France, Valois, Soissonais,
and Picardy; less so in Champagne, Burgundy, and Lorraine,
where there was rye and barley enough for the people. The stock
starved because the grain was consumed by the people. Many
people went over into Champagne in order to purchase rye and
barley to make bread with until the harvest came. Fortunately
grain was plentiful in Champagne, and wheat fell to 7 and 6 sous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span>
per measure (from 19 to 22 cents), and corn in like proportion
after the harvest. Because of the hard times which they had
experienced, many accumulated great stores in the expectation
that in a short time there would again be a dearth.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">Wine was very dear until the vintage. In the months of August and
September before the grapes were gathered, it was not possible to purchase
wine by the cup at taverns, even for silver; it was with great difficulty that
sufficient wine was procurable for church service. But after the vintage the
price dropped to 14 <i>livres tournois</i> ($8.70) <i>la queue du creu</i>, whereas it had
been as high as 80 before ($49.60).<a name="FNanchor_996_996" id="FNanchor_996_996"></a><a href="#Footnote_996_996" class="fnanchor">[996]</a></p>

<p class="p1">As so often appears elsewhere in history, the economic distress
and strain of poverty was followed by psychological manifestations
of a religio-sociological sort, among the lower and poor classes.
In 1565, in the villages of Champagne and Brie and especially
in the bailiwicks of Sens, Melun, Montereau, Nogent, Troyes,
Châlons, Rheims, Epernay, Château-Thierry, Meaux, and Provins,
the belief spread among the peasantry that in honor of the Virgin
they ought to refrain from working in the fields on Saturday after
midday, and that this Saturday rest had been formally ordered
by the Virgin in revelations and apparitions. A young girl of
Charly-sur-Marne, near Epernay, boasted of having received<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span>
these confidences, and showed miraculous signs of her mission.
But the cardinal of Lorraine caused her to be arrested and questioned,
and she was burned alive as a witch.<a name="FNanchor_997_997" id="FNanchor_997_997"></a><a href="#Footnote_997_997" class="fnanchor">[997]</a></p>

<p>Instead of going to Paris, the court passed the winter at Moulins
in Bourbonnais,<a name="FNanchor_998_998" id="FNanchor_998_998"></a><a href="#Footnote_998_998" class="fnanchor">[998]</a> where the famine was most slightly felt. By
this time the expectations of the Catholics and the fears of the
Huguenots were beginning to bear their bitter fruit, and in the
state of public tension every incident was magnified. At Angers,
in November, the Rohans, having forbidden Catholic worship
upon their domains, the King had had to compel them to reinstate
it by threatening to dispossess them of their châteaux; at
Blois the cardinal Bourbon reproached the queen mother for
suffering the edict to be violated by permitting the queen of Navarre
and the prince of Condé to maintain court-preachers in their
entourage. The Catholics of Dijon demanded that in future
Calvinist ministers be forbidden to attend the last hours of the
dying, a petition which the cardinal of Lorraine supported in order
to make the chancellor L’Hôpital commit himself. The answer
of the latter sustained the edict’s grant of the right of selection in
the matter of religion. Of greater anxiety still was the influx of
Huguenots into the town of Moulins, Montgomery among the
rest, who for the first time since the fatal tournament of June
30, 1559, looked upon the court.<a name="FNanchor_999_999" id="FNanchor_999_999"></a><a href="#Footnote_999_999" class="fnanchor">[999]</a></p>

<p>The memory of the conspiracy of Amboise haunted the queen
like a specter, and was the more vivid because of the <i>rapprochement</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span>
between the leaders of the Huguenots and the Montmorencys,
who had met together at Paris in November at the marriage of
the amorous prince of Condé to Mlle. de Longueville. The incident
was sharp enough to strike fire between the Catholic-Guisard
and the Huguenot-Montmorency party. For when the papal
nuncio indignantly demanded the cardinal of Beauvais’ renunciation
of the purple, the constable bluffly said: “I am a papist.
But if the Pope and his agents still seek to trouble the kingdom,
my sword will be Huguenot. My nephew will never renounce his
dignity. The edict gives him the right to it.” It is no wonder
Catherine de Medici was anxious to hear of the report of these
words at Madrid and what Philip II would say.<a name="FNanchor_1000_1000" id="FNanchor_1000_1000"></a><a href="#Footnote_1000_1000" class="fnanchor">[1000]</a> The interdiction
of the Protestant worship at Moulins on January 9, 1566, on the
very day that Coligny returned from the wedding festivities, was
her own reply.</p>

<p>The very next day she guarded against new fire being struck
between the factions by compelling at least outward reconciliation
between the admiral and the cardinal of Lorraine. On January
10, 1566, in the presence of the court, she addressed the cardinal,
saying that the repose of the kingdom was destroyed by private
quarrels and especially by two of his, the one with the marshal
Montmorency, the other with the admiral for the murder of the
duke of Guise.<a name="FNanchor_1001_1001" id="FNanchor_1001_1001"></a><a href="#Footnote_1001_1001" class="fnanchor">[1001]</a> At the same time the queen mother, in order
to preserve peace between the rivals, hit upon the novel scheme
of lodging the cardinal and the admiral in the same house, so that
each had to use the same stairway in order to reach his apartments,
telling both that each was keeper of the other, and that if either
of them experienced any injury it would be imputed to the other.<a name="FNanchor_1002_1002" id="FNanchor_1002_1002"></a><a href="#Footnote_1002_1002" class="fnanchor">[1002]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span>
The cardinal of Lorraine, for fear of losing all his influence, accepted
the situation (he did not stir from the side of the queen),<a name="FNanchor_1003_1003" id="FNanchor_1003_1003"></a><a href="#Footnote_1003_1003" class="fnanchor">[1003]</a>
and was compelled to abide by the situation <i>telle quelle</i>, as Sir
Thomas Smith wrote to Cecil.<a name="FNanchor_1004_1004" id="FNanchor_1004_1004"></a><a href="#Footnote_1004_1004" class="fnanchor">[1004]</a> But nothing could mollify the
anger of the constable against the Guises, and when the duke of
Guise at length came to court in February, Montmorency left it
forthwith.<a name="FNanchor_1005_1005" id="FNanchor_1005_1005"></a><a href="#Footnote_1005_1005" class="fnanchor">[1005]</a></p>

<p>While the factional feeling thus grew more embittered, serious
and noble effort was yet made to carry out the demands of the
States-General of Orleans and Pontoise&mdash;demands which were
principles of the political Huguenots. This programme was
supported by the queen mother, who seems in this way to have
sought to placate the fears of the Huguenots for their faith. The
year 1566 is notable for the fact that greater recognition was then
accorded the political demands of the Huguenots than at any time
hitherto, so that large progress was made in the betterment of the
administrative system of France.</p>

<p>The King in his address to the council said that at his accession
he had wanted to travel through all the provinces desolated by
the late civil wars, in order to hear the complaints of his subjects
and to remedy conditions in the best manner possible; that it was
for this cause that he had convoked the assembly and so enjoined
them, in virtue of the royal authority, to apply themselves diligently
to affairs.</p>

<p>Then the chancellor spoke: after dwelling upon the general
evils of the state, he asserted that the root of all the evils was the
bad administration of justice; that the King had become convinced
of this in the course of the tour of the provinces; that for himself
he could not refrain from calling things by their right name and
from speaking as he thought; that those who were appointed to
administer justice were guilty of great excesses; that these evils
had increased owing to the impunity and the license which obtained.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span></p>

<p class="pbq p1">I do not deny [he added] that there are too many laws and ordinances in
France and that the multitude of the laws and the number of the judges is the
cause of much unnecessary and tyrannical litigation. But it is no less true
that when new evils arise there is a necessity of new remedies, and that when
the ancient laws have been abrogated either by inobservance or by license, it is
necessary to make new ones in order to cure current evils and to arrest the
course of public calamity. The public welfare requires new legislation. If
the new laws are not observed, on account of the venality and avarice of the
ministers of justice, they must be punished severely and these public pests who
fatten upon the blood of a miserable people must be driven from office. Superfluous
offices, moreover, must be abolished and the ruinous multiplication of
legal causes stopped.</p>

<p class="pn1">The justice of the last charge was particularly manifest. Since
the time of Francis I it had been the practice of the crown to
sell offices and even to create them for purposes of revenue
only.</p>

<p>The chancellor further asserted that the King could not suffer
those who had not the right to make laws to attribute to themselves
the power to interpret them; he proposed to diminish the excessive
number of the courts, and raised the question whether the
demands of justice would not be better met if the Parlement ceased
to be so sedentary and became ambulatory instead&mdash;a suggestion
which, it is interesting to observe, found a partial realization in
the seventeenth century in the establishment of the Grands Jours
d’Auvergne. He insinuated that it was advisable to subject the
judges to censure and to compel them to render account of the
manner in which they exercised their office, and that it might be
better to establish judges for two or three years than to permit the
holding of office in perpetuity.</p>

<p>After longer deliberation, in February, 1566, the famous
ordinance of Moulins was framed. It contained eighty-six
articles, and dealt radically with the evils of the time and
imposed drastic reform, especially in the administration of
justice.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">This act declared the royal domain inalienable, limited and regulated the
right of remonstrances of parlement, organized circuits of inspection by
magistrates especially appointed to go throughout the realm, instituted certain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span>
changes in the judicial administration, and pledged the word of the crown to
appoint capable and honest magistrates.<a name="FNanchor_1006_1006" id="FNanchor_1006_1006"></a><a href="#Footnote_1006_1006" class="fnanchor">[1006]</a></p>

<p class="p1">It profoundly modified both the public and private law of
France. In the former sphere the ordinance strengthened the
legislative power of the crown by laying down the principle that
the King’s ordinances must be observed in spite of remonstrances
on the part of the parlements, and even if the latter refused to
register them; the <i>maîtres des requêtes</i> were enjoined to punish
severely any infraction or failure to observe the ordinances. The
powers of the governors in the provinces were much reduced; they
were forbidden to exercise the right of pardon, to levy taxes, or
to institute fairs and markets. The judicial power of the great
<i>villes</i> was almost entirely suppressed. The communal judges
were deprived of all civil jurisdiction and retained cognizance only
of petty offenses; at the same time, the attempt was made to
restrain seigneurial jurisdiction. The right of written proof was
recognized in cases involving 100 livres or more.<a name="FNanchor_1007_1007" id="FNanchor_1007_1007"></a><a href="#Footnote_1007_1007" class="fnanchor">[1007]</a> No less than
1,500 superfluous offices, treasurerships, secretaryships, etc., were
abolished. In the matter of religion some of the articles were a
confirmation of the edict of 1563. Another article abolished
entirely all confraternities, and prohibited the formation of all
leagues.<a name="FNanchor_1008_1008" id="FNanchor_1008_1008"></a><a href="#Footnote_1008_1008" class="fnanchor">[1008]</a></p>

<p>The financial administration came in for a most searching
investigation. The flaunting arrogance of some of the King’s
treasurers is remarkable. Numbers of them had had houses, and
even châteaux which rivaled the King’s own in elegance, the means
to purchase and furnish which they had secured by plundering
the people and robbing the government. One treasurer&mdash;among<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span>
four who were hanged at Montfaucon&mdash;was found to owe the
crown over three million livres.<a name="FNanchor_1009_1009" id="FNanchor_1009_1009"></a><a href="#Footnote_1009_1009" class="fnanchor">[1009]</a></p>

<p>The young duke of Guise, who had refused to be a party to
the farcical reconciliation between his house and the Châtillons
soon found means to leave the court. In May the duke of Nemours
and the duchess of Guise were married at St. Maur-des-Fosses.
It was a match which sowed dragon’s teeth once more. For
Nemours forsook his wife, who was a Rohan, having induced the
Pope to nullify the marriage. The Huguenots murmured indignantly
against the insult done the Rohan clan whose powerful
family influence was now joined with the Châtillons and Montmorencys.<a name="FNanchor_1010_1010" id="FNanchor_1010_1010"></a><a href="#Footnote_1010_1010" class="fnanchor">[1010]</a></p>

<p>Catherine de Medici was not the ruler to govern France with
a firm yet facile hand under the circumstances that existed in 1566.
Irrespective of foreign influences, which we shall presently come
to, the economic distress<a name="FNanchor_1011_1011" id="FNanchor_1011_1011"></a><a href="#Footnote_1011_1011" class="fnanchor">[1011]</a> of the country, the rivalry of the great
houses, and the religious acrimony prevailing made a combination
of forces that needed another sort of ruler to reconcile them&mdash;a
ruler such as Henry of Navarre was to be. The queen mother,
while a woman of force, was so deficient in sincerity that no one
could have confidence in her; so jealous of power that she would
brook no other control of the King, whose sovereignty she confounded
with her maternal oversight of him, making no distinction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span>
between Charles IX the ruler and Charles IX the son. Catherine
time and again marred or ruined the progress she had made with
the aid of one party’s support by her own envious fear of that
party’s predominance. Her “bridge policy,”<a name="FNanchor_1012_1012" id="FNanchor_1012_1012"></a><a href="#Footnote_1012_1012" class="fnanchor">[1012]</a> instead of uniting
France, kept it divided. To maintain the balance of power&mdash;an
immemorial Italian policy&mdash;her Italian nature resorted to duplicity
and deception continually. Accordingly, suspicion prevailed at
court and suspicion prevailed in the provinces, the more so in the
latter because of the Huguenots’ uncertainty about what was done
at Bayonne, and doubt as to Philip II’s course. Men were doubtful
of their neighbors; towns were fearful of other nearby towns.
“All the way of my coming hither,” reported Sir Thomas Hoby,
the new English ambassador to France, “I found the strong towns
marvelously jealous of strangers, insomuch that only by the sound
of a bell they discovered a number of horsemen or footmen before
they come; but also, after they are entered they have an eye to
them.”<a name="FNanchor_1013_1013" id="FNanchor_1013_1013"></a><a href="#Footnote_1013_1013" class="fnanchor">[1013]</a></p>

<p>When the court finally moved to Paris, the great nobles came
thither with such numerous trains<a name="FNanchor_1014_1014" id="FNanchor_1014_1014"></a><a href="#Footnote_1014_1014" class="fnanchor">[1014]</a> that the queen sent four companies
of the King’s guard ahead of his coming, and ordered the
marshal Montmorency to require the retirement from the city of
all those who were not of the ordinary household of each nobleman
and gentleman. In vain the marshal, anxious to protect his
party against the Guisards, resisted the order and complained
that the queen was interfering with his authority. The King
ordered Lansac and De la Garde to accomplish what Montmorency
was unwilling to do.</p>

<p>If choice must be made as to who were the worst offenders in
this respect, the greater blame lies with the Protestants. It was
not only impolitic, it was insolent on their part to permit Montgomery
to swagger around Paris as he did, “booted and spurred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span>
with all his men.”<a name="FNanchor_1015_1015" id="FNanchor_1015_1015"></a><a href="#Footnote_1015_1015" class="fnanchor">[1015]</a> Apparently the queen had not the daring
to compel his withdrawal, as she did that of the Guises’ recruiting
sergeant, Roggendorf.<a name="FNanchor_1016_1016" id="FNanchor_1016_1016"></a><a href="#Footnote_1016_1016" class="fnanchor">[1016]</a> Her policy for the time being was to
favor the Châtillon-Montmorency faction.<a name="FNanchor_1017_1017" id="FNanchor_1017_1017"></a><a href="#Footnote_1017_1017" class="fnanchor">[1017]</a> Backed by the joint
support of the admiral and the constable, the queen accordingly
undertook to bring certain unsettled or indefinite matters of
religion and the church to a conclusion. On May 31, 1566,
Charles IX sent a series of articles to the cardinal Bourbon for
consideration by the clergy of Paris, then sitting at St. Germain des
Près. Two of these had to do with the baptism of infants where
one of the parents was a Catholic, and the maintenance of Protestants
schools. Three concerned church temporalities, namely,
the redemption of the fourth part of the temporals of the church,
given to the King during the late civil war; the subsidy which was
to expire in eighteen months; and the preparation of an edict
defining the privileges and jurisdiction of the church. The residue
of the articles dealt with infractions of the Edict of Amboise, such
as restraint of preaching according to the edict, and the molestation
of former Protestants who had returned to the church of Rome
by the Huguenots. By an awkward coincidence, the sending of
these articles exactly coincided with the arrival of the papal legate
in Paris, who came to request the promulgation of the decrees of
Trent in conformity with the agreement made with the cardinal
de Santa Croce at Bayonne.<a name="FNanchor_1018_1018" id="FNanchor_1018_1018"></a><a href="#Footnote_1018_1018" class="fnanchor">[1018]</a></p>

<p>Catherine de Medici’s policy at this time was that of the political
Huguenots. She hoped that the question of religion would settle
itself with time, and to divert attention from that issue, and also<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span>
because there was great need of it, she energetically continued
the administrative and economic reforms begun at Moulins.
L’Hôpital began so searching an investigation of the conduct of
the King’s treasurers that some of them were hanged and others
banished. The constable was of service here, although his notorious
avarice tarnished the honesty of his work.<a name="FNanchor_1019_1019" id="FNanchor_1019_1019"></a><a href="#Footnote_1019_1019" class="fnanchor">[1019]</a> Yet there was
peril even in a policy so just and so much needed by France.
Sooner or later such a course would unearth the dishonesty of
bigger thieves than the small collectors of the revenue who, in
many cases undoubtedly suffered for the peculation of their
superiors. The administration was full of “grafters” such as
St. André had been, who would not scruple to conceal their thievery
behind the smoke of another civil war. The queen mother knew
this only too well from former experience, not being unaware of
the fact that one of the causes of “the late unpleasantness” was
the demand of the estates that the Guises should make an accounting
and be forced to disgorge their ill-gotten gains. The
government resorted to various devices to raise money and
an imposition was laid upon inn-keepers. The most singular
expedient, though, was the offer of a Genoese syndicate to pay
the King a lump sum for the privilege of taxing dowry gifts and
for a license to endure eight years to levy a crown on every first-born
infant, and after, for every boy born into a family five sous,
and for every girl babe, three sous.<a name="FNanchor_1020_1020" id="FNanchor_1020_1020"></a><a href="#Footnote_1020_1020" class="fnanchor">[1020]</a> This preposterous measure
actually passed the council, and was only prevented from becoming
law by the good sense of the Parlement.<a name="FNanchor_1021_1021" id="FNanchor_1021_1021"></a><a href="#Footnote_1021_1021" class="fnanchor">[1021]</a></p>

<p>But the events happening in the Netherlands were of greater
importance to France at this time than anything within her borders.
From the beginning of the insurrection there the Huguenots had
recognized the important bearing of that struggle upon their own
movement, and as the shadow of Philip II fell in greater length<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span>
each year across France, the interest of the French Protestants
in the rebellion of the Low Countries increased.<a name="FNanchor_1022_1022" id="FNanchor_1022_1022"></a><a href="#Footnote_1022_1022" class="fnanchor">[1022]</a> As Huguenot
preachers in Flanders sowed the double seed of Calvinism and
revolt, so Protestant preachers exiled from the Low Countries
sought refuge in France.<a name="FNanchor_1023_1023" id="FNanchor_1023_1023"></a><a href="#Footnote_1023_1023" class="fnanchor">[1023]</a> This intercourse became a formidable
historical issue by 1566. The issue was understood from the
beginning by all parties concerned, and Philip II and his ministers
were determined to profit by the lesson of France and to prevent
similar trouble by crushing all opposition in the bud. The Turkish
attack upon Malta<a name="FNanchor_1024_1024" id="FNanchor_1024_1024"></a><a href="#Footnote_1024_1024" class="fnanchor">[1024]</a> had been very favorable to the Protestant
cause, and the raising of the siege in September, 1565, probably
influenced the King of Spain in his resolution to extirpate heresy
in the Low Countries.<a name="FNanchor_1025_1025" id="FNanchor_1025_1025"></a><a href="#Footnote_1025_1025" class="fnanchor">[1025]</a> The Flemish government suspected
William of Orange who by July was openly allied with the Gueux<a name="FNanchor_1026_1026" id="FNanchor_1026_1026"></a><a href="#Footnote_1026_1026" class="fnanchor">[1026]</a>
and his brother, Louis of Nassau, of direct intercourse with Condé<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span>
and Coligny,<a name="FNanchor_1027_1027" id="FNanchor_1027_1027"></a><a href="#Footnote_1027_1027" class="fnanchor">[1027]</a> and sent Montigny&mdash;the faithless member of the
patriotic quartette composed of Orange, Egmont, Hoorne, and
himself&mdash;to Paris in the spring to pick up information.<a name="FNanchor_1028_1028" id="FNanchor_1028_1028"></a><a href="#Footnote_1028_1028" class="fnanchor">[1028]</a> The
fear lest Montgomery might come to Flanders, which Granvella
had once laughed at, by the summer of 1566 had some basis of
reality, although the braggadocio character of this adventurer
discounted alarm.<a name="FNanchor_1029_1029" id="FNanchor_1029_1029"></a><a href="#Footnote_1029_1029" class="fnanchor">[1029]</a></p>

<p>Knowledge of the solidarity existing between his revolted subjects
in Flanders and the Huguenots<a name="FNanchor_1030_1030" id="FNanchor_1030_1030"></a><a href="#Footnote_1030_1030" class="fnanchor">[1030]</a> which Montluc had
warned Philip of even two years before,<a name="FNanchor_1031_1031" id="FNanchor_1031_1031"></a><a href="#Footnote_1031_1031" class="fnanchor">[1031]</a> coupled with information
concerning the dealings of Louis of Nassau with Protestant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span>
Germany<a name="FNanchor_1032_1032" id="FNanchor_1032_1032"></a><a href="#Footnote_1032_1032" class="fnanchor">[1032]</a> and France, stirred the Spanish King’s habitual
indecision into action. He sounded Charles IX as to the possibility
of sending Spanish troops directly across France to the Low
Countries and asked him to restrain his subjects from coming
thither with arms,<a name="FNanchor_1033_1033" id="FNanchor_1033_1033"></a><a href="#Footnote_1033_1033" class="fnanchor">[1033]</a> crowds of whom went to Flanders disguised
as merchants.<a name="FNanchor_1034_1034" id="FNanchor_1034_1034"></a><a href="#Footnote_1034_1034" class="fnanchor">[1034]</a> Simultaneously Margaret of Parma begged the
Emperor to take the same course.<a name="FNanchor_1035_1035" id="FNanchor_1035_1035"></a><a href="#Footnote_1035_1035" class="fnanchor">[1035]</a> But the government of France
could not have honored Philip II’s request, even if it had been so
minded, without risking an immediate rising of the Huguenots.
As a matter of fact, it had no desire to do so. The resentment
felt by France toward Spain on account of past scores at Trent,
Rome, and in Switzerland, was now all eclipsed in her rancor
because of the massacre by the Spaniards of her ill-fated colony
in Florida in September, 1565.<a name="FNanchor_1036_1036" id="FNanchor_1036_1036"></a><a href="#Footnote_1036_1036" class="fnanchor">[1036]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span></p>

<p>Alexander VI’s bull had divided the western hemisphere between
the Spanish and the Portuguese. Florida belonged to Spain. France
had built Fort Caroline on Spanish territory. As peace existed in
1565, France argued that the massacre by Menendez was a violation
of international law. To this Spain replied that Florida
belonged to her by discovery and as all treaties between Spain
and France were silent as to any change of ownership, there really
had been no such change in law. Consequently the French settlers
were intruders and heretics to boot. The answer was crushing,
Fourquevaux was heavily handicapped, for he could not openly
espouse the cause of Frenchmen who were heretics. Before
news of the massacre reached France, Philip II, knowing the
facts, inquired if the French expedition had been commanded or
sanctioned by the French King. The only answer possible was a
negative. An affirmative answer would have been tantamount
to a declaration of war. “Then the incident is closed,” was the
Spanish reply. This was followed by a demand that Coligny,
under whose sanction the expedition had sailed, should be punished.</p>

<p>France was likewise at odds with the Emperor. The reason
for this is to be found in the strong attitude the empire had lately
taken on the question of Metz.<a name="FNanchor_1037_1037" id="FNanchor_1037_1037"></a><a href="#Footnote_1037_1037" class="fnanchor">[1037]</a> Understanding of this question
entails a glance backward. In 1564 the baron Bolwiller, a native<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span>
of upper Alsace, but at that time bailiff of the Emperor in the grand
bailiwick of Haguenau, revived the plan he had conceived in 1558,
of recovering Metz by a surprise.<a name="FNanchor_1038_1038" id="FNanchor_1038_1038"></a><a href="#Footnote_1038_1038" class="fnanchor">[1038]</a> Bolwiller represented that no
time was to be lost if France was to be prevented from fixing her
hold upon the Three Bishoprics forever. Philip II favored the
enterprise and offered 20,000 sous cash, and the assignment of
8,000 écus annual revenue of the territory, “pour celluy ou ceulx
qui’lz luy rendroyent la ville du dict Metz.”<a name="FNanchor_1039_1039" id="FNanchor_1039_1039"></a><a href="#Footnote_1039_1039" class="fnanchor">[1039]</a> For with Metz in
the hands of the Hapsburgs once more, the chain of provinces
connecting the Netherlands with Spain through mid-Europe would
have been practically complete, lying as Metz, Toul, and Verdun
did, between Franche-Comté and Luxembourg.<a name="FNanchor_1040_1040" id="FNanchor_1040_1040"></a><a href="#Footnote_1040_1040" class="fnanchor">[1040]</a> This was at
the time when Condé was recreant to his people and was dallying
with the widow of the marshal St. André, and the idea was conceived
and abandoned of buying the prince over and bribing him
to betray Metz to Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1041_1041" id="FNanchor_1041_1041"></a><a href="#Footnote_1041_1041" class="fnanchor">[1041]</a> Spain, however, in order to avoid a
rupture with France wished to conceal her own participation in
the plot to recover Metz, and urged the Emperor Maximilian to
undertake the venture.<a name="FNanchor_1042_1042" id="FNanchor_1042_1042"></a><a href="#Footnote_1042_1042" class="fnanchor">[1042]</a> The plot was to tempt Metz to revolt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span>
against France by offering to convert it into a free imperial city,
it being expected that the Lutherans in the city would support the
movement.<a name="FNanchor_1043_1043" id="FNanchor_1043_1043"></a><a href="#Footnote_1043_1043" class="fnanchor">[1043]</a> The alertness of the French government, however,
foiled the project’s being undertaken in April. In August Bolwiller
renewed his plan, alleging to Chantonnay that the people
of Metz were ready to provide 20,000 écus, and that there were
arms in plenty stored in secret. He urged prompt action now for the
French government had begun the erection of a citadel in the city.<a name="FNanchor_1044_1044" id="FNanchor_1044_1044"></a><a href="#Footnote_1044_1044" class="fnanchor">[1044]</a></p>

<p>By this time Philip II was so anxious to see France despoiled
of Metz and so impatient at Maximilian’s delay, that it was even
considered advisable by some to take advantage of the check given
the Turks at Malta and have the Emperor make peace with them
in order to have his hands free in the Three Bishoprics.<a name="FNanchor_1045_1045" id="FNanchor_1045_1045"></a><a href="#Footnote_1045_1045" class="fnanchor">[1045]</a> As for
himself, Philip II dared not make an overt move against France,
lest in the event of war with Spain, Charles IX appeal to the
Huguenots, with the result that Protestantism would profit by
the diversion.<a name="FNanchor_1046_1046" id="FNanchor_1046_1046"></a><a href="#Footnote_1046_1046" class="fnanchor">[1046]</a></p>

<p>But meanwhile things in Metz had got beyond control of either<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span>
Spain or the empire. The Calvinists in both France and the
Netherlands had been quick to see the advantage afforded, for
the former by gaining possession of the territory could connect
France and the Palatinate, thus aiding themselves and their coreligionists
at one and the same time, since by so doing the land
route of Spain through Central Europe, via Milan, Besançon, and
Luxembourg, would be cut in half. Matters came to a head in
May and June, 1565, in what is known as the “Cardinal’s War.”
On May 5 the Emperor Maximilian had issued a decree affirming
his suzerainty over Metz, Toul, and Verdun. The cardinal of
Lorraine at once recognized the validity of this decree, which was
equivalent to treason to France. Thereupon, in the name of
Charles IX Salzedo an ex-Spaniard<a name="FNanchor_1047_1047" id="FNanchor_1047_1047"></a><a href="#Footnote_1047_1047" class="fnanchor">[1047]</a> and leader of the French
party in Metz assumed the title of governor of Metz and appealed
to the French King for support against the cardinal. The
issue was really one between France and Spain. The Guises
naturally supported the cardinal. The “war” which followed
was not formidable, although the issue as stake was of great importance.
But the cardinal soon discovered that discretion was the
better part of valor and yielded to the King, more especially as
neither Philip II nor Maximilian raised a hand for fear of betraying
themselves, for the cardinal feared that if he resisted longer
Charles IX would refuse to pardon his treasonable conduct. He
was not unaware of the fact&mdash;he did not even deny it&mdash;that it was
known that he had been in treasonable communication with Bolwiller
and the archbishop of Trèves.<a name="FNanchor_1048_1048" id="FNanchor_1048_1048"></a><a href="#Footnote_1048_1048" class="fnanchor">[1048]</a></p>

<p>If Charles IX and the queen mother had known the full extent
of the cardinal of Lorraine’s treasonable conduct at this time they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span>
might not have been so lenient toward him. For he was guilty
not only of treasonable intercourse with the empire, but directly
with Spain also. The one supremely important result of this
petty war over Metz is that at this time the cardinal&mdash;and with
him the whole Guise house&mdash;began those secret negotiations with
Philip of Spain which culminated in the establishment of the Holy
League. Shortly after the end of his ignominious war around
Metz, burning with anger and shame, the cardinal sent a secret
agent to Franche Comté, who found Granvella at Beaudencourt
in July, 1565, to whom he recited the cardinal’s grievances, saying
that owing to the death of his brother the duke of Guise and the
insolence of the marshal Montmorency, he had no hope in the
justice of Charles IX. The agent then went on to point out the
great danger threatening Catholic Europe by reason of what had
recently happened at Metz, and, speaking for the cardinal of Lorraine,
expressed the wish that Philip II would enter into a league
with the house of Guise, the duke of Montpensier&mdash;Alva’s convert
at Bayonne&mdash;and certain others for the protection of the Catholic
faith in France and the overthrow of the Châtillons, the prince of
Condé, “Madame de Vendôme,” and other Huguenots. This
formidable overture was made under the seal of secrecy. The
cautious Granvella listened but refrained from committing his
master to the proposition.<a name="FNanchor_1049_1049" id="FNanchor_1049_1049"></a><a href="#Footnote_1049_1049" class="fnanchor">[1049]</a> Again, Philip II hesitated to implicate
himself so directly in French affairs, as the cardinal of Lorraine
urged, just as he had hesitated the year before with Montluc, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span>
while he waited events in the Low Countries went from bad to
worse.</p>

<p>In August, 1566, a furious outburst of iconoclasm swept through
the churches of Flanders.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">Commencing at St. Omer, the contagion rapidly spread, and in a fortnight
400 churches were sacked in Flanders alone, while in Antwerp the cathedral
was stripped of all its treasures. Images, relics, shrines, paintings, manuscripts,
and books shared a common fate.<a name="FNanchor_1050_1050" id="FNanchor_1050_1050"></a><a href="#Footnote_1050_1050" class="fnanchor">[1050]</a></p>

<p class="p1">The event stirred Philip to action. He determined to send
the duke of Alva to Flanders to repress things with an iron hand.<a name="FNanchor_1051_1051" id="FNanchor_1051_1051"></a><a href="#Footnote_1051_1051" class="fnanchor">[1051]</a></p>

<p>On November 18, 1566, the duke of Alva formally requested
the French ambassador at Madrid to secure Charles IX’s permission
for a Spanish army to cross France.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">The remedy has become little by little so difficult [said the duke] that deeds
not words and remonstrances, are now necessary. Having exhausted all good
and gracious means to reduce things in the Low Countries, the King is constrained,
to his great regret, to have recourse to force. Public assemblies,
preaching, the bearing of arms, and violence prevail in the land and the King’s
ministers amount to nothing.</p>

<p class="p1">The duke then outlined the plan. Ten thousand new Spanish
recruits under three ensigns were to be sent to Luxembourg, Naples,
Sardinia, and Sicily to take the places of as many veteran troops
there, for the King was unwilling to use Italian infantry. A thousand
heavy-armed footmen and three or four hundred mounted
arquebusiers, all Spanish, were to be drawn from Milan, the most
loyal of Spain’s Italian dependencies. An indefinite number of
reiters and other mercenaries could be had for the asking. These<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span>
troops would proceed to the Netherlands through Savoy by way of
Val d’Aoste or Mt. Cenis, Montmélian, Chambéry, and La Bresse,
into Franche Comté and Lorraine, unless&mdash;and this was the crux
of Alva’s interview with Fourquevaux&mdash;the winter season made
it impossible to traverse the mountain passes, in which case His
Catholic Majesty desired leave of France to take them by sea to
Marseilles or Toulon and thence to march them northward up
the Rhône to La Bresse and so reach Franche Comté.</p>

<p>No one knew better than Alva the formidable nature of this
proposition to France and he used all his artifice to conceal its
danger, dwelling on the mutual connection between the Huguenot
and the Flemish movement and the benefit that France would
derive from the crushing of the rebellion in the Low Countries.
Fourquevaux in reply declared that the Huguenots would fly to arms
again, if a Spanish army should enter France, to which the duke
rejoined that the presence of a Spanish army would so overawe
them that they would not dare to do so. The ambassador then
inquired whether the Emperor could support Philip, seeing that
he was engaged in a war with the Turks<a name="FNanchor_1052_1052" id="FNanchor_1052_1052"></a><a href="#Footnote_1052_1052" class="fnanchor">[1052]</a> and was incapable of
raising funds in his behalf. Alva told him that the German princes
would perceive that the Flemings were merely rebels and that
“no prince or soldier in Germany, even were he a Lutheran, would
refuse to take the pay of Spain.”<a name="FNanchor_1053_1053" id="FNanchor_1053_1053"></a><a href="#Footnote_1053_1053" class="fnanchor">[1053]</a> But Fourquevaux refused to
be convinced by Alva’s smooth words. He had information that
Spain was borrowing ships from Malta, Genoa, and the papacy
and Savoy and warned Charles IX to strengthen the garrisons in
Languedoc and Provence.<a name="FNanchor_1054_1054" id="FNanchor_1054_1054"></a><a href="#Footnote_1054_1054" class="fnanchor">[1054]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span></p>

<p>This information threw the court of France into great excitement.
Catherine de Medici declared that the heretics would take
up arms immediately, under such circumstances.<a name="FNanchor_1055_1055" id="FNanchor_1055_1055"></a><a href="#Footnote_1055_1055" class="fnanchor">[1055]</a> The King
wrote to Fourquevaux on December 24 not to spare any efforts to
penetrate the designs of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1056_1056" id="FNanchor_1056_1056"></a><a href="#Footnote_1056_1056" class="fnanchor">[1056]</a> Sixteen thousand troops were
sent into the Lyonnais at once.<a name="FNanchor_1057_1057" id="FNanchor_1057_1057"></a><a href="#Footnote_1057_1057" class="fnanchor">[1057]</a> The marshal Vieilleville returned
to Metz.<a name="FNanchor_1058_1058" id="FNanchor_1058_1058"></a><a href="#Footnote_1058_1058" class="fnanchor">[1058]</a> The government began the erection of a great citadel
in Verdun and to fortify the frontier against Luxembourg.<a name="FNanchor_1059_1059" id="FNanchor_1059_1059"></a><a href="#Footnote_1059_1059" class="fnanchor">[1059]</a> D’Andelot
was sent to Switzerland to make new enrolments.<a name="FNanchor_1060_1060" id="FNanchor_1060_1060"></a><a href="#Footnote_1060_1060" class="fnanchor">[1060]</a> An
agent was sent into Normandy with instructions to pass along the
coast and take the names of master-mariners and sailors.<a name="FNanchor_1061_1061" id="FNanchor_1061_1061"></a><a href="#Footnote_1061_1061" class="fnanchor">[1061]</a> The
queen of Navarre began to mobilize forces in Béarn.<a name="FNanchor_1062_1062" id="FNanchor_1062_1062"></a><a href="#Footnote_1062_1062" class="fnanchor">[1062]</a> All this
time the duke of Alva kept endeavoring to quiet French alarm by
reiterating that he would use all means in his power to avoid
troubling France and that the army destined for Flanders, now
increased by 1,500 light horse composed of Spaniards, Italians,
and Albanians, would go by the valley of the Rhône only as a last
recourse.<a name="FNanchor_1063_1063" id="FNanchor_1063_1063"></a><a href="#Footnote_1063_1063" class="fnanchor">[1063]</a></p>

<p>Finally, in the middle of February, the duke of Alva’s preparations
were made. Don Juan de Acuna, who had been sent to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span>
Savoy to make arrangements with the duke for the transit of the
Spanish army, returned, after having made a satisfactory settlement.
The army was to go through Savoy, via the Mt. Cenis
and Chambéry, cross the Rhône at Yenne, and so proceed to Besançon
in Franche Comté, where it was to be joined by German contingents.
This averted the danger threatening Languedoc and
Dauphiné, but threw it upon French Burgundy and Champagne.<a name="FNanchor_1064_1064" id="FNanchor_1064_1064"></a><a href="#Footnote_1064_1064" class="fnanchor">[1064]</a>
It was a roundabout route for the Spanish troops in the Milanais,
but it was impossible to send them directly through Switzerland
by way of the Grisons, Constance, Basel, and Strasburg without
inflaming these localities; above all, Geneva would thereby have
been menaced, and any movement imperiling that city would have
fired the entire Calvinist world.<a name="FNanchor_1065_1065" id="FNanchor_1065_1065"></a><a href="#Footnote_1065_1065" class="fnanchor">[1065]</a></p>

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         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span></p>

<p>In the face of common peril Bern, Freiburg, and Valais concluded
a defensive league on February 20, while Basel and Zurich
took up arms with French approval. Fear of a joint attack of
Spain and Savoy upon Geneva prevailed throughout Switzerland,
which was divided into two camps, the five cantons of the center
favoring designs upon Geneva and the Vaud. Spain aimed
to profit by the impression produced by the passage of her
troops close to the Swiss frontier to force certain military
advantages and dispossess France from the exceptional situation
she had lately secured in the Alps. The western cantons
were offered cheap salt from Franche Comté, and those of
the center grain from the Milanais. The duke of Lorraine also
offered salt at a low price from his duchy. As a result Bern found
herself deserted by western Switzerland and apparently single-handed
about to be called upon to protect Geneva from Spanish
attack. Perhaps if Spain had been certain of the support of Savoy
at this juncture, this might have happened, but the duke of Savoy
was content to profit by the fear of the Bernois to compel them to
restore the three bailiwicks which they had formerly agreed to
do in the treaty of Lausanne, October 30, 1564, but had delayed
to fulfil. Charles IX himself advised Bern to yield in this particular
and in August the settlement with the duke of Savoy was
made.<a name="FNanchor_1066_1066" id="FNanchor_1066_1066"></a><a href="#Footnote_1066_1066" class="fnanchor">[1066]</a></p>

<p>All that Philip now requested of France was leave for French
subjects to provide the army with supplies in its course. Again
Fourquevaux urged his sovereign to be cautious; the fact that
France was just recovering from a year of famine and could ill
spare sustenance for others was not so important as the necessity
of avoiding every occasion of civil war.<a name="FNanchor_1067_1067" id="FNanchor_1067_1067"></a><a href="#Footnote_1067_1067" class="fnanchor">[1067]</a></p>

<p>On May 10, 1567, the duke of Alva sailed from Cartagena and
arrived at Genoa on May 27. St. Ambroise at the foot of the Alps
was the point where his munitions and provisions were concentrated.
Here on June 2 the duke had a grand review of his troops. There<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span>
were 19 ensigns (3,230 men), from Naples, under the command
of Alonzo de Uloa; 10 ensigns from Sicily (1,620 men) under
command of Julian Romero; 10 ensigns of Lombard troops (2,200
men) under command of Don Sancho de Londono; 10 Sardinian
ensigns with four companies of recruits in addition (1,728 men)
under command of Don Gonzalo de Bracamonte, making a total
of 49 ensigns of Spanish infantry (8,778 men). The duke’s cavalry
was composed of five companies of Spanish light horse and three
Italian and two Albanian companies and two companies of Spanish
arquebusiers on horseback, in all 1,200 horses.<a name="FNanchor_1068_1068" id="FNanchor_1068_1068"></a><a href="#Footnote_1068_1068" class="fnanchor">[1068]</a> On the march
a company of 15 musketeers was placed between each ensign.
This was the first instance in modern warfare when muskets were
used in the field. Hitherto this weapon had been so enormously
heavy that it was used in siege work only, balanced upon a triangle
of wood or iron.<a name="FNanchor_1069_1069" id="FNanchor_1069_1069"></a><a href="#Footnote_1069_1069" class="fnanchor">[1069]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span></p>

<p>The route lay via Alessandria de la Paille, St. Ambroise, Aosta,
Turin, the Mont Cenis, St. Jean de Maurienne, and the valley of
the Arve through Savoy. In spite of his small array it was necessary
to divide the army into three parts, the advance guard, the
“battle,” and the rear guard. The “battle” each day occupied
the place abandoned by the advance guard and was itself in turn
replaced by the rear guard, the three divisions of the army
marching one day apart. The duke of Alva commanded the
advance guard, his son Don Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo the
“battle;” while the rear guard was under the command of the
Italian, Ciappin-Vitelli, Marquis of Cetona formally in the service
of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The army thus divided occupied
fourteen days in traversing Savoy. It was a long and toilsome
journey through a wild and mountainous country, where the
difficulties of the march were increased by constant dread of famine.
In many places the country was completely sterile. In Burgundy
the march was easier and twelve days brought the army via Dôle
and Gray to Fonteney near Toul, whence twelve days more brought
Alva by Thionville to Luxembourg (July 29), where he was joined
by new forces.<a name="FNanchor_1070_1070" id="FNanchor_1070_1070"></a><a href="#Footnote_1070_1070" class="fnanchor">[1070]</a></p>

<p>In spite of the length of the march and the hardships of it, the
duke retained his traditional iron discipline and the soldiers were
not allowed to forage upon the country or to break ranks.<a name="FNanchor_1071_1071" id="FNanchor_1071_1071"></a><a href="#Footnote_1071_1071" class="fnanchor">[1071]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span></p>

<p>On August 12, 1567, the duke of Alva entered Brussels. General
terror prevailed in the Low Countries upon his arrival. The
Prince of Orange left the land. Count Egmont, naïvely declaring
that he had done nothing wrong, remained; his friend Hoorne
imitated his example. Alva at once sent away all the Flemish
soldiers and quartered the city with the new troops. In order
to facilitate his policy the duke created a special tribunal, <i>not</i>
composed of lawyers “because they would not condemn without
proofs.” This was the famous Council of Troubles which the
people called the “Council of Blood.” The members of it held
no commissions from the King, but were the simple agents of the
duke of Alva. The most celebrated of them was a certain Vargas,
a criminal himself, against whom action had been suspended in
return for his infamous services.</p>

<p>If the policy of the Spanish government in Flanders took a new
and different form with the coming of Alva, the revolution there
was no less changed. The cardinal Granvella some months
before this time had written to Philip II: “It is a general rule,
in matters of state, that popular enterprises, if they do not terminate
in the first outburst, generally vanish in smoke if the remedy for
them be applied before they have time to follow up the movement.”<a name="FNanchor_1072_1072" id="FNanchor_1072_1072"></a><a href="#Footnote_1072_1072" class="fnanchor">[1072]</a>
He added that contemporary history afforded some striking
examples of the truth of this observation. But the provinces he
had lately governed were not of this category. For it is clear that
a change had taken place in the nature of the Flemish revolt in the
years 1565-67. The revolution by this time had passed through
the earlier stages of defiance and rebellion and developed an organization
with a definite, set purpose before it. The formation
of the Gueux was the clearest manifestation of this change. In
its inception this famous group was an aristocratic body, composed
solely of nobles, and the Spanish government had little fear then
of its becoming a popular association.<a name="FNanchor_1073_1073" id="FNanchor_1073_1073"></a><a href="#Footnote_1073_1073" class="fnanchor">[1073]</a> Granvella saw the similarity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span>
of the Gueux to the Huguenot association formed at Orleans
in 1562, but he did not anticipate the popular nature it was soon
to develop.<a name="FNanchor_1074_1074" id="FNanchor_1074_1074"></a><a href="#Footnote_1074_1074" class="fnanchor">[1074]</a></p>

<p>He was soon disillusioned. What was believed by the Spanish
government to be a somewhat close political and aristocratic combination
of nobles before long became a popular confederation
of congregations having a religious propaganda, as well as a political
purpose.<a name="FNanchor_1075_1075" id="FNanchor_1075_1075"></a><a href="#Footnote_1075_1075" class="fnanchor">[1075]</a> Despite this change, however, Philip’s minister did
not yet believe the Gueux to be formidable. As Alva had declared
at Bayonne that all that was necessary to destroy the Huguenot
party in France was to kill the “big fish,” so he now believed that
if the leaders of the Gueux were cut off, their movement would die<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span>
too.<a name="FNanchor_1076_1076" id="FNanchor_1076_1076"></a><a href="#Footnote_1076_1076" class="fnanchor">[1076]</a> But Alva soon discovered that the Gueux were hardly ever
weakened by the detachment of certain of the nobles either by
bribery or intimidation.<a name="FNanchor_1077_1077" id="FNanchor_1077_1077"></a><a href="#Footnote_1077_1077" class="fnanchor">[1077]</a> By the time of his arrival, under Brederode’s
able leadership, the Calvinists of the Flemish provinces had
worked out a scheme of union in which every congregation was at
once a parish, a rating precinct, a military hundred, and a political
unit. Antwerp, whose population was so large and so cosmopolitan
that police scrutiny could be easily evaded, and from which
it was easy to make one’s escape, was the capital of the association,
as Orleans first, and later La Rochelle, was for the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_1078_1078" id="FNanchor_1078_1078"></a><a href="#Footnote_1078_1078" class="fnanchor">[1078]</a></p>

<p>The Flemish government was soon alive to the necessity of
breaking the power of this confederation.<a name="FNanchor_1079_1079" id="FNanchor_1079_1079"></a><a href="#Footnote_1079_1079" class="fnanchor">[1079]</a> Membership in the
confederation, if proved, was heavily punished. The retirement
of the prince of Orange from the land was believed by the government
to be due to a prudent effort to avoid being so compromised.
It was certainly true of Brederode. But Egmont and Hoorne
remained, declaring they had done nothing, and renewed their
oath of allegiance to the King.<a name="FNanchor_1080_1080" id="FNanchor_1080_1080"></a><a href="#Footnote_1080_1080" class="fnanchor">[1080]</a> Nevertheless Granvella sarcastically
quoted Lycurgus that neutrals were more odious than
enemies. “After the towns have been cleared out,” wrote the
provost Morillon, “it will be time to attack the garden in order to
destroy the weeds and roots there,” and Spain’s agent at Amsterdam
at the same time wrote: “God may pardon those who are
the cause of <i>one</i> and the <i>other</i> league; but I assure you, unless I
am much mistaken, that those who have made others to dance,
have some other purpose than we know. Time will discover it.”<a name="FNanchor_1081_1081" id="FNanchor_1081_1081"></a><a href="#Footnote_1081_1081" class="fnanchor">[1081]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-314.jpg" width="450" height="305" id="i314"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">EXECUTION OF EGMONT AND HOORNE<br /> IN THE MARKET SQUARE AT BRUSSELS</p>
         <p class="cap1">Original copper plate by Franz Hogenberg.</p>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span></p>

<p>This somewhat long dissertation upon the nature and development
of the confederation formed by Philip’s II revolted subjects
in Flanders is not a digression beside the mark. The number of
Huguenots to be found in the Low Countries in 1566-67, intriguing
with their coreligionists against Spain was very great. The duke
of Bouillon and the prince of Porcien were the most prominent
of these.<a name="FNanchor_1082_1082" id="FNanchor_1082_1082"></a><a href="#Footnote_1082_1082" class="fnanchor">[1082]</a> In the aggregate the number was so great and their
participation so serious a matter for the government, that the
maintenance of the frontier against the French was urged upon
Alva as the first necessity, immediately after his arrival at Brussels.<a name="FNanchor_1083_1083" id="FNanchor_1083_1083"></a><a href="#Footnote_1083_1083" class="fnanchor">[1083]</a>
France for her own part began to erect a citadel at Verdun and to
strengthen the Picard frontier, whose towns received new troops
in June, and when word came that there were German troops in
Luxembourg awaiting Alva’s arrival, D’Andelot was sent to the
frontier of Champagne with 6,000 Swiss which the government had
levied.<a name="FNanchor_1084_1084" id="FNanchor_1084_1084"></a><a href="#Footnote_1084_1084" class="fnanchor">[1084]</a> This action ruffled Philip II’s temper, for to him it was
flaunting his failure to break the alliance of the Swiss with France
in his very face. His ambassador in France protested energetically
and charged the queen with duplicity.<a name="FNanchor_1085_1085" id="FNanchor_1085_1085"></a><a href="#Footnote_1085_1085" class="fnanchor">[1085]</a> At Madrid the nuncio
inquired with curiosity of Fourquevaux, in what spirit Philip II&mdash;who
had had an audience with the ambassador the day before&mdash;received
the news of France’s activities in Switzerland. “I told
him,” wrote the ambassador to Charles IX, “that it was the usage
and custom of great kings and princes whenever they saw
their neighbors arming, to assure themselves also of their realms<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span>
and states.”<a name="FNanchor_1086_1086" id="FNanchor_1086_1086"></a><a href="#Footnote_1086_1086" class="fnanchor">[1086]</a> Calais was a double source of anxiety, first because
Spain, in pursuance of Alva’s recommendation, had not been content
with fortifying Gravelines, but had actually built a fort of
earth only five paces from the turnpike which marked the French
limit; secondly, because at this embarrassing time Elizabeth of
England had conceived the thought of reviving the English claim
to Calais.<a name="FNanchor_1087_1087" id="FNanchor_1087_1087"></a><a href="#Footnote_1087_1087" class="fnanchor">[1087]</a> With the purpose of fathoming her son-in-law’s designs
Catherine sent the younger L’Aubespine to Madrid.<a name="FNanchor_1088_1088" id="FNanchor_1088_1088"></a><a href="#Footnote_1088_1088" class="fnanchor">[1088]</a> War with
Spain was already on the lips of some in France.<a name="FNanchor_1089_1089" id="FNanchor_1089_1089"></a><a href="#Footnote_1089_1089" class="fnanchor">[1089]</a></p>

<p>In spite of the wisdom of these military precautions on the part
of the French crown, the Huguenots grew alarmed lest there was
a movement on foot to repress the edict.<a name="FNanchor_1090_1090" id="FNanchor_1090_1090"></a><a href="#Footnote_1090_1090" class="fnanchor">[1090]</a> There was designed
intention in the unadmirable conduct of the prince of Condé, and
perhaps some in that of Coligny too. The prince craved chief
command of the army, and a war with Spain was in a direct line
with his aspirations. He had been well treated since the peace
of Amboise, having been given the government of Picardy and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span>
county of Rotrou, which was erected into a duchy under the name
of Enghien-le-François. But his appetite for power was insatiable.
In July, after angry speech with the King, Condé had retired
from court, and was followed by the admiral, who gave out that
he had discovered “some practice that wholly tended to his
confusion.”<a name="FNanchor_1091_1091" id="FNanchor_1091_1091"></a><a href="#Footnote_1091_1091" class="fnanchor">[1091]</a></p>

<p>It was small politics. In this time of external danger from the
furtive designs of Philip II and the blustering enmity of England,
the honorable course of every subject of France was to stand by
the King and the nation. The Huguenot leaders compromised
the cause at large by indulging their personal vanity, their petty
spite, their pique at such an hour. Friction there was, disagreement
there was over the interpretation and the working of certain
parts of the edict of Amboise. The Catholics, for example, complained
that the intention of the edict was evaded by the Huguenots,
asserting that in cases where the right of preaching was permitted
to all barons and high justiciars only for themselves and
their tenants, and for others of lower degree for their household
only, congregational worship was held under cover thereof.<a name="FNanchor_1092_1092" id="FNanchor_1092_1092"></a><a href="#Footnote_1092_1092" class="fnanchor">[1092]</a></p>

<p>The bigotry of Paris and its vicinity, though, was the worst
source of disaffection. In the city district captains were chosen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span>
by the populace to watch against Protestant activity&mdash;the nucleus
of the famous Sixteen (<i>Seize</i>) of Paris in 1589-94. It would have
been the height of political inexpediency, under such circumstances,
to have tried to enforce the letter of the edict in the Ile-de-France.
The July amendment of the edict of Amboise prohibiting exercise
of Protestant worship throughout the Ile-de-France except in such
places as should be licensed by the King, and the further one
prohibiting Protestants from filling public offices in the cities,<a name="FNanchor_1093_1093" id="FNanchor_1093_1093"></a><a href="#Footnote_1093_1093" class="fnanchor">[1093]</a>
I believe was framed for the purpose of avoiding conflict and not
with any reactionary purpose. It is certainly of significance that
the liberal chancellor L’Hôpital favored them.<a name="FNanchor_1094_1094" id="FNanchor_1094_1094"></a><a href="#Footnote_1094_1094" class="fnanchor">[1094]</a> Patience and
experience would have worked out the solution of such difficulties
as these. It was criminal in the prince of Condé to fan the ashes
of the late civil war into flame once more. For in this tense state
the prince deliberately exaggerated and misrepresented things
for his own purpose and a spark from Flanders&mdash;Alva’s arrest of
the counts Egmont and Hoorne on September 9&mdash;kindled France
into flame again.</p>

<p>The arrival of the news in France unfortunately coincided with
the session of two synods of the Huguenots, one at Châtillon-sur-Loing,
the other at Valéry.<a name="FNanchor_1095_1095" id="FNanchor_1095_1095"></a><a href="#Footnote_1095_1095" class="fnanchor">[1095]</a> Dismay prevailed in them. The
preachers cried out that the arrest of Egmont and Hoorne<a name="FNanchor_1096_1096" id="FNanchor_1096_1096"></a><a href="#Footnote_1096_1096" class="fnanchor">[1096]</a> was
the proof of a secret alliance between Spain and France for the
overthrow of Calvinism. The truth of Bayonne was out at last!
Coligny’s iron will might still have kept them in order, however,
if in the midst of this excitement word had not also come that 6,000
Swiss whom Charles IX had enrolled to cover the French frontier
against the duke of Alva had entered France. The double news
was too much for the excited minds of the Huguenots. The
admiral and the prince who had failed to perceive the true policy
of France in Switzerland, in desperation turned to the constable for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span>
a word of truth and comfort. But the old Montmorency, who
desired to have his son, the marshal Montmorency, succeed him
in the office of constable<a name="FNanchor_1097_1097" id="FNanchor_1097_1097"></a><a href="#Footnote_1097_1097" class="fnanchor">[1097]</a> (which the prince of Condé coveted
for himself), roughly rejoined: “The Swiss have their pay; don’t
you expect them to be used?”<a name="FNanchor_1098_1098" id="FNanchor_1098_1098"></a><a href="#Footnote_1098_1098" class="fnanchor">[1098]</a> The words were brutally and
thoughtlessly said. They merely imported anger. The Huguenots
interpreted them to mean that they were to be overcome by
military force, and Protestantism coerced, if not extinguished.
The synod of the Huguenots at Valéry<a name="FNanchor_1099_1099" id="FNanchor_1099_1099"></a><a href="#Footnote_1099_1099" class="fnanchor">[1099]</a> resolved upon war. The
conference was held in the admiral’s château at Châtillon under
the outward guise of a banquet. There were present the prince
of Condé, La Rochefoucault, the cardinal of Châtillon, D’Andelot,
Bricquemault, Teligny, Mouy, Montgomery, and other nobles of
mark, besides some Huguenot ministers. The conference lasted
the entire week, at the end of which it was resolved that all the
Huguenots in France should be notified in every <i>bailliage</i> and
<i>sénéschaussée</i>, by the deacons and other officers of their congregation;
that they should be called upon to furnish money according
to the means which they had, for the payment of reiters from
Germany, which the count palatine of the Rhine was to levy;
and that all the young men of the religion capable of bearing
arms were to be enrolled for military service.<a name="FNanchor_1100_1100" id="FNanchor_1100_1100"></a><a href="#Footnote_1100_1100" class="fnanchor">[1100]</a></p>

<p>The plan was as bold as it was simple. It was to gain possession
of the King’s person by a sudden <i>coup de main</i>, for which purpose
a force of 1,500 horse was to be brought secretly to Valéry. The
court at this time was residing at the Château de Monceaux near
Meaux, and was without more than nominal military protection.<a name="FNanchor_1101_1101" id="FNanchor_1101_1101"></a><a href="#Footnote_1101_1101" class="fnanchor">[1101]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span>
On the evening of September 24, the queen learned of the rendezvous
at Rosay-en-Brie. A midnight council was called. The
Swiss, who had reached Château Thierry, were hastily summoned.
The Lorraine party and the duke of Nemours advised immediate
return to Paris. The chancellor and Montmorency endeavored
to persuade the King against so doing.<a name="FNanchor_1102_1102" id="FNanchor_1102_1102"></a><a href="#Footnote_1102_1102" class="fnanchor">[1102]</a> The former pointed out
that to go to Paris would be for the King to commit himself to the
most bigoted of his subjects and destroy the possibility of an amicable
settlement, while the constable argued that Meaux was a fortified
city capable of withstanding a siege, and that to leave it
might be to court defeat in the open country. In the dilemma the
Swiss colonel Pfiffer cast the die.</p>

<p>“May it please your Majesty,” cried he, “to entrust your
person and that of the queen mother to the valor and fidelity of
the Swiss. We are 6,000 men, and with the points of our pikes
we will open a path wide enough for you to pass through the army
of your enemies.”<a name="FNanchor_1103_1103" id="FNanchor_1103_1103"></a><a href="#Footnote_1103_1103" class="fnanchor">[1103]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span></p>

<p>“Enough,” Charles rejoined. “I would rather die free with
you than live a captive among rebels.”<a name="FNanchor_1104_1104" id="FNanchor_1104_1104"></a><a href="#Footnote_1104_1104" class="fnanchor">[1104]</a></p>

<p>The return to Paris began at four o’clock in the morning.
“When the Swiss arrived at Meaux,” wrote Correro, “I vow they
were the most villainous looking gang I have ever seen. Yet in
battle array they were admirable. Three times they turned upon
the enemy and lowering their pikes charged upon them like savage
dogs in serried ranks and in good order, without one being a pace
in advance of another. Thus the King was able with his suite
to get to Paris.”<a name="FNanchor_1105_1105" id="FNanchor_1105_1105"></a><a href="#Footnote_1105_1105" class="fnanchor">[1105]</a> He reached the Louvre that night, travel-worn,
hot, famished, and so angry that his fierce disposition
never lost the memory of that humiliation.<a name="FNanchor_1106_1106" id="FNanchor_1106_1106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1106_1106" class="fnanchor">[1106]</a></p>

<p>The affair of Meaux came like a thunder-clap to most of France.
The suddenness of the Huguenot action and the all but complete
success of it astonished men. “This movement,” wrote the Venetian
ambassador, “of which several thousand men had knowledge,
was conducted with such precaution that nothing leaked out until
it was all but an accomplished fact. This could not possibly have
been done without the perfect intelligence that exists among the
Huguenots, and is a striking manifestation of their organization
throughout the realm.”<a name="FNanchor_1107_1107" id="FNanchor_1107_1107"></a><a href="#Footnote_1107_1107" class="fnanchor">[1107]</a></p>

<p>In the light of this judgment, it remains to describe the Huguenot
form of government.</p>

<p>The ecclesiastical&mdash;and political unit&mdash;of French Calvinism
was the congregation. Congregations were grouped “according
to number and convenience” into colloquies or classes which met
from two to four times each year, the division being made by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span>
authority of the provincial synod.<a name="FNanchor_1108_1108" id="FNanchor_1108_1108"></a><a href="#Footnote_1108_1108" class="fnanchor">[1108]</a> In church matters, no
church had any primacy or jurisdiction over another, nor one
province over another.<a name="FNanchor_1109_1109" id="FNanchor_1109_1109"></a><a href="#Footnote_1109_1109" class="fnanchor">[1109]</a> Ministers brought with them to local classes
or provincial synods one or two elders chosen out of their consistories.<a name="FNanchor_1110_1110" id="FNanchor_1110_1110"></a><a href="#Footnote_1110_1110" class="fnanchor">[1110]</a>
Elders who were deputies of churches had an equal power
of voting with the pastors.<a name="FNanchor_1111_1111" id="FNanchor_1111_1111"></a><a href="#Footnote_1111_1111" class="fnanchor">[1111]</a> The authority of a provincial synod
was subordinate to that of the national synod,<a name="FNanchor_1112_1112" id="FNanchor_1112_1112"></a><a href="#Footnote_1112_1112" class="fnanchor">[1112]</a> and whatever had
been decreed by provincial synods for the government of the
churches in their province had to be brought before the national
synod.<a name="FNanchor_1113_1113" id="FNanchor_1113_1113"></a><a href="#Footnote_1113_1113" class="fnanchor">[1113]</a> The grand lines of division followed the historic provincial
divisions of France, but smaller provinces and parts of the
larger ones, as Guyenne and Languedoc, were associated together.
The national synod of 1559 divided France into sixteen Protestant
provinces, as follows: (1) The Ile-de-France, Chartrain, Picardy,
Champagne and Brie; (2) Normandy; (3) Brittany; (4) Orleans,
Blesois, Dunois, Nivernais, Berry, Bourbonnais, and La Marche;
(5) Touraine, Anjou, Loudunois, Maine, Vendôme, and Perche;
(6) Upper and Lower Poitou; (7) Saintonge, Aunis, La Rochelle,
and Angoumois; (8) Lower Guyenne, Périgord, Gascony, and
Limousin; (9) Upper and Lower Vivarais, together with Velay,
and Le Forêt; (10) Lower Languedoc, including Nîmes, Montpellier,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span>
and Beziers; (11) Upper Languedoc, Upper Guyenne,
Toulouse, Carcassonne, Quercy, Rouergue, Armagnac, and Upper
Auvergne; (12) Burgundy, Lyonnais, Beaujolais, Bresse, Lower
Auvergne, and Gex; (13) Provence; (14) Dauphiné and Orange;
(15) Béarn; (16) the Cevennes and Gévaudan.<a name="FNanchor_1114_1114" id="FNanchor_1114_1114"></a><a href="#Footnote_1114_1114" class="fnanchor">[1114]</a></p>

<p>This administrative partition, however, did not remain fixed.
Some provinces, like Brittany, had so few Protestants in them,
that the Huguenots therein could not stand alone, and the first
civil war brought out the weakness of this system. Accordingly,
in 1563, the map of France was partitioned anew, and the former
sixteen “provinces” were reduced to nine. Some of the changes
made are interesting. For example, the Chartrain was cut off
from the Ile-de-France and attached to the “province” of Orleans,
manifestly in the endeavor to keep a connecting link between
Normandy and the Loire country. Brittany was strengthened
by the annexation of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine which formerly
constituted an independent “province,” which obviously drew it
into closer connection with the stronger Calvinistic provinces.
The “province” of Upper and Lower Poitou was combined with
Saintonge, Aunis, and Angoumois, thus knitting together all the
country watered by the Charente, the Clain, and lesser streams.
Burgundy, Lyonnais, Beaujolais, Bresse, Lower Auvergne, and
Gex absorbed the small Huguenot province composed of Vivarais,
Velay, and Le Forêt. But the most interesting consolidation was
in the south of France. Formerly Upper Languedoc, in which
were Nîmes, Montpellier, and Beziers; Lower Languedoc, comprising
Upper Guyenne, Toulouse, Carcassonne, Quercy, Rouergue,
Armagnac, and Upper Auvergne; Provence; Dauphiné, and
Cevennes-Gévaudan had each formed separate “provinces.” But
in 1563 this immense territory was all united to form the great
Huguenot province of Languedoc. The only ancient provinces
which remained unchanged in 1563 were Normandy,<a name="FNanchor_1115_1115" id="FNanchor_1115_1115"></a><a href="#Footnote_1115_1115" class="fnanchor">[1115]</a> Béarn, and
Lower Guyenne, with Périgord and Limousin.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span></p>

<p>The Huguenot ecclesiastical organization and its political
organization were one and the same. The congregations, the
“colloquia,” the synods, constituted both taxation units and military
<i>cadres</i>.<a name="FNanchor_1116_1116" id="FNanchor_1116_1116"></a><a href="#Footnote_1116_1116" class="fnanchor">[1116]</a> The strength of the Huguenot organization, however,
before the massacre of St. Bartholomew, I believe has been
exaggerated, except in Guyenne where, in the vicinity of Nérac
especially, Montluc early came in contact with a powerful combination
of the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_1117_1117" id="FNanchor_1117_1117"></a><a href="#Footnote_1117_1117" class="fnanchor">[1117]</a> The strong elements in the Protestant
organization were its simplicity and the vigilance of all, from
provincial chiefs to simple pastors, who made up for scarcity of
numbers by the most zealous activity.<a name="FNanchor_1118_1118" id="FNanchor_1118_1118"></a><a href="#Footnote_1118_1118" class="fnanchor">[1118]</a> “If our priests,” wrote
the Venetian Correro in 1569, “were half so energetic, of a certainty
Christianity would not be in danger in this country.”<a name="FNanchor_1119_1119" id="FNanchor_1119_1119"></a><a href="#Footnote_1119_1119" class="fnanchor">[1119]</a> It
was not until after 1572 that the Huguenot organization reached a
high point of military and political development, when a solid federation
of the Reformed churches was formed at Milhaud in 1574,
with rating precincts, military hundreds and civil jurisdictions.<a name="FNanchor_1120_1120" id="FNanchor_1120_1120"></a><a href="#Footnote_1120_1120" class="fnanchor">[1120]</a></p>

<p>Exactly as the early organization of the Huguenots has been
overemphasized, so has the republican nature of the early Huguenot
movement been exaggerated. Apart from whatever religious
motives may have actuated them, the Protestant nobles were influenced
by political ambition; the bourgeoisie by the hope of administrative<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span>
and economic reform; the masses by the general spirit of discontent.
The Huguenots did not present a united front until after
St. Bartholomew, when the fusion of the political Huguenots with
the Politiques reduced the “religious” Huguenots to a left-wing
minority. Before 1572 the political ideas of the Reformed, if not
still inchoate, were not harmonized into one homogeneous cause,
backed up by a compact and highly organized political system.
Individual political theorists or fanatic devotees, of course, were
to be found in the Huguenot ranks, but there was no systematic
political philosophy to guide their conduct before the massacre
of St. Bartholomew. It was this catastrophe that crystallized
Huguenot opinion and organized combination on a large scale.<a name="FNanchor_1121_1121" id="FNanchor_1121_1121"></a><a href="#Footnote_1121_1121" class="fnanchor">[1121]</a>
In Guyenne, alone, where, as has been said, the Huguenot organization
was most completely developed at an early date, does any
clear republican idea seem to have early obtained.<a name="FNanchor_1122_1122" id="FNanchor_1122_1122"></a><a href="#Footnote_1122_1122" class="fnanchor">[1122]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c326" id="c326">CHAPTER XII</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE SECOND CIVIL WAR (1567-68)</p>

<p>In this wise, after a respite of four years, the second civil war
was precipitated. There was an exodus of Huguenots at once
from Paris, some repairing to the prince of Condé, some to the
duke de Rohan, others to Montgomery in Lower Normandy where
a war of the partisans began at once.<a name="FNanchor_1123_1123" id="FNanchor_1123_1123"></a><a href="#Footnote_1123_1123" class="fnanchor">[1123]</a> The capital was in a furious
mood and the King’s presence alone prevented the Parisians from
massacring the Protestants there and the Montmorencys.<a name="FNanchor_1124_1124" id="FNanchor_1124_1124"></a><a href="#Footnote_1124_1124" class="fnanchor">[1124]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-327.jpg" width="450" height="416" id="i327"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">PARIS AND ITS FAUBOURGS IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY</p>
</div></div>

<p>The chief effort of the Huguenots was to seize the towns on
the Seine above and below Paris, in order to stay provisions, and
so to compel the government to submit.<a name="FNanchor_1125_1125" id="FNanchor_1125_1125"></a><a href="#Footnote_1125_1125" class="fnanchor">[1125]</a> The capture of the
Pont de Charenton<a name="FNanchor_1126_1126" id="FNanchor_1126_1126"></a><a href="#Footnote_1126_1126" class="fnanchor">[1126]</a> by Condé’s forces was a heavy blow to the
government, as Charenton chiefly supplied Paris with wheat and
flour. The Parisians fully expected to be attacked and made
preparations therefor by breaking up the stones in the streets and
piling them in heaps for ready service or taking them into their
houses; at the same time they destroyed pent-houses and other
similar insignificant structures in order that they might the better
hurl their missiles.<a name="FNanchor_1127_1127" id="FNanchor_1127_1127"></a><a href="#Footnote_1127_1127" class="fnanchor">[1127]</a> So suddenly had the war been begun that
the blockade of Paris for the time being was almost complete.
Lagny on the Marne,<a name="FNanchor_1128_1128" id="FNanchor_1128_1128"></a><a href="#Footnote_1128_1128" class="fnanchor">[1128]</a> Charenton, Porchefontaine, Busanval, Argenteuil,
St. Ouen, Ambervilliers, and St. Denis constituted the inner
zone of Huguenot control while farther out Montereau on the highroad
to Sens, Etampes on the road to Orleans and in the heart
of the wheat district that supplied the capital,<a name="FNanchor_1129_1129" id="FNanchor_1129_1129"></a><a href="#Footnote_1129_1129" class="fnanchor">[1129]</a> Dourdan at the
junction of the Blois-Chartres roads, and Dreux on the road
toward Normandy, formed an outer circle. So closely was Paris
invested that the windmills in the faubourgs of St. Denis, St.
Honoré, and Port St. Martin were burned by the Huguenots. The
churches for leagues around were plundered of copes, chasubles,
tunics, and other rich silk and satin garments. The Huguenot
gentry made shirts and handkerchiefs out of the lace and linen of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span>
the clergy. But all gold and silver taken, as altar-vessels, crosses,
chalices, were turned into the general spoil for the sake of the
cause.<a name="FNanchor_1130_1130" id="FNanchor_1130_1130"></a><a href="#Footnote_1130_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a> Forced loans were imposed upon small merchants and
even the peasantry were constrained to forced labor,<a name="FNanchor_1131_1131" id="FNanchor_1131_1131"></a><a href="#Footnote_1131_1131" class="fnanchor">[1131]</a> so that the
latter fled by hundreds to Paris.</p>

<p>The ravages of the Huguenots were so great that they defeated
the very purpose they had in mind. For thousands of the peasantry,
under cover of a liberal ordinance intended to provision
Paris,<a name="FNanchor_1132_1132" id="FNanchor_1132_1132"></a><a href="#Footnote_1132_1132" class="fnanchor">[1132]</a> drove their cattle into the city and carted thither the grain
and provisions they had stored up against the winter, where they
sold it cheap, rather than see it destroyed by “volleurs quilz pillent
et brulent granges, maisons, moulins et font tout le mal qu’ilz
peullent faire.”<a name="FNanchor_1133_1133" id="FNanchor_1133_1133"></a><a href="#Footnote_1133_1133" class="fnanchor">[1133]</a> Wine, meat, and bread were not dear in Paris;
beechnut oil and oats were at a reasonable price.</p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-328.jpg" width="450" height="467" id="i328"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<div class="figcenter">
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">HUGUENOT MARCH <span class="small">TO</span> PONT-à-MOUSSON after the battle of S<sup>T</sup>. DENIS</p></div>
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-329.jpg" width="450" height="257" id="i329"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span></p>

<p>The queen mother, who looked to Alva for the most immediate
aid,<a name="FNanchor_1134_1134" id="FNanchor_1134_1134"></a><a href="#Footnote_1134_1134" class="fnanchor">[1134]</a> sent the chancellor L’Hôpital, the liberal marshal Vieilleville,
and Jean de Morvilliers, bishop of Orleans, to confer with
the prince of Condé in order to gain time. But the prince was so
elated with his successful blockade of Paris that his demands rose
in degree, and could not be accepted by the government. Yet the
nature of these demands is to be observed, for it is evidence of the
fact that the conflict was becoming more and more a <i>political</i> one,
and that the religious issue, if not a minor issue, at least was but
an element in the programme of the Huguenots. Moreover,
these demands are interesting for the reason that they represent
a new stage in the evolution of the struggle and that henceforth
they are a permanent contention of the Huguenots and ultimately
are embodied in the Edict of Toleration. The prince, whose chief
object was to overthrow the Guises and get the government of the
King and the management of affairs into his own hands<a name="FNanchor_1135_1135" id="FNanchor_1135_1135"></a><a href="#Footnote_1135_1135" class="fnanchor">[1135]</a> insisted
on the free exercise of religion throughout the realm without limitation
or distinction of places or persons; that all taxes lately
authorized should be remitted and all new forms of taxation imposed
since the reign of Louis XII abolished; that an accounting
be made of the money granted for defraying the King’s debts; that
all those who had been deposed from their offices on account of
religion should be reinstated; and that four fortified towns be placed
in his hands as security for the good intentions of the crown. Furthermore,
the prince demanded the dismissal of the Swiss and
Spanish regiments.<a name="FNanchor_1136_1136" id="FNanchor_1136_1136"></a><a href="#Footnote_1136_1136" class="fnanchor">[1136]</a></p>

<p>In due time the prince of Condé discovered that delay was
disastrous. Although his force had daily increased by new accessions
from the south,<a name="FNanchor_1137_1137" id="FNanchor_1137_1137"></a><a href="#Footnote_1137_1137" class="fnanchor">[1137]</a> nevertheless the Huguenot position was
not so strong as it appeared. Paris rallied to the cause of the King
and gave him 400,000 écus, while the clergy advanced 250,000.<a name="FNanchor_1138_1138" id="FNanchor_1138_1138"></a><a href="#Footnote_1138_1138" class="fnanchor">[1138]</a>
The duke of Guise was in Champagne with troops of Champagne
and Burgundy, besides eight companies of men-at-arms.<a name="FNanchor_1139_1139" id="FNanchor_1139_1139"></a><a href="#Footnote_1139_1139" class="fnanchor">[1139]</a> Moreover,
recruits were pouring in to help the King, some from the duke
of Savoy,<a name="FNanchor_1140_1140" id="FNanchor_1140_1140"></a><a href="#Footnote_1140_1140" class="fnanchor">[1140]</a> some from Piedmont under command of Strozzi, whose
approach the admiral and De Mouy tried to prevent, and some
from Pope Pius V, who bestirred himself in behalf of France as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span>
soon as he was informed of the renewal of hostilities once more.<a name="FNanchor_1141_1141" id="FNanchor_1141_1141"></a><a href="#Footnote_1141_1141" class="fnanchor">[1141]</a>
The Huguenots made strenuous efforts to break the Swiss alliance
and to persuade the Protestant Swiss cantons to withdraw. But
fortunately for the French crown, the cantons remained firm,
for without the assistance of Swiss troops, Charles IX would have
been hard put to it for an army, for he dared not accept the all too
interested offers of Philip II.<a name="FNanchor_1142_1142" id="FNanchor_1142_1142"></a><a href="#Footnote_1142_1142" class="fnanchor">[1142]</a> As in the first civil war, both parties
looked to Germany for assistance<a name="FNanchor_1143_1143" id="FNanchor_1143_1143"></a><a href="#Footnote_1143_1143" class="fnanchor">[1143]</a> and the queen mother
sent Lignerolles “to practice the stay of the reiters, and on
his return, to the count palatine to desire him not to succor the
prince and his associates, affirming that their rising was not
of any zeal of religion, but only to rebel against their prince.”<a name="FNanchor_1144_1144" id="FNanchor_1144_1144"></a><a href="#Footnote_1144_1144" class="fnanchor">[1144]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span>
The Huguenots also made overtures to Philip II’s revolted
subjects.<a name="FNanchor_1145_1145" id="FNanchor_1145_1145"></a><a href="#Footnote_1145_1145" class="fnanchor">[1145]</a></p>

<p>By the middle of October the prince of Condé discovered that
he was lying between two enemies, Paris and the new troops coming
up, and every day added to his peril. There can be little doubt
but that the queen mother purposely protracted the negotiations,
knowing that by so doing Condé’s security would be diminished.
Signs were not wanting to indicate that matters were coming to a
head. On October 7 the King sent a herald to the prince to proclaim
that all who were with him should unarm and repair to
Paris, whereby they might save their lives and goods, which, if
they refused to do so, should be confiscated.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">The same day the constable declared how the King, trusting to bring
certain of his subjects to good conformity by his clemency, had sent his chancellor
to assure them that his edicts made for religion and pacification should be
inviolably kept, and that no man should be molested for the same; and that
touching other small articles he was in full mind to have satisfied them. Notwithstanding,
they would not submit themselves to any reason; wherefore the
King was fully resolved to declare them rebels and prosecute them accordingly,
for the maintenance whereof he would venture both body and goods. On
October 8 proclamation was made that if the prince with his associates would
submit themselves to the King within three days he would freely pardon all
that was past; but if they refused, they were to be accounted as rebels and it
was to be lawful to all the King’s subjects to kill all such as they should find
armed. In expectation of battle, the constable was made lieutenant-general
of the King’s army.<a name="FNanchor_1146_1146" id="FNanchor_1146_1146"></a><a href="#Footnote_1146_1146" class="fnanchor">[1146]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Yet despite the precariousness of his situation the prince was
still confident. His pride was hardened by the capture of Orleans
by La Noue on September 28,<a name="FNanchor_1147_1147" id="FNanchor_1147_1147"></a><a href="#Footnote_1147_1147" class="fnanchor">[1147]</a> and of Soissons.<a name="FNanchor_1148_1148" id="FNanchor_1148_1148"></a><a href="#Footnote_1148_1148" class="fnanchor">[1148]</a> He enlarged the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span>
Protestants’ demands, requiring that Calais, Boulogne, and Metz<a name="FNanchor_1149_1149" id="FNanchor_1149_1149"></a><a href="#Footnote_1149_1149" class="fnanchor">[1149]</a>
be delivered to them as surety, that the King disarm first and that
one church of every “good town” in France be permitted to those
of the religion; and that 300,000 francs be granted the prince to
pay his troops, “whereby they may return hence without pillage.”<a name="FNanchor_1150_1150" id="FNanchor_1150_1150"></a><a href="#Footnote_1150_1150" class="fnanchor">[1150]</a>
The crown scornfully rejected the terms and assumed a rapid
offensive. On the night of November 6 Strozzi’s band destroyed
a bridge of boats planked together which the prince had made in
order more effectually to cut off Paris; on the following day
another point on the river which threatened Paris was captured
by the duke of Nemours, and on the 9th Condé was compelled to
withdraw from Charenton after breaking the bridge and firing the
town. On November 8 the prince had made the blunder of weakening
his main force by sending D’Andelot to seize Poissy and Montgomery
to get possession of Pontoise, the two open places in the
inner zone of steel drawn around Paris.<a name="FNanchor_1151_1151" id="FNanchor_1151_1151"></a><a href="#Footnote_1151_1151" class="fnanchor">[1151]</a> The crisis of real battle
came in their absence, on November 10, the battle of St. Denis.
It was a fierce and bloody fray beginning about 3 o’clock and
lasting till dark, in which both sides suffered severely. Montmorency,
“more famous than fortunate in arms,” was twice slashed
in the face by a cutlass and then shot in the neck and the small
of his back by pistol bullets fired by the Scotch captain named
Robert Stuart<a name="FNanchor_1152_1152" id="FNanchor_1152_1152"></a><a href="#Footnote_1152_1152" class="fnanchor">[1152]</a> serving with the Huguenots. The old veteran,
thinking his assailant did not recognize him, cried out: “You do
not know me. I am the constable.” But the Scot, as he fired,
replied: “Because I know you, I give you this!”<a name="FNanchor_1153_1153" id="FNanchor_1153_1153"></a><a href="#Footnote_1153_1153" class="fnanchor">[1153]</a> Though the
white-liveried horsemen of Condé passed through and through
the King’s soldiery and though the constable was mortally wounded
the battle was not won by the prince.<a name="FNanchor_1154_1154" id="FNanchor_1154_1154"></a><a href="#Footnote_1154_1154" class="fnanchor">[1154]</a> On November 14 the Huguenot
army filed out of St. Denis “without sound of trumpet or stroke
of drum.” The prince established temporary headquarters at
Montereau toward Sens, but later moved up the Marne to the
vicinity of Troyes with the duke of Guise following slowly after
him, in order to effect a junction with the reiters of duke Casimir
of the Palatinate, which the government was unable to prevent.<a name="FNanchor_1155_1155" id="FNanchor_1155_1155"></a><a href="#Footnote_1155_1155" class="fnanchor">[1155]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-332.jpg" width="450" height="326" id="i332"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE BATTLE OF ST. DENIS</p>
         <p class="cap2">From photograph of the original sketch, probably made by the son of Sir Henry Norris, English ambassador in France. Original in Public Record Office, State Papers, Foreign, Elizabeth, Vol. XCV, No. 1813. It is dated
November 10, 1567, and measures 31½ × 23?</p>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span></p>

<p>The presence of the Huguenot forces seemed like the return
of the reiters to the folk in Champagne, who hid their treasures
in stables, gardens, chimneys, and the like. Some concealed their
money and jewels in crannies in the walls; others hid them in the
swaddling clothes of babes. But even this was to no purpose,
for the soldiers plucked the children from the very breasts of their
mothers and stripped them in order to find what was hidden upon
them.<a name="FNanchor_1156_1156" id="FNanchor_1156_1156"></a><a href="#Footnote_1156_1156" class="fnanchor">[1156]</a></p>

<p>After the battle of St. Denis two opinions divided the King’s
council. Some urged the queen, who was at Fontainebleau, to
make new overtures; others, who reflected the opinion of Paris,
were for pursuing the war. The queen mother acted upon the
first suggestion, but nothing came of the overtures because the
King insisted upon disarmament of the Huguenots before considering
their terms.<a name="FNanchor_1157_1157" id="FNanchor_1157_1157"></a><a href="#Footnote_1157_1157" class="fnanchor">[1157]</a> Active preparations were therefore made to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span>
push the war in the provinces, somewhat to the surprise of the
Catholic gentry who had thought it was finished on the field of
St. Denis.<a name="FNanchor_1158_1158" id="FNanchor_1158_1158"></a><a href="#Footnote_1158_1158" class="fnanchor">[1158]</a> Camps of artillery, the infantry, and the Swiss were
established at Voulton, St. Martin-des-Champs, Gymbrois, and
other points in Champagne and Brie, while the cavalry was lodged
in other parishes. Garrisons were also posted in the châteaux
and <i>maisons fortes</i> of the Huguenots in the region. Without
counting the territory covered by the advance guard of the King’s
army, a strip of territory was occupied over ten miles long and six
wide, and containing more than fifty thousand persons.<a name="FNanchor_1159_1159" id="FNanchor_1159_1159"></a><a href="#Footnote_1159_1159" class="fnanchor">[1159]</a> For
the feeding of this host, an ordinance of the master of the camp
ordered the seizure of all the local bakeries, the necessary grain being
commandeered from the merchants and farmers of the locality.
Besides these provisions the soldiery, since they were quartered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span>
on households, freely consumed bread, meat, wine, and other
food where they were, without payment.</p>

<p>The presence of the King’s troops was a heavy drain upon the
resources of the region, more especially since the summer had been
so dry that the crops were thin. Indeed so great was the drought
that even swamps grew dry and there were public prayers and
processions for rain in all the parishes of France. Fortunately
rain fell in time to save the vines so that the wine did not fail, else
the condition of France would have been one of great distress.<a name="FNanchor_1160_1160" id="FNanchor_1160_1160"></a><a href="#Footnote_1160_1160" class="fnanchor">[1160]</a></p>

<p>On November 20 two thousand horsemen arrived in Paris from
Flanders. The hope of the French Protestants was chiefly pinned
upon John Casimir of the Palatinate, son of the elector Frederick,
and a force of German reiters, the expectation of whose coming
had induced Condé to move eastward toward Troyes. The
count palatine drew a sharp line in his own mind between religion
and politics. He would have been quick to resent any invasion
of his rights as a ruler. But he did not understand French politics,
and looked upon the Huguenot movement as a purely religious
one to which he felt bound to give support because he was a zealous
Protestant.<a name="FNanchor_1161_1161" id="FNanchor_1161_1161"></a><a href="#Footnote_1161_1161" class="fnanchor">[1161]</a> The French government sent the bishop of Rennes
and Lignerolles to endeavor to dissuade the count palatine; they
affirmed that the rebellion of Condé was not for any zeal of religion
but for political advantage. But the prince’s emissary outmatched
the bishop and his colleague, assuring the count palatine that
the sole cause of the Huguenot insurrection was the preservation
of the free exercise of religion, together with their honor, lives,
and goods.<a name="FNanchor_1162_1162" id="FNanchor_1162_1162"></a><a href="#Footnote_1162_1162" class="fnanchor">[1162]</a> The argument of Charles IX that the estate of himself
and realm was so intermingled with that of religion that the
count palatine could not touch one without offense to the other,
was not convincing to Casimir.<a name="FNanchor_1163_1163" id="FNanchor_1163_1163"></a><a href="#Footnote_1163_1163" class="fnanchor">[1163]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span></p>

<p>To add to Catherine’s anxiety the Emperor revived the old
project to seize the Three Bishoprics,<a name="FNanchor_1164_1164" id="FNanchor_1164_1164"></a><a href="#Footnote_1164_1164" class="fnanchor">[1164]</a> a project made doubly
dangerous by the new machinations of the cardinal of Lorraine.
For, in order to safeguard the Catholic cause in France and to save
Metz from being lost entirely after the Huguenots had captured
the citadel in October, the cardinal of Lorraine, had resumed his
secret negotiations with Spain. Instead, however, of writing direct
to Philip II he wrote to Alva, for time was pressing and the danger
great. On November 1, 1567, a chaplain of the cardinal appeared
before the duke in Antwerp bearing a letter imploring Alva to
come to the assistance of the French crown and offered to put him
in possession of certain places in France. At first Alva was so
incredulous that he imprisoned the bearer<a name="FNanchor_1165_1165" id="FNanchor_1165_1165"></a><a href="#Footnote_1165_1165" class="fnanchor">[1165]</a> until he was satisfied
of the verity of his mission. Nevertheless he immediately sent
3,000 horsemen into the country of Seyn (between Wied and Bas-Isenberg)
whose ruler was a pensioner of Spain, ordered count
Mansfeldt to go to Luxembourg, and dispatched a message to the
margrave of Baden for 1,000 horsemen with the object of preventing
Germans going to France or the war there from spreading to
the Spanish provinces. Finally, when persuaded of the truth of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span>
the cardinal’s overtures, Alva said that if circumstances so developed
as to make such action on his part an imperative duty before the
King of France could be apprised, he would do so; and that if the
King were overwhelmed by the Huguenots, he would believe it
his duty for the sake of protecting the Catholic faith to occupy
the places offered by the cardinal, which might be held in pawn
by Spain as collateral for French repayment of her services.<a name="FNanchor_1166_1166" id="FNanchor_1166_1166"></a><a href="#Footnote_1166_1166" class="fnanchor">[1166]</a> But
the treasonable designs of the cardinal of Lorraine went even farther
than an offer to surrender some of the border fortresses of
France into Spanish hands. As early as this time the possible
deposition of the house of Valois was contemplated by the Guises
in favor of the Spanish-Hapsburg dynasty. For the cardinal
went on to say that in event of the early death of Charles IX and
his brothers Philip II of Spain would be heir to the throne of France
through his wife, Elizabeth of Valois. “The Salic law is a pleasantry,”
he added, “and force of arms could overcome any opposition”!<a name="FNanchor_1167_1167" id="FNanchor_1167_1167"></a><a href="#Footnote_1167_1167" class="fnanchor">[1167]</a>
“This last,” wrote Alva to Philip, “is a different matter
and I cannot risk taking a hand in it without express instructions
from your Majesty.”</p>

<p>The habitual self-control of the Spanish monarch must have
been heavily taxed to subdue his emotion when he learned of this
astonishing negotiation. But he was true to his second-nature.
Without apparent excitement he endorsed the document thus:
“This point is one upon which more time is needed to reflect,
because it would be difficult to do what the cardinal asks without
compromise. On the other hand, it is hard to decline for such
a cause what is thrown into my arms. However, I think that a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span>
decision in this matter is not urgent. Let the duke inform me
what he thinks about it, according to the state of things there.”<a name="FNanchor_1168_1168" id="FNanchor_1168_1168"></a><a href="#Footnote_1168_1168" class="fnanchor">[1168]</a>
Was it caution, or hesitation, or procrastination?</p>

<p>As an intermediate course, one less compromising and perhaps
quite as effective in the long run, Alva suggested, although with
some misgiving, to the cardinal of Lorraine that he come in person
to the relief of the French crown.<a name="FNanchor_1169_1169" id="FNanchor_1169_1169"></a><a href="#Footnote_1169_1169" class="fnanchor">[1169]</a> While he was debating this
question with himself, news came of the battle of St. Denis and
of the approach of the reiters; and hard upon this, word from
Catherine de Medici asking for the aid of 2,000 Spanish arquebusiers
against the reiters.<a name="FNanchor_1170_1170" id="FNanchor_1170_1170"></a><a href="#Footnote_1170_1170" class="fnanchor">[1170]</a> The duke of Alva, in reply, after
chiding Catherine for not accepting the offers of assistance he had
made immediately after Meaux,<a name="FNanchor_1171_1171" id="FNanchor_1171_1171"></a><a href="#Footnote_1171_1171" class="fnanchor">[1171]</a> offered to send 2,000 arquebusiers
and 2,000 cavalry&mdash;he could not now spare the great force he had
proffered earlier&mdash;to the assistance of the duke of Aumale against
the reiters,<a name="FNanchor_1172_1172" id="FNanchor_1172_1172"></a><a href="#Footnote_1172_1172" class="fnanchor">[1172]</a> although admitting, with grim pleasantry, that there
was a certain humor in casting firebrands into a neighbor’s house
when one’s own was burning.<a name="FNanchor_1173_1173" id="FNanchor_1173_1173"></a><a href="#Footnote_1173_1173" class="fnanchor">[1173]</a> But the offer came too late to be
of service, thus fortunately sparing Catherine from the humiliation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span>
of having introduced in France a power whose purpose was the
overthrow of France.<a name="FNanchor_1174_1174" id="FNanchor_1174_1174"></a><a href="#Footnote_1174_1174" class="fnanchor">[1174]</a></p>

<p>In the meantime, while Condé was encamped between Sens<a name="FNanchor_1175_1175" id="FNanchor_1175_1175"></a><a href="#Footnote_1175_1175" class="fnanchor">[1175]</a>
and Troyes, the reiters had entered Lorraine to the number of
about six thousand.<a name="FNanchor_1176_1176" id="FNanchor_1176_1176"></a><a href="#Footnote_1176_1176" class="fnanchor">[1176]</a> Their coming thwarted the plans of the
duke of Guise, who was on the frontier with the marshal Tavannes,
for it prevented the French commanders from joining with Count
Mansfeldt and the duke of Lorraine and compelled them to fall
back.<a name="FNanchor_1177_1177" id="FNanchor_1177_1177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1177_1177" class="fnanchor">[1177]</a> The junction of Condé and the reiters was effected on
December 28, and a camp established at Dessay. The King’s
army of all sorts comprised 30,000 footmen and half as many
horse.<a name="FNanchor_1178_1178" id="FNanchor_1178_1178"></a><a href="#Footnote_1178_1178" class="fnanchor">[1178]</a> Nevertheless, despite the adverse prospect, the government
did not waver. The capital was intensely loyal. In response<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span>
to a call of the King, the Parisians made a general muster of 30,000
and offered 1,200,000 francs for the maintenance of the war.<a name="FNanchor_1179_1179" id="FNanchor_1179_1179"></a><a href="#Footnote_1179_1179" class="fnanchor">[1179]</a></p>

<p>Tentative efforts, however, were even yet made to make peace,
to the indignation of the Parisians.<a name="FNanchor_1180_1180" id="FNanchor_1180_1180"></a><a href="#Footnote_1180_1180" class="fnanchor">[1180]</a> The insistence of Charles IX,
though, upon an immediate laying-down of arms was an effective
obstacle to any cartel that might have been arranged. In reply
to the articles sent by the King to the prince of Condé, the latter
responded that the Protestants had no intention to prescribe the
law to the King, but only humbly to require such things as were
necessary for the liberty of their consciences and the preservation
of their lives and goods, namely, that the edict of Orleans should
be observed without any alterations; that bailiwicks should be
appointed for the free exercise of religion; that they should be
preserved in the enjoyment of their estates and offices; that those
of Lyons should have the same liberty as the rest of the subjects
of the realm; that synods should be permitted, and that the Edict
of Pacification should be declared irrevocable.<a name="FNanchor_1181_1181" id="FNanchor_1181_1181"></a><a href="#Footnote_1181_1181" class="fnanchor">[1181]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span></p>

<p>In his answer Charles IX declared that he would never agree
to treat with the prince of Condé or any other subject as with an
equal; he promised to pardon what had passed if the Protestants
would lay down their arms within three days and retire to their
houses and give up the places taken by them; that where certain
gentlemen complained of having been prosecuted for exercising
their religion in their houses, he was content that this should cease,
provided that there were not more than fifty persons present exclusive
of their families; that he intended to keep his forces in his
hands and to dispose of and govern towns as he pleased; that the
town of Lyons, being full of strangers, should not be allowed the
exercise of religion; that all enrolment of men, associations, and
synods, must cease; and finally, that the King would immediately
dispatch his letters-patent to assure the prince and his company
of their lives, goods, and the liberty of their consciences, if these
conditions were complied with.<a name="FNanchor_1182_1182" id="FNanchor_1182_1182"></a><a href="#Footnote_1182_1182" class="fnanchor">[1182]</a></p>

<p>The truth is, the French government prepared for war with
great reluctance. Philip II’s anxiety lest the queen would come
to terms with her adversaries was a just one.<a name="FNanchor_1183_1183" id="FNanchor_1183_1183"></a><a href="#Footnote_1183_1183" class="fnanchor">[1183]</a> The King’s expenses
amounted to nearly a million livres per month,<a name="FNanchor_1184_1184" id="FNanchor_1184_1184"></a><a href="#Footnote_1184_1184" class="fnanchor">[1184]</a> and he had
“to quiet such storms as daily arose in his camp amongst his nobility,
partly for religion and partly for ambition.”<a name="FNanchor_1185_1185" id="FNanchor_1185_1185"></a><a href="#Footnote_1185_1185" class="fnanchor">[1185]</a> Unless Spain
came strongly to the relief of the Catholic cause in France, it was
apparent that Condé could go almost wherever he pleased in the
country, his force was so great.<a name="FNanchor_1186_1186" id="FNanchor_1186_1186"></a><a href="#Footnote_1186_1186" class="fnanchor">[1186]</a> Many of the King’s soldiers
were ill-minded to fight against their countrymen and many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span>
deserted. The Swiss were wearied by travel and the inclemency
of the season and there was much disease among them.<a name="FNanchor_1187_1187" id="FNanchor_1187_1187"></a><a href="#Footnote_1187_1187" class="fnanchor">[1187]</a> The
leaders wrangled for the command.<a name="FNanchor_1188_1188" id="FNanchor_1188_1188"></a><a href="#Footnote_1188_1188" class="fnanchor">[1188]</a> There was mutiny and
desertion in the ranks of the Scotch Guard, thirty of whom deserted
to the prince, or rather to their old commander Montgomery.<a name="FNanchor_1189_1189" id="FNanchor_1189_1189"></a><a href="#Footnote_1189_1189" class="fnanchor">[1189]</a>
All along the line of the King’s forces there was opposition to the
war. The chevalier Battres told Charles IX that many of the
nobles were determined to hazard the King’s displeasure rather
than to stain their hands in their kinsmen’s blood.<a name="FNanchor_1190_1190" id="FNanchor_1190_1190"></a><a href="#Footnote_1190_1190" class="fnanchor">[1190]</a> The marshal
Cossé showed unwonted courage in his advocacy of moderation<a name="FNanchor_1191_1191" id="FNanchor_1191_1191"></a><a href="#Footnote_1191_1191" class="fnanchor">[1191]</a>&mdash;a
policy which he openly admitted and approved in the Council
meeting (February 10). The germ of the Politique party is thus
early discoverable.<a name="FNanchor_1192_1192" id="FNanchor_1192_1192"></a><a href="#Footnote_1192_1192" class="fnanchor">[1192]</a></p>

<p>The duke of Anjou, who had been made commander-in-chief
of the Catholic forces,<a name="FNanchor_1193_1193" id="FNanchor_1193_1193"></a><a href="#Footnote_1193_1193" class="fnanchor">[1193]</a> seeing the Protestant army considerably
augmented and that they had crossed the Seine and controlled
the passages over the Yonne and the Loire, sent most of his troops
back to Paris, and scattered the rest along the banks of the Seine,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span>
to guard the road between Troyes and Paris. The Catholic camp
in Paris was established in the faubourg St. Marceau, where were
lodged all the gendarmerie, both foot and horse, the artillery and
the Swiss. But most of the cavalry was quartered in the villages,
where the horses could get better grazing, to the detriment of the
country round about, for the soldiers amused themselves by pillage,
so that the better towns and châteaux were compelled to
fortify themselves as though against the enemy.<a name="FNanchor_1194_1194" id="FNanchor_1194_1194"></a><a href="#Footnote_1194_1194" class="fnanchor">[1194]</a> Strenuous efforts
were made to provision Paris against a future siege, and to establish
magazines of provisions and ammunition in the towns of the
Ile-de-France and Champagne. To this end the government
bought up grain in the early spring of 1568, paying 50 livres per
muid, or 10 sous, 5 deniers, per bichet.<a name="FNanchor_1195_1195" id="FNanchor_1195_1195"></a><a href="#Footnote_1195_1195" class="fnanchor">[1195]</a></p>

<p>As the prince drew nearer to the city, the conduct of Paris
became a matter of anxiety. Although bigotedly Catholic, the
populace of the capital had no mind to experience another siege
in the cause of religion, and the popular rage against the government,
especially toward Catherine de Medici, became so intense
that she dared not go abroad without being heavily guarded. The
popular voice claimed that the queen mother nourished the quarrel
and consumed the revenues of the King,<a name="FNanchor_1196_1196" id="FNanchor_1196_1196"></a><a href="#Footnote_1196_1196" class="fnanchor">[1196]</a> a belief which the Guises
cleverly fostered, if they were not the immediate authors of it.<a name="FNanchor_1197_1197" id="FNanchor_1197_1197"></a><a href="#Footnote_1197_1197" class="fnanchor">[1197]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span></p>

<p>“The money of the kingdom today is in the hands of a single
class,” wrote the Venetian ambassador. “The clergy is ruined.
Without counting the property of the church which has been
mortgaged or sold with the authorization of the Pope, the church
since 1561 has paid out 12,000,000 écus for the King. This would
be immaterial, for it is but a seventh of its annual revenue, if the
church had not suffered so much from the civil war. The nobles
are at their wits’ ends and have not a sou on account of the war.
The country folk have been so pillaged by the soldiery, whose
license is frightful, that they are reduced to beggary. Only the
bourgeoisie and the <i>gens de robe longue</i> still have money. It is
difficult for the King to obtain money without force. In addition
to these troubles with his subjects the King has lost all his credit
with foreign merchants and cannot raise an écu outside the kingdom
without giving collateral. But good may come out of this
calamitous state, for the King and his subjects have come to such
a dead stop that peace may result.”<a name="FNanchor_1198_1198" id="FNanchor_1198_1198"></a><a href="#Footnote_1198_1198" class="fnanchor">[1198]</a></p>

<p>Under these circumstances the crown earnestly renewed negotiations
for peace. Even astrology was invoked by the superstitious
Catherine and the signs of the zodiac were sagely said to
point toward peace. For the queen, walking one day in her garden,
discoursing of the peace, called unto her Messire Nonio, an
Italian famed for his knowledge of astrology, of whom she asked
what he found by the stars touching peace; to which he presently
answered that the heavens did not promise it, nor was the earth
yet ready to receive it; since the effect of the eclipse of the sun was
then in its greatest force, and likewise the virtue of the conjunction
of Saturn and Mars which was in Aries last year; but the wise
man concluded with the oracular statement that the heavens did
not <i>constrain</i> the inferior powers but only <i>disposed</i> them.<a name="FNanchor_1199_1199" id="FNanchor_1199_1199"></a><a href="#Footnote_1199_1199" class="fnanchor">[1199]</a></p>

<p>On February 28 the King sent the marshal Montmorency,
Morvilliers, the bishop of Limoges, and D’Allny, one of his secretaries,
to confer with representatives appointed by the prince of
Condé, the cardinal Châtillon, the bishop of Valence, and Teligny<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span>
at Longjumeau. The prince made two notable conditions to the
demands already outlined&mdash;that all the articles, agreements, and
capitulations should be confirmed by <i>all</i> the Parlements of the
realm, and that certain cautionary towns&mdash;he named Boulogne or
La Rochelle<a name="FNanchor_1200_1200" id="FNanchor_1200_1200"></a><a href="#Footnote_1200_1200" class="fnanchor">[1200]</a>&mdash;be given to the Protestants as guarantees of the just
purposes of the government. These two demands are of interest
because they became invariable demands of the Huguenots in
the future and foreshadowed important terms in the edict of
Bergerac (1576) and that of Nantes of 1598. Those of the King
replied that to make such demands impugned the King’s honor,
that the prince of Condé ought to trust the crown without requiring
guaranties of assurance. As to the particular demands, Charles IX
declared he did not think it meet to make the edict of 1563 perpetual<a name="FNanchor_1201_1201" id="FNanchor_1201_1201"></a><a href="#Footnote_1201_1201" class="fnanchor">[1201]</a>
and protested against the political and military organization
of the Protestants, “insomuch as this liberty remaining, the
King shall never be assured in his realm.” On March 4 the commissioners
of the prince, tired of the parleying and vexed at the
diversion the King tried to introduce by proposing a double alliance
between the warring houses in the marriage of the duke of Guise
with the prince’s eldest daughter, and of D’Andelot’s eldest son
to the duke’s sister, demanded express answer regarding church
edifices; better observance of the edict by the King’s officers;
Huguenot schools, etc. To these Charles IX assented and the
Huguenots waived the matter of confirmation by provincial Parlements
and the surrender of certain cautionary places for the time
being. It remained to settle the question of the reiters’ pay.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span>
Five hundred thousand livres in the royal chest at Amboise were
appropriated by the crown and the balance of the obligation was
provided for by the cardinal of Bourbon and the dukes of Montmorency
and Longueville, who went security for it.<a name="FNanchor_1202_1202" id="FNanchor_1202_1202"></a><a href="#Footnote_1202_1202" class="fnanchor">[1202]</a></p>

<p>As finally concluded on March 26 the terms of Longjumeau
were in reality a confirmation of the edict of March, 1563, which
was not enlarged as the prince of Condé had at first demanded,
except that the edict in its new form also applied to Provence.<a name="FNanchor_1203_1203" id="FNanchor_1203_1203"></a><a href="#Footnote_1203_1203" class="fnanchor">[1203]</a>
The terms of Longjumeau were suppressed for a short time and
the army not dismissed, however, because it was thought perilous
to disarm until the reiters had taken their leave. These marauders,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span>
who followed war as a trade and with whom faith and piety
were not virtues, had not ceased their depredations during the
course of the negotiations. The people “being everywhere environed
both with their own or foreign enemies, dared not approach
town or village, all being replenished with reiters or those who
entreated them as ill, whereby they miserably died in the fields.”<a name="FNanchor_1204_1204" id="FNanchor_1204_1204"></a><a href="#Footnote_1204_1204" class="fnanchor">[1204]</a></p>

<p>The publication of the edict encountered bitter opposition
throughout the country.<a name="FNanchor_1205_1205" id="FNanchor_1205_1205"></a><a href="#Footnote_1205_1205" class="fnanchor">[1205]</a> At Toulouse the King’s messenger
who brought the royal order for its registration by the Parlement
was actually tried, condemned, and executed for the “offense,”
so inflamed was the public mind.<a name="FNanchor_1206_1206" id="FNanchor_1206_1206"></a><a href="#Footnote_1206_1206" class="fnanchor">[1206]</a> At Rouen a furious multitude
assailed the magistrates and mobbed the dwellings of those of
Huguenot inclination. The same thing happened at Bourges.
At Orleans the soldiers murdered several at the gates of the city,
with impunity. In Languedoc there were commotions and
slaughters.<a name="FNanchor_1207_1207" id="FNanchor_1207_1207"></a><a href="#Footnote_1207_1207" class="fnanchor">[1207]</a></p>

<p>The strife in the south of France, in Provence, Languedoc,
and Guyenne, had never entirely ceased since the inception
of the first civil war. The King’s tour of the provinces had overawed
the combatants to a certain extent and in Languedoc Damville,
who had succeeded his father on April 28, 1563,<a name="FNanchor_1208_1208" id="FNanchor_1208_1208"></a><a href="#Footnote_1208_1208" class="fnanchor">[1208]</a> managed
to keep things with a pretty even hand, enforcing the edict of
Amboise throughout his jurisdiction.<a name="FNanchor_1209_1209" id="FNanchor_1209_1209"></a><a href="#Footnote_1209_1209" class="fnanchor">[1209]</a> But the hostility of Montluc,
whose government of Guyenne adjoined Languedoc, toward
Damville, was a serious bar to pacification, for Montluc not only
sought to diminish Damville’s authority by complaining to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span>
King of him, but also secretly connived with the doings of ultra-Catholic
partisans in Toulouse and elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_1210_1210" id="FNanchor_1210_1210"></a><a href="#Footnote_1210_1210" class="fnanchor">[1210]</a></p>

<p>So intense was the hatred in the south of France between the
Catholics and the Huguenots that there was scarce any intermission
of hostilities at all after the peace of Longjumeau, especially in
Provence. The duke of Joyeuse, who commanded the royal
forces here, was a man after Montluc’s own heart. Early in 1568
he had passed up the Rhone for the purpose of aiding the counts
of Tende and Suze. He had with him 2,000 foot and from five
to six hundred horse, and easily overcame the little fortresses until
he reached Pont St. Esprit in February. Failing to take this, the
army was divided. Joyeuse crossed the Rhone at Avignon on
March 7, took Loudun, Orsenne, and Tresques, then, retracing
his steps, he again joined the count of Tende and renewed the
siege of Pont St. Esprit. The Protestants under the command of
Montbrun gave battle in the plains of Montfran near Aramon,
and were badly defeated May 24, 1568. When peace was made
Joyeuse returned to Avignon. Most of the towns of lower Languedoc
were carefully garrisoned by him, but Montauban, Castres,
and Montpellier resisted. Everywhere he exacted disarmament
and the oath of fidelity.<a name="FNanchor_1211_1211" id="FNanchor_1211_1211"></a><a href="#Footnote_1211_1211" class="fnanchor">[1211]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c349" id="c349">CHAPTER XIII</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE THIRD CIVIL WAR (1568). NEW CATHOLIC LEAGUE.
THE BATTLE OF JARNAC</p>


<p>The peace of Longjumeau, more than any treaty of the civil
wars, was a tentative settlement, an armistice merely. It was
chiefly compelled by the lack of funds of both parties and from its
signature was more openly opposed and protested against than
any other of the treaties. Suspense over the probability of a third
and worse war prevailed from the beginning. For while many
on each side returned to their homes, there were many others
who had no place to which to retire, for whom vagabond life
had attractions and who preferred war to peace and plundering
to honest labor.<a name="FNanchor_1212_1212" id="FNanchor_1212_1212"></a><a href="#Footnote_1212_1212" class="fnanchor">[1212]</a> Both sides were too suspicious and too fearful
to lay down their arms. So many of the Huguenot captains kept
their troops in the fields that the King wrote to no less than 212
places charging the governors thereof to scatter these bands.
Many known to have been in arms hid them in secret places and
were, in consequence, not permitted to return to their native places
until such arms were given up. The Catholic resentment seems
to have been strongest in Paris<a name="FNanchor_1213_1213" id="FNanchor_1213_1213"></a><a href="#Footnote_1213_1213" class="fnanchor">[1213]</a> and Burgundy, though in the
former the provost of the merchants made the singularly sane plea
to the King to have an especial regard for justice lest its denial
might stir the Protestants to new strife. In general, though,
wherever the King’s garrisons were stationed there was trouble.</p>

<p>It was not long before the Guise opposition organized. Failing
of their hold upon Charles IX, the Guises directed their efforts
upon his brother, Henry, duke of Anjou, whose Catholic sentiments<a name="FNanchor_1214_1214" id="FNanchor_1214_1214"></a><a href="#Footnote_1214_1214" class="fnanchor">[1214]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span>
were less impeachable than those of Charles and who
began to “show some tokens of an ambitious heart,” was a sworn
Catholic, and showed great offense at his royal brother’s action
in “very courteously” entertaining the cardinal Châtillon, the
count Rochefoucauld, and Brocarde, the Protestant governor of
Orleans.<a name="FNanchor_1215_1215" id="FNanchor_1215_1215"></a><a href="#Footnote_1215_1215" class="fnanchor">[1215]</a> On the night of March 29 a secret conference was
held at the Louvre of the leaders among the Guise party, in which
it was proposed that a pacific attitude be pretended until the disarming
of the prince of Condé’s forces and the withdrawal of the
reiters had taken place, and then suddenly to seize Orleans, Soissons,
Auxerre, and La Rochelle&mdash;the Huguenot strongholds&mdash;for
which duty Lansac, Martigues, Chavigny, and Brissac were to
be appointed, reinforce the garrison of Paris, and send the ferocious
Montluc into Gascony to subjugate the strongest Protestant provinces,
seize the sea-ports, and drive a Catholic wedge in between
Poitou and the territories of the queen of Navarre, who already
had taken the precaution to strengthen her defenses. By some
means, perhaps through the marshal Cossé, who was a Politique
at heart, the cardinal Châtillon learned of the plot the very next
day, and straightway informed the marshal Montmorency, another
moderate, of it. At the same time the plan was discovered from
another source to the prince of Condé. When Charles IX was
taxed with information of it, he swore that the whole thing was
done without his knowledge, accused the cardinal of Lorraine of
treasonable practice, and calling for pen and ink wrote to Condé
promising “good and sincere” observation of all that had been
agreed upon at Longjumeau.<a name="FNanchor_1216_1216" id="FNanchor_1216_1216"></a><a href="#Footnote_1216_1216" class="fnanchor">[1216]</a></p>

<p>It will be observed how completely this plan of the Guises for
the subjugation of Guyenne and Gascony is in alignment with
the views of Montluc which he had expressed to Philip II.<a name="FNanchor_1217_1217" id="FNanchor_1217_1217"></a><a href="#Footnote_1217_1217" class="fnanchor">[1217]</a> Hitherto<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span>
the King of Spain had been sustaining two separate lines of secret
correspondence, one with Montluc direct; the other with the
cardinal of Lorraine through the duke of Alva. These two lines
now are fused into a larger whole, at least so far as the Spanish
king is concerned.<a name="FNanchor_1218_1218" id="FNanchor_1218_1218"></a><a href="#Footnote_1218_1218" class="fnanchor">[1218]</a> Montluc is the military, the cardinal of
Lorraine the diplomatic, agent of Philip’s purposes.</p>

<p>The development of the Holy League has now advanced another
stage in its evolution. The old warrior had not discontinued his
secret relations with Spain, in spite of his warm denial of the fact
to the queen mother, who taxed him with it,<a name="FNanchor_1219_1219" id="FNanchor_1219_1219"></a><a href="#Footnote_1219_1219" class="fnanchor">[1219]</a> but through Bardaxi
still kept in communication with Philip II. We find him writing
twice to the King in February 1567 and Philip responding in terms
of encouragement in the following month.<a name="FNanchor_1220_1220" id="FNanchor_1220_1220"></a><a href="#Footnote_1220_1220" class="fnanchor">[1220]</a> Guyenne was peculiarly
vulnerable to such an attack as was now contemplated, and Montluc
was certainly the best captain to execute it. The army of the
Huguenots there was in a bad state.<a name="FNanchor_1221_1221" id="FNanchor_1221_1221"></a><a href="#Footnote_1221_1221" class="fnanchor">[1221]</a></p>

<p>The instrument was already forged to Philip II’s hand in the
local Catholic leagues in France. His interest in these was one of
the silent activities at Bayonne. The instructions to the duke of
Alva and to Bardaxi were almost identical. “As the queen mother
lacks either fixity of ideas or honesty of purpose”&mdash;the words
are those of the <i>procès-verbal</i> framed in the Spanish council-chamber,
it is necessary to encourage the practices of Montluc and the
Catholics.<a name="FNanchor_1222_1222" id="FNanchor_1222_1222"></a><a href="#Footnote_1222_1222" class="fnanchor">[1222]</a> It must have been a source of delight to the Spanish
king to observe the rapid increase of these associations. There
are two changes to be noticed in these provincial leagues: their
increasingly popular character, and their tendency to fuse together.
Hitherto they had been local in their operations. Now a process
of federation is to be observed by which the provincial leagues
are gradually welded into one whole&mdash;in a word the mighty Sainte<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span>
Ligue of 1576 potentially exists now.<a name="FNanchor_1223_1223" id="FNanchor_1223_1223"></a><a href="#Footnote_1223_1223" class="fnanchor">[1223]</a> The federative tendency
of these associations was a natural result of their increase in number
and membership. It was not a haphazard development at
all. Design is evident throughout.<a name="FNanchor_1224_1224" id="FNanchor_1224_1224"></a><a href="#Footnote_1224_1224" class="fnanchor">[1224]</a></p>

<p>The renewal of civil war in 1567 had given a great impulse to
this spirit of association.<a name="FNanchor_1225_1225" id="FNanchor_1225_1225"></a><a href="#Footnote_1225_1225" class="fnanchor">[1225]</a> Nowhere was it more pronounced than
in Burgundy. Tavannes, who was governor of Burgundy, in
the year 1567 (July 18), formed a league under the name of the
Confrérie du St. Esprit. Churchmen, the nobility of Burgundy,
and wealthy bourgeois who wished to preserve the Catholic religion
were united together in the service of the King. The version of
its origin in the <i>Mémoires de Tavannes</i> is so interesting that I
venture to quote it:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">Seeing so much discontent and so many threatening enterprises among
the Huguenots, the queen, for safety’s sake, in the beginning of the year 1567
caused a levy of 9,000 Swiss [the actual number was 6,000] to be made under
pretext that they were to be for the service of the duke of Alva in the Flemish
War. The prevailing unrest and the rumors of insurrection gave the sieur de
Tavannes, who penetrated the designs of the queen and the purpose of the
Huguenots, the thought that a prudent man might also take precautions of
his own. He reasoned that the Huguenots did not have more zeal for their
cause than the Catholics for the old religion, and that those who would preserve
it would give their lives and employ their last sou to succor the King; in
a word, oppose league to league. He therefore organized the Confrérie du
St. Esprit, which in reality was a league of the ecclesiastics and the nobility of
Burgundy, with rich men from the towns, who voluntarily swore to serve in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span>
interest of the Catholic religion against the Huguenots, sacrificing both person
and property for the sake of the King. Without using coercion he gave orders
for the enrolment of men-at-arms and the collection of money, created warders,
spies, and messengers, in imitation of the Huguenots, in order to discover
their machinations. The oath subscribed to justified this design. Each parish
of Dijon paid its men for three months, and each town contributed 200
horse and 250 footmen. Burgundy could furnish 1,500 horse and 400 men on
foot, paid for three months of the year. The sieur de Tavannes summoned
an assembly in the Maison du Roi, ... and there caused the oath to be
read.</p>

<p class="pn1">The oath began:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">We swear by the most holy and incomprehensible name of God, the Father,
Son, and Holy Spirit, in whose name we have been baptized, and we promise
on our honor and the peril of our lives that, henceforth, at all times, through
the chiefs and those who shall be named by the King under these articles, we
will make known any enterprise that may work contrary to our said law and
faith of which we have made profession in our baptism, and which we have
maintained by the grace of God to the present, and also to make known every
enterprise, which may clothe itself in hatred of the maintenance of the said
faith, against the said royal Majesty, madame his mother, and messieurs his
brothers, who rule over us by divine permission.</p>

<p class="pn1">And further on in the oath:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">We swear and promise in the present writing to render all friendship and
fraternity the one to the other, to aid each other reciprocally against all phases
of the opposite party, if they shall undertake any enterprise against any one of
the signatories to the cause of this party; and for the sake of said aid we promise
respectively, the one and the other, to employ all our persons, our credit, and our
favors without sparing anything. And we promise to observe all the articles
above sworn to without regard to friends, parents, or any relationship which
we may have with those who undertake the contrary.<a name="FNanchor_1226_1226" id="FNanchor_1226_1226"></a><a href="#Footnote_1226_1226" class="fnanchor">[1226]</a></p>

<p class="p1">In the following year, on April 2, 1568, “La Fraternité des
Catholiques de Châlons-sur-Saône” emerged.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">A l’imitation de la majesté du Roy nostre sire [so runs the instrument],
et soubs sa protection et bon plaisir ... nous avons faict entre nous et
pour tous autres Catholiques qui adjoindre se vouldront une fraternité qui
s’appellera Confrairie et Société des Catholiques.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span></p>

<p class="pn1">And it is added&mdash;sign of omen&mdash;</p>

<p class="pbq p1">Et au cas qu’il advint que Dieu ne veuille que les persones de sa majesté
et de messieurs ses frères ... fussent oppressés de sorte que ne sceussions
avoir advertissement de leurs volontez, promettons rendre toute obeissance
au général chef qui sera esleu.<a name="FNanchor_1227_1227" id="FNanchor_1227_1227"></a><a href="#Footnote_1227_1227" class="fnanchor">[1227]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Six weeks later, on May 18, 1568, through the activity of Tavannes,
a similar association was formed in Berry and was confirmed
at Bourges by the archbishop, Jacques le Roy.<a name="FNanchor_1228_1228" id="FNanchor_1228_1228"></a><a href="#Footnote_1228_1228" class="fnanchor">[1228]</a> A month later
La Ligue Chrétienne et Royale, “for the defense of the Catholic
church in France and for maintaining the royal authority in the
House of Valois,” to which was appended the significant proviso,
“so long as it shall govern in the Catholic and Apostolic religion”
appeared in Champagne under the auspices of Henry of Guise,
then eighteen years of age and governor of the province. The
nobility, the bishop, and the clergy, in a meeting at Troyes, concluded,
signed, and took an oath to this league on June 25.<a name="FNanchor_1229_1229" id="FNanchor_1229_1229"></a><a href="#Footnote_1229_1229" class="fnanchor">[1229]</a> Exactly
a month later, on July 25, the Beauvaisis followed the lead of
Burgundy, Berry, and Champagne, and formed an “Association
Catholique” for the same purpose.<a name="FNanchor_1230_1230" id="FNanchor_1230_1230"></a><a href="#Footnote_1230_1230" class="fnanchor">[1230]</a> The movement also spread
west of the Seine, into Maine and Anjou, where the clergy, the
nobility, and the third estate, on July 11, 1568, established an
association whose members swore “de vivre et mourir en la religion
catholique et de nous secourir les uns et les autres contre les rebelles
et hérétiques sectaires de la nouvelle religion.” Forty persons
signed the oath.<a name="FNanchor_1231_1231" id="FNanchor_1231_1231"></a><a href="#Footnote_1231_1231" class="fnanchor">[1231]</a></p>

<p>In Toulouse, the former league was revived in September,
1568, with new energy under the patronage of the cardinal of
Armagnac and actual leadership of a secular priest who preached<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span>
war upon the Protestants with a crusader’s zeal. On September
12 the latter gathered those desirous of reviving the association
in the cathedral of St. Etienne where a solemn oath was taken by
all, who promised to devote life and property to the support of the
catholic religion. The league thus formed was officially entitled
La Croisade, with the motto: “Eamus nos, moriamur cum Christo.”
All its members wore a white cross.<a name="FNanchor_1232_1232" id="FNanchor_1232_1232"></a><a href="#Footnote_1232_1232" class="fnanchor">[1232]</a> Even some of the smaller
towns followed the example of the provinces and large cities. At
Anduze in Lower Languedoc at this same time the churches formed
a Catholic union.<a name="FNanchor_1233_1233" id="FNanchor_1233_1233"></a><a href="#Footnote_1233_1233" class="fnanchor">[1233]</a> The movement actually spread into Lower
Navarre where in the same month, September, the sieur de Luxe
and some others, at the instigation of the cardinal of Lorraine,
perhaps, formed a league at St. Palais for the purpose of driving
out the Calvinist preachers in St. Palais. They seized La Rive,
the pastor at St. Palais, Tarde, pastor at Ostabanès, both of whom
were imprisoned in the house of De Luxe. But the prompt conduct
of Jeanne d’Albret and the prince of Navarre, who won his
spurs in the siege of Garris, speedily crushed this association.<a name="FNanchor_1234_1234" id="FNanchor_1234_1234"></a><a href="#Footnote_1234_1234" class="fnanchor">[1234]</a></p>

<p>In view of this spontaneous organization of the Catholics everywhere,
it was inevitable that the peace of Longjumeau would be
of short duration, even if there had been no special circumstances
to bring it to an end.<a name="FNanchor_1235_1235" id="FNanchor_1235_1235"></a><a href="#Footnote_1235_1235" class="fnanchor">[1235]</a> The Guises, after the discovery of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span>
secret conference of March 29, for the time being sought to dissemble
their feelings and purposes, and not to offend the King’s
anger. When it was observed in the royal presence that great
inconvenience was likely to arise in France for want of obedience
to the edict, the cardinal of Lorraine, hearing the remark, replied
“Sur ma conscience, il n’y a rien plus necessaire.”</p>

<p>The feud between the Guises and Montmorencys seemed likely
to involve the state in war before very long.<a name="FNanchor_1236_1236" id="FNanchor_1236_1236"></a><a href="#Footnote_1236_1236" class="fnanchor">[1236]</a> The quarrel
between the two houses was the more intense at this time
owing to the fact that the duke of Anjou’s retention of the lieutenantship,
in which office the Guises supported and maintained
him for their own purposes, gave offense to the marshals, Montmorency,
Damville, and Vieilleville; the more so because they
were all moderate Catholics and were dissatisfied with the duke’s
bigoted Catholic leanings and affiliation with the Guises; they
argued that “it had not been seen heretofore, that the King should
have a lieutenant,” that the continuance of such a title, especially
in time of peace, was a prejudice to their station,<a name="FNanchor_1237_1237" id="FNanchor_1237_1237"></a><a href="#Footnote_1237_1237" class="fnanchor">[1237]</a> adding significantly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span>
that they “being marshals knew what appertained to their
charges.” The strife between the factions soon became so severe
as to dismay some, especially the cardinal of Bourbon, who threatened
“that in case the King would take no better order than he
had done, he would depart the court and give the world to understand
how he had at heart the honour of his house and the welfare
of his friends.” The chancellor L’Hôpital, having vainly endeavored
to soften the strife, asked leave to be discharged of his office&mdash;an
event which the cardinal of Lorraine would have hailed
with delight. As it was, the Guises used Anjou to abuse the position
of the chancellor.<a name="FNanchor_1238_1238" id="FNanchor_1238_1238"></a><a href="#Footnote_1238_1238" class="fnanchor">[1238]</a></p>

<p>The continued presence of the reiters and the Swiss also added
to the anxiety of those who were peaceably inclined, for “there
was not a town or a village in the Ile-de-France that was not furnished
with soldiers,” the country indeed teeming so much with
them that traveling now was more perilous even than during the
wars.<a name="FNanchor_1239_1239" id="FNanchor_1239_1239"></a><a href="#Footnote_1239_1239" class="fnanchor">[1239]</a> The 6,000 Swiss still remained within four leagues of
Paris at the last of May. The reiters of the prince stopped in
Burgundy and plundered the country; while the prince of Condé
vainly demanded that they be paid at once.<a name="FNanchor_1240_1240" id="FNanchor_1240_1240"></a><a href="#Footnote_1240_1240" class="fnanchor">[1240]</a> At Dijon five of them
were slain by the desperate populace and a massacre of thirteen
of the inhabitants followed.<a name="FNanchor_1241_1241" id="FNanchor_1241_1241"></a><a href="#Footnote_1241_1241" class="fnanchor">[1241]</a> Many thought that the war would
be renewed the moment the harvest was gathered.<a name="FNanchor_1242_1242" id="FNanchor_1242_1242"></a><a href="#Footnote_1242_1242" class="fnanchor">[1242]</a></p>

<p>Late in May the duke of Montmorency left Paris for Chantilly,
while his brother Damville stayed in the capital. The action of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span>
each was significant. At Chantilly the cardinal Châtillon and
other Protestant nobles deliberated, while in Paris Damville’s
house was frequented by those hostile to the cardinal of Lorraine’s
authority, notably the four marshals, all of whom inveighed against
him and were popularly believed to be forming a new opposition
to him.<a name="FNanchor_1243_1243" id="FNanchor_1243_1243"></a><a href="#Footnote_1243_1243" class="fnanchor">[1243]</a> The Huguenot leaders, Condé, Coligny, D’Andelot,
all lay in various castles throughout the Ile-de-France, with captains,
soldiers, and gentlemen around them, and so distributed
that no river separated them one from the other, while one ford
between Paris and Rouen was kept open to enable those of the
religion in Picardy to keep in touch with the prince.<a name="FNanchor_1244_1244" id="FNanchor_1244_1244"></a><a href="#Footnote_1244_1244" class="fnanchor">[1244]</a> So skilfully
was the distribution made that the leaders could have been able
to unite within a day and a half if necessary.<a name="FNanchor_1245_1245" id="FNanchor_1245_1245"></a><a href="#Footnote_1245_1245" class="fnanchor">[1245]</a></p>

<p>The strain upon Charles IX soon began to tell. He was heard
to say that he would rather lose his crown outright than live in
continual fear, and as the feud became intenser, the King yielded
and finally showed his hand by displacing the marshal Montmorency
as governor of Paris, though he dared not go quite so far as
to put Henri d’Anjou in his room, but chose his youngest brother,
the duke of Alençon.<a name="FNanchor_1246_1246" id="FNanchor_1246_1246"></a><a href="#Footnote_1246_1246" class="fnanchor">[1246]</a></p>

<p>We discover at this time the germ of the Politique party.<a name="FNanchor_1247_1247" id="FNanchor_1247_1247"></a><a href="#Footnote_1247_1247" class="fnanchor">[1247]</a> If
the Guises had been aware of the astonishing diplomatic stroke
Montmorency had conceived in his retreat at Chantilly and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span>
which he had communicated to the Huguenot leaders, they might
not have pressed the case of Anjou so insistently. This scheme
was to separate the King’s brother from his attachment to the
Guises and at the same time enlist English aid in support of religious
toleration in France&mdash;the aim of the Politique party&mdash;by
nothing less than bringing about the marriage of the Valois
prince with Queen Elizabeth. At the same time Montmorency,
by gaining the favor of the duke, would work the cardinal out of
power. To this end the duke approached the English envoy in
France.<a name="FNanchor_1248_1248" id="FNanchor_1248_1248"></a><a href="#Footnote_1248_1248" class="fnanchor">[1248]</a></p>

<p>Day by day the animosity of the parties grew. In a certain
sense the peril of the times was greater than during a state of war.
Daily murder by dagger and by drowning, and violation of property
took place throughout France, to such an extent that it was
said more had been murdered since the publication of the peace
than were in the war which it was supposed to have concluded.<a name="FNanchor_1249_1249" id="FNanchor_1249_1249"></a><a href="#Footnote_1249_1249" class="fnanchor">[1249]</a>
But although the animosity of the parties was strong enough to
incite them to war, the renewal of hostilities was yet very
dependent upon the fluctuation of events in the Netherlands,<a name="FNanchor_1250_1250" id="FNanchor_1250_1250"></a><a href="#Footnote_1250_1250" class="fnanchor">[1250]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span>
and at this moment the balance there was inclined in Spain’s
favor.<a name="FNanchor_1251_1251" id="FNanchor_1251_1251"></a><a href="#Footnote_1251_1251" class="fnanchor">[1251]</a></p>

<p>William of Orange, while not in alliance with the French,
nevertheless sought to avail himself of the services of the 4,000
reiters which John Casimir had raised for the French Protestants,
whose use was no longer required by the Huguenots after the
peace of Longjumeau. A horror of Spanish cruelty was beginning
to pervade Germany and brought him sympathy and support.<a name="FNanchor_1252_1252" id="FNanchor_1252_1252"></a><a href="#Footnote_1252_1252" class="fnanchor">[1252]</a>
Calvinist Europe built high hopes upon this assistance for the
Dutch.<a name="FNanchor_1253_1253" id="FNanchor_1253_1253"></a><a href="#Footnote_1253_1253" class="fnanchor">[1253]</a> But Orange was straitened for money<a name="FNanchor_1254_1254" id="FNanchor_1254_1254"></a><a href="#Footnote_1254_1254" class="fnanchor">[1254]</a> and it was not
until the middle of August that he was ready to return to give Alva
battle with an army of 6,000 horsemen and four regiments of foot,
besides the Lorrainers and Gascons who were all gunners. According
to the plan of the prince, three armies were to enter the
Netherlands at once, the French under a Huguenot leader named
Cocqueville, through Artois; the Count of Hoogstraeten between
the Rhine and the Meuse, and Louis of Nassau through Groningen.</p>

<p>But the whole plan failed. Cocqueville raised seven or eight
hundred men with the intention of provoking Artois to revolt.<a name="FNanchor_1255_1255" id="FNanchor_1255_1255"></a><a href="#Footnote_1255_1255" class="fnanchor">[1255]</a>
Failing to take Doulens by surprise, Cocqueville pillaged the
abbey-town of Dammartin. The duke of Alva energetically
protested to Charles IX against this violation of the Spanish provinces
by French subjects, and the marshal Cossé was sent into
Picardy. The foreigners in Cocqueville’s band were summarily
beheaded at St. Valéry, the leader himself was sent to Abbeville
for trial for treason and executed, and the whole expedition came
to naught.<a name="FNanchor_1256_1256" id="FNanchor_1256_1256"></a><a href="#Footnote_1256_1256" class="fnanchor">[1256]</a> The enforced delay of the prince of Orange, united<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span>
with this repulse, was fatal to the Netherland project. On July
21, 1568, Louis of Nassau was defeated at Jemmingen by Alva,
Spanish tyranny was fixed more firmly in the Low Countries, and
Egmont and Hoorne were shortly afterward sent to the scaffold.<a name="FNanchor_1257_1257" id="FNanchor_1257_1257"></a><a href="#Footnote_1257_1257" class="fnanchor">[1257]</a></p>

<p>Everything was now out of joint. The success of the Dutch would
have emboldened their French coreligionists to renew the struggle
with some hope of success.<a name="FNanchor_1258_1258" id="FNanchor_1258_1258"></a><a href="#Footnote_1258_1258" class="fnanchor">[1258]</a> But the Catholic victory in the Low
Countries hardened the resolution of the French government.
Hitherto chiefly the lesser nobility of France had been successfully
coerced by the French crown. Now the cardinal of Lorraine
intended to do the like with the higher nobles, compelling them
either to abandon their religious and political contentions or to
take up arms.<a name="FNanchor_1259_1259" id="FNanchor_1259_1259"></a><a href="#Footnote_1259_1259" class="fnanchor">[1259]</a> At the same time military preparations began to
be made which could not but be viewed with alarm by the Huguenots.
The crown was stronger in cavalry, in infantry, in artillery,
and in munitions. The country as a whole was with the King,
and the chief cities were in his hands. “The great cities,” said
Coligny mournfully, “are the tombs of our armies.”<a name="FNanchor_1260_1260" id="FNanchor_1260_1260"></a><a href="#Footnote_1260_1260" class="fnanchor">[1260]</a></p>

<p>So carefully were the preparations made that the King remained
armed while the Huguenots were scattered and unarmed,<a name="FNanchor_1261_1261" id="FNanchor_1261_1261"></a><a href="#Footnote_1261_1261" class="fnanchor">[1261]</a> saving<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span>
large numbers of individual nobles who yet stood upon their guard.
In northern and central France, La Rochelle excepted, the government
controlled all the towns. In Provence and Languedoc, however,
many of the towns were governed by the Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_1262_1262" id="FNanchor_1262_1262"></a><a href="#Footnote_1262_1262" class="fnanchor">[1262]</a> In
order to prevent the communication of intelligence between the
various parts of France under Protestant control, Charles IX even
had refused to permit Condé to levy money upon the Huguenots
for payment of the reiters, notwithstanding the governments’ own
poverty, although the prince cunningly suggested such an action.<a name="FNanchor_1263_1263" id="FNanchor_1263_1263"></a><a href="#Footnote_1263_1263" class="fnanchor">[1263]</a>
The outlook was dark indeed. The Huguenots nowhere save in
the south seemed strong enough to take the field, and it seemed
hopeless for them to expect to join with their coreligionists of the
north owing to the vigilance of Montluc in Languedoc and Tavannes
in Burgundy and to the fact that the whole course of the Loire was
patrolled by forces of the government. Moreover, the general
contribution being stopped, both resources and communication
were at an end; the gentry too were impoverished by the late war
to a very great extent, having “consumed as much in eight months
as they had gathered in four years before,”<a name="FNanchor_1264_1264" id="FNanchor_1264_1264"></a><a href="#Footnote_1264_1264" class="fnanchor">[1264]</a> so that the wisest of
the Huguenot leaders were of the opinion that the religion was not
in a state to attempt anything by open arms.</p>

<p>While he tried to augment his forces Condé sought to remedy
matters by appeal to the King,<a name="FNanchor_1265_1265" id="FNanchor_1265_1265"></a><a href="#Footnote_1265_1265" class="fnanchor">[1265]</a> complaining of the outrages
inflicted on the Huguenots<a name="FNanchor_1266_1266" id="FNanchor_1266_1266"></a><a href="#Footnote_1266_1266" class="fnanchor">[1266]</a> (Montluc had even hanged seven
gentlemen of the entourage of the queen of Navarre, in Languedoc),
being careful not to impute these wrongs, however, to the
King, but reprobating the malignancy of the cardinal of Lorraine
and accusing him of secret intelligence with Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1267_1267" id="FNanchor_1267_1267"></a><a href="#Footnote_1267_1267" class="fnanchor">[1267]</a> The cardinal,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span>
thus assailed, parried through the King, who two days later issued
a proclamation, which after reciting the complaints of murder,
robberies and other wrongs alleged by those of “the pretended
Reformed religion,” declared that the King, having sent his <i>maîtres
des requêtes</i> into the provinces where these acts of violence had
been perpetrated, was satisfied of the substantial justice of the
administration, and asserted that the complaints had either been
manufactured by the Huguenot leaders, or else grossly exaggerated.
The proclamation closed by commanding all judges and other
officers, on pain of deprivation, to search out and punish wrong-doers,
so that those of the religion might not have ground for
complaining that justice was not done them.<a name="FNanchor_1268_1268" id="FNanchor_1268_1268"></a><a href="#Footnote_1268_1268" class="fnanchor">[1268]</a></p>

<p>Such a proclamation was mere verbiage, however, and was
intended to lull the anxiety of the Huguenots while the government’s
preparations went forward. It deceived none of the Protestant
leaders. The signs of the times were too plain to be concealed.
Arms were secretly levied and stored in La Rochelle,
Saintes, Châtellerault, St. Jean-d’Angély.<a name="FNanchor_1269_1269" id="FNanchor_1269_1269"></a><a href="#Footnote_1269_1269" class="fnanchor">[1269]</a> To these signs was
now added another unmistakable indication. In August, 1568
the concentration of fourteen companies of gendarmes and several
bands of infantry in Burgundy, where the two most conspicuous
of the leaders of the Huguenots then were&mdash;the prince of Condé
and Coligny<a name="FNanchor_1270_1270" id="FNanchor_1270_1270"></a><a href="#Footnote_1270_1270" class="fnanchor">[1270]</a>&mdash;ostensibly to prevent the prince from delivering
his German reiters to the prince of Orange, precipitated civil war
anew.</p>

<p>Protestant historians have contended that the government of
Charles IX was wholly to blame for the renewal of war. But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span>
it may be fairly said that Charles IX acted not only according to
his right, but according to policy in seeking to prevent the union
of the Huguenot and Dutch interests. France was not yet prepared
to espouse an open anti-Spanish policy, though she was
already secretly so inclining,<a name="FNanchor_1271_1271" id="FNanchor_1271_1271"></a><a href="#Footnote_1271_1271" class="fnanchor">[1271]</a> and the projected alliance of the
prince of Condé and the prince of Orange<a name="FNanchor_1272_1272" id="FNanchor_1272_1272"></a><a href="#Footnote_1272_1272" class="fnanchor">[1272]</a> would have been certain
seriously to compromise her with Spain. Finally, it may be
added, that there was not a little of self-ambition in Condé’s action.<a name="FNanchor_1273_1273" id="FNanchor_1273_1273"></a><a href="#Footnote_1273_1273" class="fnanchor">[1273]</a></p>

<p>This attempted co-operation of the prince of Condé and the
prince of Orange drew the French government into close association
with the duke of Alva. But the diplomatic relations now
established between the courts of Paris and Madrid were of much
greater importance and the negotiations were energetically forwarded
by the cardinal of Lorraine, who on November 21, sent the
cardinal of Guise into Spain charged to treat of marriage between
Philip II and Marguerite of Valois,<a name="FNanchor_1274_1274" id="FNanchor_1274_1274"></a><a href="#Footnote_1274_1274" class="fnanchor">[1274]</a> or if that proved unacceptable,
to suggest Philip’s marriage with one of the daughters of the
Emperor, while Charles IX was to marry the other. At the same
time Alva proposed that the duke of Anjou&mdash;the future Henry III&mdash;should
marry the queen of Portugal.<a name="FNanchor_1275_1275" id="FNanchor_1275_1275"></a><a href="#Footnote_1275_1275" class="fnanchor">[1275]</a> The far-reaching effect
of such a series of alliances is manifest. The two houses of Hapsburg
would become dynastically united again in a common family
and politico-religious purpose, into which association France would
be woven.</p>

<p>The government had secretly prepared for the sudden investment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span>
of La Rochelle, intending to “spring” the war suddenly at that
point, but had been compelled to alter the plan. This change of
plan induced the resolution to attempt to capture the prince and
Coligny,<a name="FNanchor_1276_1276" id="FNanchor_1276_1276"></a><a href="#Footnote_1276_1276" class="fnanchor">[1276]</a> the purpose of the Guises (with whom the King and his
mother were not acting) probably being to send them to the scaffold,
as Alva had done with Egmont and Hoorne.</p>

<p>But the deception and duplicity which they used to allay the
suspicions of the prince and the admiral offended the bluff, soldierly
honor of Tavannes, who, though a bigoted Catholic, would
not stoop to such a dishonorable course of action.<a name="FNanchor_1277_1277" id="FNanchor_1277_1277"></a><a href="#Footnote_1277_1277" class="fnanchor">[1277]</a> While feigning
to obey the orders to capture the two leaders, he contrived to apprise
them of their danger by managing so as to have his letters intercepted
by them.<a name="FNanchor_1278_1278" id="FNanchor_1278_1278"></a><a href="#Footnote_1278_1278" class="fnanchor">[1278]</a> Thanks to this timely warning, escape was
made possible. On August 23, 1568 Condé and Coligny, accompanied
by the members of their families and D’Andelot’s&mdash;the
princess of Condé being pregnant&mdash;crossed the Loire in sudden
flight, guarded on the road by a hundred horsemen. The fugitives
were bound for La Rochelle, which was safely reached without
mishap, though not without peril.</p>

<p>From the safe retreat of this famous port and stronghold the
prince of Condé issued a manifesto protesting that he and his
followers intended nothing prejudicial to the King, but only to
protect those of the religion from the tyranny and oppression of
their enemies. A form of oath was adopted, to be taken by the
nobility, officers, and others of the prince’s army, regulations
were issued for the maintenance of discipline in the army, for
the prevention of desertion, private plundering, and avoidance of
excess of baggage, camp-followers, disorders, and quarrels.<a name="FNanchor_1279_1279" id="FNanchor_1279_1279"></a><a href="#Footnote_1279_1279" class="fnanchor">[1279]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span></p>

<p>The government at once took up the gage of battle and prepared
to push the war. On September 25, 1568, an edict proscribed the
Reformed faith, exiled the pastors thereof, and excluded Protestants
from public offices and from the universities.<a name="FNanchor_1280_1280" id="FNanchor_1280_1280"></a><a href="#Footnote_1280_1280" class="fnanchor">[1280]</a> As far back
as July the government had begun negotiations with the Pope to
secure license to alienate from the lands of the church 200,000
crowns per annum. This had failed when first petitioned,<a name="FNanchor_1281_1281" id="FNanchor_1281_1281"></a><a href="#Footnote_1281_1281" class="fnanchor">[1281]</a> but
the cardinal of Lorraine by the end of August had managed to
raise 1,200,000 francs, although half of it had to go to pay old debts
to the Parisians.<a name="FNanchor_1282_1282" id="FNanchor_1282_1282"></a><a href="#Footnote_1282_1282" class="fnanchor">[1282]</a> The holy father, having at last been persuaded
of the good of the cause, consented to the alienation of 100,000
crowns annual rent of the clerical lands, upon condition that the
money be strictly employed for the compulsion of those who denied
the authority of Rome and the revocation of the Edict of Toleration.<a name="FNanchor_1283_1283" id="FNanchor_1283_1283"></a><a href="#Footnote_1283_1283" class="fnanchor">[1283]</a>
The debate upon the measure pertaining to the church
lands brought about a clash in the King’s Privy Council between
the cardinal of Lorraine and the chancellor L’Hôpital, on September
19. The latter protested against the withdrawal of the Edict
of Toleration, on the ground that it would induce the war at once<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span>
and lead to the overrunning of the country again by the reiters,
and refused to affix the royal seal to the proposed ordinance, without
which the papal writing was of no force in France. The cardinal
retaliated by taunting the chancellor with being a hypocrite
and asserted that his wife and daughter were Calvinists. L’Hôpital
retorted by sarcastically alluding to the notorious administrative
practices of the Guises, at which the cardinal became so angry
that he would have seized the venerable chancellor by his great
white beard if the marshal Montmorency had not stepped between
them. In his rage the cardinal, turning to the queen mother,
declared the chancellor’s vicious policy of toleration was at the
bottom of the evils of France and that if he were in the hands of the
Parlement of Paris his head would not tarry on his shoulders
twenty-four hours longer.<a name="FNanchor_1284_1284" id="FNanchor_1284_1284"></a><a href="#Footnote_1284_1284" class="fnanchor">[1284]</a> The issue of this episode was not
long in forthcoming. On September 28 Michel de l’Hôpital was
dismissed from office<a name="FNanchor_1285_1285" id="FNanchor_1285_1285"></a><a href="#Footnote_1285_1285" class="fnanchor">[1285]</a> and the seal given to the archbishop of Sens,
Biragues, a pupil of the Guises and a henchman of Philip of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1286_1286" id="FNanchor_1286_1286"></a><a href="#Footnote_1286_1286" class="fnanchor">[1286]</a>
It was he who rescinded the Edict of January and the other two
edicts of pacification and exiled all Huguenot preachers from
France within twenty days, forbade all exercise of the Reformed
religion on pain of death, and dismissed from office and the
universities all those who were Protestants.</p>

<p>The new civil war was represented as a war of religion; indeed
as a crusade, the King going to evensong at La Sainte-Chapelle,
on Michaelmas Eve, where the heart of St. Louis was interred,
and on the morrow marching in procession with the relics of St.
Denis, as did the former kings of France before they took the road
of the cross. The duke of Anjou, the King’s brother, was appointed
lieutenant-general of the realm on September 1, and proclamation
made to the companies of gendarmerie and the bands of archers,
to assemble at Orleans, now become the Catholic headquarters.<a name="FNanchor_1287_1287" id="FNanchor_1287_1287"></a><a href="#Footnote_1287_1287" class="fnanchor">[1287]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span></p>

<p>Charles IX, in October, went in person to Orleans, in order by
his presence, to enlarge the enlistments, and also to overcome the
suspicion that the whole movement was made at the instigation
of the Guises. The government of Paris was left to the King’s
youngest brother, the duke of Alençon, assisted by the duke
of Montmorency. In the meantime the prince of Condé had
remained in the vicinity of La Rochelle during September, while
his army was gathering.<a name="FNanchor_1288_1288" id="FNanchor_1288_1288"></a><a href="#Footnote_1288_1288" class="fnanchor">[1288]</a> When the army was massed, he moved
up the Loire with his forces.</p>

<p>The emulation that had characterized the Huguenot nobility
in the last war now served Condé well. The provinces were alive
with activity during this autumn. The young prince of Navarre,
the future Henry IV, was to win eminence in the coming struggle,
and at this time was at Bergerac where forces were assembled to
assist Condé.<a name="FNanchor_1289_1289" id="FNanchor_1289_1289"></a><a href="#Footnote_1289_1289" class="fnanchor">[1289]</a> The Catholic and governmental forces were no
less alert. The King’s captains were employed in all parts of
the realm to levy men. Montluc, discovering a plot in Bordeaux
to deliver the town to those of the Reformed religion, executed
the greater part of those so accused. At Toulouse, Auxerre, and
Lyons all men were constrained to go to mass. In Provence and
Languedoc the peasantry even rose against the Protestants. To
crown all both sides levied reiters in Germany.<a name="FNanchor_1290_1290" id="FNanchor_1290_1290"></a><a href="#Footnote_1290_1290" class="fnanchor">[1290]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-368.jpg" width="400" height="706" id="i368"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span></p>

<p>The lower course of the Loire was the fighting-line, for command
of which both sides aimed.<a name="FNanchor_1291_1291" id="FNanchor_1291_1291"></a><a href="#Footnote_1291_1291" class="fnanchor">[1291]</a> The tactics of Anjou were to avoid
an engagement, if possible, and to prevent Condé’s forces from
crossing, which he succeeded in doing through a stratagem.<a name="FNanchor_1292_1292" id="FNanchor_1292_1292"></a><a href="#Footnote_1292_1292" class="fnanchor">[1292]</a> The
passage of the Loire being stopped, and the river towns being all
garrisoned, especially Saumur, the prince of Condé, after taking
the castle of Champigny which belonged to the duke de Montpensier,
fell back on Loudun. The country was so wet that
neither horse nor foot could do much. The prince excelled in
cavalry, the Catholic army in infantry.<a name="FNanchor_1293_1293" id="FNanchor_1293_1293"></a><a href="#Footnote_1293_1293" class="fnanchor">[1293]</a> In the provinces the
Catholic preponderance was marked. The duke of Aumale in
Champagne had 18 companies of men-at-arms and 25 ensigns of
footmen, awaiting the coming of the reiters; Marshal Cossé was
in Picardy with 15 companies of men-at-arms and 2,000 footmen.
The reason for the presence of so many troops so far from the
actual seat of the war is to be found in the fact that the movements
of the prince of Orange, who had entered France in December,<a name="FNanchor_1294_1294" id="FNanchor_1294_1294"></a><a href="#Footnote_1294_1294" class="fnanchor">[1294]</a>
gave great anxiety to the government. The prince was now on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span>
the borders of Picardy, but his horsemen rode as far as Compiègne
and Rheims, to the amazement of the court and the consternation
of the Guises, who dispatched the cardinal of Guise to Madrid
for the help of Philip II.<a name="FNanchor_1295_1295" id="FNanchor_1295_1295"></a><a href="#Footnote_1295_1295" class="fnanchor">[1295]</a> If the two princes could have effected
a junction in the meantime, Paris would have been between hammer
and anvil. As it was, the danger was so great that the King
hastily began to raise an additional army in December, calling
out ban and arrière-ban, and in order that the capital might be able
to withstand a siege, if worst came to worst, drew all the provisions
of the country roundabout Paris for a space of ten miles into the
city.</p>

<p>The position of the various armies was an interesting one. In
east France the reiters of the duke of Deuxponts were endeavoring
to join Orange who delayed his movement to await their coming,<a name="FNanchor_1296_1296" id="FNanchor_1296_1296"></a><a href="#Footnote_1296_1296" class="fnanchor">[1296]</a>
while Alva dogged his steps.<a name="FNanchor_1297_1297" id="FNanchor_1297_1297"></a><a href="#Footnote_1297_1297" class="fnanchor">[1297]</a> In the west Condé was vainly
striving to cross the Loire in order to join Orange and the Protestant
reiters, while the duke of Anjou was straining every nerve to
keep him back. In the midst of all, Paris lay calm but tense<a name="FNanchor_1298_1298" id="FNanchor_1298_1298"></a><a href="#Footnote_1298_1298" class="fnanchor">[1298]</a>&mdash;the
undisturbed center of the cyclone of war. Both armies suffered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span>
from the terrible weather of December. The soldiers of
each side were dying of famine and privation.<a name="FNanchor_1299_1299" id="FNanchor_1299_1299"></a><a href="#Footnote_1299_1299" class="fnanchor">[1299]</a></p>

<p>The hope long deferred that Condé had cherished of Orange
joining him made him heartsick at last; the latter could not come,
for Alva, the duke of Aumale, and the Catholic reiters under a
German colonel named Schomberg&mdash;a name destined to become
illustrious&mdash;were too closely watching his movements.<a name="FNanchor_1300_1300" id="FNanchor_1300_1300"></a><a href="#Footnote_1300_1300" class="fnanchor">[1300]</a> Even
had these impediments been removed, the Seine and the Loire
would have had to be crossed&mdash;an impossible feat.</p>

<p>The winter of 1568-69 was occupied with Huguenot and
Catholic negotiations for foreign support and with preparations
for a renewal of the war when the spring came. Meanwhile the
delay of France to pay its debts in Switzerland had gradually
provoked a change of public sentiment in the forest cantons, which
pushed them a few years later into espousal of Spain. The loss of its
ascendency in Switzerland was a particularly hard blow to France.
For the policy of Spain had been to rouse a religious war in the
Alpine lands, so that her intervention would find easy entrance.
The five cantons of the center were the fulcrum of Spain’s diplomatic
efforts. Day by day the tension became greater, the five
cantons inclining more to Spain, their neighbors leaning to France,
while between the two groups Bern and Zurich continued neutral,
refusing to aid the prince of Condé with either men or money.<a name="FNanchor_1301_1301" id="FNanchor_1301_1301"></a><a href="#Footnote_1301_1301" class="fnanchor">[1301]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span></p>

<p>Military events were insignificant. Anjou remained with
his army in Limousin, and the prince of Condé in Périgord.
On December 23, 1568, there was a skirmish near Loudun. In
January Condé marched to the relief of Sancerre. The town was
of very strong situation and Brocbart, the Huguenot commandant,
filled a great number of wine-vats with sand and earth and used
them for gabions, and so managed to hold out against five assaults,<a name="FNanchor_1302_1302" id="FNanchor_1302_1302"></a><a href="#Footnote_1302_1302" class="fnanchor">[1302]</a>
although the place was so invested by the Catholic army that the
prince could do nothing to relieve it. Failing this, he marched
upon Saumur in the vain hope of forcing a crossing of the Loire
at some point, on the way putting the garrison of 150 men in the
abbey of St. Florens at Pont-de-Cé to the sword. Both armies
suffered terribly from the weather and the condition of the country.<a name="FNanchor_1303_1303" id="FNanchor_1303_1303"></a><a href="#Footnote_1303_1303" class="fnanchor">[1303]</a></p>

<p>In the King’s council the Politique party still labored for peace,
and in the interim made an unsuccessful effort to restore the Edict
of Toleration.<a name="FNanchor_1304_1304" id="FNanchor_1304_1304"></a><a href="#Footnote_1304_1304" class="fnanchor">[1304]</a> The cessation of hostilities, however, was complete
enough to alarm the Pope, who feared another truce would
be made and used exhortation and promise in order to prevent any
compromise with heresy.<a name="FNanchor_1305_1305" id="FNanchor_1305_1305"></a><a href="#Footnote_1305_1305" class="fnanchor">[1305]</a></p>

<p>The Dutch and English were attentive observers of the movement
in France, the former especially, for they felt that they and
the French Protestants were engaged in a common cause. From
England came numbers of English gentlemen to La Rochelle, in
order to follow Condé in the war, and the Channel and the Bay of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[373]</a></span>
Biscay were thronged with English and Dutch privateers.<a name="FNanchor_1306_1306" id="FNanchor_1306_1306"></a><a href="#Footnote_1306_1306" class="fnanchor">[1306]</a>
Elizabeth, as the saying went, wanted “to throw the stone and hide
the arm.” Although the English ambassador, Sir Henry Norris,
protested the innocence of his government and the queen wrote
with her own hand that she would not interfere in France, Englishmen
were landed at La Rochelle and in Brittany and English vessels
brought over gunpowder, shoes, and arms.<a name="FNanchor_1307_1307" id="FNanchor_1307_1307"></a><a href="#Footnote_1307_1307" class="fnanchor">[1307]</a></p>

<p>While Anjou held the line of the Loire, the French government
established its military base at Château-Thierry on the Marne
in order to prevent communication between the Protestant German
princes, especially the elector palatine and the duke of Deuxponts;
or between the Dutch and its own revolted subjects. To this end it
was planned that the duke of Aumale, with a force of reiters sent
by the margrave of Baden and the count of Westelburg, and some
troops proferred by Count Mansfeldt<a name="FNanchor_1308_1308" id="FNanchor_1308_1308"></a><a href="#Footnote_1308_1308" class="fnanchor">[1308]</a> should be sent against the
prince of Orange, while the duke of Anjou was to go against the
prince of Condé.<a name="FNanchor_1309_1309" id="FNanchor_1309_1309"></a><a href="#Footnote_1309_1309" class="fnanchor">[1309]</a> But William of Orange effected a junction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[374]</a></span>
with the duke of Deuxponts<a name="FNanchor_1310_1310" id="FNanchor_1310_1310"></a><a href="#Footnote_1310_1310" class="fnanchor">[1310]</a> in spite of D’Aumale’s effort to prevent
him.<a name="FNanchor_1311_1311" id="FNanchor_1311_1311"></a><a href="#Footnote_1311_1311" class="fnanchor">[1311]</a></p>

<p>The attitude of the Lutheran princes had now become more
definite in favor of the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_1312_1312" id="FNanchor_1312_1312"></a><a href="#Footnote_1312_1312" class="fnanchor">[1312]</a></p>

<p>The international Protestant plan was to drive its blows in on
either side of Lorraine and thus sever the chain through central
Europe by which Philip II held his dominions together, and to
separate the two houses of Hapsburg.<a name="FNanchor_1313_1313" id="FNanchor_1313_1313"></a><a href="#Footnote_1313_1313" class="fnanchor">[1313]</a> The conduct of the Emperor
furthered this project, for when Charles IX sent La Forrest
to the Emperor to protest against the action of the Lutheran princes
of Germany and to continue the talk of his marriage with the
Emperor’s daughter, Ferdinand, while expressing his regret at the
troubled state of France, received the marriage proposition coldly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[375]</a></span>
and complained of the damage done by the French army under
the duke of Aumale within the limits of the empire,<a name="FNanchor_1314_1314" id="FNanchor_1314_1314"></a><a href="#Footnote_1314_1314" class="fnanchor">[1314]</a> and recommended
that Charles try peaceful methods instead of force for
the pacification of his kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_1315_1315" id="FNanchor_1315_1315"></a><a href="#Footnote_1315_1315" class="fnanchor">[1315]</a> Parallel with the project to
co-operate with the prince of Orange and the duke of Deuxponts,
Coligny planned a revival of Huguenot activity in the south of
France so that this diversion would weaken resistance to the other.
The aim was, with the aid of the “viscounts” to break a way
across the upper Loire, and so open the road to German assistance.<a name="FNanchor_1316_1316" id="FNanchor_1316_1316"></a><a href="#Footnote_1316_1316" class="fnanchor">[1316]</a></p>

<p>The combined array against D’Aumale was too great for him to
make head.<a name="FNanchor_1317_1317" id="FNanchor_1317_1317"></a><a href="#Footnote_1317_1317" class="fnanchor">[1317]</a> Nor was the adverse double military situation the
sole anxiety of the French government. Montmorency and the
duke of Bouillon were so disaffected that there was even expectation
of their openly joining the Huguenots. The cost of the two
armies amounted to 900,000 livres a month, besides the gendarmerie
and artillery, which was about two million each quarter.<a name="FNanchor_1318_1318" id="FNanchor_1318_1318"></a><a href="#Footnote_1318_1318" class="fnanchor">[1318]</a>
There was owing to the gendarmerie 12,000,000 of livres for six
quarters; to the 6,000 Swiss with the duke of Anjou 300,000 livres;
to those with the duke of Aumale 100,000 livres besides what
was owing to the French infantry. Both of the King’s commanders
were so short of funds that they were forced to seize church-plate
and even reliquaries.<a name="FNanchor_1319_1319" id="FNanchor_1319_1319"></a><a href="#Footnote_1319_1319" class="fnanchor">[1319]</a></p>

<p>In these extremities Charles IX viewed the renewal of war on
the opening of spring with alarm and began to think of making
peace for a term, with no intention of keeping it, but merely in
order to avoid a catastrophe and with the hope that some of the
Huguenots might be disarmed in the interim. But suddenly the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[376]</a></span>
cloud was lifted. The royal army under the nominal command
of the duke of Anjou, but really commanded by the veteran Tavannes,
who had orders to give battle at all cost before the duke
of Deuxponts could arrive, won the decisive victory of Jarnac
on March 13, 1569. It was a fierce and bloody battle.</p>

<p>The prince of Condé, after having been dangerously wounded
and taken prisoner, suffered a foul death at the hands of some
unknown assassin in the royal army, who shot him with a pistol-ball.<a name="FNanchor_1320_1320" id="FNanchor_1320_1320"></a><a href="#Footnote_1320_1320" class="fnanchor">[1320]</a>
In the engagement the Scotchman, Stuart, who had killed
the constable at St. Denis, was taken and brought to the duke,
who said to him: “So here you are, you traitor, you who have
frequently boasted that you wished to kill the queen, my mother.
Now you shall receive your deserts.” At that moment the marquis
de Villars, the old constable’s brother-in-law, appeared, and with
his own hands executed vengeance.<a name="FNanchor_1321_1321" id="FNanchor_1321_1321"></a><a href="#Footnote_1321_1321" class="fnanchor">[1321]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-376.jpg" width="450" height="341" id="i376"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-377.jpg" width="400" height="568" id="i377"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[377]</a></span></p>

<p>In Paris when news of the battle of Jarnac was brought a grand
procession was authorized by the clergy and the Parlement. All
the stores and shops were closed as though it were a holiday. The
clergy, bearing the relics of the saints, marched first to the convent
of the Cordeliers, and then to that of the Jacobins, where a fiery
sermon was preached by a Jacobin of Auxerre named Mammerot.
After the sermon the <i>Te Deum</i> was celebrated, and then the militia
of the city assembled under the command of the four captains, and
a grand review was held in the streets. The celebration ended
by a great bonfire in front of the Hotel-de-Ville, and the firing of
cannon.<a name="FNanchor_1322_1322" id="FNanchor_1322_1322"></a><a href="#Footnote_1322_1322" class="fnanchor">[1322]</a></p>

<p>The Pope took the victory of Jarnac as a direct answer to
prayer.<a name="FNanchor_1323_1323" id="FNanchor_1323_1323"></a><a href="#Footnote_1323_1323" class="fnanchor">[1323]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[378]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c378" id="c378">CHAPTER XIV</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE THIRD CIVIL WAR (<i>Continued</i>). THE PEACE OF
ST. GERMAIN</p>

<p>By the death of Condé the Admiral Coligny became the actual
leader of the Protestant cause in France,<a name="FNanchor_1324_1324" id="FNanchor_1324_1324"></a><a href="#Footnote_1324_1324" class="fnanchor">[1324]</a> the more so when his
brother d’Andelot died on May 7,<a name="FNanchor_1325_1325" id="FNanchor_1325_1325"></a><a href="#Footnote_1325_1325" class="fnanchor">[1325]</a> although the young prince
of Condé and his cousin, Henry of Navarre, were theoretically so
regarded.<a name="FNanchor_1326_1326" id="FNanchor_1326_1326"></a><a href="#Footnote_1326_1326" class="fnanchor">[1326]</a> In the nature of things, the leadership of two boys&mdash;the
former was seventeen, the other sixteen years of age&mdash;could
only be a nominal one.</p>

<p>After the first shock of dismay at the prince’s death had passed,
the Huguenots were not dispirited. It is true that numbers of
the Protestant gentry returned home.<a name="FNanchor_1327_1327" id="FNanchor_1327_1327"></a><a href="#Footnote_1327_1327" class="fnanchor">[1327]</a> But the Huguenot position
was strong in upper and lower Poitou, for the line of the Charente
from Angoulême to Saintes was theirs, besides St. Jean-d’Angély,
La Rochelle, and the islands of Marins and Oléron.<a name="FNanchor_1328_1328" id="FNanchor_1328_1328"></a><a href="#Footnote_1328_1328" class="fnanchor">[1328]</a> The admiral
rallied his forces at Tonnay-Charente,<a name="FNanchor_1329_1329" id="FNanchor_1329_1329"></a><a href="#Footnote_1329_1329" class="fnanchor">[1329]</a> which he could do with
impunity since the duke of Anjou raised the siege of Angoulême
on April 12.<a name="FNanchor_1330_1330" id="FNanchor_1330_1330"></a><a href="#Footnote_1330_1330" class="fnanchor">[1330]</a></p>

<p>The hope of the court was to prolong the war, since the King
controlled most of the towns and the river passages, “while the
religion, their conquered country excepted, had but the fields,”<a name="FNanchor_1331_1331" id="FNanchor_1331_1331"></a><a href="#Footnote_1331_1331" class="fnanchor">[1331]</a>
until the resources of the Huguenots would at last become exhausted&mdash;money,
men, munitions. But the queen of England
loaned 20,000 livres to the Protestants, the jewels of Condé and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[379]</a></span>
Jeanne d’Albret being taken as security.<a name="FNanchor_1332_1332" id="FNanchor_1332_1332"></a><a href="#Footnote_1332_1332" class="fnanchor">[1332]</a> Jeanne d’Albret in
person directed the foreign negotiations of the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_1333_1333" id="FNanchor_1333_1333"></a><a href="#Footnote_1333_1333" class="fnanchor">[1333]</a> The
anxiety of the Huguenots was greatest over the effect which Condé’s
death might have upon the foreign assistance which they were
looking for, and letters from the prince of Navarre and the other
leaders of the Huguenot army in Saintonge earnestly urged the reiters’
advance to the Loire.<a name="FNanchor_1334_1334" id="FNanchor_1334_1334"></a><a href="#Footnote_1334_1334" class="fnanchor">[1334]</a> Coligny’s hope was by making a detour
by way of Cognac and Chalais to reach the Loire and effect a
junction with Deuxponts. To his great relief, the prince of Orange
and the duke of Deuxponts wrote assuring the admiral of their
continued adherence.<a name="FNanchor_1335_1335" id="FNanchor_1335_1335"></a><a href="#Footnote_1335_1335" class="fnanchor">[1335]</a> As good as his word, Deuxponts, who
was at Pont-à-Mousson on January 11, 1569, entered France near
Langres, having passed by Joinville, the seat of the Guises in Lorraine,
where the old duchess of Guise was then staying,<a name="FNanchor_1336_1336" id="FNanchor_1336_1336"></a><a href="#Footnote_1336_1336" class="fnanchor">[1336]</a> and
advanced upon Dijon where he arrived on April 26.<a name="FNanchor_1337_1337" id="FNanchor_1337_1337"></a><a href="#Footnote_1337_1337" class="fnanchor">[1337]</a></p>

<p>The real center of the government’s activity was Metz, which
became the basis of operations against Deuxponts and Orange.<a name="FNanchor_1338_1338" id="FNanchor_1338_1338"></a><a href="#Footnote_1338_1338" class="fnanchor">[1338]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[380]</a></span>
Active efforts were made to repair the duke of Anjou’s losses and
to strengthen his position.<a name="FNanchor_1339_1339" id="FNanchor_1339_1339"></a><a href="#Footnote_1339_1339" class="fnanchor">[1339]</a> The offer of Spanish support which
Alva had made was now formally accepted, for after the mission
of Castelnau to the margrave of Baden to get relief, he was sent
into Flanders to solicit the assistance of Alva, since it now had
become the common interest of both crowns to crush the Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_1340_1340" id="FNanchor_1340_1340"></a><a href="#Footnote_1340_1340" class="fnanchor">[1340]</a>
The French commanders, the dukes of Nemours and
Aumale, had received orders to prevent the approach of Deuxponts
at all cost,<a name="FNanchor_1341_1341" id="FNanchor_1341_1341"></a><a href="#Footnote_1341_1341" class="fnanchor">[1341]</a> but Aumale, partially on account of carelessness, partly
because of misinformation, failed in his task, and by clever
management Deuxponts at last succeeded in crossing the Saône
above Bar into Auxerre and Berry, scaled the walls of Nevers,
thereby shortening the road between him and the Huguenot army,
and finally captured La Charité upon the Loire on May 20, after
ten days of siege, and thus controlled the link which united Huguenots
and reiters.<a name="FNanchor_1342_1342" id="FNanchor_1342_1342"></a><a href="#Footnote_1342_1342" class="fnanchor">[1342]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-380.jpg" width="450" height="408" id="i380"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[381]</a></span></p>

<p>If the Huguenots had been dispirited after Jarnac, they had
reason to feel elated after the capture of La Charité. Although
the duke of Anjou kept the field in Saintonge, Angoumois, and
Limousin, the army was so mutinous for want of pay, so depleted
by desertion and disease, that it was far from formidable.<a name="FNanchor_1343_1343" id="FNanchor_1343_1343"></a><a href="#Footnote_1343_1343" class="fnanchor">[1343]</a> Paris
was in consternation after the capture of La Charité and anticipated
seeing the high hats and great feathers of the reiters before long.<a name="FNanchor_1344_1344" id="FNanchor_1344_1344"></a><a href="#Footnote_1344_1344" class="fnanchor">[1344]</a>
The <i>échevins</i> of the city were ordered with all speed to make sale
of the property of the Protestants to provide means for a new
army, which had to be made up of peasant levies, “all their soldiers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[382]</a></span>
and men of the greatest value being already abroad.”<a name="FNanchor_1345_1345" id="FNanchor_1345_1345"></a><a href="#Footnote_1345_1345" class="fnanchor">[1345]</a> The queen
mother, having received letters complaining of lack of funds and
mutiny in his army, bitterly reproached Aumale for negligence
and cowardice in letting the duke of Deuxponts capture La Charité,
and hastily started for the army in Saintonge, in company with
the cardinals of Lorraine and Bourbon, where she went right among
the soldiers with words of encouragement.<a name="FNanchor_1346_1346" id="FNanchor_1346_1346"></a><a href="#Footnote_1346_1346" class="fnanchor">[1346]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-382.jpg" width="450" height="299"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">BATTLE OF LA ROCHE-L’ABEILLE, JUNE 25, 1569</p>
         <p class="pc">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>But mutiny of the army, and the capture of La Charité, with
the prospective union of Coligny and the duke of Deuxponts, was
not all that worried the queen and the cardinal. Casimir of the
County Palatine was reported to be coming with 6,000 horse and
as many foot; moreover, the Emperor was hostile.<a name="FNanchor_1347_1347" id="FNanchor_1347_1347"></a><a href="#Footnote_1347_1347" class="fnanchor">[1347]</a> The extremity
of the government was so great that compromise was necessary,
and Catherine had in mind to patch matters up by offering her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[383]</a></span>
daughter Marguerite of France in marriage to the young Henry
of Navarre&mdash;a plan whose consummation three years later precipitated
the massacre of St. Bartholomew.<a name="FNanchor_1348_1348" id="FNanchor_1348_1348"></a><a href="#Footnote_1348_1348" class="fnanchor">[1348]</a> Marshal Damville,
the second son of the old constable, whose Politique leanings already
had made him conspicuous, was significantly appointed the
King’s lieutenant in Languedoc. Toleration was in the air once
more.</p>

<p>But all of a sudden the Catholic cause revived for an instant.<a name="FNanchor_1349_1349" id="FNanchor_1349_1349"></a><a href="#Footnote_1349_1349" class="fnanchor">[1349]</a>
Coligny fell ill, and the progress of the Huguenot army was thereby
impeded. Worse still, the duke of Deuxponts was stricken with
a burning fever, so that he died the very day of his arrival in La
Marche.<a name="FNanchor_1350_1350" id="FNanchor_1350_1350"></a><a href="#Footnote_1350_1350" class="fnanchor">[1350]</a> Strozzi with some Italian forces attacked Coligny at
La Roche-L’Abeille on June 25, when the rain was pouring in such
torrents that the matchlocks of the Italians were useless, so that
the soldiers on both sides clubbed their weapons&mdash;in the expressive
words of D’Aubigné, “rompre croce sur cap”&mdash;that is, broke
the crosses of their arquebuses over the heads of their antagonists.<a name="FNanchor_1351_1351" id="FNanchor_1351_1351"></a><a href="#Footnote_1351_1351" class="fnanchor">[1351]</a>
In the conflict Strozzi was taken prisoner. From this time forth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[384]</a></span>
the army of the King was simply a disorderly mass of men. Famine
and fever so reduced it that the duke of Anjou was not able to
defend himself, let alone invading the enemy’s territory. To
increase his forces, he put arms in the hands of the peasantry of
Limousin, with the result that a local <i>jacquerie</i> prevailed in the
province. Lansac was repulsed in assaulting La Charité; Châtellerault
(July 12) and Lusignan (July 20) were taken by the
Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_1352_1352" id="FNanchor_1352_1352"></a><a href="#Footnote_1352_1352" class="fnanchor">[1352]</a> The Catholics failed before Niort, to whose relief
the brilliant La Noue came after his own seizure of Luçon.<a name="FNanchor_1353_1353" id="FNanchor_1353_1353"></a><a href="#Footnote_1353_1353" class="fnanchor">[1353]</a></p>

<p>Under these circumstances the government was compelled
to content itself with maintaining the line of the Loire save at
La Charité, while it sought foreign succor.<a name="FNanchor_1354_1354" id="FNanchor_1354_1354"></a><a href="#Footnote_1354_1354" class="fnanchor">[1354]</a> But the Swiss could
not be expected until the middle of September, and Coligny sought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[385]</a></span>
to profit by the situation to take Saumur and thus secure a crossing
on the lower Loire also, and Poitiers, for which purpose he divided
the Protestant army,<a name="FNanchor_1355_1355" id="FNanchor_1355_1355"></a><a href="#Footnote_1355_1355" class="fnanchor">[1355]</a> to the intense alarm of the government,
which tried, through the queen mother, to delay action by drawing
the admiral into an empty parley. This is the moment when the
marriage of Henry of Navarre with Marguerite of France was
first broached. But the admiral and Jeanne d’Albret were not
to be deceived, and the siege of Poitiers was resolutely continued.
(It lasted from July 25 to September 7, 1569.) The Catholic
party fully appreciated that the importance of the war depended
upon the success or failure of the Huguenots before this city, into
which the young duke of Guise, then but nineteen years of age,
had thrown himself on July 12 with all the ardor of his father before
Metz. If Coligny took the town, some notable prisoners of war
would have fallen into his hands, the dukes of Guise and Mayenne
and the abbess of La Trinité, a sister of the cardinal of Bourbon<a name="FNanchor_1356_1356" id="FNanchor_1356_1356"></a><a href="#Footnote_1356_1356" class="fnanchor">[1356]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[386]</a></span>
and the ill-starred prince of Condé, the ransom of whom would
have abundantly provided for the reiters in the service of the
Protestants.</p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-385.jpg" width="450" height="297"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">SIEGE OF POITIERS, 1569</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>Poitiers was one of the most mediaeval towns in France. The
remains of its towers and fortifications, its narrow bridges, the
ruined palace of the ancient dukes of Aquitaine, everything recalled
the life of a vanished past.<a name="FNanchor_1357_1357" id="FNanchor_1357_1357"></a><a href="#Footnote_1357_1357" class="fnanchor">[1357]</a> The admiral’s guns soon made two
breaches in the wall, but the fire from the castle and platform drove
his men back and the breaches were repaired. The town, however,
was too large in circuit for Guise to defend the whole,<a name="FNanchor_1358_1358" id="FNanchor_1358_1358"></a><a href="#Footnote_1358_1358" class="fnanchor">[1358]</a> since many
vineyards and fields were within its walls, in consequence of which
the French had made a line of double trenches within the town.
On August 19 the Huguenots made a furious assault, broke
through the wall, and drove the Guisard forces back of the inside
trenches. The enemy was “so straitly pent” that for sixteen days
the soldiers had to live upon horse-flesh. The most remarkable
incident of the siege was the driving-out of a great number of
people, old men and women and children, who were unable to
fight and could not be fed on account of the lack of provisions. So
reluctant were they to go that they had to be whipped through
the gates. Fortunately the duke of Guise took pity upon them
at last, although in the city bread was so scarce that the food of
one had to suffice for ten. All the horses and asses in the town
were slain, the gentry out of honor to their position sating their
hunger on the former. Of wheat, barley, and other grain there
was none, nor was there a green thing left growing in the city.
Even rats and mice were consumed.<a name="FNanchor_1359_1359" id="FNanchor_1359_1359"></a><a href="#Footnote_1359_1359" class="fnanchor">[1359]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-386.jpg" width="450" height="133" id="i386"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">POITIERS IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY</p>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[387]</a></span></p>

<p>The strength of Coligny (he had about 10,000 footmen and
8,000 to 9,000 horse) made it impossible for Anjou to dislodge
him by direct attack. His own strength, as appeared by a general
muster on September 3, consisted of 1,500 French gendarmes,
700 Italian horse, 1,000 Walloons, and 4,000 reiters, besides La
Vallette’s regiment of 400 horse&mdash;it was much reduced during the
siege&mdash;and the duke of Longueville’s and some other companies.
Of footmen he had 6,000 French, 4,000 Swiss, 2,500 Italians, and
2,000 Walloons. Although this army in actual numbers excelled
that of Coligny, in reality it was considerably inferior. The troops
were many of them without officers, the 6,000 French were drafted
peasantry unused to the use of arms; all of them were suffering
from hunger and many from fever. The duke of Anjou, therefore,
with the approval of his mother, determined to try to draw
off Coligny from before Poitiers by a feigned attack upon Châtellerault.<a name="FNanchor_1360_1360" id="FNanchor_1360_1360"></a><a href="#Footnote_1360_1360" class="fnanchor">[1360]</a>
For this purpose he crossed the river Creuse on September
4 and planted his artillery before the town. The honor
of the first assault was given to the Italians, which offended the
French, who refused to support them.<a name="FNanchor_1361_1361" id="FNanchor_1361_1361"></a><a href="#Footnote_1361_1361" class="fnanchor">[1361]</a> Nevertheless a breach
40 feet wide was made in the wall, so that the admiral, judging
the place to be in great danger, sent 7,000 horse and 8,000 foot
to the city’s relief, September 7. It was fatal impatience on Coligny’s
part, for the action relieved Poitiers from the danger of being
taken.</p>

<p>There was now no other recourse for the Huguenots except to
give battle. But Coligny was unwilling to do this at once, desiring to
wait until the devastation of the country round about still further
reduced Anjou’s forces. In the interval he withdrew across the
Vienne. But the mercenaries in both armies clamored for battle,
for there was great want of money on both sides, the King’s Swiss
being unpaid for three months, the reiters five, the admiral’s also
being behindhand for three months’ wages.<a name="FNanchor_1362_1362" id="FNanchor_1362_1362"></a><a href="#Footnote_1362_1362" class="fnanchor">[1362]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[388]</a></span></p>

<p>On September 30, at Moncontour, the two armies clashed in a
preliminary engagement. But three days later on Monday, October
3, 1569, the real battle was joined. It must have been an
impressive and thrilling sight before the conflict began. In the
Huguenot army the preachers moved about encouraging the men,
who sang the solemn psalms of the Calvinist worship with fervor.
Across the plain, the Swiss and Germans in the royal host, after
the German fashion, knelt and kissed the ground.<a name="FNanchor_1363_1363" id="FNanchor_1363_1363"></a><a href="#Footnote_1363_1363" class="fnanchor">[1363]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-388.jpg" width="450" height="295"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">BATTLE OF MONCONTOUR, OCTOBER 3, 1569</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>At the first shock it seemed as if the Huguenots would win,
and they cried in exaltation, “Victory, victory! The Evangel has
won the victory and has vanquished the mass of the popes. Down
with the Papists!”<a name="FNanchor_1364_1364" id="FNanchor_1364_1364"></a><a href="#Footnote_1364_1364" class="fnanchor">[1364]</a> The admiral began the fray by charging
Anjou’s center with 2,000 reiters and such French gendarmes
as he had, but was himself attacked on the flank by the duke of
Aumale and Villars so furiously that he was compelled to fall back.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[389]</a></span>
The Protestant infantry which had followed the horse into the
battle, was thus left unsustained, and when the duke of Guise’s
light horse charged, the lansquenets broke in flight, abandoning
the artillery. In the midst of the melée various companies of
reiters, seeing the battle lost, ran to their baggage, seized their
most valuable effects, and decamped in haste. Mansfeldt’s reiters
alone fought well; the others were of slight service. Matters were
little better with the hirelings of the King. Many of the leaders
on both sides were injured in the course of the battle; Guise in
the hand and foot, Bassompierre, a German captain destined to
become a very prominent man at court, in both arms; Anjou was
borne to the ground off his horse but escaped injury; Coligny was
hurt in the face by a pistol-ball. Among the Catholic dead was
Montbrun, captain of the Swiss guard. He was haughty and
cruel, and a despot with his men, but it is to his credit that he
sought to prevent the soldiery from abusing the peasantry.<a name="FNanchor_1365_1365" id="FNanchor_1365_1365"></a><a href="#Footnote_1365_1365" class="fnanchor">[1365]</a> The
most of the Huguenot dead were the German reiters and lansquenets,
many of whom were killed by their Catholic compatriots
or the Swiss, who distinguished themselves by their ferocity.<a name="FNanchor_1366_1366" id="FNanchor_1366_1366"></a><a href="#Footnote_1366_1366" class="fnanchor">[1366]</a> The
fight endured for four hours, from 11 until 3 o’clock, at the end
of which time the forces of Anjou overthrew the admiral, routed
both his horse and foot, and captured his artillery and baggage.
But for the good fortune that some of Coligny’s horse intercepted
a treasurer of the King coming out of Limousin with 30,000 francs,
the distribution of which among his reiters quieted their murmurs,
Coligny might have been all but deserted by the German horse.<a name="FNanchor_1367_1367" id="FNanchor_1367_1367"></a><a href="#Footnote_1367_1367" class="fnanchor">[1367]</a>
As it was, he was able to fall back on Niort and thence make his
retreat to the far south.<a name="FNanchor_1368_1368" id="FNanchor_1368_1368"></a><a href="#Footnote_1368_1368" class="fnanchor">[1368]</a></p>

<p>Fortunately for the Huguenots, the enemy did not attempt
pursuit of them, but instead undertook the siege of St. Jean-d’Angély,
which lay directly in the way southward, to the disgust of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[390]</a></span>
liberal marshal Cossé and even Tavannes, who urged that the
King, in the light of this great victory, might now make peace with
good grace.<a name="FNanchor_1369_1369" id="FNanchor_1369_1369"></a><a href="#Footnote_1369_1369" class="fnanchor">[1369]</a> Others, considering the strength of St. Jean-d’Angély
thought that the war would be protracted into the depth of winter
and that the capture of St. Jean-d’Angély would be of small importance
while La Rochelle still remained. Instead of accepting the
advice, the government hardened its policy. A reward of 50,000
crowns was offered for the head of Coligny,<a name="FNanchor_1370_1370" id="FNanchor_1370_1370"></a><a href="#Footnote_1370_1370" class="fnanchor">[1370]</a> 600,000 francs were
distributed among the soldiers and 300,000 sent into Germany
to make a new levy against the spring.<a name="FNanchor_1371_1371" id="FNanchor_1371_1371"></a><a href="#Footnote_1371_1371" class="fnanchor">[1371]</a></p>

<p>On October 16 Charles IX arrived before St. Jean-d’Angély
and beheld the greatest part of the royal troops ranged in order
of battle. Anticipating a desperate resistance upon the part of
those in the city, the King’s infantry requested to be equipped
with the gendarmes’ cuirasses. One incident will illustrate the
desperate valor of the besieged. On the night of October 21 they
made a sortie, entered the enemy’s trenches, slew twenty men,
took two ensigns prisoner, and all the arms they found in the
<i>corps de garde</i>, and returned into the town. The Protestant garrison
was not over 1,500 men, but in spite of the odds against him
(he had no artillery except falconets and muskets, while Anjou
had eleven guns, great and small), the Huguenot commander,
Pilles, refused to surrender. Instead, when the governor of the
town urged him to surrender rather than make resistance, the
desperate captain had him hanged and his body cast into the river.
The attack upon St. Jean-d’Angély opened on October 25, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[391]</a></span>
although the wall was badly battered, no sufficient breach was
made for days. The town resisted every attack until December 2,
when it at last surrendered.<a name="FNanchor_1372_1372" id="FNanchor_1372_1372"></a><a href="#Footnote_1372_1372" class="fnanchor">[1372]</a></p>

<p>Yet in spite of the double victory of Moncontour and at St.
Jean-d’Angély, hard experience was proving the wisdom of the
course advised by Tavannes and Cossé. The King was without
money to pay the Swiss and the reiters who threatened to mutiny
at any minute. The country round about the army was so
denuded that there was great misery for want of food and multitudes
of the soldiers fell sick.<a name="FNanchor_1373_1373" id="FNanchor_1373_1373"></a><a href="#Footnote_1373_1373" class="fnanchor">[1373]</a> Finally, on November 24, in a
sitting of the King’s council, Charles IX was formally petitioned
by certain of its members to make peace overtures to his revolted
subjects,<a name="FNanchor_1374_1374" id="FNanchor_1374_1374"></a><a href="#Footnote_1374_1374" class="fnanchor">[1374]</a> and expressed his willingness to comply with the request.</p>

<p>The hand of the government was forced by events; the courageous
resistance of St. Jean-d’Angély, Montluc’s action in resigning
his commission, and the growing strength of the Reformed among
the southern “viscounts,” made the crown think eagerly of peace.
As an earnest of this purpose, the King sent the liberal marshal
Cossé in company with De Losses, the new captain of the Scotch
Guard, to La Rochelle to confer with the queen of Navarre and La
Rochefoucault. But Jeanne d’Albret was not minded to use haste,
to which the marshal meaningly rejoined that “there were many
of rank in the Protestant army who would not give her that advice.”<a name="FNanchor_1375_1375" id="FNanchor_1375_1375"></a><a href="#Footnote_1375_1375" class="fnanchor">[1375]</a>
Yet even if she had wanted to, the queen of Navarre could not have
hastened a settlement. For at this time there was a real division
of opinion existing between the Huguenot nobles and the people
of the Huguenot towns like St. Jean-d’Angély and La Rochelle. The
former class were weary of war and wanted to return to their
homes and were in favor of peace and inclined to make their own
terms, even to the extent of ignoring the claims of their coreligionists<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[392]</a></span>
of the towns. The latter felt aggrieved at seeing themselves thus
deserted, when they had done so much to maintain the general
cause of the Huguenots, not merely in contributing money but
by making such heroic resistance as that of the people of St. Jean-d’Angély,
and Jeanne D’Albret sympathized with them. She
would not listen to talk of peace, being firmly convinced that it
was but another ruse, like that at Longjumeau, and resolutely
declared that there would be time enough to consider terms of
peace when their forces were more equal; that nothing short of
the free exercise of the religion as granted by former edicts would
avail; that even if all the Huguenot nobles consented to the terms,
her own signature and that of Henry of Navarre would never be
affixed to any half-way terms of pacification.<a name="FNanchor_1376_1376" id="FNanchor_1376_1376"></a><a href="#Footnote_1376_1376" class="fnanchor">[1376]</a> But at last, after
long debate, the queen of Navarre yielded, and sent the admiral’s
future son-in-law, Teligny, who had conferred with Coligny, to
the King to request “a good assured and inviolable peace,”<a name="FNanchor_1377_1377" id="FNanchor_1377_1377"></a><a href="#Footnote_1377_1377" class="fnanchor">[1377]</a> probably
being in part influenced by the treatment of St. Jean-d’Angély,
whose garrison was suffered to march out, bag and baggage,
with colors flying. The Huguenots demanded liberty of conscience,
the restitution of their goods, estates, and offices to those
of the religion, and the reversal of all sentences against them,
together with guaranties for the observance of the articles.<a name="FNanchor_1378_1378" id="FNanchor_1378_1378"></a><a href="#Footnote_1378_1378" class="fnanchor">[1378]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[393]</a></span></p>

<p>The essential issue, and that which protracted the debate so
long was the demand for <i>chambres mi-parties</i>,<a name="FNanchor_1379_1379" id="FNanchor_1379_1379"></a><a href="#Footnote_1379_1379" class="fnanchor">[1379]</a> and that the crown
give over certain cities into the hands of the Huguenots to be garrisoned
and governed by them alone. On February 3, 1570, the
King replied, promising to grant amnesty for the past, the restoration
of their estates and offices to the Huguenots, the expulsion of
the reiters, with liberty of the religion within private dwellings
and in two towns which he would appoint.<a name="FNanchor_1380_1380" id="FNanchor_1380_1380"></a><a href="#Footnote_1380_1380" class="fnanchor">[1380]</a> But Jeanne d’Albret,
who conducted the negotiations for the Huguenots, refused to be
satisfied. In a long letter to the queen mother a week later she
recapitulated the former negotiations at great length and complained
of the government’s want of good faith, especially alluding
to the cardinal of Lorraine and the duke of Alva.<a name="FNanchor_1381_1381" id="FNanchor_1381_1381"></a><a href="#Footnote_1381_1381" class="fnanchor">[1381]</a> As a matter
of fact the government was not yet willing to give in. The cardinal
of Lorraine still hoped to hasten forward a new levy of reiters in
Germany when spring should open, and held out the vain hope of
the restoration of the Three Bishoprics if the Emperor would lend
France this assistance and stay the Protestant levies.<a name="FNanchor_1382_1382" id="FNanchor_1382_1382"></a><a href="#Footnote_1382_1382" class="fnanchor">[1382]</a> But the
Emperor himself had something to say about the matter and
asserted that he would not consider the proposed marriage of his
daughter with the French King until peace was concluded in
France.<a name="FNanchor_1383_1383" id="FNanchor_1383_1383"></a><a href="#Footnote_1383_1383" class="fnanchor">[1383]</a> Aware of the Emperor’s attitude, the queen of Navarre
resolutely demanded terms of peace in conformity with the demands
of the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_1384_1384" id="FNanchor_1384_1384"></a><a href="#Footnote_1384_1384" class="fnanchor">[1384]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[394]</a></span></p>

<p>The arguments of peace urged by the marshal Cossé and others
who shared his thought had less influence upon the King and his
counselors as the storm of war drove off toward the south,<a name="FNanchor_1385_1385" id="FNanchor_1385_1385"></a><a href="#Footnote_1385_1385" class="fnanchor">[1385]</a> to the
elation of Pius V, who overwhelmed Charles IX with protests
against pacification.<a name="FNanchor_1386_1386" id="FNanchor_1386_1386"></a><a href="#Footnote_1386_1386" class="fnanchor">[1386]</a> South of the Loire the principal interest
of the third civil war is attached to the doings of that famous group
of Huguenot warriors known as the “viscounts,” with whom
Coligny had failed to connect before the battle of Jarnac. A brief
account of the earlier achievements of this group, who sometimes
fought together, sometimes separately, and had three or four
thousand footmen and three or four hundred horsemen in their command,<a name="FNanchor_1387_1387" id="FNanchor_1387_1387"></a><a href="#Footnote_1387_1387" class="fnanchor">[1387]</a>
is necessary at this point. There were ten of these captains:
Bernard Roger de Cominges, vicomte de Bruniquel;
Bertrand de Rabastenis, vicomte de Paulin; Antoine de Rabastenis,
vicomte de Montclaire; the vicomte de Montaigu; the
vicomte de Caumont; the vicomte de Parat; Geraud de Lomagne,
vicomte de Sevignac (near Beaucaire), a brother of Terride,
who was a Catholic and implicated with Montluc in the project
to deliver Guyenne to the King of Spain;<a name="FNanchor_1388_1388" id="FNanchor_1388_1388"></a><a href="#Footnote_1388_1388" class="fnanchor">[1388]</a> the vicomte
d’Arpajon; the vicomte de Rapin; and the vicomte de Gourdon.<a name="FNanchor_1389_1389" id="FNanchor_1389_1389"></a><a href="#Footnote_1389_1389" class="fnanchor">[1389]</a>
Three of these, and the most conspicuous, save Rapin,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[395]</a></span>
the viscounts of Paulin, Bruniquel, and Arpajon were natives
of the diocese of Albi, a stronghold of heresy from mediaeval
times; the first had seen service in Piedmont in the reign of
Henry II, and the ancestors of all three of them had fought against
Ferdinand of Aragon in 1495.<a name="FNanchor_1390_1390" id="FNanchor_1390_1390"></a><a href="#Footnote_1390_1390" class="fnanchor">[1390]</a> The viscount of Rapin was a
leader of the great Huguenot rising in Toulouse in 1562, and was
made Protestant governor of Montauban in 1564 by the prince of
Condé.<a name="FNanchor_1391_1391" id="FNanchor_1391_1391"></a><a href="#Footnote_1391_1391" class="fnanchor">[1391]</a> He was so bitterly hated by the people of Toulouse that
he was accused of wanting to destroy the city utterly and remove
the very stones to Montauban. He had fought in the second
civil war, but was betrayed into the hands of the magistrates of
Toulouse and condemned and executed there on April 13, 1569,
in defiance of the King’s orders to the contrary. The Huguenots
took terrible reprisal for this outrage, devastating the environs of
Toulouse for leagues around, even inscribing on the ruins “Vengeance
de Rapin.”<a name="FNanchor_1392_1392" id="FNanchor_1392_1392"></a><a href="#Footnote_1392_1392" class="fnanchor">[1392]</a></p>

<p>These four viscounts were the nucleus of the group and began
their career in the first civil war. But save Rapin, none became
conspicuous then. During the second war the others were drawn
to the standard. They operated in Languedoc and Quercy at
first, aided by the peasantry who seem to have turned toward
them as natural enemies of the higher nobles.<a name="FNanchor_1393_1393" id="FNanchor_1393_1393"></a><a href="#Footnote_1393_1393" class="fnanchor">[1393]</a> In the summer
and autumn of 1568 their united hosts made a mighty raid up the
valley of the Rhone from Montauban through Rouergue and
the Cévennes, where part of the troops crossed the Rhone under
the viscount of Rapin and joined the Protestant army of Dauphiné
and Provence under a former lieutenant of Des Adresse. The
rest remained in Languedoc. Later Rapin recrossed the river<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[396]</a></span>
into Vivarais with the hope of joining the prince of Condé. But
the governor of Provence, the count of Tende, aided by the viscount
of Joyeuse, the Catholic general in these parts, blocked his passage.
In the midst of this plight relief came to the viscount of Rapin in
the person of his former comrade in arms. But at least Joyeuse
had prevented the union of the viscounts with the prince of Condé.</p>

<p>The people of Vivarais resented the occupation of the country
by these guerrilla chieftains, much as their ancestors two hundred
years before had risen against the Free Companies during the
reign of Charles V. The towns organized an army of their own
and distinguished themselves by routing the viscounts upon one
occasion. In January, 1568, the viscounts succeeded in their
early purpose, penetrated the Catholic army and crossed the Loire
at Blois. The relief of Orleans and their union with the prince
of Condé before Chartres hastened the peace of Longjumeau.<a name="FNanchor_1394_1394" id="FNanchor_1394_1394"></a><a href="#Footnote_1394_1394" class="fnanchor">[1394]</a></p>

<p>During the interim between the armistice of Longjumeau and
the outbreak of the third war, the viscounts, in common with most
of the Protestant forces of the south, seem not to have disarmed,
but stayed in the vicinity of Montauban, the Huguenot capital
of the far south. When war was renewed, Joyeuse and Gordes,
governor of Dauphiné, unsuccessfully tried to keep the Huguenots
east of the Rhone from joining them in Languedoc. At Milhaud
in Rouergue a great council of war was held at which practically
all the Protestant fighting forces of the south save Guyenne and
Gascony were represented.<a name="FNanchor_1395_1395" id="FNanchor_1395_1395"></a><a href="#Footnote_1395_1395" class="fnanchor">[1395]</a> In conformity with the plan there
arranged, the viscounts remained in Quercy and Languedoc while
the main army crossed the Dordogne with the purpose of joining
the prince of Condé. But in Périgord it was met and scattered,
on October 25, 1568, by the duke of Montpensier and Marshal
Brissac. The viscounts continued to operate in Languedoc against
Joyeuse and others. The success of their activities, especially
the destruction of Gaillac (September 8, 1568) was what led to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[397]</a></span>
revival of the league at Toulouse under the cardinal of Armagnac
on September 12, in the cathedral of St. Etienne. The recall of
Joyeuse with the Catholic troops of Languedoc to the north to
assist the duke of Anjou, left a clear field in Provence and Languedoc.
The loss of Jarnac, March 13, 1569, where the prince of
Condé was killed, may in part be ascribed to the fact that the viscounts
refused to respond to his orders for them to come to him,
so that the united forces of Anjou and Joyeuse overwhelmed the
Huguenots. A similar reverse befell the Protestants on June 8
following, in the Ariège near Toulouse, where Bellegarde, the
seneschal of Toulouse, routed the viscounts and captured the viscount
of Paulin, who would have suffered the fate of the viscount
of Rapin, had not Charles IX, less for magnanimity’s sake than
to rebuke the parlement of Toulouse for violating the royal orders
before, refused to have him delivered up to it.<a name="FNanchor_1396_1396" id="FNanchor_1396_1396"></a><a href="#Footnote_1396_1396" class="fnanchor">[1396]</a> The shattered
bands of the viscounts joined Montgomery, a leader of their own
kind, who had been detached by Coligny from his own army, in
the same month.</p>

<p>The reason for Montgomery’s appearance in the south is to be
found in the peril threatening Béarn and Navarre at this time.
Montluc had conceived the idea that Béarn might be conquered
while its ruler was absent. The parlement of Toulouse energetically
favored the project and on November 15, 1568, had issued
an <i>arrêt</i> placing Béarn under its jurisdiction.<a name="FNanchor_1397_1397" id="FNanchor_1397_1397"></a><a href="#Footnote_1397_1397" class="fnanchor">[1397]</a> In the early
months of 1569 efforts were made with some success to corrupt the
captains in the Béarnais army.<a name="FNanchor_1398_1398" id="FNanchor_1398_1398"></a><a href="#Footnote_1398_1398" class="fnanchor">[1398]</a> When the plan was broached to
the duke of Anjou he enthusiastically approved it. The time was
auspicious, for it so happened that the suggestion coincided with
his victory at Jarnac. Exactly a week after the battle<a name="FNanchor_1399_1399" id="FNanchor_1399_1399"></a><a href="#Footnote_1399_1399" class="fnanchor">[1399]</a> he
detached the seigneur de Terride with instructions to report to
Montluc, for the duke thought Montluc could not be spared from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[398]</a></span>
Guyenne.<a name="FNanchor_1400_1400" id="FNanchor_1400_1400"></a><a href="#Footnote_1400_1400" class="fnanchor">[1400]</a> This order was a bitter disappointment to Montluc,
who wanted to conquer Béarn himself, and he ever thereafter
cherished a hatred against Marshal Damville<a name="FNanchor_1401_1401" id="FNanchor_1401_1401"></a><a href="#Footnote_1401_1401" class="fnanchor">[1401]</a> who was away from
his government at the time with the duke of Anjou, believing
that Damville’s jealousy of him was responsible for it. This may
very probably have been so, for, as will be seen later, the enmity
between the two was extreme.</p>

<p>Terride’s campaign began well. One by one, in rapid order,
the fortified towns of Béarn collapsed before him&mdash;Pontacq, Morlaas,
Orthez, Sauveterre, and Pau&mdash;the birthplace of Henry of
Navarre, while the country round about was wasted with fire and
sword. The queen of Navarre’s lieutenant was driven to find
refuge in Navarrens, whose château, reputed to be impregnable,
had been built by Henri d’Albret during his enterprises against
Spain. On April 27, 1569, Terride began the siege of the castle
of Navarrens.<a name="FNanchor_1402_1402" id="FNanchor_1402_1402"></a><a href="#Footnote_1402_1402" class="fnanchor">[1402]</a></p>

<p>Montgomery, who arrived at Castres on June 21<a name="FNanchor_1403_1403" id="FNanchor_1403_1403"></a><a href="#Footnote_1403_1403" class="fnanchor">[1403]</a> bearing the
double commission of the two Protestant princes,<a name="FNanchor_1404_1404" id="FNanchor_1404_1404"></a><a href="#Footnote_1404_1404" class="fnanchor">[1404]</a> in the course
of four weeks found himself in the neighborhood of Toulouse and
at the head of the united forces of the viscounts and some levies
made in Albigeois. Montgomery’s energy amazed Montluc who
was soldier enough to give his enemy credit for really wonderful
achievement. He had never been in the country before and all the
forces he had brought with him were three score and ten horses, and
he had no other forces but those of the viscounts in the beginning.
He had to cross the Garonne river, too, the entire length of which
was watched by spies. The belief of the Catholic captains in Languedoc
was that Montgomery intended to organize the defense
of the places the Protestants were possessed of, and this erroneous
opinion seems to have been given currency by the Huguenots
themselves, “who had ever that quality to conceal their designs
better than we,” testifies Montluc. “They are a people that
rarely discover their counsels, and that is the reason why their
enterprises seldom fail of taking effect.”</p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-398.jpg" width="450" height="348" id="i398"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">PLAN OF THE FORTRESS OF NAVARRENS MADE BY JUAN MARTINEZ DESCURRA, A SPANISH SPY</p>
        <p class="cap1">In Archives nationales, K. 1499, No. 84.</p>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[399]</a></span></p>

<p>By rapid marching Montgomery reached Navarrens incredibly
soon. Terride, his soldiers wearied out by a siege which had
endured for three months and a half in midsummer, loaded with
spoil, licentious and mutinous to an extent that shamed even the
reiters, abandoned the siege and fell back on Orthez. But the
city was not proof against the attacks of the viscounts. In broad
daylight the walls were carried <i>par escalade</i>. On August 13,
Terride, who had taken refuge in the castle with so much haste
that he was without provisions or munitions, surrendered. He
himself was spared by Montgomery for the purpose of being
exchanged for the latter’s brother, but died before the transfer was
made. His captains, almost to a man, were put to death. Some
of these were former officers in the Béarnais army and were legally
guilty of treason, but the real motive of Montgomery was reprisal
for the ravages done by Terride’s army. At the beginning of the
war the queen’s lieutenant, the heroic baron de Larboust, either
in the hope of sparing Béarn, or anticipating what would be meted
out again, had proposed to neutralize Béarn, putting it into the
custody of the count de Grammont, even offering to oppose Montgomery
if it were done. Terride refused and paid the price of
his wilfulness and bigotry. Béarn was saved by Montgomery,
in the most brilliant and most honorable campaign of his checkered
career.<a name="FNanchor_1405_1405" id="FNanchor_1405_1405"></a><a href="#Footnote_1405_1405" class="fnanchor">[1405]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[400]</a></span></p>

<p>The Catholic failure to conquer Béarn goaded Montluc’s slumbering
hatred of Damville to fury, for he believed the utter collapse
of the Protestant cause would have followed the conquest.<a name="FNanchor_1406_1406" id="FNanchor_1406_1406"></a><a href="#Footnote_1406_1406" class="fnanchor">[1406]</a> He
blamed Damville for it, asserting that Terride’s overthrow was
due to his slowness. But the marshal had had great difficulty
in returning to his government. The Huguenots were in full
possession of Quercy and the Albigeois, and the region around
Toulouse was so much overrun by them that Damville was unable
to reach Toulouse until the end of June.<a name="FNanchor_1407_1407" id="FNanchor_1407_1407"></a><a href="#Footnote_1407_1407" class="fnanchor">[1407]</a> It took Montgomery
even with the viscounts immediately at hand, nearly five weeks
(June 21-July 27) to prepare for the relief of Navarrens, though
the desperate condition of things there required haste, and with
the entire civil as well as military burden of Languedoc upon him,
a burden that necessarily had accumulated, too, during his absence,
Damville could hardly be expected, with justice, to have got
ready to go against Montgomery before the middle of August,
by which time the siege of Navarrens was over. The truth is,
Montluc and Damville radically disagreed as to the policy to
be pursued in the south. Montluc’s patent covered the territory
of Guyenne only. But Montluc, with a mere soldier’s disregard
for forms of law, believed that it was a soldier’s duty to go where
the need was greatest. He made the proposal that when Damville
should have won a town in Languedoc he would come to attack
another in Guyenne. To this the marshal demurred, asserting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[401]</a></span>
that it was his duty to attempt to recover what had been lost in
his government and pointed to his commission. Montluc derided
the plea and accused Damville of being so proud “a grand lord,
son to a constable and a marshal of France,” that he would not
work with a poor gentleman.<a name="FNanchor_1408_1408" id="FNanchor_1408_1408"></a><a href="#Footnote_1408_1408" class="fnanchor">[1408]</a></p>

<p>In the late summer (1569) Montgomery victoriously returned
from Béarn, having reached the highest point of his reputation.
Within six weeks he had gathered an army, marched leagues through
a strange and hostile country, crossed the Garonne and raised a
siege against equal forces, and turned the Catholic conquest of
Béarn into defeat. It seemed a dream both to friend and foe.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[402]</a></span>
Nobly did his enemy say: “In all the wars there never was performed
a more notable exploit.” If Montgomery had failed,
Coligny would have had no place to retire to after the loss of Moncontour.
For he came from that field of Protestant overthrow
with the relics of an army only, mostly gentry and reiters, for the
infantry was almost all cut to pieces or captured, without baggage,
without money, even the horses needing to be reshod. It was well
that the admiral could throw himself into the arms of Montgomery
and the viscounts who enriched him with the spirit of their success
and drew thousands, literally, to the Huguenot standard by the
magic of their achievements. His following increased so rapidly
that by the time he reached Montpellier he again had between ten
and twelve thousand men.<a name="FNanchor_1409_1409" id="FNanchor_1409_1409"></a><a href="#Footnote_1409_1409" class="fnanchor">[1409]</a> On January 3, 1570, Coligny and Montgomery
united their forces. The dissension between Montluc<a name="FNanchor_1410_1410" id="FNanchor_1410_1410"></a><a href="#Footnote_1410_1410" class="fnanchor">[1410]</a>
and Damville gave them and the viscounts almost unrestrained
freedom in Upper Gascony and Languedoc, where they grew
enormously rich on the spoils of war, and carried their depredations
to the very walls of Toulouse which was actually invested from
January 22 to February 20, 1570.<a name="FNanchor_1411_1411" id="FNanchor_1411_1411"></a><a href="#Footnote_1411_1411" class="fnanchor">[1411]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-402.jpg" width="450" height="390" id="i402"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[403]</a></span></p>

<p>When the news of Terride’s downfall was known to Montluc
he made overtures to Damville in spite of his resentment. A
council of war was held at Auch, but instead of coming himself
the marshal sent Joyeuse to say that he thought it his duty to pass
his time in his own government, considering the charge the country
was under to sustain the war. It is interesting to observe the
ancient ideas of provincial separation and autonomy asserting
themselves at this time. In vain Montluc argued that the real
enemy was in Guyenne and that the local hostility of the Huguenots
in Languedoc was a little matter in comparison; that all
Catholics were equally the King’s subjects and that the country
was the King’s.<a name="FNanchor_1412_1412" id="FNanchor_1412_1412"></a><a href="#Footnote_1412_1412" class="fnanchor">[1412]</a> Joyeuse answered that the estates of Languedoc
would not pay for Montluc’s army unless he employed their money
in recovering the places in their province. The decision abandoned
Guyenne, leaving it alone and single handed, for the King’s
forces were engaged in the protracted siege of St. Jean-d’Angély
and could not come to its relief. “J’ay tousjours ouy dire que plus
près est la chemise que la robbe,” said Montluc satirically.<a name="FNanchor_1413_1413" id="FNanchor_1413_1413"></a><a href="#Footnote_1413_1413" class="fnanchor">[1413]</a></p>

<p>The old man was on the point of discharging his army and retiring
to Libourne or Agen, but the duty of a soldier forbade him. If
he now abandoned the open country in so critical a condition, it
would ever have been a reproach to him. He thought better of
himself and attacked Mont-de-Marsan instead, where he placated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[404]</a></span>
his outraged feelings by refusing the petition of the garrison to
capitulate and secretly gave orders for the massacre of the entire
number save the captain, Favas.<a name="FNanchor_1414_1414" id="FNanchor_1414_1414"></a><a href="#Footnote_1414_1414" class="fnanchor">[1414]</a> This feat of arms insured the
future of Gascony and the Landes, for the city served as a granary
for all the surrounding country from whence, however, to the
detriment of France, much grain was exported to Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1415_1415" id="FNanchor_1415_1415"></a><a href="#Footnote_1415_1415" class="fnanchor">[1415]</a> After
this exploit, feeling the impossibility of maintaining his forces in
the field, Montluc disbanded his army, sending his son to Lectoure
and himself retiring to Agen. It goaded him to the quick that the
crown approved throughout of Damville’s conduct and either
ignored his own complaints, or criticized him for what he had done.
“I was born under a planet to be ever subject to calumny,” he
growled. “Age deprives a man of his heat: for in my younger
days the greatest prince upon earth could not have made me
swallow such a pill.”</p>

<p>It may have been that Damville had friends at court and Montluc
none; it may have been that the marshal’s pride of long descent
made him indifferent or even contemptuous of Montluc in some
degree. But if we look closely at things it is evident that the
spirit of provincial separation was the fundamental source of the
difficulty between them. This spirit penetrated to the very bottom.
Both Montluc and Damville were making war with men levied
from the country in which they were&mdash;with militia instead of regular
troops. The consequence of this was that every man in the
host had an eye to the welfare of his family or his friends instead of
to the King’s business; moreover, many had relatives or friends
with the enemy, which made them fight reluctantly; finally, they
were ill-paid and had to subsist on plunder, which debauched
discipline. The true remedy would have been for Charles IX to
have raised the useless siege of St. Jean-d’Angély and to have come<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[405]</a></span>
in person into the southland, where the authority of the King
might have overcome the local forces of separation; and where the
regulars would have plied war as a trade, as the circumstances
demanded.</p>

<p>The Catholics of the south had an example before their eyes
in the reiters with the admiral, of the efficiency of regular troops
over local forces. Coligny owed his future to them and Montgomery.
The way the reiters made war excited the admiration of
trained soldiers like Montluc. They so barricaded the villages
in which they quartered themselves that nothing was to be got by
assault and in the open country they were always mounted at the
least alarm. It was very hard to surprise them. They were
careful of their horses and arms and so terrible in action “that
a man could see nothing but fire and steel.” The very grooms
fought.<a name="FNanchor_1416_1416" id="FNanchor_1416_1416"></a><a href="#Footnote_1416_1416" class="fnanchor">[1416]</a></p>

<p>The reverses experienced at Poitiers, Moncontour, and St. Jean-d’Angély
had not been fatal to the Protestants. In the middle of
December Coligny wrote to the captain of La Charité that he felt
ready to resume the offensive in the spring, having in La Rochelle,
Cognac, Angoulême, Montauban, Castres, La Charité, and Montpellier
a chain of impregnable fortresses extending from the seaboard
clear to the heart of France, and controlling the Loire.<a name="FNanchor_1417_1417" id="FNanchor_1417_1417"></a><a href="#Footnote_1417_1417" class="fnanchor">[1417]</a>
A survey of the map will show the strength of the Huguenots in
this part of France. All of Provence and Lower Languedoc was
in full control of the Protestants, Montauban, Albi, and Castres,
constituting a line of defense on the west. In Upper Languedoc
they were not so strong and the condition of the Catholics was
less precarious, since Toulouse, Auch, Agen, and Cahors, formed
a quadrilateral in the very center. The Huguenots controlled
many of the lesser towns, so that Montluc complained that time
and again he had to pass through their hands “and for the least
affair trot up and down with great trouble from city to city. Would
to God that, as they do in Spain, we had made our constant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[406]</a></span>
abode in the good towns; we had then both more riches and more
authority.”<a name="FNanchor_1418_1418" id="FNanchor_1418_1418"></a><a href="#Footnote_1418_1418" class="fnanchor">[1418]</a></p>

<p>Guyenne was safely Catholic if it could continue to hold its
own; for this important fact Montluc richly deserves credit.<a name="FNanchor_1419_1419" id="FNanchor_1419_1419"></a><a href="#Footnote_1419_1419" class="fnanchor">[1419]</a>
But Guyenne, Gascony, and Upper Languedoc were isolated
from the Catholic north by a broad Protestant strip running southeastward
from La Rochelle to Montpellier through Saintes, Cognac,
Angoulême, Chalais, Bergerac, Montauban, Albi, Castres, Béziers,
and Montpellier, which united Saintonge on the seaboard with
Provence and Dauphiné. But, on the other hand, Béarn was
separated from the main trunk of Calvinism and was not yet safe,
in spite of Montgomery’s success, unless it were bound to the main
trunk. The Huguenot leaders realized this, and one of Coligny’s
adroitest strokes, after Moncontour, was the seizure of Port-Ste.
Marie, below Agen on the Garonne, with the aid of the German
reiters.<a name="FNanchor_1420_1420" id="FNanchor_1420_1420"></a><a href="#Footnote_1420_1420" class="fnanchor">[1420]</a> The capture of this place (November 29, 1569) insured
the passage of the Garonne to the Huguenots<a name="FNanchor_1421_1421" id="FNanchor_1421_1421"></a><a href="#Footnote_1421_1421" class="fnanchor">[1421]</a> and accomplished
for those of the far south what the possession of La Charité insured
to those of central France, for it bridged the Garonne. Later,
when Bernard d’Astarac, baron de Martamot, early in the following
January (1570) recovered Tarbes<a name="FNanchor_1422_1422" id="FNanchor_1422_1422"></a><a href="#Footnote_1422_1422" class="fnanchor">[1422]</a> on the Adour, the Huguenots
had a chain of fortresses running straight north from Béarn through
Condom and Nérac to Bergerac and Angoulême, and Catholic
Gascony and Guyenne were cut in twain.</p>

<p>Montluc, having fortified Agen, the capture of which would
have been another disaster to the Catholics, then set to work to contrive
how to break the bridge of boats which Coligny had constructed.
A mason who had once built a floating mill for the marquis
de Villars above Port-Ste. Marie came to him and suggested loading
the mill with stone, cutting it loose, and letting it float down
stream with the hope of breaking the bridge. The Garonne at this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[407]</a></span>
time was swollen with winter rains. The leaders were skeptical
of the scheme, as the bridge was known to be protected by heavy
cables above stream. But the captain Thodeas, an engineer
with Montluc, supported the mason, after secretly surveying the
structure. The novel battering-ram accomplished the work
intended. Shortly before midnight the mill was loosed from its
moorings, one of the soldiers being drowned in unchaining it.
Coligny’s artillery, when it loomed through the darkness, made
a desperate attempt to sink it by fire from the batteries at either
end of the bridge, but in vain. The mill struck the bridge with
such a shock that cables, chains, and boats all went to pieces with
a crash. Two of the boats went down as far as St. Macaire and
some, it was said, were picked up as far down as Bordeaux.<a name="FNanchor_1423_1423" id="FNanchor_1423_1423"></a><a href="#Footnote_1423_1423" class="fnanchor">[1423]</a></p>

<p>The destruction of the bridge was a heavy blow to the Protestants
for it cut their forces into two parts. Besides Montgomery,
very many of the reiters were caught on that side of the river toward
Gascony. But Coligny’s enterprise robbed adversity of its sting.
He improvised a bridge of two boats, upon which five or six horses
could be carried at once, the boats being hauled by cable, after
the Italian manner. It required an hour and a half to go and
return, yet at last, with great pains and difficulty the whole company
of reiters was got across stream. Montluc had proposed
to Candale and La Valette that an attack be made upon Montgomery
who was quartered at Condom, south of Nérac. But
they were so slow in responding that Montgomery, too, was able
to pass over, first his horse and then his foot, one after the other,
it requiring five or six days for all his forces to make the transit.<a name="FNanchor_1424_1424" id="FNanchor_1424_1424"></a><a href="#Footnote_1424_1424" class="fnanchor">[1424]</a></p>

<p>But the admiral and Montgomery followed up this clever deed
by a blunder so bad that the Reformed suffered for it for years
afterward, and were saved from losing Béarn, perhaps, as they
had almost lost it before, by the intervention of the Peace of St.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[408]</a></span>
Germain. Coligny’s original plan was to pass the rest of the winter
and until harvest in Gascony and Guyenne, with Port Ste. Marie
as his base and to have heavy artillery brought from the fortresses
of Béarn with which to take all the towns upon the Garonne as
far as Bordeaux. The bridge assured them control of two of the
richest provinces of France, for they were absolute masters of the
field. By this means Bordeaux would have been at their mercy,
for the sea power of the Huguenots at Blaye<a name="FNanchor_1425_1425" id="FNanchor_1425_1425"></a><a href="#Footnote_1425_1425" class="fnanchor">[1425]</a> was sufficient to close
the city upon the sea side. It could not have held out for more
than three months, for already corn was selling there at ten livres
per sack. Bordeaux itself was rich and strong but situated in a
barren country, so that, deprived of the Garonne and Dordogne,
it could presently be reduced to famine. As for the Protestant
army it would have fared well. The lesser towns like Libourne
and Lectoure must inevitably have succumbed with their stores,
and the viscounts were in full possession of Comenge and Loumaigne,
the most fertile counties of all Guyenne. There were
numerous stores of grain here, for it was a practice of the dealers
and even gentlemen, to accumulate three or four years’ store in
anticipation of a dear year. Had the Huguenots once got Bordeaux
in their clutches, they might have boasted that they had the best
and strongest angle of the kingdom, both by land and sea, commanding
five navigable rivers. The bridges over the Charente at
Saintes and Cognac, being in their hands, no one could pass from
Saintonge to Bordeaux where La Noue lay, “as valiant a man as
any that ever was in France.” The river system of the southwest&mdash;the
Charente, Ile, Dordogne, Lot, and Garonne&mdash;could have
been made to bind the whole region into a compact whole if this
plan had been carried out, and from behind these natural barriers
the Protestants might have defied all the King’s armies.</p>

<p>Yet although Coligny’s army tasted of Bordeaux wine and his
reiters watered their horses in the Garonne, he did not go on. He
failed to see that the most vital need of the Huguenots was to gain
complete mastery of the sea. This is what La Noue perceived and
Coligny did not. After the loss of Rouen they had but one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[409]</a></span>
important port town at their command, La Rochelle, which
the blunders of the government in the second civil war had permitted
the Protestants to make their own, on which depended
Brouage, reputed the fairest and most commodious haven in all
the kingdom, and the chief staple for salt in all the southwest.<a name="FNanchor_1426_1426" id="FNanchor_1426_1426"></a><a href="#Footnote_1426_1426" class="fnanchor">[1426]</a></p>

<p>The sequel to such a course, it is true, must probably have been
the erection of the southwest of France into an independent state.
Such a result, looking at the France of today, is repugnant to our
feelings. But we must look at things as they were then and judge
accordingly and without prejudice. In the first place, it is to be
remembered that in Béarn there was already the nucleus of such a
state to build upon; and secondly that Guyenne and Gascony
for centuries had been possessions of another sovereignty, and that
their attachment to France was barely over a century old. In the
sixteenth century it was impossible to divorce religion from politics
and the only solution was the separation of those which disagreed
on matters of religion, as the division between the Protestant Dutch
and the Catholic Flemish provinces in 1578-79 proves. The
Peace of Augsburg had laid down the principle <i>cujus regio, ejus
religio</i>, and no other policy could have prevailed in Germany at
that time. But France was trying to make a monarchy, institutionally
and necessarily Catholic, adapt itself to two religions,
which could not be done as long as politics and religion, church
and state, were united. Even after twenty-eight years more of
struggle, neither the trial and experience of all those years nor the
genius of Henry IV ever made the Edict of Nantes anything more
than a <i>modus vivendi</i> which first proved intolerable to the Huguenots
because of their own political ambitions, and finally to the
monarchy of Louis XIV, whose motto was as truly: “Un roi, une
loi, une foi” as it was “l’état, c’est moi.” The French monarchy
in the nature of things, in the sixteenth century, could not be one-half
Catholic and one-half Protestant, any more than the United
States, as Lincoln said, could exist one-half slave and one-half
free. What France would have lost by the creation of an independent
state in the southwest would have been compensated for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[410]</a></span>
by other gains in other ways. Such a state in southwest Europe
would have been an effective agency for peace, in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. It not only would have relieved its Catholic
neighbors of the religious dissidents within their borders; it would
have been a checkmate upon the undue aggrandizement of either
France or Spain, operating like Holland and Switzerland as a
buffer state and for the maintenance of the balance of power. The
Spanish marriages of France in the next century probably never
would have been, with their attendant train of dynastic and territorial
complications during the reign of Louis XIV. The Grand
Monarque perhaps never would have conceived the thought of
browbeating the rest of Europe, and certainly never would have
been able to carry the idea out to the extent he did.</p>

<p>In abandoning his original plan in January, 1570, Coligny not
merely altered the immediate future of France; perhaps he changed
its destiny for centuries to come. Instead of securing peace and
security for the Huguenots by cutting the Gordian knot and establishing
an independent Huguenot state, with Béarn as its cornerstone,
he threw the solution of the question back upon France.
He had dreamed of a Huguenot France beyond sea. Why not
one at home? Instead Coligny had become possessed with the
idea that neither the King nor his ministers would seriously think
of peace as long as the war could be kept confined to provinces
remote from Paris and therefore, in order to force the hand of the
King, it was necessary to force war upon him in the very heart of
the kingdom. In other words, he conceived a new design, namely,
to throw the war into the center of France once more, to march
upon Paris, and, before its gates, dictate the terms he desired.</p>

<p>In pursuance of this new policy, the army of the admiral and
the viscounts, with Montgomery, moved up the Garonne. Toulouse
was invested for a month (January 22-February 20, 1570),
as we have seen, without success and the country fearfully wasted.<a name="FNanchor_1427_1427" id="FNanchor_1427_1427"></a><a href="#Footnote_1427_1427" class="fnanchor">[1427]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[411]</a></span>
Want of provisions for men and horses at the end of this time
compelled the host to move toward Carcassonne and Montréal.<a name="FNanchor_1428_1428" id="FNanchor_1428_1428"></a><a href="#Footnote_1428_1428" class="fnanchor">[1428]</a>
As the country between Montpellier and Avignon was almost
totally in control of the Huguenots, Coligny soon moved thither,
whence he followed up the right bank of the Rhone to Vivarais
and Forez. Illness overtook him here and he was in great danger.<a name="FNanchor_1429_1429" id="FNanchor_1429_1429"></a><a href="#Footnote_1429_1429" class="fnanchor">[1429]</a>
For a time it seemed certain that fate would call Louis of Nassau
who had joined him from Orange, to the leadership of the army.<a name="FNanchor_1430_1430" id="FNanchor_1430_1430"></a><a href="#Footnote_1430_1430" class="fnanchor">[1430]</a>
By the time of the admiral’s recovery, it was time for action if his
design was to be executed, for things were in a greater state of
doubt and uncertainty regarding the peace than ever.</p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-411.jpg" width="450" height="325"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">HUGUENOT ATTACK UPON A CATHOLIC CHURCH</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Bib. Nat., Estampes, <i>Histoire de France</i>, Q. b)</p>
</div></div>

<p>The prospect of peace darkened as the winter began to break
and preparations in both camps grew more active. In February<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[412]</a></span>
the marshal Cossé prepared to expel the Huguenots from La Charité
in order to deprive them of their only means of communication
across the Loire River, by which assistance could be brought from
Germany. This place had been one of the cities demanded from
the government as pledge of good behavior, but the crown was
determined not to yield in this particular. Queen Elizabeth had
strongly assured the King that she had not directed nor licensed
any of her subjects to carry arms or munitions to La Rochelle, but
guarded herself against possible compromising evidence being
discovered in future by adding that she “generally must permit
merchants to resort indifferently to France.”<a name="FNanchor_1431_1431" id="FNanchor_1431_1431"></a><a href="#Footnote_1431_1431" class="fnanchor">[1431]</a></p>

<p>While the negotiations thus dragged on through March and
April,<a name="FNanchor_1432_1432" id="FNanchor_1432_1432"></a><a href="#Footnote_1432_1432" class="fnanchor">[1432]</a> a new element of excitement was introduced by the conduct
of the reiters in the Catholic army. These adventurers,
many of whom were Protestant in faith, tired of idleness and determined
either to renew the war or secure their wages, on April 17
sent the King an address in which, in the same breath, they asserted
their loyalty to Charles IX and their belief that those of
the Reformed religion were only fighting for liberty of conscience
and the preservation of their lives. Though guardedly put,
reading between the lines, this memorial implied peace at once or
immediate renewal of the war. Coincident with this manifesto
the princes of Navarre and Condé joined in a note to the King
declaring their resolution never to yield. To these causes of disaffection
must be added the further one that many in the rank and
file of the Huguenot party believed that the Protestant leaders were
seeking to serve their own ends more than the common good; and
accused them of being more anxious for the preservation of their
privileges than for the free exercise of religion.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[413]</a></span></p>

<p>Matters continued thus to hang fire for several weeks. The
King went to Mont St. Michel in the middle of May to keep the
feast of Corpus Christi there, where, while professing his desire
to conclude the peace, Charles IX nevertheless imposed a tax of
60,000 francs monthly upon those who had failed to bear arms in
the late conflict. At the same time there was a large exodus of
nobles from the court, many gentlemen, weary of long service
in arms, soliciting and securing leave to retire. The talk of peace,
too, continued to be current in the court,<a name="FNanchor_1433_1433" id="FNanchor_1433_1433"></a><a href="#Footnote_1433_1433" class="fnanchor">[1433]</a> although Charles IX’s
secret dealings with Montluc, the alienation of 50,000 <i>écus de
rente</i> of the property of the church,<a name="FNanchor_1434_1434" id="FNanchor_1434_1434"></a><a href="#Footnote_1434_1434" class="fnanchor">[1434]</a> and the fact that the marshal
Cossé at this same time advanced out of Orleans with 2,000 horse
and 4,000 French footmen and was soon joined by 8,000 Swiss
and 30 companies of men-at-arms belied this.</p>

<p>Montluc had been on the point of resigning his commission for
months past on account of the friction with Damville, but repented
when there was prospect of the liberal marshal Cossé succeeding
him, fearing lest, with another such as Damville, the Catholic
cause throughout the south would be ruined.<a name="FNanchor_1435_1435" id="FNanchor_1435_1435"></a><a href="#Footnote_1435_1435" class="fnanchor">[1435]</a> He still clung to
the hope of seeing Béarn conquered notwithstanding Terride’s
failure, and in June, 1570, the opportunity seemed to have come.
With the aim of diverting the war from the Ile-de-France,
and throwing it into the provinces once more&mdash;the farther the
better&mdash;Charles IX grasped at a new expedition against Béarn.
Montluc was given the commission.<a name="FNanchor_1436_1436" id="FNanchor_1436_1436"></a><a href="#Footnote_1436_1436" class="fnanchor">[1436]</a> Notwithstanding his years
and his infirmity and the penury of the government, which had
neither munitions nor money to spare, Montluc managed to raise
a considerable force.<a name="FNanchor_1437_1437" id="FNanchor_1437_1437"></a><a href="#Footnote_1437_1437" class="fnanchor">[1437]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[414]</a></span></p>

<p>He had resolved to besiege the little fortified town of Rabastens,
near Tarbes, which he had chosen as the point of attack because
he could draw upon Gascony for supplies from this place more
easily than by beginning at St. Severs, which bordered on the
Landes, “a country only fruitful in sands.”<a name="FNanchor_1438_1438" id="FNanchor_1438_1438"></a><a href="#Footnote_1438_1438" class="fnanchor">[1438]</a> But the expedition
came to an untimely end. In an unguarded moment Montluc
exposed himself and “a harquebus-shot clapt into his face” with
such force as to break his whole visage in, so that the cheek-bones
were taken out in splinters. The town was taken, nevertheless.
How it suffered may be read in the words of him who meted out
its punishment.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">My Lieutenant, who had marcht on the one hand of me when I went on to
the Assault ... came to see if I was dead, and said to me: “Sir, cheer up
your spirits, and rejoyce, we have entred the Castle, and the Soldiers are laying
about them, who put all to the sword; and assure your self we will revenge your
wound.” I then said to him, “Praised be God that I see the Victory ours
before I dye. I now care not for death. I beseech you return back, and as
you have ever been my friend, so now do me that act of friendship not to suffer
so much as one man to escape with life.” Whereupon he immediately
returned and all my servants went along with him, so that I had no body left
with me but two Pages, Monsieur de Las, and the Chirurgeon. They would
fain have sav’d the Minister, and the Governor, whose name was Captain
Ladon, to have hang’d them before my Lodging, but the Soldiers took them
from those who had them in their custody, whom they had also like to have
kill’d for offring to save them, and cut them in a thousand pieces. They made
also fifty or threescore to leap from the high Tower into the Moat, which were
there all drown’d. There were two only saved who were hid, and such there
were who offer’d four thousand Crowns to save their lives, but not a man of
ours would hearken to any Ransom; and most of the women were kill’d who
also did us a great deal of mischief with throwing stones. There was found
within a Spanish Merchant whom the Enemy had kept prisoner there, and
another Catholick Merchant also, who were both saved; and these were all
that were left alive of the men that we found in the place, namely the two that
some one help’t away, and the two Catholick Merchants. Do not think, you<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[415]</a></span>
who shall read this Book, that I caused this slaughter to be made so much out
of revenge for the wound I had received, as to strike terror into the Country,
that they might not dare to make head against our Army. And in my opinion
all Souldiers in the beginning of a Conquest ought to proceed after that manner,
with such as are so impudent as to abide Canon; he must bar his ears to all
Capitulation and Composition, if he do not see great difficulties in his Enterprize,
and that his Enemy have put him to great trouble in making a Breach.
And as severity (call it cruelty if you please) is requisite in case of a resolute
opposition, so on the other side mercy is very commendable, and fit, if you see
that they in good time surrender to your discretion.<a name="FNanchor_1439_1439" id="FNanchor_1439_1439"></a><a href="#Footnote_1439_1439" class="fnanchor">[1439]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Since his assumption of the command at La Rochelle La Noue
had displayed an energy that drove the enemy to despair. On
land and on sea he became a terror to them. Sometimes it was
by arresting the King’s galleys and bringing them as prizes to
La Rochelle or Brouage;<a name="FNanchor_1440_1440" id="FNanchor_1440_1440"></a><a href="#Footnote_1440_1440" class="fnanchor">[1440]</a> sometimes it was by driving them out, as
at Rochefort, by digging a trench which poured waters waist deep
down upon them; sometimes it was by battle in the open field.
La Noue outmatched Puygaillard at every point, notwithstanding
that his antagonist had the King’s picked troops. In the plain
of Ste. Gemme, near Luçon, their armies clashed in a fierce, stubbornly
fought engagement. Nearly all the captains of his enemy’s
two regiments and 500 arquebusiers were killed and as many more
taken prisoner. The brilliant captain at last won, although he
was so badly injured by an arquebus shot in the left arm that
amputation was necessary. Yet in the hour of his own intense
suffering he magnanimously lamented “the death of so many
brave gentlemen.”<a name="FNanchor_1441_1441" id="FNanchor_1441_1441"></a><a href="#Footnote_1441_1441" class="fnanchor">[1441]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[416]</a></span></p>

<p>Much more decisive than this engagement, however, was Coligny’s
action. The admiral had been lingering at Montbrison in
Auvergne during May for the purpose of guarding the upper Loire.<a name="FNanchor_1442_1442" id="FNanchor_1442_1442"></a><a href="#Footnote_1442_1442" class="fnanchor">[1442]</a>
Alarmed by the formidable army under the marshal Cossé, Coligny
now determined to strike suddenly and hard in order to preserve
La Charité. This resolution precipitated the battle of Arnay-le-Duc
on June 15, 1570.<a name="FNanchor_1443_1443" id="FNanchor_1443_1443"></a><a href="#Footnote_1443_1443" class="fnanchor">[1443]</a> The result of this victory was startling. The
government capitulated almost at once. All the essential terms
of peace had been thrashed over during the spring and in less than
a week after the battle Charles IX held in his hands the articles
of pacification demanded by the Huguenots, chiefly stipulating
for the free exercise of religion within three towns in every province
and at Charenton, amnesty for the past and restitution of offices
and estates. But the crown flatly refused the right within ten
miles of Paris, or even for Protestant noblemen attending court
in their own chambers and offered two towns in each province instead
of three. When this was refused it was finally settled to adopt
August 1, 1570, as an <i>annus normalis</i>, and permit Calvinist worship
to be held in all towns in the possession of the Huguenots on that
date. The two points of contention still unsettled were the payment
of the reiters and determination of the surety-towns. The
government at first proposed that the payment of the reiters be
equally apportioned between the subjects of both religions, but
finally shouldered the burden. As to the surety-towns&mdash;the most
important point of all as far as practical politics was concerned&mdash;great
difficulty was experienced before agreement was made.
The King at first offered to yield La Rochelle, Angoulême, and
Montauban, and to trade Perpignan or Lansac for La Charité.<a name="FNanchor_1444_1444" id="FNanchor_1444_1444"></a><a href="#Footnote_1444_1444" class="fnanchor">[1444]</a>
Later, Angoulême was withdrawn and Cognac substituted, to the
displeasure of the Huguenots, and La Charité definitely yielded.
As to other matters, namely, restitution of honors, offices, estates,
privileges, equality of justice, amnesty, release of prisoners, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[417]</a></span>
the like, these of course were provided for, and Protestant nobles
enjoying “high justice” were to be permitted to enjoy free exercise
of the Calvinist faith, including baptism in their houses, for their
families, and all others in their dependence,<a name="FNanchor_1445_1445" id="FNanchor_1445_1445"></a><a href="#Footnote_1445_1445" class="fnanchor">[1445]</a> an evidence that
the feudal element in the Huguenot party was more considered
than the bourgeoisie.<a name="FNanchor_1446_1446" id="FNanchor_1446_1446"></a><a href="#Footnote_1446_1446" class="fnanchor">[1446]</a></p>

<p>The papal nuncio, understanding that the Huguenots had
demanded the exercise of their religion in the counties of Verre
and Avignon, which belonged to the Pope, declared that no peace
could be made with those who were outside of the church.<a name="FNanchor_1447_1447" id="FNanchor_1447_1447"></a><a href="#Footnote_1447_1447" class="fnanchor">[1447]</a> At
the same time the Spanish ambassador, being informed that it
was part of the Huguenot programme to secure the restitution
of William of Orange and his brother Louis of Nassau to their
French possessions, also protested warmly against the peace. Spain
offered direct assistance to France of men and money, and the city
of Paris and the clergy offered to maintain the war at their own
expense for eight months longer. But these protests were ineffectual.
The Spanish ambassador’s mouth was stopped by the
rejoinder that the French King had as much right to make a
treaty of peace with his subjects as Philip of Spain had to make
terms with the Moriscos,<a name="FNanchor_1448_1448" id="FNanchor_1448_1448"></a><a href="#Footnote_1448_1448" class="fnanchor">[1448]</a> and so, though apprehensive of French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[418]</a></span>
and German Protestant assistance being given to Orange and
fearful of an attack upon Franche Comté, the Spanish ambassador
was forced to be content with the promise of France that no
hostility was intended or would be permitted in France toward
Spain.</p>

<p>The Peace of St. Germain was the broadest and most substantial
body of privileges yet secured by the French Protestants. Antedating
the Edict of Nantes by twenty-eight years, it might have
been as great and as permanent an instrument as the latter, if the
ambition of the Guises and the intervention of Spain in French
affairs had not overthrown it. France itself, government and
people, was tired of ten years of strife and disposed to peace. The
economic interests of the country were anxious for peace. Only
zealots for the religion and those who sought to fish in troubled
waters reprobated the terms of St. Germain and sought to continue
the struggle. It is true that mutual suspicion still prevailed.
Some of the Huguenots anticipated new encroachments again,
destructive of the peace, and that the King only aimed to disarm
the Protestants in order to overwhelm them later. But time, in all
probability, would have qualified this feeling. Religion, unless
artificially exaggerated, had ceased to be the primary issue of France
by 1570. The real issue was Spain. For all parties alike in France
had begun to chafe because of the power acquired by foreign military
influences, especially that of Philip&mdash;a feeling which ultimately
was destined to unite the country on the basis of a national patriotism
and embolden Henry of Navarre to expel the Spaniard and
establish the Bourbon throne on a truly national basis.</p>

<p>An incident which took place at the court in mid-July, when
the terms of peace were under consideration, illustrates this all
but universal hatred of Spain. One day the Spanish ambassador
entered the King’s chamber for audience. Soon afterward the
marshal Tavannes came in, who was somewhat deaf and accustomed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[419]</a></span>
to speak in a loud voice. Perceiving the ambassador he
gruffly remarked in a voice so audible as to be heard by Alava:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">These Spaniards would do better to govern their own members and not
interfere by trying to govern other people’s countries. For I well know that
the Spaniards have no wish but to foment civil wars, so that both one party
and the other may be weakened and they themselves become stronger than
both. For my own part, I would rather see a hundred white capes [the
Huguenot costume] than one red cross [the device the Spaniards wore]; because,
after all, the first are our brethren and our kindred, while the latter are
the natural enemies of our country.<a name="FNanchor_1449_1449" id="FNanchor_1449_1449"></a><a href="#Footnote_1449_1449" class="fnanchor">[1449]</a></p>

<p class="p1">It was an opportune time for France to undertake an anti-Spanish
policy, and it was soon predicted that she would follow
such a course.<a name="FNanchor_1450_1450" id="FNanchor_1450_1450"></a><a href="#Footnote_1450_1450" class="fnanchor">[1450]</a> Aside from the discomfiture of the Guises owing
to the peace, a condition which peculiarly discountenanced the
cardinal of Lorraine, the duke of Guise was in disgrace also. For
he was discovered to have made overtures of marriage to Madame
Marguerite, the King’s sister, and the lady herself for whom a
Portuguese match was being considered as a blow to Spain, was
reputed to have expressed a preference rather to stay in France
than “to eat figs in Portugal.” Guise, when the discovery was
made that he had raised his eyes to the princess, hastily attempted
to divert suspicion by marrying the princess of Porcien. But
the episode injured the influence of the Guises, and brought Montmorency
forward as the man of the hour.<a name="FNanchor_1451_1451" id="FNanchor_1451_1451"></a><a href="#Footnote_1451_1451" class="fnanchor">[1451]</a></p>

<p>Under the new régime, the government set about carrying out
the terms of pacification, enforcement of which chiefly depended
upon the upright and just conduct of the four marshals.<a name="FNanchor_1452_1452" id="FNanchor_1452_1452"></a><a href="#Footnote_1452_1452" class="fnanchor">[1452]</a> By the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[420]</a></span>
end of September the camps were wholly broken up and the reiters
either over or on their way across the frontier.<a name="FNanchor_1453_1453" id="FNanchor_1453_1453"></a><a href="#Footnote_1453_1453" class="fnanchor">[1453]</a> To be sure,
radical Protestants continued to complain of infractions of the
edict.<a name="FNanchor_1454_1454" id="FNanchor_1454_1454"></a><a href="#Footnote_1454_1454" class="fnanchor">[1454]</a> But the one serious infraction of the edict was in the
fifteenth article, providing that all scholars, the sick and the poor,
should be received in the universities, schools, and hospitals without
difference or distinction on account of religion. The Catholic
party, in the hope of abridging the development of the competing
religion soon persuaded the King to nullify this provision. In
compliance with a petition praying that the crown would forbid
any of the Reformed religion from holding any post of authority in
the University of Paris, and also that the university authorities
might have power to search for and seize all heretical books,
Charles IX on October 8, 1570, issued a proclamation forbidding
any Calvinist from holding any office or teaching in the University
of Paris and giving the authorities thereof the right of search for
heretical books.<a name="FNanchor_1455_1455" id="FNanchor_1455_1455"></a><a href="#Footnote_1455_1455" class="fnanchor">[1455]</a> On November 20, this was followed by a more
sweeping decree forbidding any persons from keeping schools or
holding office in any college, or lecturing on any art or science in
public or in private unless recognized and approved by the Roman
church.<a name="FNanchor_1456_1456" id="FNanchor_1456_1456"></a><a href="#Footnote_1456_1456" class="fnanchor">[1456]</a> Nevertheless, these petitions, complaining of infractions
of the edict, were more smoke than fire. The only internal issue
of great importance was an economic one.</p>

<p>Apart from the destructiveness of the war, nature again dealt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[421]</a></span>
hardly with France in this year. There were heavy rains over all
Europe which either rotted the grain in the fields or washed it out.
A great inundation of the Seine occurred on June 2, 1570, and the
plague began to grow more virulent once more.<a name="FNanchor_1457_1457" id="FNanchor_1457_1457"></a><a href="#Footnote_1457_1457" class="fnanchor">[1457]</a> There was a
certain amount of reason in the demand for a new session of the
Estates to consider the economic distress of France, but the King
was wise in refusing the request, for in event of its meeting, the
enemies of Spain would have been sure to endeavor to fan the
ashes of the late civil war into flames again. As a solace to those
demanding economic relief Charles IX promised to abolish sundry
superfluous offices and to tax the nobles instead of the commons
for the relief of his debts which amounted to 37,000,000 francs.
An earnest of this intention is manifest in an ordinance requiring
parish wardens to keep accounts and to make a declaration of the
revenue of their churches and to send this information to the royal
bailiffs. Every parish was forced to obey this edict, which was a
novelty indeed. But the parish authorities took advantage of the
situation and not merely rendered an account of their incomes,
but also gave the King a minute account of the ruin they had suffered
at the hands of the Huguenots. The bailiffs received these
declarations and sent them to the Privy Council of the King, where
the evidence was reviewed and every church taxed accordingly.
The churches which had been burned by the Protestants were
lightly taxed, and those which were found to be incapable of payment
were authorized to sell their possessions, their vessels, jewels,
or lands, or else impose a tax on the parish.<a name="FNanchor_1458_1458" id="FNanchor_1458_1458"></a><a href="#Footnote_1458_1458" class="fnanchor">[1458]</a></p>

<p>But the thrifty bourgeoisie of France were too lucrative a source
of income for the King to keep his promise not to tax them more.
In March, 1571, an edict was issued providing that bolts of woolen
cloth should be sealed with a leaden seal before sale, and that each
bolt should be taxed 3 francs, 4 deniers. The new impost, which
was very unpopular, was ascribed to the Italian influence at court.<a name="FNanchor_1459_1459" id="FNanchor_1459_1459"></a><a href="#Footnote_1459_1459" class="fnanchor">[1459]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[422]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c422" id="c422">CHAPTER XV</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW</p>

<p>The dominant politics of France in the years 1570-72 were
foreign, not domestic, and had to do with Spain. The clouds
hung heavy over Spain’s dominions in spite of the suppression
of the Moriscos, and dark was the prospect ahead for Philip II.
In the east only was light. The great victory at Lepanto over
the Turks, fought on October 7, 1571, though of general benefit
to Christendom, was of greatest advantage to Spain.</p>

<p>It is at this juncture that the duke of Anjou, the King’s brother,
becomes a conspicuous political figure, one, indeed, of international
importance. In order to confirm the confidence of the
Huguenots, but especially to strengthen France against Spanish
preponderance, the idea was again put forward of marrying
Anjou to Queen Elizabeth.<a name="FNanchor_1460_1460" id="FNanchor_1460_1460"></a><a href="#Footnote_1460_1460" class="fnanchor">[1460]</a> At the same time the plan was
broached of marrying young Henry of Navarre to the sister of the
duke of Württemberg. But again Montmorency came to the
forefront and revived the plan suggested in 1569 of marrying the
princess Marguerite, Charles IX’s youngest sister, to Henry of
Navarre. Coligny for the Huguenots, and Walsingham and
Norris for England, urged the double plan.<a name="FNanchor_1461_1461" id="FNanchor_1461_1461"></a><a href="#Footnote_1461_1461" class="fnanchor">[1461]</a> The Ridolfi plot
proved to Elizabeth that England, like France, had her greatest
enemy in Spain.</p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-422.jpg" width="450" height="265" id="i422"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW</p>
        <p class="cap1">From a picture by François Du Bois of Amiens († 1584 at Geneva). The original, in the Museum Urlaud at Lausanne, is 3½ × 5 feet.</p>
        <p class="cap2">In the middle of the picture Coligny is being thrown out of the window, below which stand the dukes of Guise and Aumale and the bastard of Angoulême.
Teligny, the admiral’s son-in-law is trying to escape over the roof. In the background is the Louvre, with Pilles being beset in the doorway. The bodies of
Bricquemault and Cavagnies are hanging from the gibbet in the street. On the hill-top in the right of the picture the gibbet of Montfaucon is seen. On the left bank
of the Seine some Huguenots are escaping by the Porte de Nesles&mdash;Montgomery is the man on horseback outside the gate. The windmill stands on Mont
Sainte Geneviève.</p>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[423]</a></span></p>

<p>The consternation of the Guises and Spain at the discovery
of this double marriage project was great. The Guises sought to
break the proposed marriage of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth
by offering him Mary Stuart, and that of Henry of Navarre with
the King’s sister by offering the cardinal d’Este as a prospective
husband, since he was universally expected to succeed his brother,
the duke of Ferrara who was without issue. Tuscan influence was
used to this end. Spain and the papacy, for their part, dangled
before the eyes of the duke of Anjou the post of command over
the fleet preparing against the Turks.<a name="FNanchor_1462_1462" id="FNanchor_1462_1462"></a><a href="#Footnote_1462_1462" class="fnanchor">[1462]</a> The gulf between France
and Spain, however, was too wide to be bridged by such an offer.
Disappointed at Bayonne, Catherine was dreaming of the elder<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[424]</a></span>
daughter of the Hapsburgs as the future wife of Charles IX. Such
a marriage appealed to her as a practical way of playing one house
of Hapsburg against the other, although she plausibly represented
it as a new tie that would bind France and the Hapsburgs in
greater amity.<a name="FNanchor_1463_1463" id="FNanchor_1463_1463"></a><a href="#Footnote_1463_1463" class="fnanchor">[1463]</a></p>

<p>The counter-claims of France and Austria to the Three Bishoprics,
and the renewal by France of her former relations with
Turkey, retarded this negotiation.<a name="FNanchor_1464_1464" id="FNanchor_1464_1464"></a><a href="#Footnote_1464_1464" class="fnanchor">[1464]</a> The greatest hindrance,
though, was the opposition of Philip II. It was with the object
of frustrating the designs of France that Philip II had transferred
his ambassador in France, Chantonnay, from Paris to Vienna.<a name="FNanchor_1465_1465" id="FNanchor_1465_1465"></a><a href="#Footnote_1465_1465" class="fnanchor">[1465]</a> At
Bayonne, the queen mother had exerted all her influence in vain
to prevail upon the court of Spain to commit itself. When Fourquevaux
succeeded St. Sulpice at Madrid, he, in turn, continued
to urge that Charles IX should marry the princess Anne; that Marguerite
of Valois should marry Don Carlos, and Henry of Anjou
the infanta Juana, Philip’s sister. But Philip II still hesitated
between Mary Stuart and Anne of Austria, and suggested the
younger daughter of Maximilian as prospective spouse for Charles
IX.<a name="FNanchor_1466_1466" id="FNanchor_1466_1466"></a><a href="#Footnote_1466_1466" class="fnanchor">[1466]</a> Matters remained thus undetermined for years. The
marriage of Mary Stuart to Darnley in 1565 and the death of
Don Carlos in July, 1568 raised Catherine’s hopes. But they
were dashed to pieces after the death of Elizabeth of Valois, on
October 3, 1568, when Philip II himself became the suitor for the
hand of Anne of Austria. French and Spanish diplomacy thereafter
plotted and counterplotted, until in 1570 the French King
had to endure the chagrin of seeing his expected queen become
the fourth bride of Philip of Spain and himself be satisfied with
the younger sister, whose physical charms<a name="FNanchor_1467_1467" id="FNanchor_1467_1467"></a><a href="#Footnote_1467_1467" class="fnanchor">[1467]</a> did not compensate
for the injury to his pride.<a name="FNanchor_1468_1468" id="FNanchor_1468_1468"></a><a href="#Footnote_1468_1468" class="fnanchor">[1468]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[425]</a></span></p>

<p>But Philip gained another point of advantage over the French
King, a point which the latter never discovered. The duchy of
Lorraine, was a fief of the empire and had been so ever since the
Middle Ages. Situated in the penumbra between France and
Germany, the duke of Lorraine’s position had become a complex
one and he was a vassal of France for the border duchy of Bar.
As a sign of his amity toward the Emperor, Charles IX at the
time of his marriage agreed to release the duke of Lorraine from
his fealty to France. This waiver stirred the patriotic indignation
of the keeper of the seal, Morvilliers, who resigned his office,
declaring that he would not be an agent for separating from the
crown of France any principality owing allegiance to it. Unfortunately
for the future, the King appointed a secret partisan
of Spain to the post. This was Biragues, a Milanese by birth,
whose sinister influence was to play no mean part in the
future.<a name="FNanchor_1469_1469" id="FNanchor_1469_1469"></a><a href="#Footnote_1469_1469" class="fnanchor">[1469]</a></p>

<p>As might be expected, the winter and spring of 1571-72 were
filled with cross-negotiations of great importance. The greatest
Catholic-Spanish fear was lest a positive alliance be made between
France, England, and Holland, and perhaps the Protestant German
states for the liberation of the Netherlands, that league to
have greater binding force through the double marriage of the
duke of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth and Henry of Bourbon to
Marguerite of France.<a name="FNanchor_1470_1470" id="FNanchor_1470_1470"></a><a href="#Footnote_1470_1470" class="fnanchor">[1470]</a> Spain, to prove France, made final demand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[426]</a></span>
of Charles IX: namely, that he forcibly suppress the activity of the
prince of Orange in France; that Spain be permitted to levy
Catholics in France to serve in the Low Countries; that
France restrain the preparations of the Huguenots, especially
those of La Rochelle, from aiding the Dutch cause on the sea; that
France renounce her alliance with Turkey and join the Holy
League against the Ottoman; and finally, that Charles IX abandon
the project of marrying his sister to the prince of Navarre. Charles
IX’s replies were very vague. To the first of these demands he
replied that his country was too much exhausted by the late wars
to take up arms for any cause; to the second he said that if he
permitted Catholic levies to be made in France, the Huguenots
would not believe them to be for service abroad but would again
take up arms; as to the preparations at La Rochelle, it remained
to be seen if their purpose was not mercantile instead of military.<a name="FNanchor_1471_1471" id="FNanchor_1471_1471"></a><a href="#Footnote_1471_1471" class="fnanchor">[1471]</a></p>

<p>The attitude of the various parties in France toward the crown’s
Spanish policy was a peculiar one. The Huguenots and moderate
Catholics of course urged the marriage of the King’s brother to
Queen Elizabeth with the greatest zeal. But even intense Catholics,
like Tavannes, singular as it seems, urged the match, with
Machiavellian ingenuity estimating that the King, by incurring
the deeper enmity of Spain, would be compelled to avail himself
of their services, and thus, in the end, the cause of Catholicism
in France would be promoted.<a name="FNanchor_1472_1472" id="FNanchor_1472_1472"></a><a href="#Footnote_1472_1472" class="fnanchor">[1472]</a> The queen mother, with characteristic
caution, professed much inclination for the match, but
urged that it could not be attempted without hazarding the King’s
honor. Meanwhile Montmorency, pushed it with all his ability,
alternately urging Catherine de Medici and Lord Burghley by an
assiduous correspondence.<a name="FNanchor_1473_1473" id="FNanchor_1473_1473"></a><a href="#Footnote_1473_1473" class="fnanchor">[1473]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[427]</a></span></p>

<p>How purely political as an issue religion had become by this
time in Europe is made almost cynically manifest in the conferences
between the advocates of the French-English match for the
purpose of overcoming the religious disparities represented by the
principals in the proposed match. From the beginning of the
negotiations it was evident that every compromise made in religion
would have to be made by France. The incongruities of age and
religion and the complications of politics were great. The hardest
thing, perhaps, to estimate, is the influence of Elizabeth’s vacillation.
Catherine de Medici, on the whole, seems to have been anxious for
the match. So protracted and so intricate were the negotiations
that the duke of Anjou, with mingled prejudice and despair, declared
that “all was but dalliance.”<a name="FNanchor_1474_1474" id="FNanchor_1474_1474"></a><a href="#Footnote_1474_1474" class="fnanchor">[1474]</a> It was speciously urged upon the duke
that no attempt was being made to effect his sudden conversion to
the Anglican religion, but that he should forego the use of private
mass, and “examine whether he might not with good devotion use
the forms of prayers appointed throughout her realm, the same
being in effect nothing but that which the Church of Rome uses,
saving that it is in the English tongue, which, if he pleased, might
be translated into French; and further, that the usage of the divine
service in England did not properly compel any man to alter his
opinion in the great matters being now in controversy in the
church.”<a name="FNanchor_1475_1475" id="FNanchor_1475_1475"></a><a href="#Footnote_1475_1475" class="fnanchor">[1475]</a> To this it was rejoined that “religion was a constant
persuasion confirmed by time” and that “relenting in religion,
being a matter of conscience, was an inconvenience of more weight
than any that might happen to the queen.”<a name="FNanchor_1476_1476" id="FNanchor_1476_1476"></a><a href="#Footnote_1476_1476" class="fnanchor">[1476]</a> For a while Anjou,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[428]</a></span>
although after the Edict of St. Germain he had staunchly protested
that no preaching be allowed anywhere in his territories&mdash;which
the King granted&mdash;wavered between policy and conscience.
One day while visiting Madame Carnevalet, the wife of his tutor,
he said with affected gaiety: “Carnevalet, thou and I were once
Huguenots, and now again are become good Catholics.” “Aye,”
she said, “we were so, and if you proceed in the matter you wot of,
you will then return to be a Huguenot.”<a name="FNanchor_1477_1477" id="FNanchor_1477_1477"></a><a href="#Footnote_1477_1477" class="fnanchor">[1477]</a></p>

<p>Spain did everything possible to thwart the negotiation. Her
ambassador in the presence of the King’s council inveighed
against the plan, asserting that the kingdom of France was going
to ruin, but he was cautious not to allege any ground but that of
religion.<a name="FNanchor_1478_1478" id="FNanchor_1478_1478"></a><a href="#Footnote_1478_1478" class="fnanchor">[1478]</a> Finally the counter-practices of the Guises and the
Spanish ambassador, partly by appeals to religious scruples and
partly by the means of lavish promises, overcame Anjou’s hesitation
and he flatly refused to consider the marriage.<a name="FNanchor_1479_1479" id="FNanchor_1479_1479"></a><a href="#Footnote_1479_1479" class="fnanchor">[1479]</a> The King
was furious. “Brother,” he said, “you should have used some
plainness with me in this matter and not leave me to wade so far
to abuse a prince I so much esteem and honour. You allege
conscience to be the cause but I know it is a late pension offered
unto you by the clergy, who would have you still remain here for
a champion of the Catholic faith. I tell you plainly, I will have
no other champion here but myself, and seeing you have such a
desire to remain here on such respects, it behooves me the more
narrowly to look to you; and as for the clergy, seeing they have so
great superfluity, and I so great necessity, the benefices being at
my disposition, I will take a new order; and as for those who make
the offer, I will make some of them shorter by the head.”<a name="FNanchor_1480_1480" id="FNanchor_1480_1480"></a><a href="#Footnote_1480_1480" class="fnanchor">[1480]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[429]</a></span></p>

<p>Nevertheless, despite the fact that the cause was a lost one, the
matter was protracted so long that the negotiators of the affair
themselves perceived the humor in it. Elizabeth protested that
“of herself she had no mind thereto, yet the continual crying unto
her of her Privy Council, the necessity of the time, and the love of
her subjects, had turned her mind to marriage,” while the duke
of Anjou reasserted his belief in his future damnation if he yielded
anything in the matter of religion. Smith, the English envoy,
solemnly averred that “the matter of religion would be the most
honourable to break off with,” both for his mistress and the duke,
and in the same breath asked whether it would suffice if the duke
were suffered for a time to have his mass private in some little
oratory or chapel&mdash;this so that there should be no scandal to
any of the Queen’s subjects. The queen mother replied that the
duke must have the exercise of his religion open, lest he should
seem to be ashamed of it, and that he was now of late so devout
that he heard two or three masses every day, and fasted the Lent
and vigils so precisely “that he began to be lean and evil-coloured,”
so that she was angry with him and told him that she “had rather
he were an Huguenot than be so foolishly precise to hurt his
health.” She told the English ambassador that he would not
be content to have his mass in a corner, but insisted upon “high
mass and all the ceremonies thereof according to the time, and
in song after all solemn fashion of the Roman church, and a
church or chapel appointed where he might openly have his
priests and singers and use all their ceremonies.”</p>

<p>“Why, Madame,” ejaculated Smith, “then he may require
also the four orders of friars, monks, canons, pilgrimages, pardons,
oil and cream, relics, and all such trumperies. The queen of
England will never agree to any mass, let alone great high mass,
with all the ceremonies of Rome according to the season, priest,
deacon, subdeacon, chalice, altar, bells, candlesticks, paten,
singing men, ‘les quatre mendiants et tous les mille diables’”&mdash;at
which tirade all but Anjou laughed.<a name="FNanchor_1481_1481" id="FNanchor_1481_1481"></a><a href="#Footnote_1481_1481" class="fnanchor">[1481]</a></p>

<p>It is at this moment that the duke of Alençon comes forward<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[430]</a></span>
into the light around the throne. Since the duke of Anjou was
“so extraordinarily, papistically superstitious”<a name="FNanchor_1482_1482" id="FNanchor_1482_1482"></a><a href="#Footnote_1482_1482" class="fnanchor">[1482]</a> both sides turned
toward him, notwithstanding the absurd disparity between his
age and that of Queen Elizabeth. Even Elizabeth’s hardy
modesty blushed at the thought of such a match,<a name="FNanchor_1483_1483" id="FNanchor_1483_1483"></a><a href="#Footnote_1483_1483" class="fnanchor">[1483]</a> and the objection
of inequality in their ages was backed up by guarded
expressions of repugnance on account of the disfigurement the
young duke had suffered from smallpox.<a name="FNanchor_1484_1484" id="FNanchor_1484_1484"></a><a href="#Footnote_1484_1484" class="fnanchor">[1484]</a></p>

<p>The Huguenot pressure eagerly supported the proposed marriage
between Queen Elizabeth and the duke of Alençon, for the
duke was as easy in religion as his brother was straight.<a name="FNanchor_1485_1485" id="FNanchor_1485_1485"></a><a href="#Footnote_1485_1485" class="fnanchor">[1485]</a> The
admiral Coligny urged it upon Lord Burghley, pointing out that
it would strengthen the treaty of Blois,<a name="FNanchor_1486_1486" id="FNanchor_1486_1486"></a><a href="#Footnote_1486_1486" class="fnanchor">[1486]</a> while others urged that
England would have a practical advantage from the fact that
Alençon was as rich in lands as his brother, and that the duchy
of Alençon adjoined Normandy, where the whole of the nobility
was devoted to the duke, and hoped by his means to be restored<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[431]</a></span>
to their ancient privileges and liberties, and that then England
could make “a bulwark and defense” out of Normandy for her
own protection.<a name="FNanchor_1487_1487" id="FNanchor_1487_1487"></a><a href="#Footnote_1487_1487" class="fnanchor">[1487]</a></p>

<p>It is a difficult story to take seriously, for each one of the actors
felt its hollowness and unreality. One feels that it was a gigantic
bubble produced by English and French councilors of state to
amuse and occupy each other by its brilliancy and wavering instability.
Yet the greatest statesmen in England were driven
nearly to distraction by their endeavors to keep it in the air. At
first this diplomatic affair assumes an almost farcical comedy
aspect: then it darkens into tragedy. It is a game of chess in
which the players are grave and reverend statesmen and the
pieces queens and princes, with this distinction, that the pieces are
always likely to move of themselves and create unexpected combinations.
Yet, for all its hollowness, the story deserves attention,
for as long as it lasted it absorbed the attention of the persons
concerned, and it illustrates most admirably Elizabeth’s and
Catherine’s tortuous methods of diplomacy.</p>

<p>When the negotiations began, Elizabeth was already thirty-eight
years old and of vast experience in promoting and then
avoiding marriages. As a coy and bashful damsel, she could
always plead her repugnance to the marriage state, and as the
head of a Protestant nation, religion was another rock of refuge
when anxious or angry suitors pressed her too closely. She had
fooled Philip and she had kept the poor Austrian archduke gamboling
before her. What could the pockmarked François d’Alençon
expect but disaster? Yet it was he who came the nearest
to pinning her down to a state of matrimonial stability.</p>

<p>The two things in Catherine’s character which seem to be
especially prominent in this tale of love and lying are her thirst
for power for herself and a mother’s natural ambition for her
children.</p>

<p>Alençon’s appearance is the one thing about him which is
seriously discussed. He was born 1555 and was therefore twenty-two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[432]</a></span>
years younger than Elizabeth. This was, of course, an
enormous objection, or, at least, one which could always be urged.
His age is the official and public objection, but his face and stature
affected Elizabeth far more.<a name="FNanchor_1488_1488" id="FNanchor_1488_1488"></a><a href="#Footnote_1488_1488" class="fnanchor">[1488]</a> As to his character we have the
testimony of the English and Venetian ambassadors. Smith, in
January, 1572, calls him “a good fellow and a lusty prince” and
says “he is not so obstinate, papistical, and restive like a mule
as his brother is.” Dale, in the quaint letter in a Hatfield MS
says of him: “As touching his behavior he ys the most moderate
yn all the court; never present at any of the licentious acts of his
brethren, nor here nor at Rochelle; of much credit, and namely
with them of the religion; thus he ys and hath ben hetherto; what
may be hereafter God knoweth.” On the whole, the English
ambassadors favored him, Walsingham the least. Evidently
he was not an unpleasant person, but a young and inexperienced
lad, ambitious to do great things, resenting his treatment at the
court, and so plunged into the current of things, only to be deceived
and ruined by the superior cunning of his supposed friends.
His shortcomings may be excused on the ground of his environment
and bringing up; may even be praised as being more manly
and significant than the effeminate Henry.</p>

<p>Alençon’s motives in attempting to win Elizabeth are obvious.
His position in France was most unpleasant to him: suspected by
his brothers, made fun of and pestered by the Guises and the
“mignons” of the court; condemned to a life of subordination and
idleness by the accident of his birth, the prospect of the hand of
the Queen of England seemed most glowing, even though she
was a heretic and more than twenty years older than he. But
why should Catherine and Elizabeth ever consider such an intrinsically
absurd proposition?</p>

<p>Elizabeth was face to face with several problems, foreign and
domestic, upon the solution of which depended her throne and her
very existence. It is hard to remember as one looks back upon
her long and splendid reign that there was hardly a moment in it
when she was free from the danger of overthrow and execution.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[433]</a></span>
This danger, at this time, had just manifested itself in the Ridolfi
plot in which the duke of Norfolk, the greatest noblemen of England,
Spain, Mary Stuart, and the Pope had all combined. Naturally
the Catholic nobles rallied around Mary, the probable successor
to the throne, while the Protestants were at a loss to know
what to do in view of the unsettled succession. So great was the
excitement that Elizabeth always hesitated to call a Parliament
for fear it would attempt to urge her on to marriage. Negotiations,
not to speak of marriage, with France would immensely
relieve the situation. They could be used before Parliament to
show that Elizabeth was doing her best; hopes of a settled succession
would at once reassure the country and diminish Mary’s
importance, both as a center of conspiracy and as a source of
danger in other ways. To be sure, this possible marriage might
excite the Catholics to renewed efforts to save their faith, but the
fact that France was Catholic and that from it might come much
of their help would militate against disturbance. Negotiations
might bring about most of these results and would in any case gain
time and postpone the solution of the difficulties.</p>

<p>A second problem before Elizabeth was the maintenance of
the Protestant faith. So far as this enters the negotiations it is
mostly a pretext, but there was, nevertheless, an actual problem.
Negotiations for marriage with a Catholic prince might stir up
the Catholics to renewed activities and raise hopes which it might
be difficult to allay, but, on the other hand, Elizabeth could hope
for relief from the Huguenot movement in France, and the rebellious
Dutch, while the alliance with a Catholic prince would immensely
strengthen her in her own middle ground. To allow
him to bring the mass with him might cause trouble, but still one
prince could not do much when queen and council were carefully
watching him.</p>

<p>Scotland was another source of continual anxiety to the English
ministry. The government was unsettled and the power likely
to fall at any time into the hands of those who would turn it over
to France. Of course this danger would be entirely removed by
a French marriage, though as events proved, negotiations did not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[434]</a></span>
stop the intrigues. A similar point of attack existed in Ireland
where the least encouragement was sure to raise rebellion. A
French marriage would make danger in that quarter also less
likely.</p>

<p>But perhaps the greatest source of danger was from Spain.
There were countless reasons why Philip should declare war&mdash;religion,
the seizure of his treasure by Elizabethan seamen, the
treatment of Mary (though this did not at first much concern
him), and Spanish repression in the Netherlands. English negotiation
with France would be of value to England, if for nothing
else, in keeping France and Spain apart. It was hoped, moreover,
that once England and France were united, the combination
might check Philip in his dealing with the Netherlands and the
English Catholics and in the cruelties visited on Englishmen in
Spain.</p>

<p>But there were grave objections to a marriage. It would introduce
a new and unknown element into English councils. Suppose,
as a Catholic, the King should join that party; or worse,
ally himself with Mary herself, plot the death of Elizabeth and a
Catholic restoration. Or suppose he should become king of
France? or that his child should be heir to both thrones? The
thought of becoming a French dependency was intolerable to
England. In any case it would mean a break with Spain and how
could England be sure that France was not merely tempting her
to that, finally to leave her to face Spain alone? Plainly, marriage
was too close and dangerous a union&mdash;as for negotiations, that
was another matter, and it was simply for the negotiations themselves
that Elizabeth entered upon them. This is proved, I
think, by her entire policy. Whenever France seems most willing
she draws away; but when France seems likely to abandon such
fruitless endeavors, she at once becomes affable and yielding.
Sometimes her ministers urged her to definite and decided action,
but she always managed to find a loop-hole, if either they or circumstance
had forced her into too dangerous agreement.</p>

<p>France, on the other hand, could not be content with mere
negotiations. She, too, had several definite problems. Rent by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[435]</a></span>
civil war, with enormously powerful barons on the one side and a
clamorous people on the other, while outside the realm stood
Spain and England, only too glad to promote and foster her difficulties,
the crown was in a struggle for existence as real as that of
Elizabeth. To join Spain would be for France to lose her integral
existence and to be swallowed up in the maw of the Hapsburgs.
Therefore the English alliance was the only refuge.
Besides there were many other advantages. It would stop England’s
meddling in French affairs and would calm and reassure the
Huguenots. But there was the rub: did the Huguenots need to
be reassured? Could France safely commit herself to a liberal
policy? To Catherine it was not so much that, as the question
of her own authority and personal ambition for her family; she
had no intention of giving place to the Huguenots any more than
she had to the Guises. And so she wavered when the Guises
were becoming too powerful, and helped along the marriage;
when the Huguenots began to be too authoritative, she frowned
on it.</p>

<p>To the Huguenots the marriage was a question of enormous
advantage&mdash;if it were accomplished, the Calvinists might hope,
not only for success in France, but in the Low Countries as well;
while to the Guises, on the contrary, the alliance meant the ruin
of their hopes for Mary and for absolute dominion in France.</p>

<p>But to all the risk was great. Elizabeth was by no means
firmly seated upon her throne and seemed to be manifesting a
reckless carelessness in the leniency of her treatment of the late
conspirators. The English ambassadors noted that any “roundness”
of treatment at home at once caused a quickening of the
negotiations. The real objection, both with France and with
England, was fear of duplicity. Neither could trust the other.
Each insisted that the other should commit itself first; neither
would consent, with the result that all came to naught. This was
just what Philip expected. Naturally a French-English league
would have seriously hampered him, but he had found by long
and trying experience that when Elizabeth talked of marriage,
she was only amusing herself with a polite fiction. Not once does<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[436]</a></span>
he take the matter seriously. So the Spanish attitude was one of
unconcern, which in itself added to the fear of both Elizabeth and
Catherine, for each supposed some secret understanding with
Spain on the part of the other.</p>

<p>With such motives and in such troubled waters the negotiations
went on. In the end Elizabeth could not “digest the inconvenience”
of the proposed marriage, and failing to cement the
new friendship of France and England by this form of alliance,
it was then suggested that a political compact, not a marriage
alliance, be made between the two powers.<a name="FNanchor_1489_1489" id="FNanchor_1489_1489"></a><a href="#Footnote_1489_1489" class="fnanchor">[1489]</a> But there were
great difficulties in the way of this project. For, although the
English desired a closer union with France, they were nevertheless
not unprepared to treat with Spain, and to use the prospective
alliance with France for the purpose of bringing Philip II to
terms. England was unwilling yet to be considered as an open
enemy of Spain, in spite of the fact she was well aware of Alva’s
plot with Lord Seton and other Scotch and English refugees in
Flanders.<a name="FNanchor_1490_1490" id="FNanchor_1490_1490"></a><a href="#Footnote_1490_1490" class="fnanchor">[1490]</a></p>

<p>Trade considerations were of great influence in governing this
attitude. England could not afford to forfeit her commercial
intercourse with Spain and Flanders for the none-too-sure friendship
of France, since the staple in Flanders was worth between
two and three millions.<a name="FNanchor_1491_1491" id="FNanchor_1491_1491"></a><a href="#Footnote_1491_1491" class="fnanchor">[1491]</a> France could not offer any staple or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[437]</a></span>
port advantages to England comparable with those England
enjoyed elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_1492_1492" id="FNanchor_1492_1492"></a><a href="#Footnote_1492_1492" class="fnanchor">[1492]</a> England accordingly proposed that the
league be extended to include the Protestant princes of Germany
and that they should join together “in defense against any who for
matters of religion should use force against any of them;” secondly,
that France would bind herself not to support the cause of
Mary Stuart in Scotland; and thirdly, that France would not seek
any greater trade advantages in the Low Countries than she had in
former times. France balked at the proposed extension of the
alliance to Germany and it was dropped; as to Scotland, she was
willing to make a partial sacrifice of honor for the sake of political
advantage.<a name="FNanchor_1493_1493" id="FNanchor_1493_1493"></a><a href="#Footnote_1493_1493" class="fnanchor">[1493]</a></p>

<p>But England’s fear of contributing to the aggrandizement of
France was too keen to permit her to have free rein in the Netherlands,<a name="FNanchor_1494_1494" id="FNanchor_1494_1494"></a><a href="#Footnote_1494_1494" class="fnanchor">[1494]</a>
though Walsingham proposed a way to prevent the possibility
of French ascendency there, and declared that the grandeur
of France abroad was less to be feared by England than the continuance
of civil war in France or the destructive policy of Alva
in the Netherlands.<a name="FNanchor_1495_1495" id="FNanchor_1495_1495"></a><a href="#Footnote_1495_1495" class="fnanchor">[1495]</a> Burghley was as cautious as his mistress.
“If the sea-ports fall into the hands of the French,” he wrote,
“they will regulate not only the commerce of our merchants abroad
but the sovereignty of the Channel, which belongs to us.”<a name="FNanchor_1496_1496" id="FNanchor_1496_1496"></a><a href="#Footnote_1496_1496" class="fnanchor">[1496]</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[438]</a></span>
jealous determination of England to monopolize the commerce
of the Low Countries was, the greatest obstacle to the formation
of the alliance. For England most of all feared lest France
would not content herself with Flanders and Artois.<a name="FNanchor_1497_1497" id="FNanchor_1497_1497"></a><a href="#Footnote_1497_1497" class="fnanchor">[1497]</a></p>

<p>In the delicate business of state which burdened him at this
season, Charles IX showed more acumen than either his new-found
friends of Protestant faith or the Catholics had expected to find,
because while exerting himself to keep the peace with Spain on the
one hand, on the other he endeavored to conciliate his Protestant
subjects. Unlike his elder brother, Francis II, Charles IX was of
strong physical frame, being big boned and vigorous, until the
fatal taint of his heritage and his excesses undermined his constitution<a name="FNanchor_1498_1498" id="FNanchor_1498_1498"></a><a href="#Footnote_1498_1498" class="fnanchor">[1498]</a>
and brought on the disease of consumption of which he
died. He was gross, even brutish in inclination, rejoicing in base
physical sport and disinclined to books.<a name="FNanchor_1499_1499" id="FNanchor_1499_1499"></a><a href="#Footnote_1499_1499" class="fnanchor">[1499]</a> But in the present<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[439]</a></span>
politics Charles IX showed little of the rashness of his physical
nature.<a name="FNanchor_1500_1500" id="FNanchor_1500_1500"></a><a href="#Footnote_1500_1500" class="fnanchor">[1500]</a> Nevertheless the King went farther than caution approved
in dealing with his new-found friends. He would have
disarmed the suspicion of Spain, and the Guises<a name="FNanchor_1501_1501" id="FNanchor_1501_1501"></a><a href="#Footnote_1501_1501" class="fnanchor">[1501]</a> to some degree,
at least, if he had drawn close to the duke of Montmorency, whose
moderate Catholicism, however impeachable, was not the detested
heresy of the French Protestants. But instead of so
doing, the King, unable to dissemble as much as his mother,
openly manifested a great admiration for the admiral Coligny,
than whom neither the Guises nor Spain had a more resolute foe.
The admiral was received in Paris upon his arrival there early in
September, 1571, with distinguished honors.<a name="FNanchor_1502_1502" id="FNanchor_1502_1502"></a><a href="#Footnote_1502_1502" class="fnanchor">[1502]</a> His popularity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[440]</a></span>
with the King was at once a menace and a challenge to Philip II
and the Guises.<a name="FNanchor_1503_1503" id="FNanchor_1503_1503"></a><a href="#Footnote_1503_1503" class="fnanchor">[1503]</a> An added difficulty, as the result of this policy,
was that Catherine de Medici, seeing her son so well affected toward
the admiral, grew jealous of the latter’s influence, lest it
supplant her own, and intrigued against him.</p>

<p>Despite the failure of the marriage alliance, France still had
two strings to the Ulysses bow she was drawing against Spain&mdash;support
of the Dutch, and the union of France by means of the
marriage of Henry of Navarre and the princess Marguerite. Spain’s
suspicions that the Huguenot naval preparations at La Rochelle
were in favor of the Dutch<a name="FNanchor_1504_1504" id="FNanchor_1504_1504"></a><a href="#Footnote_1504_1504" class="fnanchor">[1504]</a> had not been based on groundless suspicion.
William of Orange’s own brother, Louis of Nassau, had remained
in France after the Peace of St. Germain, urging an alliance
between France and England against Spain,<a name="FNanchor_1505_1505" id="FNanchor_1505_1505"></a><a href="#Footnote_1505_1505" class="fnanchor">[1505]</a> or else French intervention
in the Netherlands.<a name="FNanchor_1506_1506" id="FNanchor_1506_1506"></a><a href="#Footnote_1506_1506" class="fnanchor">[1506]</a> The count of Nassau enlarged upon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[441]</a></span>
the vast designs of the Spanish monarch and showed how sinister
they were to France as well as Holland, artfully alluding to the
peace of Cateau-Cambrésis, “a peace dishonorable to France;”
he dwelt upon the tyranny of Alva and the horrors of the inquisition;
he demonstrated that all the inhabitants of the Low Countries,
both Catholics and Protestants, hated the Spanish domination;
that all the maritime towns were ready to receive French and
Dutch garrisons, if but those of Spain could be driven out; that
with the sea-power of France thrown into the scale, the Dutch
could conquer Spain; and finally proposed the formation of an
international league to overthrow Spain, and asserted that France
might acquire Flanders and Artois and the empire Brabant,
Guelders, and Luxembourg as reward of their services. So
alluring was the prospect portrayed to Charles IX that he almost
cast off the mask he wore of pretended friendship for Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1507_1507" id="FNanchor_1507_1507"></a><a href="#Footnote_1507_1507" class="fnanchor">[1507]</a>
He told Philip’s minister, Alava, than whom “there was no
prouder man or one more disdainful in countenance”<a name="FNanchor_1508_1508" id="FNanchor_1508_1508"></a><a href="#Footnote_1508_1508" class="fnanchor">[1508]</a> when the
ambassador complained to the French King that certain ships of
the prince of Orange were being harbored at La Rochelle,<a name="FNanchor_1509_1509" id="FNanchor_1509_1509"></a><a href="#Footnote_1509_1509" class="fnanchor">[1509]</a> that
“his master should not look to give laws to France.”<a name="FNanchor_1510_1510" id="FNanchor_1510_1510"></a><a href="#Footnote_1510_1510" class="fnanchor">[1510]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[442]</a></span></p>

<p>Meantime the proposed marriage of Henry of Navarre to
Marguerite, the King’s sister, progressed. A full year before the
nuptials were concluded, the jewels and apparel for the ceremony
were already provided. The difficulty of arranging a religious
form for the ceremony acceptable to both Catholics and Protestants
was the great hindrance.<a name="FNanchor_1511_1511" id="FNanchor_1511_1511"></a><a href="#Footnote_1511_1511" class="fnanchor">[1511]</a></p>

<p>Again Spain made unavailing protest. Henry of Bourbon still
bore the title of king of Navarre, though the kingdom had been lost
to the house long before his birth and was, in fact, entirely in the
possession of Spain. Her fear was lest the new bond of marriage<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[443]</a></span>
might unite the parties of France in war for the acquisition of
Navarre. It was in vain, however, that Spain sought to prey
upon the fears of Charles IX, endeavoring to excite the King’s
jealousy against the growing power of the house of Bourbon and
pointing out that of the twelve provinces of the kingdom ten were
in the hands of governors who were bound by blood or interest
to the Bourbons.<a name="FNanchor_1512_1512" id="FNanchor_1512_1512"></a><a href="#Footnote_1512_1512" class="fnanchor">[1512]</a> So eager were many of the gentry of France
for war with Spain, either in Navarre or Flanders, that one of
Coligny’s officers, when asked whether France meant to lose the
favorable opportunity of attacking Spain, scornfully rejoined,
“What can we do? We are good for nothing, for we have to deal
with a scared King and a timid queen, who will not come to any
decision.” By December, 1571, war with Spain was on every lip and
the government began to collect money.<a name="FNanchor_1513_1513" id="FNanchor_1513_1513"></a><a href="#Footnote_1513_1513" class="fnanchor">[1513]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[444]</a></span></p>

<p>At this juncture, when all Europe was keyed to concert pitch
of political tension, when anything seemed likely to happen and
no one of the great powers dared make an overt move, the Gordian
knot was cut. On April 1, 1572, the most notable event in the Low
Countries since the iconoclastic outburst occurred. For on that day
the count van der Marck, commander of the Beggars of the Sea,
captured the port of Brille. From that time onward the Dutch
and Flemings had a maritime point of their own on the mainland
and were no longer dependent on the precarious shelter of English
and Norman ports. The effect of this blow to Spain was great.
Within the week&mdash;on Easter Day&mdash;Flushing, and soon afterward
Middelburg, rebelled against the billeting of Spanish troops sent
by Alva to replace the Walloon garrison there.<a name="FNanchor_1514_1514" id="FNanchor_1514_1514"></a><a href="#Footnote_1514_1514" class="fnanchor">[1514]</a></p>

<p>The Gueux were masters of the sea and when Dordrecht also
rebelled, the inland water routes were endangered too. No vessel
could come from Holland, Guelders, or Frisia and no communication
could be made from the north with Brabant. Even Amsterdam
could be starved and Alva determined to retire all his forces
to Ghent and Antwerp.<a name="FNanchor_1515_1515" id="FNanchor_1515_1515"></a><a href="#Footnote_1515_1515" class="fnanchor">[1515]</a> On April 14 William of Orange issued
a proclamation from Dillenburg expressing his grief at the miseries
suffered from the exactions, outrages, and cruelties inflicted
by the Spaniards, and assured the people of his determination to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[445]</a></span>
liberate the land from their tyranny. As many towns and ports
had already recognized him as their ruler, he urged others to
follow their example, pledging his word to use all his power to
restore the ancient privileges and liberties of each.<a name="FNanchor_1516_1516" id="FNanchor_1516_1516"></a><a href="#Footnote_1516_1516" class="fnanchor">[1516]</a></p>

<p>When news of these wondrous deeds reached France, Charles
IX’s hesitation was swept away by the combined fervor of Louis
of Nassau and the admiral. On April 19, the Anglo-French
treaty of alliance was signed at Blois.<a name="FNanchor_1517_1517" id="FNanchor_1517_1517"></a><a href="#Footnote_1517_1517" class="fnanchor">[1517]</a></p>

<p>Du Plessis-Mornay, a young Huguenot gentleman of twenty-three,
of marked literary ability and destined to be the intellectual
leader of the Protestants in coming years, who had lately
traveled through the Netherlands and visited England,<a name="FNanchor_1518_1518" id="FNanchor_1518_1518"></a><a href="#Footnote_1518_1518" class="fnanchor">[1518]</a> in collaboration
with the admiral drew up a remarkable memorial
advocating French intervention in the Low Countries,<a name="FNanchor_1519_1519" id="FNanchor_1519_1519"></a><a href="#Footnote_1519_1519" class="fnanchor">[1519]</a> which
Coligny presented to the King. English and French volunteers
soon poured into the land.<a name="FNanchor_1520_1520" id="FNanchor_1520_1520"></a><a href="#Footnote_1520_1520" class="fnanchor">[1520]</a> Louis of Nassau left for Valenciennes,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[446]</a></span>
which had successfully revolted, accompanied by La Noue
and Genlis.<a name="FNanchor_1521_1521" id="FNanchor_1521_1521"></a><a href="#Footnote_1521_1521" class="fnanchor">[1521]</a> On May 24, by a stratagem, Genlis secured possession
of Mons, one of the most important fortresses to Spain in the Low
Countries in the present state of mind that France was in.<a name="FNanchor_1522_1522" id="FNanchor_1522_1522"></a><a href="#Footnote_1522_1522" class="fnanchor">[1522]</a> From
this point of vantage he wrote hopefully to Charles IX for more
soldiers, a “good minister,” a surgeon, some cannon founders, and
drugs.<a name="FNanchor_1523_1523" id="FNanchor_1523_1523"></a><a href="#Footnote_1523_1523" class="fnanchor">[1523]</a> While these events were happening on land, on the sea
the Zealanders attacked and dispersed the Spanish fleet in the
Sluys on June 8, and seized twenty merchantmen under its convoy:<a name="FNanchor_1524_1524" id="FNanchor_1524_1524"></a><a href="#Footnote_1524_1524" class="fnanchor">[1524]</a>
and, to the elation of France,<a name="FNanchor_1525_1525" id="FNanchor_1525_1525"></a><a href="#Footnote_1525_1525" class="fnanchor">[1525]</a> far down in the Bay of
Biscay the fleet of Flushing three days later scattered another of
Spain’s armadas.<a name="FNanchor_1526_1526" id="FNanchor_1526_1526"></a><a href="#Footnote_1526_1526" class="fnanchor">[1526]</a> All Holland, Amsterdam and Rotterdam excepted,
was lost to Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1527_1527" id="FNanchor_1527_1527"></a><a href="#Footnote_1527_1527" class="fnanchor">[1527]</a> Sir Humphrey Gilbert with 1,200
English and some French and Walloons landed in the Low Countries,
on July 10, and captured Sluys and Bruges.<a name="FNanchor_1528_1528" id="FNanchor_1528_1528"></a><a href="#Footnote_1528_1528" class="fnanchor">[1528]</a> Money poured
in upon William of Orange, who in June went to Frankfurt to
purchase supplies and enlist men.<a name="FNanchor_1529_1529" id="FNanchor_1529_1529"></a><a href="#Footnote_1529_1529" class="fnanchor">[1529]</a> The duke of Alva was in
desperate straits. The Walloons everywhere in the army mutinied
and deserted, and he was short of munitions.<a name="FNanchor_1530_1530" id="FNanchor_1530_1530"></a><a href="#Footnote_1530_1530" class="fnanchor">[1530]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[447]</a></span></p>

<p>But such successes were too great to last. Louis of Nassau
found he could not hope to hold Mons for long with the slender
forces at his command and sent Genlis back to France for reinforcements.
Charles IX, under pressure from Coligny, provided
men and money secretly, but Genlis’ relief column was
intercepted on July 16 and captured by the duke of Alva.<a name="FNanchor_1531_1531" id="FNanchor_1531_1531"></a><a href="#Footnote_1531_1531" class="fnanchor">[1531]</a> It
was only a question of time before Mons surrendered.<a name="FNanchor_1532_1532" id="FNanchor_1532_1532"></a><a href="#Footnote_1532_1532" class="fnanchor">[1532]</a> The
blow was a heavy one to France. It mattered little to France that
French subjects were killed or taken prisoner during the siege.
But it was of tremendous consequence to France that Alva found
on Genlis’ person a letter written by Charles IX to Louis of Nassau
on April 27, 1572, in which the King said that he was resolved
as soon as the condition of affairs at home permitted him, to
employ the armies of France for the liberation of the Low Countries.<a name="FNanchor_1533_1533" id="FNanchor_1533_1533"></a><a href="#Footnote_1533_1533" class="fnanchor">[1533]</a>
Well might Alva’s secretary write “I have in my possession
a letter of the king of France which would strike you with astonishment
if you could see it.”<a name="FNanchor_1534_1534" id="FNanchor_1534_1534"></a><a href="#Footnote_1534_1534" class="fnanchor">[1534]</a> Spain possessed indubitable proof
at last of French duplicity.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[448]</a></span></p>

<p>The capture of Genlis and the knowledge that Spain had penetrated
the whole secret of her design, filled the French government
with consternation, though Charles IX affected a show of courage
he did not feel.<a name="FNanchor_1535_1535" id="FNanchor_1535_1535"></a><a href="#Footnote_1535_1535" class="fnanchor">[1535]</a> That consternation became abject dismay when
it was learned that Elizabeth of England, partially out of reluctance
to have war with Spain, more because of fear lest French
foothold in the Low Countries would jeopardize her commercial
ascendency there, repudiated the treaty of alliance.<a name="FNanchor_1536_1536" id="FNanchor_1536_1536"></a><a href="#Footnote_1536_1536" class="fnanchor">[1536]</a> As one
reviews the months before the massacre one asks just how far
Elizabeth herself may have been responsible for it. It was she
who, by her tortuous and insincere policy alarmed Charles IX
and Catherine, causing the Flanders expedition to be abandoned;
it was this which caused Coligny to turn upon Catherine in the
King’s council, saying, “This war the King renounced. God
grant he may not find himself involved in another less easy to
renounce.” The line comes straight from Elizabeth surely, but
can be emphasized too strongly. That some blame must rest
on the English cannot be denied, however. Did Catherine de
Medici plan the massacre of St. Bartholomew to save herself from
the wrath of the Huguenots? Or, in her terror did she seek to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[449]</a></span>
appease the wrath of the Catholic dragon with human lives?
Was the massacre of St. Bartholomew the bloody price of Spain’s
satisfaction?</p>

<p>But there is another element to be considered in any endeavor
to unravel the causes of that event. All the art of Catherine de
Medici for years past had been expended in an endeavor to maintain
control by balancing the parties against one another. At
this minute she was insanely jealous of the admiral Coligny, whose
political ascendency seemed all the greater because of the conduct
of the Protestants who crowded Paris for the coming nuptials,
enjoying their superficial popularity with too much arrogance in
many cases, and angering the sentiment of the Parisians, the most
Catholic populace in France.</p>

<p>The massacre seems primarily due to the jealousy and hatred
felt by Catherine de Medici toward Coligny on account of his
great ascendency over Charles IX, coupled with panic after the
failure of her deliberate attempt to have him murdered, and fear
of war with Spain&mdash;a fear all the greater because of England’s
desertion of France in Flanders at this critical moment, lest
English commercial ascendency there should suffer.<a name="FNanchor_1537_1537" id="FNanchor_1537_1537"></a><a href="#Footnote_1537_1537" class="fnanchor">[1537]</a> It was a
crime of fear, a horrible resource in a difficult emergency; partly
a craven attempt to placate Spain for what had been done against
her; partly a crime of jealousy. Perhaps jealousy of Coligny
was even a stronger motive than fear of Spain. The attempt upon
Coligny’s life on August 22, would seem to indicate this.<a name="FNanchor_1538_1538" id="FNanchor_1538_1538"></a><a href="#Footnote_1538_1538" class="fnanchor">[1538]</a> Was
the general slaughter of the Huguenots the consequence of the
failure of this attempt? If the shot of August 22 had killed the
admiral, would the massacre have taken place? I think not.
The failure to kill the admiral was the immediate occasion of the
massacre of St. Bartholomew’s Day. If Coligny had been killed
then and there, the massacre probably would not have happened.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[450]</a></span></p>

<p>The failure to compass the death of the admiral made Catherine
frantic with mingled rage and fear lest the Huguenots concentrated
in Paris would rise in reprisal. She took council with
Guise, Anjou, Madame de Nemours, and Gondi, the Italian
bishop of Paris. The resolution of the King, who at first believed
that the duke of Guise was the author of the attempted assassination,
was beaten down by his mother, and when his fierce
instincts were at last aroused, the way was easy. The hatred of
Paris could be relied upon to do its worst, under the guidance of
the provost who was taken into the plot.<a name="FNanchor_1539_1539" id="FNanchor_1539_1539"></a><a href="#Footnote_1539_1539" class="fnanchor">[1539]</a></p>

<p>There is no need to detail the history of this famous day. At
one-thirty on the morning of August 24 the tocsin sounded from the
tower of St. Germain-l’Auxerrois. Coligny was the first victim.
From the Louvre the murderous spirit spread to the Ville, to the
Cité, to the university quarter. Henry of Navarre and the prince
of Condé saved themselves by abjuration. Montgomery escaped
on a fleet horse to the south. Estimates of the dead are so different
that any positive opinion is impossible. La Popelinière gives
1,000 for Paris, the Tuscan ambassador 3,000, Davila 10,000.
Brantôme says nearly 4,000 bodies were thrown into the Seine.</p>

<p>From Paris the massacre spread to the provinces. On August
25 the fury reached Meaux and Troyes; on the 26th La Charité,
on the 27th Orleans and Bourges, on the 28th Caen, on the 30th
Lyons. Bordeaux and Toulouse followed. At Rouen, Carrouges,
the governor, would not obey the King’s warrant until doubly
convinced, when he retired to his country house and refused to
execute it, though he did not have the courage to prevent the
massacre, as was the case at Dijon, Limoges, Blois, Nantes.<a name="FNanchor_1540_1540" id="FNanchor_1540_1540"></a><a href="#Footnote_1540_1540" class="fnanchor">[1540]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[451]</a></span></p>

<p>There is no reason for doubting that the massacre of St. Bartholomew
was unpremeditated. It was not plotted years before,
or even many days before. The light of modern investigation<a name="FNanchor_1541_1541" id="FNanchor_1541_1541"></a><a href="#Footnote_1541_1541" class="fnanchor">[1541]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[452]</a></span>
has proved this to the satisfaction of every unprejudiced historian,
whether Protestant or Catholic. The combination of causes that
led to the action; the motives of the principals; the responsibility
for the massacre are today known with as much certainty as moral
forces having relative and not absolute values can be. Even
unprejudiced contemporaries, La Noue and Henry IV himself,
did not believe the massacre to have been premeditated. A general
slaughter of the Protestants was an old idea, but never regarded
as a practical one, save by the papacy. The guilt of the massacre
in all its monstrous proportions and consequences rests upon
Catherine de Medici first of all. Fundamentally considered, it
was the crime of a tigerishly hateful and essentially cowardly
woman’s heart. Catherine was the author and instigator of it.
The Guises entered into the plot chiefly to avenge themselves upon
the admiral and really had little interest in prosecuting it beyond<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[453]</a></span>
his death.<a name="FNanchor_1542_1542" id="FNanchor_1542_1542"></a><a href="#Footnote_1542_1542" class="fnanchor">[1542]</a> The duke of Anjou and Tavannes were the fanatics.
Charles IX was the creature of his mother’s malign influence and
the victim of his own ferocious temperament which he had long
indulged, and to which he now allowed monstrous license. For
the rest the massacre of St. Bartholomew was perpetrated by
men whose natures were compounded out of religious bigotry,
political enmity, personal resentment or mere ruffianism and love
of violence. The massacre of St. Bartholomew could not possibly
have been of the remotest political benefit to any person. It was
both a crime and a blunder. But Catherine de Medici was a
ruler whose political conduct was governed by her personal feelings
and prejudices. In the crisis in which she was, she had not the
acumen to discern, or the courage to dare to follow, the course that
lay open before her if she had had eyes to see and an understanding
instead of a passionate heart. That course lay toward
Italy and not toward the Netherlands. If France had reasserted
her claims to Naples and Milan, then in the possession of Philip II,
the nation would have been united in a common cause that would
have appealed to ancient pride and achievement as well as existing
animosity against Spain. England would have had no reason to
be jealous, for her hand would have been free in Flanders. Moreover,
in Italy France might have looked for support from Tuscany
and Ferrara. Switzerland would have supported the enterprise;
Venice would have made no opposition and the Emperor, for all
his Spanish attachments, could not have done so. With the
Turk in the Mediterranean on her side, France could have gone
into war with Spain and the Pope without fear and with great
promise of success.<a name="FNanchor_1543_1543" id="FNanchor_1543_1543"></a><a href="#Footnote_1543_1543" class="fnanchor">[1543]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[454]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c454" id="c454">CHAPTER XVI</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE FOURTH CIVIL WAR</p>

<p>The massacre of St. Bartholomew, like a bolt out of a clear sky,
precipitated a new storm&mdash;the fourth civil war. La Rochelle was
the storm center, though Sancerre and Montauban were rocks of
safety for the Huguenots of the center and south of France, no
less than three thousand Protestants and Politiques of Toulouse
finding refuge in the latter place.<a name="FNanchor_1544_1544" id="FNanchor_1544_1544"></a><a href="#Footnote_1544_1544" class="fnanchor">[1544]</a> When Charles IX’s murderous
passion was overpast and reason returned, he attempted to avert
a new war by offering favorable terms to the Rochellois.<a name="FNanchor_1545_1545" id="FNanchor_1545_1545"></a><a href="#Footnote_1545_1545" class="fnanchor">[1545]</a> But
when the town fortified itself and refused to trust the “favorable”
terms offered by Biron and turned toward England for aid, the
marshal was commanded to take the city by storm.<a name="FNanchor_1546_1546" id="FNanchor_1546_1546"></a><a href="#Footnote_1546_1546" class="fnanchor">[1546]</a> The government
was heavily embarrassed in its military preparations. Money
was scarce and the rate of interest 15 per cent.<a name="FNanchor_1547_1547" id="FNanchor_1547_1547"></a><a href="#Footnote_1547_1547" class="fnanchor">[1547]</a> Soldiers of
judgment and experience pointed out that without either Swiss
or Germans the King could not successfully batter the town,
“for Frenchmen were not fit for the keeping of artillery, or to
make the body of the ‘battle’ of footmen,” and the Swiss diet
refused to let France draw more mercenaries from the Alpine
lands. The King was equally unsuccessful in his endeavor to
recruit footmen in Germany.<a name="FNanchor_1548_1548" id="FNanchor_1548_1548"></a><a href="#Footnote_1548_1548" class="fnanchor">[1548]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[455]</a></span></p>

<p>The enigmatical policy of Elizabeth was also a deterrant in
the beginning of the war. While she sent the earl of Worcester
into France in January, 1573, to treat of commerce and to dangle
the prospect of her marrying Charles IX’s youngest brother, the
duke of Alençon, before the eyes of the French court,<a name="FNanchor_1549_1549" id="FNanchor_1549_1549"></a><a href="#Footnote_1549_1549" class="fnanchor">[1549]</a> the English
queen did not turn a deaf ear to the petition of the Rochellois.<a name="FNanchor_1550_1550" id="FNanchor_1550_1550"></a><a href="#Footnote_1550_1550" class="fnanchor">[1550]</a> If
after the massacre there was less fear of strengthening France by
giving aid to the Low Countries, on the contrary it became doubly
necessary for England not to break with Spain, so that the policy
of Queen Elizabeth was a timid and hesitating one.</p>

<p>When England’s policy was perceived to be so weak, the government
pushed forward its military preparations against the city and
the Italian artillery commander, Strozzi, in mid-December, took
Marans, not far from La Rochelle, and put the garrison to the
sword. But the Rochellois maintained the ramparts against all
onslaught. The attacking army, under command of the duke of
Anjou, lay in the dike under the curtain of the town walls, but
could get no farther. To add to the discomfiture of the Catholics,
the King’s army was in want of foodstuffs on account of the rising
of the country roundabout, especially Poitou and Limousin.<a name="FNanchor_1551_1551" id="FNanchor_1551_1551"></a><a href="#Footnote_1551_1551" class="fnanchor">[1551]</a></p>

<p>The dearth, however, was more than local. The winter of
1572-73 was again a hard one, and though the spring of 1573
opened early and mild, there came recurrence of cold; so much so
that processions were held, imploring the grace of God upon the
fields where much of the grain was killed. The ensuing high<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[456]</a></span>
prices of grain were made higher owing to the fact that great
amounts of it were stored by the dealers against the market.
There were bread riots and popular tumults in various localities
and many towns fixed a maximum price. This condition of
things aggravated the state of war throughout the country. Multitudes
of people crowded the towns. These refugees brought
their possessions with them, their linen and household goods, their
sheep and their cattle, which they were forced to sell for a song
in order to buy bread.</p>

<p>The hard times also led to the migration of people from province
to province and increased the vagabondage that already existed.
The hunger was so great that men and women devoured vegetables,
and even grain, raw. In consequence of the lack of food or the
way in which it was consumed, suffering and disease ensued.
Those who were fortunate enough to possess a garden plot with
a few vines or fruits or vegetables were compelled to guard them
by night and by day against the spoiler. It was considered an
act of charity for those who had fruit trees, after themselves
gathering the fruit, to permit those more wretched than they to
strip the branches of their leaves and consume them. Paris
suffered with the rest of France, for it was impossible to supply
the city with food from the Beauce and Picardy and Champagne.
Grain was imported from Spain and even from the Barbary coast,
the timely arrival of six vessels, on one occasion, saving the capital
from the pinch of famine.<a name="FNanchor_1552_1552" id="FNanchor_1552_1552"></a><a href="#Footnote_1552_1552" class="fnanchor">[1552]</a> The “hard times,” which lasted more
than a year, naturally bore heaviest upon the poorer classes, whose
wretched condition contrasted with the luxury and vanity of the
wealthier classes, with whom extravagance reached an extreme.<a name="FNanchor_1553_1553" id="FNanchor_1553_1553"></a><a href="#Footnote_1553_1553" class="fnanchor">[1553]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[457]</a></span></p>

<p>During the winter there was a complete cessation of hostilities
before La Rochelle. Not a cannon was discharged all through the
months of December, January, and February.<a name="FNanchor_1554_1554" id="FNanchor_1554_1554"></a><a href="#Footnote_1554_1554" class="fnanchor">[1554]</a> In derision of
the King’s camp, some of the more daring of the Huguenot soldiery
strutted about adorned with cards and dice to signify that the
King’s troops were better gamesters than soldiers.<a name="FNanchor_1555_1555" id="FNanchor_1555_1555"></a><a href="#Footnote_1555_1555" class="fnanchor">[1555]</a> The truth
is, Protestant France was not all of one mind to continue the
resistance. There were two parties in the Huguenot capital, the
irreconcilables, who wanted war to the knife and favored looking
to England for support; and a more moderate faction led by that
Bayard of the Protestants, the heroic La Noue, who, believing
that the great enemy of France and of the Huguenots was Spain,<a name="FNanchor_1556_1556" id="FNanchor_1556_1556"></a><a href="#Footnote_1556_1556" class="fnanchor">[1556]</a>
with proper guarantees stood ready to forget and forgive the
massacre, so far as it was possible for human memory and
feeling to do so, recognizing that that event was a catastrophe
to Catholic as well as to Protestant France; that, however monstrous
it was as a crime, as a blunder its effects were even more
calamitous.</p>

<p>As for the crown, it was even more anxious than the moderate
Huguenots to avoid a protracted siege and come to some form of
settlement.<a name="FNanchor_1557_1557" id="FNanchor_1557_1557"></a><a href="#Footnote_1557_1557" class="fnanchor">[1557]</a> With this aim Charles IX, through the medium of the
duke of Longueville, governor of Picardy, early in October had
made overtures to La Noue, who was still in Flanders. After some
hesitation La Noue came to Paris where he had a conference with
the King and the queen mother. So trusted and so capable was
he that Charles IX gave him practically discretionary powers to
bring about a settlement, and in the middle of November La Noue
went to La Rochelle.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[458]</a></span></p>

<p>For days the intrepid leader vainly endeavored to secure entrance
into the city.<a name="FNanchor_1558_1558" id="FNanchor_1558_1558"></a><a href="#Footnote_1558_1558" class="fnanchor">[1558]</a> Finally, on November 26 he was reluctantly
admitted. During the cold and weary weeks of December,
January, and February, while besieged and besiegers were lying
on their arms upon the walls or in the trenches, La Noue alternately
entreated and expostulated, urging the necessity of peace
in the face of vilification, the Huguenot minister La Place even
calling him “perfide traistre, déserteur de son parti.” “The word
of the King,” said Catherine de Medici, to the deputies of the
Reformed on one occasion, “ought to be sufficient for you.”
“No,” replied one of them, “not since St. Bartholomew.”<a name="FNanchor_1559_1559" id="FNanchor_1559_1559"></a><a href="#Footnote_1559_1559" class="fnanchor">[1559]</a> Even
La Noue’s influence could not overcome the radical party in La
Rochelle which imprisoned as many as advocated capitulation
no matter what the terms might be. At last on March 12, 1573,
the brave man gave up hope of persuading the zealot populace and
returned to the King’s camp. Angry at the failure of these
pacific overtures, the government forces redoubled their attacks.
On March 22 the royal artillery opened a terrible fire upon the
city, more than 1,500 cannon-balls being thrown. On April 7
there was a furious assault, even women fighting on the wall,
and the attack was repeated on the 10th, 13th, and 14th, on the
last day there being five separate attempts to take the city by
storm.</p>

<p>Montgomery, who had been sent to England for assistance,<a name="FNanchor_1560_1560" id="FNanchor_1560_1560"></a><a href="#Footnote_1560_1560" class="fnanchor">[1560]</a>
appeared with about seventy ships, and was on the point of giving
battle in the bay, when a fleet of forty vessels from the ports of
Brittany and Normandy hove in sight. These ships, with what
Anjou could muster, made too great a body for Montgomery to
risk an engagement, and so he retired to Belle-Ile, which was
made a Protestant naval base.<a name="FNanchor_1561_1561" id="FNanchor_1561_1561"></a><a href="#Footnote_1561_1561" class="fnanchor">[1561]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-458.jpg" width="450" height="633" id="i458"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="cap1">From <i>Histoire au siège de La Rochelle en 1573</i>, traduite du Latin de Philippe Cauriana (La Rochelle,
1856).</p>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[459]</a></span></p>

<p>Meanwhile, the Swiss in camp had toiled in the trenches and
“swamp angel” guns were established in the marshes to batter
the port of St. Nicholas. On June 11 the supreme assault on La
Rochelle was made and repulsed. The attacking force by an
escalade gained possession of the rampart but found a mighty
trench before them, so that they were constrained to beat their
way along the rampart in the hopes of finding a place to cross it.
Those in the camp, seeing their comrades gain the ramparts, cried,
“ville gaignée!” But the Rochellois lured the enemy along
the wall “and when they were entered set upon them both before
and behind with such fury that they were all either slain or hurt,
and the rest who were coming to succor the foremost were repulsed
with great loss.”<a name="FNanchor_1562_1562" id="FNanchor_1562_1562"></a><a href="#Footnote_1562_1562" class="fnanchor">[1562]</a></p>

<p>After the failure of the great assault, because the soldiery
without was so much discouraged by failure, angry for lack of
pay,<a name="FNanchor_1563_1563" id="FNanchor_1563_1563"></a><a href="#Footnote_1563_1563" class="fnanchor">[1563]</a> and weakened by losses and disease, the only recourse of the
crown was to capitulate with the Rochellois<a name="FNanchor_1564_1564" id="FNanchor_1564_1564"></a><a href="#Footnote_1564_1564" class="fnanchor">[1564]</a> with as much reservation
as possible. Villeroy’s report on the condition of things
before La Rochelle was too convincing to be ignored<a name="FNanchor_1565_1565" id="FNanchor_1565_1565"></a><a href="#Footnote_1565_1565" class="fnanchor">[1565]</a>. In the first
week of July, after two days’ deliberation, Charles IX signed the
terms, although they were not published at once.<a name="FNanchor_1566_1566" id="FNanchor_1566_1566"></a><a href="#Footnote_1566_1566" class="fnanchor">[1566]</a></p>

<p>The general provisions were that those of La Rochelle should
have life, goods, and liberty of conscience and that the town, together
with Montauban, Sancerre, and Nîmes should also have “free<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[460]</a></span>
exercise of the religion and find a garrison for themselves.” The
edict declared that the memory of all things which had happened
since the 24th of August should be extinguished; that the Catholic
religion was to be established throughout the country, except at
the four cities named. Bailiffs and judges ordinary were to see
to the decent interment of those who died in the Reformed religion.
Those who gave security that they would change their religion
should be admitted to the universities, schools, hospitals, without
hindrance, and finally that any French Protestant might sell or
alienate his goods and retire to any country he pleased, provided
it were not to the territory of any princes where war obtained, a
provision obviously intended to protect Spain in the Netherlands.<a name="FNanchor_1567_1567" id="FNanchor_1567_1567"></a><a href="#Footnote_1567_1567" class="fnanchor">[1567]</a></p>

<p>But the fourth war of religion was not yet entirely over. While La
Rochelle with 2,000 men daily labored to repair its battered walls,
Sancerre was not to be tempted by the terms, and the south of
France still held out. The heroic resistance of Sancerre, perched
like an eagle’s nest on a steep hill above the Loire, is one of the
epic stories of the sixteenth century. For nearly eight months
(January 3 to August 19, 1573) the city withstood every assault
and only succumbed at last when reduced to direst famine. Horses,
asses, dogs, cats, rats were all consumed. Soup made of boiled
parchment became a luxury. The inhabitants ate “pain de
paille haschée et d’ordorze y meslant du fumier de chevaux et
tout ce qu’ils pensoient avoir quelque suc.” Even the bodies of the
dead were disinterred and consumed. When human nature could
endure no more, Sancerre threw itself upon the mercy of its conqueror.
It was granted liberty of worship and the people spared
from massacre and pillage for the price of forty thousand livres;
but its mediaeval glory was shorn from it. The splendid clock-tower
of the town was destroyed, its ramparts razed.<a name="FNanchor_1568_1568" id="FNanchor_1568_1568"></a><a href="#Footnote_1568_1568" class="fnanchor">[1568]</a></p>

<p>In spite of the pacification at La Rochelle and the fall of Sancerre,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[461]</a></span>
the Midi still resisted. In Languedoc and Dauphiné the
Huguenots were especially strong.<a name="FNanchor_1569_1569" id="FNanchor_1569_1569"></a><a href="#Footnote_1569_1569" class="fnanchor">[1569]</a> Their harvests were garnered
into walled towns; their army included 2,000 arquebusiers besides
the Huguenot gentry and they were well prepared for further
war.<a name="FNanchor_1570_1570" id="FNanchor_1570_1570"></a><a href="#Footnote_1570_1570" class="fnanchor">[1570]</a> On the anniversary of the massacre (August 24, 1573)
deputies of all the churches of the south convened at Montauban
and took the preliminary steps in the formation of the great
Huguenot confederation which in December assumed the direction
of the war, the regulation of finances, civil administration, and
religious protection.<a name="FNanchor_1571_1571" id="FNanchor_1571_1571"></a><a href="#Footnote_1571_1571" class="fnanchor">[1571]</a></p>

<p>Languedoc was divided into two governments with Montauban
and Nîmes as centers under the authority of the viscounts of
Paulin and St. Romain, each assisted and controlled by a council.
The councils, in turn, in all important matters were required to
consult the local assemblies of Protestants. All these assemblies
were elective. The Protestant organization thus constituted an
all but full-fledged state within a state, asserting its own power
to lay taxes, to administer justice, to carry on war, and to make
peace. It was estimated that 20,000 men in these regions were
able to bear arms.</p>

<p>In consequence of the continuance of the war in the south the
Swiss and the rest of the soldiery not yet licensed were sent from
the camp before La Rochelle into Dauphiné and Languedoc. But
the government was heavily embarrassed financially and had been
compelled to resort to forced loans in Paris and the old shift of
mortgaging the revenue until the grant of the clergy was made in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[462]</a></span>
June.<a name="FNanchor_1572_1572" id="FNanchor_1572_1572"></a><a href="#Footnote_1572_1572" class="fnanchor">[1572]</a> Even then it did not urge war. Charles IX, jealous of
the Guises and of the military reputation which his brother had
acquired, was again manifesting his hatred of the restraint imposed
upon him, and desirous of recovering his independence.</p>

<p>The tendency of France was to return to its earlier policy which
had been interrupted by the massacre.<a name="FNanchor_1573_1573" id="FNanchor_1573_1573"></a><a href="#Footnote_1573_1573" class="fnanchor">[1573]</a> Charles again inclined
to sustain Holland in its rebellion against Spain,<a name="FNanchor_1574_1574" id="FNanchor_1574_1574"></a><a href="#Footnote_1574_1574" class="fnanchor">[1574]</a> at least underhandedly.
To strike Spain was at the same time to strike at all
the influences which he hated. Accordingly France made overtures
anew to the prince of Orange, although it was not without repugnance
that William of Orange brought himself to listen to them.<a name="FNanchor_1575_1575" id="FNanchor_1575_1575"></a><a href="#Footnote_1575_1575" class="fnanchor">[1575]</a>
But the voice of policy was stronger than sentiment.<a name="FNanchor_1576_1576" id="FNanchor_1576_1576"></a><a href="#Footnote_1576_1576" class="fnanchor">[1576]</a> For on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[463]</a></span>
December 11, 1572, the famous siege of Haarlem had begun. It
was Alva’s purpose by the capture of this city to cut the communications
between south Holland, where the prince of Orange
was, and north Holland.<a name="FNanchor_1577_1577" id="FNanchor_1577_1577"></a><a href="#Footnote_1577_1577" class="fnanchor">[1577]</a></p>

<p>From Germany the faithful and far-sighted Schomberg earnestly
urged the project and so artfully did he fulfil his mission that the
elector palatine, the landgrave, and the archbishop of Cologne
all espoused it.<a name="FNanchor_1578_1578" id="FNanchor_1578_1578"></a><a href="#Footnote_1578_1578" class="fnanchor">[1578]</a> “The repose of the kingdom, the security of
the state, the ruin of the great enemy of France, direct and
firm alliance with the princes of Germany, the subversion of
all the designs of the house of Austria, and the culmination
of your desires, is in the hands of your majesty,” he wrote to
Catherine on March 23.<a name="FNanchor_1579_1579" id="FNanchor_1579_1579"></a><a href="#Footnote_1579_1579" class="fnanchor">[1579]</a> At last, after months of deliberation
and delay, the threads of these tortuous negotiations were all
drawn together at a secret interview of Catherine de Medici with
Louis of Nassau at Blamont in Lorraine, in December, 1573.<a name="FNanchor_1580_1580" id="FNanchor_1580_1580"></a><a href="#Footnote_1580_1580" class="fnanchor">[1580]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[464]</a></span></p>

<p>But there was yet another reason why the crown of France
was desirous of closing the conflict at home, which goes far to
explain the government’s willingness to compromise with La
Rochelle. The throne of Poland had become vacant upon the
death of Sigismund Augustus, the last of the Jagiello house, on
July 7, 1572. The crown of Poland was an elective one, the suffrage
being in the hands of the diet, composed solely of the two
privileged orders. In the factional strife that too often ensued, the
deadlock was sometimes broken by the election of an outside prince.
This vicious and unnational policy triumphed in 1573. The
Emperor, the King of Spain, and France had each a candidate.
But Poland had no mind to experience the fate of Bohemia and
pass under the suzerainty of the Hapsburgs. Spain, too, in the
person of her ambassador, was deprived of a hearing and compelled
to make overtures in writing. In this wise the way was
cleared for French diplomacy. In the autumn of 1572, Charles
IX had been sounded by the Poles as to the candidacy of the duke
of Anjou and had intimated the conditions to be expected.<a name="FNanchor_1581_1581" id="FNanchor_1581_1581"></a><a href="#Footnote_1581_1581" class="fnanchor">[1581]</a> On
December 19, the secretary of the bishop of Valence, the French
agent who had been hastily dispatched to Poland, arrived in Paris,
and gave great hope for the election of the duke of Anjou, though
the Polish diet had not met yet on account of the plague.<a name="FNanchor_1582_1582" id="FNanchor_1582_1582"></a><a href="#Footnote_1582_1582" class="fnanchor">[1582]</a></p>

<p>When it convened on April 15, 1573, the dexterous feat was
accomplished by the papal legate, Cardinal Commendone, who,
for his spiritual master, was hostile to the Emperor for having
lately made a three years’ truce with the Turks and thus marred
the glory of Lepanto, and opposed in principle to the widening<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[465]</a></span>
of Spain’s activities anywhere, in view of the supreme struggle
of the faith in France and the Low Countries, where the cause
of Rome was in sore need of Spanish support. The French
envoys<a name="FNanchor_1583_1583" id="FNanchor_1583_1583"></a><a href="#Footnote_1583_1583" class="fnanchor">[1583]</a> then skilfully introduced the name of the duke of Anjou,
lauding his Catholic virtues in the ears of a Catholic populace;
promising that if elected Henry of Valois would spend all his
revenues&mdash;how little these were the Poles could not know&mdash;in
Poland for the benefit of the kingdom; they promised, too, that the
prospective king would recover from the Muscovite all the territories
whereof the kingdom of Poland had been despoiled in times past,
as well as Wallachia from the Turks.<a name="FNanchor_1584_1584" id="FNanchor_1584_1584"></a><a href="#Footnote_1584_1584" class="fnanchor">[1584]</a> The arguments told, and
on May 19, 1573, the duke of Anjou was elected king of Poland.</p>

<p>On August 8, 1573, the official deputation of Polish nobles
sent to France to notify the duke of Anjou of his election reached
Metz, and soon afterward (June 24, St. John’s Day) arrived at
Paris. They were the advance guard of almost two thousand
Polish nobles and gentry who visited the kingdom during this
summer. They were all magnificently lodged and entertained
in the city at the expense of the crown, or rather at the expense
of the people, for a new tax was imposed for purposes of entertainment.
The appearance of the Poles struck the French
with amazement. They were all tall, handsome men, “speaking
Latin down to the very hostlers,” but marvelously given to drink
and great gourmands. The wine-shops of the capital were almost
drunk dry. Two Poles, the saying went, drank more wine and
consumed more meat than six Frenchmen.<a name="FNanchor_1585_1585" id="FNanchor_1585_1585"></a><a href="#Footnote_1585_1585" class="fnanchor">[1585]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[466]</a></span></p>

<p>The honor of the crown of Poland salved the wounded pride
of Anjou, still before La Rochelle. But the army murmured so
much that a royal mandate was issued making it a misdemeanor to
argue or to discuss the Polish election in the streets of Paris, or
to discountenance the election of the duke of Anjou to the throne
of Poland in written work or speech.<a name="FNanchor_1586_1586" id="FNanchor_1586_1586"></a><a href="#Footnote_1586_1586" class="fnanchor">[1586]</a> Without victory, without
pay, without even enough to eat, the soldiers grumbled to the point
of mutiny and averred that the government was bribed, and took
the Huguenot money in order to provide funds for the King’s trip
to Poland.<a name="FNanchor_1587_1587" id="FNanchor_1587_1587"></a><a href="#Footnote_1587_1587" class="fnanchor">[1587]</a> Henry dared not openly leave the camp for fear of
their rebellion and was compelled to make a feint of going boating
in the bay and then effect an escape by sea to Nantes.<a name="FNanchor_1588_1588" id="FNanchor_1588_1588"></a><a href="#Footnote_1588_1588" class="fnanchor">[1588]</a></p>

<p>Distance lent enchantment to the view. Poland was in a
wretched condition through the dissensions of the nobility. The
Emperor was angry and talked of stopping the duke <i>en route</i>.<a name="FNanchor_1589_1589" id="FNanchor_1589_1589"></a><a href="#Footnote_1589_1589" class="fnanchor">[1589]</a>
Lithuania seceded and entered into an alliance with the duke of
Prussia, the king of Sweden, and Russia, to overthrow the Polish
government.<a name="FNanchor_1590_1590" id="FNanchor_1590_1590"></a><a href="#Footnote_1590_1590" class="fnanchor">[1590]</a> The Hanseatic cities, too, like Dantzig, Riga,
and Revel, were very dissatisfied, for it was open knowledge that
Poland aspired to the control of their commerce.<a name="FNanchor_1591_1591" id="FNanchor_1591_1591"></a><a href="#Footnote_1591_1591" class="fnanchor">[1591]</a> The Poles<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[467]</a></span>
themselves soon discovered that their new king was a goose
without a golden egg. For the French lawyers found an interpretation
of the promise that the French would discharge the
debts of the realm to the effect that the promise meant only those
arising since the death of the late king. The Polish agents in
Paris made wry faces at the finding, but so the agreement was
registered by the Parlement of Paris on September 17, 1573.<a name="FNanchor_1592_1592" id="FNanchor_1592_1592"></a><a href="#Footnote_1592_1592" class="fnanchor">[1592]</a>
In the same month the duke of Anjou set out for his new kingdom,
going via Nancy, Heidelberg, and Frankfurt to Cracow.
Metz he avoided because the Emperor, still sullen and still smarting
from the loss of the city twenty-one years before (1552), had
commanded the imperial commissioners appointed to conduct
him, to receive him in Metz as though it were a free city of the
empire, which the French naturally refused to permit.</p>

<p>Again the foolish affection of Catherine de Medici for one of
her children,<a name="FNanchor_1593_1593" id="FNanchor_1593_1593"></a><a href="#Footnote_1593_1593" class="fnanchor">[1593]</a> again her political fatuity, threw France far off
from the course she should have followed. As before the massacre,
so now that course was the path to Italy.<a name="FNanchor_1594_1594" id="FNanchor_1594_1594"></a><a href="#Footnote_1594_1594" class="fnanchor">[1594]</a> Instead of narrowing
the field of her ambition for her children and concentrating
her power, not content with Poland for the duke of Anjou, she
even dreamed of the Hapsburg crown for Charles IX,<a name="FNanchor_1595_1595" id="FNanchor_1595_1595"></a><a href="#Footnote_1595_1595" class="fnanchor">[1595]</a> and that
of England for Alençon. Schomberg’s missions in 1572-73 to
Germany<a name="FNanchor_1596_1596" id="FNanchor_1596_1596"></a><a href="#Footnote_1596_1596" class="fnanchor">[1596]</a> were not merely to dispose the German princes in
favor of France’s projected enterprise in the Netherlands, but also
to persuade them, especially the electors of Cologne and the
Palatinate, in favor of the French King’s imperial ambition.
France’s policy in Poland<a name="FNanchor_1597_1597" id="FNanchor_1597_1597"></a><a href="#Footnote_1597_1597" class="fnanchor">[1597]</a> and her policy in Germany were two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[468]</a></span>
parts of one grand design and in a large sense had to stand or fall
together. Peace with the Huguenots was an essential element
in the forwarding of this project, especially with the Protestant
German princes, as Schomberg pointed out.<a name="FNanchor_1598_1598" id="FNanchor_1598_1598"></a><a href="#Footnote_1598_1598" class="fnanchor">[1598]</a></p>

<p>But there were two great obstacles in the way of advance&mdash;German
resentment because of the massacre of St. Bartholomew<a name="FNanchor_1599_1599" id="FNanchor_1599_1599"></a><a href="#Footnote_1599_1599" class="fnanchor">[1599]</a>
and the counter-diplomacy of Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1600_1600" id="FNanchor_1600_1600"></a><a href="#Footnote_1600_1600" class="fnanchor">[1600]</a> The Guisard-Spanish
party at home naturally exerted itself to thwart the prosecution
of these designs.<a name="FNanchor_1601_1601" id="FNanchor_1601_1601"></a><a href="#Footnote_1601_1601" class="fnanchor">[1601]</a> Morvilliers warned Charles IX that their
continuance would involve France in a war with Spain.<a name="FNanchor_1602_1602" id="FNanchor_1602_1602"></a><a href="#Footnote_1602_1602" class="fnanchor">[1602]</a></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[469]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c469" id="c469">CHAPTER XVII</a></h2>

<p class="pch">THE LAST DAYS OF CHARLES IX. THE CONSPIRACY OF THE
POLITIQUES</p>

<p>The war in the south, during the months of these negotiations,
had gone on in its own course almost unhindered by the government.
Many of the men of service had gone with Anjou into
Poland and many others, especially the Swiss, were licensed.
In consequence the Huguenots made themselves masters of the
Rhone, even seizing Avignon, to the great anger of the Pope, who
refused to receive Paul de Foix as French ambassador to Rome
on the double ground that he was of the Huguenot persuasion and
because the French King would not give safe-conduct to troops
from Italy to go to Avignon for the purpose of recovering it.<a name="FNanchor_1603_1603" id="FNanchor_1603_1603"></a><a href="#Footnote_1603_1603" class="fnanchor">[1603]</a>
After the departure of his brother for Poland, Charles IX weakly
took up the Protestant issue again, and he and his mother spent
three days at Chantilly with Montmorency in consideration of the
course to follow.<a name="FNanchor_1604_1604" id="FNanchor_1604_1604"></a><a href="#Footnote_1604_1604" class="fnanchor">[1604]</a> Deputations from various provinces came to the
King to petition immediate reduction of the taxes on account of the
exhausted state of the country, but there was a unanimous wish
against calling another session of the estates on account of the
expense.<a name="FNanchor_1605_1605" id="FNanchor_1605_1605"></a><a href="#Footnote_1605_1605" class="fnanchor">[1605]</a> As an earnest of the King’s good intentions, the prince of
Condé was made governor of Picardy, an office made vacant by the
timely decease of the duke of Longueville, the prince, to the
chagrin of the duke of Nevers who was an aspirant for the post,
having recovered from the smallpox, with which the duke of
Alençon also fell ill.<a name="FNanchor_1606_1606" id="FNanchor_1606_1606"></a><a href="#Footnote_1606_1606" class="fnanchor">[1606]</a> The King had planned to convene deputies
of the Huguenots of Languedoc and Dauphiné at least at Compiègne,
but fell ill of smallpox<a name="FNanchor_1607_1607" id="FNanchor_1607_1607"></a><a href="#Footnote_1607_1607" class="fnanchor">[1607]</a> and the project came to an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[470]</a></span>
end.<a name="FNanchor_1608_1608" id="FNanchor_1608_1608"></a><a href="#Footnote_1608_1608" class="fnanchor">[1608]</a> To add to embarrassments Paris and Rouen, where the populace
were of the opposing religions, entered into war for the restraint
of foodstuffs, Paris stopping all wine passing down the Seine and
Rouen in turn preventing corn from passing up the river to Paris.<a name="FNanchor_1609_1609" id="FNanchor_1609_1609"></a><a href="#Footnote_1609_1609" class="fnanchor">[1609]</a>
The economic condition of the country gave the government great
concern. Hard times and high prices still prevailed and the
measures of the government only irritated things the more, though
some of them were wisely meant. For example, in February,
1574, an edict of the King forbade the circulation of all foreign
silver coin, as well as that which was mutilated or debased. When
the merchants of Troyes learned of this condemnation of all foreign
or cut coin, they sent a deputation to remonstrate with the King,
saying that their town and the county of Champagne as well as
all Lorraine and Burgundy abounded with this money and no
other; and it was not possible to exclude these coins from the
country without entailing ruin, if the edict were enforced. They
further urged that the edict would act as a serious bar to traffic
across the frontier. But the King refused to rescind the ordinance.
In consequence, those familiar with money palmed off the forbidden
currency upon the simpler folk, who found to their dismay
that they had been cheated, when the King’s officers refused to
accept these coins in payment of taxes. Nevertheless, in the
long run, the action raised the standard of coin in France.<a name="FNanchor_1610_1610" id="FNanchor_1610_1610"></a><a href="#Footnote_1610_1610" class="fnanchor">[1610]</a> Less
wise action was the new sale of offices&mdash;those of the <i>procureurs
du roi</i>&mdash;and it was even suggested that the office of advocate be
made a salable one, but fortunately for the administration of
justice, this was not done.<a name="FNanchor_1611_1611" id="FNanchor_1611_1611"></a><a href="#Footnote_1611_1611" class="fnanchor">[1611]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[471]</a></span></p>

<p>Popular suspicion was also attached to an ordinance commanding
the governors of the provinces, through the bailiffs and
seneschals, to take a census in their localities, giving the name,
surname, and employment of all men between the ages of twenty-one
and sixty. It was beyond the imagination of the people to
know the reason of this action, or to divine what the King meant
to do. Some thought that the crown was going to establish a
local constabulary for the arrest of the numerous robbers and
vagabonds, who, under the guise of war, looted and pillaged the
country, and that men would be chosen in each parish like the
francs-archers of the days of Louis XII and Francis I. Others
thought that the King merely wanted to raise a new army to send
into Languedoc where the Huguenots and the Politiques were
now making common cause together. Others still thought that
the device was one for taxing purposes.<a name="FNanchor_1612_1612" id="FNanchor_1612_1612"></a><a href="#Footnote_1612_1612" class="fnanchor">[1612]</a></p>

<p>Worst of all, however, was an event that happened late in
December, 1573, which threatened to make the war general again.
This event was the discovery of a plot to overthrow the Protestants in
La Rochelle. The King seems to have been innocent of the project,
and repudiated the government’s part in it. The author of the
plot was La Haye, the president of Poitiers, who ingratiated himself
with the people of the town and managed to secure some of
his accomplices positions in the guard. The gate of the city was
to be treacherously opened to a strong force secretly brought up
under cover of darkness on the night of December 15. But on
the day before, one of the company betrayed the plan to the authorities
of the city.<a name="FNanchor_1613_1613" id="FNanchor_1613_1613"></a><a href="#Footnote_1613_1613" class="fnanchor">[1613]</a> Tremendous indignation prevailed in Huguenot
circles as a result of this disclosure. English merchants in Rouen,
Dieppe, and the Norman ports for a time apprehended local
massacres, for Montgomery was known to be in England.<a name="FNanchor_1614_1614" id="FNanchor_1614_1614"></a><a href="#Footnote_1614_1614" class="fnanchor">[1614]</a> In
the provinces, from day to day, news came of the doings of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[472]</a></span>
Huguenots. La Noue was in Lusignan; there were Huguenot
movements in Poitou, Limousin, and Guyenne;<a name="FNanchor_1615_1615" id="FNanchor_1615_1615"></a><a href="#Footnote_1615_1615" class="fnanchor">[1615]</a> again it was word
from Sedan, the seat of the duke of Bouillon, that there was a
suspicious rendezvous of Huguenots there; another time that
there were 500 Protestant horse and 1,200 footmen assembled
at St. Lô.<a name="FNanchor_1616_1616" id="FNanchor_1616_1616"></a><a href="#Footnote_1616_1616" class="fnanchor">[1616]</a> The government was under apprehension lest suddenly,
either at home some danger might assail France, or that
abroad, by the actions of Germany and England, material assistance
might be given to the Huguenots to carry their designs into
effect, for the waters of the Channel and the Bay of Biscay
swarmed with privateers.<a name="FNanchor_1617_1617" id="FNanchor_1617_1617"></a><a href="#Footnote_1617_1617" class="fnanchor">[1617]</a> On February 25 the Reformed party
issued a famous declaration “printed at Rochelle in diverse
languages that the truth of our cause and purpose may be known
to all Christians.” Finally, news of real material importance
came that Montgomery, whom Guitery had joined, had landed near
Coutances and marched to Carentan, which surrendered within
two days. Since then Montgomery had taken various forts and
castles, among them Argentan, and ten pieces of artillery.<a name="FNanchor_1618_1618" id="FNanchor_1618_1618"></a><a href="#Footnote_1618_1618" class="fnanchor">[1618]</a> Charles
IX immediately commissioned the sieur de Torcy, lieutenant-general
in the government of the Ile-de-France and the viscount
of Turenne to treat with him, making promise of favor and protection
if he would lay down his arms. But Montgomery replied
that the memory of St. Bartholomew was too fresh for him to do so;
and for that matter he would have to refer the King’s terms to
the body of the Reformed, of which he was only a member.<a name="FNanchor_1619_1619" id="FNanchor_1619_1619"></a><a href="#Footnote_1619_1619" class="fnanchor">[1619]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[473]</a></span></p>

<p>The Huguenots possessed a hierarchy of religious assemblies
which served to unite their forces, through consistories, colloquies,
and provincial synods, into a national body. Yet there was not an
absolute uniformity in this organization. In the north of France
each town maintained its own particular administration, separate
and distinct. La Rochelle is a type of this kind and was fiercely
jealous of its “franchises and liberties” after the manner of the
German cities.<a name="FNanchor_1620_1620" id="FNanchor_1620_1620"></a><a href="#Footnote_1620_1620" class="fnanchor">[1620]</a> In the south, however, these local governments
fused to form the great association, which rendered possible the
creation of a genuine Huguenot political state. This development
was materially aided by the Politiques. For one of the
results of the massacre of St. Bartholomew was the crystallization
of the liberal Catholic element represented by the marshal
Montmorency and his brother, Damville, into a real political
party. It was composed of a group of young nobles, ambitious
and ill satisfied, with whom politics was of more importance
than religion, and who were hostile to the queen mother and
to the Guises. Among them were the duke of Alençon, who
perhaps dreamed of succeeding his brother, when Henry of Anjou
was far away in Poland, for Charles IX’s days were evidently numbered;
the young princes of Navarre and Condé, who had been
driven to espouse Catholicism by terror, the viscount of Turenne
and the whole house of Montmorency. Even in the camp before
La Rochelle this faction of the Politiques laid its plots, endeavoring
to put the fleet under command of the duke of Alençon, and
probably upon the advice of the king of Navarre opened intercourse
with La Noue.<a name="FNanchor_1621_1621" id="FNanchor_1621_1621"></a><a href="#Footnote_1621_1621" class="fnanchor">[1621]</a> La Noue was persuaded that much<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[474]</a></span>
might be gained by the fusion of the Huguenots and the Politiques.
The significance of this development must not pass unnoticed.
The whole character of the war was ultimately changed by it.
La Noue first, and later Damville, became the genius of this alliance.
He negotiated with Damville, with Alençon, with Henry of
Navarre. He sent Du Plessis-Mornay to England. But his
greatest feat of diplomacy was the persuasion of the people of
La Rochelle to adopt the new course. It required all the eloquence,
all the charm, and all the strategy of a born leader of men
to convince the hot-headed and impetuous Rochellois, but he
finally succeeded, and the alliance was at last concluded between
the Huguenots of religion and the Huguenots of state, the connecting
link being the new party of the Politiques.<a name="FNanchor_1622_1622" id="FNanchor_1622_1622"></a><a href="#Footnote_1622_1622" class="fnanchor">[1622]</a></p>

<p>The Protestants and the Politiques speedily converted theories
into practice in the south of France, where their confederation
spread over all Languedoc and much of Guyenne. Two
towns in each province were appointed as “Confederate towns.”
Special parlements pronounced upon all law cases which arose
between litigants of either group. Liberty of worship was recognized
as sacred right and this <i>de facto</i> government even undertook
the trial and condemnation of the authors of the massacre of
1572.</p>

<p>We get clear intimations of these new political ideas in the
literature of the time.</p>

<p>In the last days of Charles IX a political treatise appeared
entitled <i>Du droit des magistrats sur les sujets</i>, purporting to
have been published in Magdeburg, which advanced the thesis
that the kingship, although established by God, was a popular
institution, and that, if the king were unfaithful to his office,
he could be set aside.<a name="FNanchor_1623_1623" id="FNanchor_1623_1623"></a><a href="#Footnote_1623_1623" class="fnanchor">[1623]</a> The <i>Franco-Gallia</i> of Hotman proclaimed
the sovereignty of the people and the dependency of the crown
upon its will. The same idea dominates the <i>Junius Brutus</i> of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[475]</a></span>
Hubert Languet. Popular sanction, he says, alone makes the
king; election is an inalienable right of the people to whom the
king is responsible. A pamphlet inspired by the Montmorencys
and called <i>La France-Turquie</i> compared Charles IX to the Sultan
and accused him of endeavoring to reduce his subjects to eastern
servility.</p>

<p>An incident that occurred at this time shows how far the idea
of limited monarchy obtained among the Huguenots. In the
course of one of the negotiations the prince of Condé was asked to
sign a paper for his party. His reply was that he and the king of
Navarre “had no other authority in that party than that which
they had received with the articles of their election,” which did
not attribute a monarchical power to them, the party being composed
of a great number of the nobility and the third estate, who
had given power to them.<a name="FNanchor_1624_1624" id="FNanchor_1624_1624"></a><a href="#Footnote_1624_1624" class="fnanchor">[1624]</a></p>

<p>Yet there was not complete homogeneity in the new order of
things. The Politiques, except high nobles, and the rank and
file of the Huguenots represented liberal democratic ideas. But
the nobles could not forget their ancient lineage. The <i>assemblées
de généralité</i>, created in 1573, included the chief members of the
nobility, and although the third estate occupied an important
place in them, the generals were all nobles.<a name="FNanchor_1625_1625" id="FNanchor_1625_1625"></a><a href="#Footnote_1625_1625" class="fnanchor">[1625]</a> The nobility were
not slow to resume their ancient superiority owing to the influence
of the king of Navarre, who was not as pliable as the prince of
Condé, particularly after the Huguenot alliance with the Politiques.<a name="FNanchor_1626_1626" id="FNanchor_1626_1626"></a><a href="#Footnote_1626_1626" class="fnanchor">[1626]</a></p>

<p>An enormous amount of provincial spirit had been aroused
during the course of the wars. One of the speakers in the <i>Reveille-matin</i>
speaks of the half-independence of Dauphiné, and points
out the strong tendency to re-establish the ancient provincial
organization. This theory of the Huguenots was in harmony
with their constant assertion that they were restorers of the past,
not revolutionists. Feudal traditions were too strong in France
to be displaced by this new change. While the bourgeoisie<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[476]</a></span>
formed town groups, the Protestant and Politique nobles appealed
to the provincial spirit. By a species of political atavism the
régime of the Middle Ages began again to prevail.<a name="FNanchor_1627_1627" id="FNanchor_1627_1627"></a><a href="#Footnote_1627_1627" class="fnanchor">[1627]</a> Every
captain considered himself a petty sovereign. When the King
ordered Montbrun to respect the majesty of the law, the haughty
rejoinder was that arms made men equal in the game of politics.
“In time of war when one carries a weapon in his hand and
sits in the saddle, the whole world is comrade.”</p>

<p>The government accordingly made renewed endeavors to
carry on the war. The provost of Paris was authorized on March
30 to make proclamation that all vassals and others in Paris
belonging to the ban and arrière-ban, should assemble, fully
equipped on April 15; all gendarmes were ordered to repair to the
governors and lieutenant-governors of their several provinces, by
April 20.<a name="FNanchor_1628_1628" id="FNanchor_1628_1628"></a><a href="#Footnote_1628_1628" class="fnanchor">[1628]</a> Montpensier was sent into Anjou with instructions
to do nothing against La Noue, but to keep the passages of the
Loire and prevent him from joining with Montgomery. The
hope was yet to arrange terms with the Huguenots and for that
reason Strozzi, for whom La Noue had been exchanged after
Moncontour, and Pinart were sent to La Noue, bearing credentials
from Henry of Navarre, and Villeroy dispatched to Languedoc.
Simultaneously emissaries were also sent to Sedan, for fear lest
the prince of Condé and the duke of Bouillon might conspire
with Louis of Nassau. East, west, south, the clouds of war hung
over France.<a name="FNanchor_1629_1629" id="FNanchor_1629_1629"></a><a href="#Footnote_1629_1629" class="fnanchor">[1629]</a> In the court intrigue and accusation were rife all
this time. In February the duke of Guise feigned, or believed,
that he discovered a plot to assassinate him, of which Montmorency
was the author.<a name="FNanchor_1630_1630" id="FNanchor_1630_1630"></a><a href="#Footnote_1630_1630" class="fnanchor">[1630]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[477]</a></span></p>

<p>The absence of Henry of Anjou at this critical stage filled
Catherine with alarm, and strenuous efforts were made to bring
about a settlement. A secret agent of the queen mother named
Pierre Brisson at this time tried to bribe La Noue by the offer of
10,000 <i>écus de rente</i> to retire to England. It must have been a
great temptation, for already the intrepid leader was ruined by the
war; but his nature was too noble to accept the terms. Charles
IX for a season shook himself out of the apathy of mortal illness,
while the Huguenots and the Politiques bent every endeavor to perfect
their plans during the absence of the heir to the throne in
Poland. The scheme was to declare Henry of Anjou deprived of
his rights to the crown and to recognize the duke of Alençon as heir-presumptive
with the title of lieutenant-general of the kingdom.
Elizabeth of England<a name="FNanchor_1631_1631" id="FNanchor_1631_1631"></a><a href="#Footnote_1631_1631" class="fnanchor">[1631]</a> and William of Orange were counted upon
for influence and assistance. With this purpose a conspiracy
was set on foot much like that attempted at Meaux in 1567. The
duke of Alençon and the king of Navarre were to make their
escape from court and effect a union with Guitery, chief of the
confederates in Normandy. They were then suddenly to seize St.
Germain and carry off the King and queen mother. The plot
was that the king of Navarre, the duke of Alençon, and some of
their gentlemen should go forth from the court on the morning<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[478]</a></span>
of this day as if to hunt, and ride toward Mantes, which was a
town in the appanage of the duke, and garrisoned by a company
of the marshal Montmorency under the command of a
brother of Du Plessis-Mornay. The gate was to be opened upon
their appearance.<a name="FNanchor_1632_1632" id="FNanchor_1632_1632"></a><a href="#Footnote_1632_1632" class="fnanchor">[1632]</a> March 1, 1574, was the day set for the enterprise,
but there was a misunderstanding between the leaders,
and unfortunately, as in 1560, there were too many informed of it.
Catherine had vague information, and was on her guard. But
final failure was due to a false move of Guitery, who arrived upon
the scene a day ahead of the appointed time, and with insufficient
forces.</p>

<p>Success depended upon Guitery’s arriving at the hour of six
on the morning of March 1 with 300 gentlemen and some footmen,
but on February 27 the wild rumor was spread that there
were some 700 or 800 horsemen of the religion seen within three
leagues of St. Germain. Everybody made ready for flight “removing
of stuff as if they had fled before an enemy.” In the
morning the march was made in battle array to Paris, Charles
being so weak that he could scarcely ride his mule.<a name="FNanchor_1633_1633" id="FNanchor_1633_1633"></a><a href="#Footnote_1633_1633" class="fnanchor">[1633]</a></p>

<p>At Paris, fearful of going to the Louvre, the King lodged in the
house of De Retz in the Faubourg St. Honoré and then went to
Bois de Vincennes. Failing in his purpose Guitery sought to
cross the Seine at Mantes, probably with the intention of joining
La Noue who, having taken Lusignan and other towns in Poitou,
as unsuccessfully was endeavoring to cross the Loire to join
Guitery.<a name="FNanchor_1634_1634" id="FNanchor_1634_1634"></a><a href="#Footnote_1634_1634" class="fnanchor">[1634]</a> When the first alarm was over, the King and queen
mother tried to make light of the episode. But it was a symptom
the lesson of which could not be mistaken. It is plain that Charles
IX and his mother feared greatly what Alençon might be planning,
but he affirmed vigorously that he was only trying to escape
from court.<a name="FNanchor_1635_1635" id="FNanchor_1635_1635"></a><a href="#Footnote_1635_1635" class="fnanchor">[1635]</a> When questioned, he disclaimed any treasonable intent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[479]</a></span>
or purpose to disturb the kingdom, but admitted his hatred for the
court party and his sympathy for the Politiques. In a long
harangue the duke accused the King of undue favoritism of his
brother, the duke of Anjou. The ground of his reproaches seems to
have been pique because of the fact that, while in camp before La
Rochelle, affairs of importance were never discussed in his presence.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">After the departure of the king of Poland, when he hoped to have more
insight into public affairs, he had not been admitted, nor was he able to obtain
the dignity and functions which had belonged to his brother. And these facts had
lowered his reputation in the court to such an extent that the Guises not only
desired to quarrel with him but were continually laboring to effect that result.<a name="FNanchor_1636_1636" id="FNanchor_1636_1636"></a><a href="#Footnote_1636_1636" class="fnanchor">[1636]</a></p>

<p class="pn1">Further, Alençon complained</p>

<p class="pbq p1">that the king and his mother threw difficulties in the way of his intentions in
Flanders; and made use of such well-reasoned arguments that it was clear the
case that he put forward had been prepared by persons possessing greater
experience and knowledge than his capacity could pretend to have. But he
did not reveal any names. He alleged that he would have to remain a poor
prince unless by force of arms he could acquire a position whereby he might
obtain a sufficient reputation to accomplish a marriage with the queen of
England; that in France the authorities and powers enjoyed by his brother,
the King of Poland, were not given him, and that what little power he had was
only in name, while, on the other hand, the prince of Orange has sought his
aid by very large offers and many great promises had also been made to him
from Germany and England, and that in the kingdom of France many persons
had pledged their word to follow his fortunes everywhere.<a name="FNanchor_1637_1637" id="FNanchor_1637_1637"></a><a href="#Footnote_1637_1637" class="fnanchor">[1637]</a></p>

<p class="p1">The Guisard faction and Biragues, the chancellor, in order
to strike Montmorency, who with Damville was the leader of the
Politiques, urged a drastic course. At the meeting of the King’s
council, the chancellor said to the King:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">You should take into account the continual fear for your own person, and
the imminent ruin which threatens the whole kingdom given you by God, the
governor; and these considerations without doubt should move your majesty
to follow the example of King Louis XI, your ancestor, who was so renowned
in history, and to cause the world to know that while your Majesty is full of
clemency, so you can also punish when the occasion demands.<a name="FNanchor_1638_1638" id="FNanchor_1638_1638"></a><a href="#Footnote_1638_1638" class="fnanchor">[1638]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[480]</a></span></p>

<p class="p1">In view of the high estate of those involved, Catherine de
Medici, however, refused to follow out this resolute policy. But
both princes and Montmorency were kept under surveillance
though nominally allowed their liberty. This Scotch verdict of
“not proven” was a great disappointment to the Guises who
probably are responsible for the “conspiracy” trumped up two
weeks later. It was alleged that a plot had been “discovered”
against the King and the queen mother which was to have been
carried into effect on Easter Day. On April 8, Alençon, Henry
of Navarre, and the marshal Montmorency, were together in the
castle of Bois de Vincennes when suddenly the gates were shut
and double guards set, for there was a rumor of the appearance
of strange horsemen in the vicinity. At the same time the gates
of Paris were closed and no one was permitted to pass out with
any horse or weapon. La Mole, one of the gentlemen attached
to Alençon, was suddenly arrested, and with him another gentleman
of Alençon’s entourage, the count Coconnas. Both were
imprisoned in the Conciergerie, and refused converse with the
duke. The prince of Navarre, Alençon, and Montmorency, however,
still were suffered to go abroad but “with such company
as might be masters.”<a name="FNanchor_1639_1639" id="FNanchor_1639_1639"></a><a href="#Footnote_1639_1639" class="fnanchor">[1639]</a> Things now rapidly passed from farce
to tragedy. Alençon and Navarre would confess nothing,<a name="FNanchor_1640_1640" id="FNanchor_1640_1640"></a><a href="#Footnote_1640_1640" class="fnanchor">[1640]</a> the
latter showing “a very bold face without any fear of consequences.”
The examination was with the purpose of acquiring colorable
information from the inquisition of La Mole and Coconnas<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[481]</a></span>
in order to implicate the duke of Montmorency. The poor
wretches had nothing of the divinity that hedged the princes of the
blood and were inquisitorially examined and judicially murdered.<a name="FNanchor_1641_1641" id="FNanchor_1641_1641"></a><a href="#Footnote_1641_1641" class="fnanchor">[1641]</a>
The duke of Alençon in vain entreated for the lives of his friends.
Charles IX, who was morbid and savage and stricken unto death<a name="FNanchor_1642_1642" id="FNanchor_1642_1642"></a><a href="#Footnote_1642_1642" class="fnanchor">[1642]</a>
would only allow that, instead of being executed in public, they
should be put to death in prison.<a name="FNanchor_1643_1643" id="FNanchor_1643_1643"></a><a href="#Footnote_1643_1643" class="fnanchor">[1643]</a> On April 30 La Mole and
Coconnas were beheaded and quartered.<a name="FNanchor_1644_1644" id="FNanchor_1644_1644"></a><a href="#Footnote_1644_1644" class="fnanchor">[1644]</a></p>

<p>But for once the ascendency of the queen mother over the King
was of good effect. Charles IX was urged to mete out the same
penalty to his brother, the marshals Cossé and Montmorency,
and Henry of Navarre. If it had not been for powerful intervention
this might have been the case.<a name="FNanchor_1645_1645" id="FNanchor_1645_1645"></a><a href="#Footnote_1645_1645" class="fnanchor">[1645]</a> Imagine the astonishment
of the world that expressed surprise when Philip II imprisoned
his son if such an act had been done! In the ferocious
mood now become habitual with the King, such a thing is conceivably
possible. But Catherine de Medici spared Henry of
Navarre now, as in the massacre of St. Bartholomew, because the
Bourbons were needful as a checkmate to the Guises. Such
conduct, too, might have driven England and the German Protestant
princes into active support of the Huguenots&mdash;a consideration<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[482]</a></span>
which had made Catherine hesitate before August 24, 1572.
A living dog was better than a dead lion.<a name="FNanchor_1646_1646" id="FNanchor_1646_1646"></a><a href="#Footnote_1646_1646" class="fnanchor">[1646]</a> “The King told that
he should bear in mind that while the duke and Navarre were alive,
he could do what he pleased, but if they were dead there would be
no remedy.”<a name="FNanchor_1647_1647" id="FNanchor_1647_1647"></a><a href="#Footnote_1647_1647" class="fnanchor">[1647]</a></p>

<p>The real motive and animus of the whole cruel affair&mdash;the
destruction of the Montmorencys by the Guises&mdash;was not long
in forthcoming. Hitherto the duke had been allowed guarded
freedom, even to go hunting. But within a few days after the
death of La Mole and Coconnas came word of the capture of
Damville, Montmorency’s brother, in Languedoc. Immediately
the duke of Montmorency and the marshal Cossé were shut up
in the Bastille. The ancient and bitter grudge of the Guises
against the Montmorency-Châtillon house, half of which had
been paid in the murder of the admiral, narrowly missed being
sated at this hour. In the blood-thirsty mood in which the King
was, the purple of kingship probably would not have protected<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[483]</a></span>
the duke. But at heart Charles IX and his mother were craven
cowards, and the latter, at least, was not wholly lost to prudence.
Fortunately for the duke of Montmorency and for France,
the word of Damville’s capture was a false report. He had
intercepted the instructions sent to Joyeuse and the governor
of Narbonne for his apprehension and taken his precautions.
Damville was too great a lion to rouse the anger of, while he was at
large, and nothing but treachery could overthrow him, for he was
in possession of Beziers, Montpellier, Pasenas, Beaucaire, Boignelles,
and Pont St. Esprit, and as leader of the united Politiques
and Huguenots of the south, in control of Languedoc, Dauphiné,
and Provence.<a name="FNanchor_1648_1648" id="FNanchor_1648_1648"></a><a href="#Footnote_1648_1648" class="fnanchor">[1648]</a></p>

<p>The great political anxiety he labored under aggravated the
condition of Charles IX, whose constitution, undermined by
smallpox and his indulgences, had now been attacked by consumption.
He was reduced to skin and bone and so weak that he
could not stand and suffered from effusion of blood through the
mouth.<a name="FNanchor_1649_1649" id="FNanchor_1649_1649"></a><a href="#Footnote_1649_1649" class="fnanchor">[1649]</a> But the ferocity of his nature remained unsubdued.
The faculty of medicine, the members of which were called in
consultation, pronounced the King’s condition hopeless. “I
believe you speak truly,” was Charles’ comment on the verdict.
“Draw the curtain down that I may have some rest.”<a name="FNanchor_1650_1650" id="FNanchor_1650_1650"></a><a href="#Footnote_1650_1650" class="fnanchor">[1650]</a> On the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">[484]</a></span>
night of May 29 a violent hemorrhage foretold the end. The
King died on May 30, 1574, at two hours after noon.<a name="FNanchor_1651_1651" id="FNanchor_1651_1651"></a><a href="#Footnote_1651_1651" class="fnanchor">[1651]</a></p>

<p>The queen mother at once assumed the regency<a name="FNanchor_1652_1652" id="FNanchor_1652_1652"></a><a href="#Footnote_1652_1652" class="fnanchor">[1652]</a> in compliance
with one of the last commands of Charles IX, and removed from
the Bois de Vincennes to the Louvre, where Alençon and Navarre
were kept under close scrutiny, for until the return of Henry from
Poland there was great uncertainty as to what might happen.
The two were without money to corrupt the guards if so dangerous
an expedient were hazarded; the windows of their chamber
“grated like a prison.”<a name="FNanchor_1653_1653" id="FNanchor_1653_1653"></a><a href="#Footnote_1653_1653" class="fnanchor">[1653]</a> Catherine’s policy was to promise
redress of grievances and reconciliation of all at the coming of
Henry III, who learned of his brother’s death at Cracow on June
15.<a name="FNanchor_1654_1654" id="FNanchor_1654_1654"></a><a href="#Footnote_1654_1654" class="fnanchor">[1654]</a> To that end she appealed to La Noue and Damville but the
Iron Arm flouted her overtures from his strongholds of Lusignan
and Niort, condemning the queen for her treatment of Montmorency,<a name="FNanchor_1655_1655" id="FNanchor_1655_1655"></a><a href="#Footnote_1655_1655" class="fnanchor">[1655]</a>
and the imprisonment of Alençon and Henry of
Navarre.</p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-484.jpg" width="450" height="622" id="i484"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">LETTER OF HENRY III OF FRANCE TO THE DUKE OF SAVOY</p>
         <p class="cap1">Relates to the pay of his troops. Written from Lyons, September 20, 1574, within a few days after his
arrival in France from Poland. Original owned by the author.</p>
</div></div>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-485.jpg" width="450" height="292" id="i485"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">LETTER OF HENRY III TO THE SWISS CANTONS</p>
         <p class="cap1">Regrets his inability to visit Switzerland on his way to France, and assures them of French protection. Written from Mantua, August 3, 1574. Original owned by the author.</p>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[485]</a></span></p>

<p>The last stage in the eventful career of Montgomery was also
reached at this time. He had suddenly left Carentan with about 650
horse, attacked the city of Alençon and then attempted to raise
the siege of St. Lô. But Matignon had more forces than he had
supposed and drove him into Domfront. After a vigorous defense
he yielded the place upon the promise that his life would be spared.
But Catherine de Medici hated him above all men in the earth
and had no scruples about inaugurating the reign of Henry III
with bloodshed. She refused to honor Matignon’s pledge.<a name="FNanchor_1656_1656" id="FNanchor_1656_1656"></a><a href="#Footnote_1656_1656" class="fnanchor">[1656]</a> Montgomery
was brought under heavy guard to Paris, being viewed
by curious gazers all along the road, and was beheaded and then
quartered on June 26, before an enormous crowd of people.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[486]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c486" id="c486">CHAPTER XVIII</a></h2>

<p class="pch">HENRY III AND THE POLITIQUES. THE PEACE OF MONSIEUR
(1576)</p>

<p>The attention of Europe was fixed upon France by these events.
What was going to happen in the absence of the heir to the throne?
Would a frightful wave of retaliatory vengeance for the massacre
of St. Bartholomew and the process of Vincennes sweep over the
land? These were the questions that were asked, not only everywhere
in France, but in many quarters of Europe. The Tuscan
ambassador wrote that the châteaux of the Montmorencys were
filled with provisions and munitions of war.<a name="FNanchor_1657_1657" id="FNanchor_1657_1657"></a><a href="#Footnote_1657_1657" class="fnanchor">[1657]</a></p>

<p>The Politiques, as a class, being imbued with Hotman’s teachings
in the <i>Franco-Gallia</i>, inveighed against Catherine for having
assumed the regency without consent of the estates. They and
the political Huguenots were at one, and demanded searching
reform. It was their hope to prevail upon the queen mother to
come to a definite agreement before the arrival of Henry III in
France, in the expectation that the King upon his arrival would
find it expedient to accept it. They demanded the reorganization
of justice and the army; they condemned the alienation of the
crown lands, increase of the tithe, and the new taxes; they insisted
upon an examination of the accounts of those who had managed
the public finances and the royal revenue, this investigation to
include not only the ministers who had enriched themselves, but
also the superintendents of finance from Henry II down to the
present time, not excepting the cardinal of Lorraine. They
demanded the expulsion of the “foreigners,” naming the chancellor
Biragues, the marshal de Retz, and the duke of Nevers who
were all Italians. They hated the Guises as a foreign house and
quasi-German.<a name="FNanchor_1658_1658" id="FNanchor_1658_1658"></a><a href="#Footnote_1658_1658" class="fnanchor">[1658]</a></p>

<p>It was high time for some sort of settlement. The country<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">[487]</a></span>
was crying out against the thieves and brigands, who frequented
the roads in great numbers under the guise of war and pretended
to be in the service of the King.<a name="FNanchor_1659_1659" id="FNanchor_1659_1659"></a><a href="#Footnote_1659_1659" class="fnanchor">[1659]</a></p>

<p>But Catherine refused to deal with any matter of state until
the arrival of the King. She showed an almost feverish anxiety
for her son’s coming, fearing that the duke of Alençon would be
put forward for the crown by the Politiques.<a name="FNanchor_1660_1660" id="FNanchor_1660_1660"></a><a href="#Footnote_1660_1660" class="fnanchor">[1660]</a> In Germany, at
the same time, the Orange party, with the aid of Schomberg,
labored to promote the cause of the Politiques and liberal Huguenots,
and in September a deputation came from the count palatine
to urge the cause of toleration in France.<a name="FNanchor_1661_1661" id="FNanchor_1661_1661"></a><a href="#Footnote_1661_1661" class="fnanchor">[1661]</a> But it was slow and
hard work, for as La Noue had bitterly said the year before: “The
iron of the German nation was heavy and hard to work; it was
silver that made things move.”<a name="FNanchor_1662_1662" id="FNanchor_1662_1662"></a><a href="#Footnote_1662_1662" class="fnanchor">[1662]</a> Moreover, the agents of Spain
and the Guises were encountered at every turn.</p>

<p>In the meantime Henry III had left Cracow on June 16, running
away from his kingdom like a thief in the night,<a name="FNanchor_1663_1663" id="FNanchor_1663_1663"></a><a href="#Footnote_1663_1663" class="fnanchor">[1663]</a> and came home<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">[488]</a></span>
by way of Italy, via Venice, where he was extravagantly entertained
by the senate,<a name="FNanchor_1664_1664" id="FNanchor_1664_1664"></a><a href="#Footnote_1664_1664" class="fnanchor">[1664]</a> Ferrara (July 29), Mirandola, Mantua,
and Turin, which he left on August 28, and arrived at Lyons on
September 6.<a name="FNanchor_1665_1665" id="FNanchor_1665_1665"></a><a href="#Footnote_1665_1665" class="fnanchor">[1665]</a> Catherine, who showed great impatience, met him
there (she arrived at Lyons on August 27). So fearful was she
lest Alençon and Henry of Navarre would escape that the young
princes had traveled in the coach with her.<a name="FNanchor_1666_1666" id="FNanchor_1666_1666"></a><a href="#Footnote_1666_1666" class="fnanchor">[1666]</a> The procession moved
as if through a hostile country by way of Burgundy and Chalons-sur-Saône,
some of the guard marching in advance, the rest
bringing up the rear. “Marshal de Retz was always on the wing
of her. Some of the guard marched two leagues before and some
two leagues after.”<a name="FNanchor_1667_1667" id="FNanchor_1667_1667"></a><a href="#Footnote_1667_1667" class="fnanchor">[1667]</a></p>

<p>Those who were at all optimistic had clung to the belief, until
the development of events shattered their hopes, that Henry III
would endeavor to pacify his subjects, arguing that if he were
inclined to war, he would not have refused the assistance proffered
him in Italy of men and money, and that the French crown could
not further hazard the reduction of the kingdom piecemeal.<a name="FNanchor_1668_1668" id="FNanchor_1668_1668"></a><a href="#Footnote_1668_1668" class="fnanchor">[1668]</a>
Damville had met the King at Turin, having come there under a
safe-conduct of the duke of Savoy, to persuade Henry III to adopt
a conciliatory policy, which he at first inclined to follow.</p>

<p>But the moment he came under the sinister influence of Catherine
de Medici, he cast this prudent advice to the winds. It was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">[489]</a></span>
she who dissuaded him from what was wisely counseled<a name="FNanchor_1669_1669" id="FNanchor_1669_1669"></a><a href="#Footnote_1669_1669" class="fnanchor">[1669]</a> and in
advance of his arrival had made military preparations to resume
the war by importing Swiss mercenaries and German reiters again.<a name="FNanchor_1670_1670" id="FNanchor_1670_1670"></a><a href="#Footnote_1670_1670" class="fnanchor">[1670]</a>
Accordingly, instead of extending the olive branch, the King expressed
his determination to wage unremitting war upon the
Huguenots and Politiques rather than grant the demands they
made. The deputies of La Rochelle who came to Lyons, requesting
a surcease of arms, were repulsed by the King and told it was but
a scheme of the Huguenots to gain time for preparation. The
establishment of three camps was ordered, one in Dauphiné, the
second in Provence and Languedoc, and the third in Poitou. At
the same time Schomberg and Fregoso were sent into Germany
for assistance.<a name="FNanchor_1671_1671" id="FNanchor_1671_1671"></a><a href="#Footnote_1671_1671" class="fnanchor">[1671]</a></p>

<p>When Henry III definitely resolved to follow out a policy of
suppression Damville was summoned to Lyons to answer for his
governorship. It was a fatal blunder on the part of the King, for
the action of the crown hardened the tentative co-operation of
the Protestants and the Politiques into a positive alliance. At
Milhau, in August, 1574 the Protestants recognized Damville,
while he in turn admitted their leaders into his council. The form
of government established at Montauban the year before acquired
new strength and greater extent. Provincial and general assemblies
were formed without distinction between Protestants and
Politiques, upon the basis of mutual toleration; in places where<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">[490]</a></span>
the two creeds obtained each side promised to observe the peace
and Damville engaged not to introduce the Catholic religion in
any town of which the Huguenots were masters.</p>

<p>The men who took this step justified it by alleging that a foreign
faction had acquired control over the sovereign; that it was destroying
the kingdom, the nobles, the princes of the blood, and
with them the very institutions and civilization of France; and
that it was their hope to arrest this process. The programme of the
Huguenot-Politique party, in addition to complete religious toleration,
insisted upon the abolition of the practice of selling offices,
the convocation of the States-General, the reduction of the taxes.
In this demand they were supported by the provincial states of
Dauphiné, Provence, and Burgundy. The confessional idea was
deliberately kept in the background. Men no longer talked of a
war of religion, but of a “Guerre du Bien Public” as in the reign
of Louis XI.</p>

<p>With the nobles Damville’s was a name to conjure with. A
large portion of the Catholic nobility, who for a long time had been
severely reproached for not seriously opposing the Huguenots,
sympathized with his attitude. If the bench and bar of France
was strongly attached to the principles of the Catholic religion,
the nobility who were hereditary enemies of the legists, whose
teachings had for three centuries tended to abridge their feudal
rights, out of sheer self-interest, aside from any other motives,
now inclined toward the Calvinists. Only radical Calvinists, like
Du Plessis-Mornay, opposed the union and were bitter in denunciation
of the overtures made by their more moderate brethren,
notably La Noue, to Damville and the Politiques.<a name="FNanchor_1672_1672" id="FNanchor_1672_1672"></a><a href="#Footnote_1672_1672" class="fnanchor">[1672]</a></p>

<p>A royal edict let the Huguenots understand what was to be
expected. The King’s determination was to clear the valley of
the Rhone from Lyons to Avignon with the aid of the Swiss and
then to subdue Languedoc on the one side and Dauphiné on the
other. Such a plan was more bold than practicable, and Henry
was likely to find it too hard to accomplish, especially by winter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">[491]</a></span>
sieges. The Protestants had fortified themselves in Livron on
the left bank of the Rhone and at Pouzin across the river, which
was inaccessible except by one approach and then only four men
could advance abreast.</p>

<p>But there was another matter, the difficulty of which Henry III
underestimated, namely the army. The Protestants were so
entrenched in their strongholds as to make the use of horsemen
against them impracticable. The Swiss were low-class mercenaries,
good as ordinary footmen but useless for a siege. Moreover,
all of them, reiters and Swiss, were not disposed to move unless
they saw their pay in their hands and were utter strangers to discipline,
wasting the country “to make a Christian man’s heart
bleed.”<a name="FNanchor_1673_1673" id="FNanchor_1673_1673"></a><a href="#Footnote_1673_1673" class="fnanchor">[1673]</a> In one case the wretched peasantry followed their despoilers
to the confines of Lyons and fell upon them in desperation,
recovering what had been taken from them. What did the King
do? He actually had to punish these wretched subjects of his
in order to retain the services of the reiters at all!</p>

<p>Yet the King for a moment showed some of the old fire he displayed
at Moncontour and amazed the Protestants by taking
Pouzin after three weeks of siege. The victory was marred, though,
by the shameful conduct of the Swiss, the reiters, and the Italians
in the royal army, who sacked and burned it. Much the same
state of things prevailed wherever these riotous plunderers penetrated&mdash;in
Picardy, in Champagne, in Poitou. But Henry III
having reached Avignon, discovered that he was no better off
for his success. Meanwhile Damville, with whom the duke of
Savoy had honorably dealt, returned from Turin, and reached the
vicinity of Montpellier and Beaucaire before the King was aware
of it.<a name="FNanchor_1674_1674" id="FNanchor_1674_1674"></a><a href="#Footnote_1674_1674" class="fnanchor">[1674]</a></p>

<p>When the King sent the cardinal of Bourbon to talk with him,
Damville sent back word that he thought the example of his brother
“too dangerous to come to court where they who sought the ruin
of his house had too much credit,”<a name="FNanchor_1675_1675" id="FNanchor_1675_1675"></a><a href="#Footnote_1675_1675" class="fnanchor">[1675]</a> and advised the King to remove<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">[492]</a></span>
the strangers within his gates, meaning Biragues and De Retz.<a name="FNanchor_1676_1676" id="FNanchor_1676_1676"></a><a href="#Footnote_1676_1676" class="fnanchor">[1676]</a>
Henry III could accomplish nothing at Avignon and yet knew
not how to get away. He could not go up-river on account of the
current. The Huguenots at Livron barred the road on the left
bank; Montbrun was in the hills in Auvergne; La Noue’s men
were stopping the King’s post daily and Damville controlled Provence
and Languedoc; La Haye, King’s lieutenant in the <i>séné-chaussée</i>
of Poitou seceded to the Politiques.<a name="FNanchor_1677_1677" id="FNanchor_1677_1677"></a><a href="#Footnote_1677_1677" class="fnanchor">[1677]</a> Vivarais declared
its neutrality and refused to side with King or Politiques. The
people of Tulle refused to pay taxes either to Catholics or Protestants
until overpowered by the latter, and thus the country continued
to endure a war which it hated. Henry truly was in a
plight. He was without money, too, and could not hope to get
any so far from Paris. He even feared that the soldiery with him
might be bribed to desert.<a name="FNanchor_1678_1678" id="FNanchor_1678_1678"></a><a href="#Footnote_1678_1678" class="fnanchor">[1678]</a> To crown the royal anxiety Damville’s
declaration was so public and so bold that the King feared
that foreign aid would soon be forthcoming in the Protestant service.
The fear was not without ground. For the marshal actually
proposed to make a league with the Sultan and introduce a Turkish
fleet into the harbor of Aigues-Mortes.<a name="FNanchor_1679_1679" id="FNanchor_1679_1679"></a><a href="#Footnote_1679_1679" class="fnanchor">[1679]</a> Coupled with this
possibility was a projected enterprise against Spain in Franche-Comté
in which the Huguenots of Champagne and Burgundy
were interested, but which was primarily the project of the elector
palatine and the prince of Orange.<a name="FNanchor_1680_1680" id="FNanchor_1680_1680"></a><a href="#Footnote_1680_1680" class="fnanchor">[1680]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">[493]</a></span></p>

<p>It is a significant fact that the war has now lost almost all confessional
character and become a factional conflict between the
rival houses of Guise and Montmorency. Catholicism and political
corruption on the one hand were opposed to administrative
reform and religious toleration. After the creation of the Politique
party, the Huguenots of state had merged with them. Except
in the case of radical Calvinists and bigoted Catholics, religion
had become a minor issue with the French unless it were artificially
exaggerated.<a name="FNanchor_1681_1681" id="FNanchor_1681_1681"></a><a href="#Footnote_1681_1681" class="fnanchor">[1681]</a> It was a mortal enmity on either side, and one
which there was slight hope of settling. The hostility of the Guises
and the Montmorencys was the real seed of the civil war.<a name="FNanchor_1682_1682" id="FNanchor_1682_1682"></a><a href="#Footnote_1682_1682" class="fnanchor">[1682]</a> It
depended upon the individual in almost every case whether his
participation one way or the other was motived by convictions as
to the public good or by private interests. The number of those
who directly or indirectly were attached to the warring houses
almost divided the realm between them and the wretched people
were badly treated by both parties.<a name="FNanchor_1683_1683" id="FNanchor_1683_1683"></a><a href="#Footnote_1683_1683" class="fnanchor">[1683]</a> So widespread and deep
rooted was this mutual enmity throughout France, that the Venetian
ambassador, no mean observer, wondered when it would end,
because it was to the interest of each to sustain it. The King was
a shuttlecock in this game of political battledore. The ruin of the
crown, instead of being feared by them, was regarded as a possible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">[494]</a></span>
way to give their enmity freer rein. Each party counted not only
upon paying its debts, which were enormous, by victory, but in
establishing the power of its house more permanently than ever
for the future. While the war cost the King and the country
<i>écus par milliers</i>, it cost them nothing, at least of their own. The
weakness of the crown was the strength of the rivals. They fattened
on war, for peace deprived them of their authority, their
power, and their partisans. Until one or the other faction was
crushed, the hostility was certain to endure, and thus the war
seemed doomed to last indefinitely. If, as the result of fatigue
or a truce, a respite was made, the time was brief, and was terminated
as soon as one or the other side had accumulated some substance
again. The only remedy for such a state of affairs was to
be found in a foreign war, either in Flanders or Italy.<a name="FNanchor_1684_1684" id="FNanchor_1684_1684"></a><a href="#Footnote_1684_1684" class="fnanchor">[1684]</a></p>

<p>The union of the Huguenots and the Politiques made them very
strong, especially in the south. But on the other hand the duke
of Guise received much assistance from Flanders. When the
successor of Alva, Requesens, learned of the death of Charles IX,
he had offered the aid of Spanish troops to Catherine de Medici.<a name="FNanchor_1685_1685" id="FNanchor_1685_1685"></a><a href="#Footnote_1685_1685" class="fnanchor">[1685]</a>
Although the proffer was declined, the practical result was the
same, for owing to lack of pay in the Low Countries, thousands
of reiters and Walloon and German footmen flocked across the
border in the summer and autumn, where they were welcomed
by the duke of Guise, who, somewhere and somehow, found the
means to pay them.<a name="FNanchor_1686_1686" id="FNanchor_1686_1686"></a><a href="#Footnote_1686_1686" class="fnanchor">[1686]</a> But below the stratum of professional soldiers
in France there was another class in arms which feudal
society was not used to see in such a capacity. This was the
people; not town militia, for town and provincial leagues had made
men familiar with them, but the peasantry. The protracted wars
by economically ruining and morally debauching this class had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">[495]</a></span>
generated a breed of men who sprang from the soil like the dragon’s
teeth of Greek fable, men who by observation and practice were
used to the matchlock and the sword, brutalized by oppression,
long made desperate by burdensome taxes and the wrongs of war.<a name="FNanchor_1687_1687" id="FNanchor_1687_1687"></a><a href="#Footnote_1687_1687" class="fnanchor">[1687]</a></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-495.jpg" width="400" height="538"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">PIKEMAN AND COLOR-BEARER</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>The weariness of vigil in the depth of winter and overconfidence
seem to have relaxed the alertness of Henry III’s foes. At any
rate, having extorted 50,000 francs from the noblemen and gentlemen
in his train in order to pay the soldiery around him, the King,
raising the siege of Livron on January 24, 1575, managed to slip
through the defiles to Rheims for his coronation. The coronation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">[496]</a></span>
was a triumph of the Guises. For far from being set back by
the death of the cardinal of Lorraine on December 29, at Avignon<a name="FNanchor_1688_1688" id="FNanchor_1688_1688"></a><a href="#Footnote_1688_1688" class="fnanchor">[1688]</a>
their star seemed to be higher than before. The cardinal of
Guise took the place of his deceased uncle as primate of Rheims;
the duke of Guise was grand chamberlain; and the duke of Mayenne
and the marquis d’Elbœuf were the chief lay peers. The
sole outsider was De Retz who officiated as constable for the occasion.
The crowning took place on February 15. Shortly after
the event, apparently in a sudden whim of passion, Henry III
married Louise de Vaudmont, whose father was uncle of the duke
of Lorraine and whose mother had been sister of the unfortunate
Egmont. But the marriage was without political significance&mdash;indeed
the new queen was of so little station that Catherine de
Medici, in a letter to Queen Elizabeth, expressed her humiliation
at her son’s marriage.<a name="FNanchor_1689_1689" id="FNanchor_1689_1689"></a><a href="#Footnote_1689_1689" class="fnanchor">[1689]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">[497]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-497.jpg" width="400" height="573"
         alt=""
         title="" />
     <div class="caption"><p class="pc">ARQUEBUSIER</p>
         <p class="cap1">(Tortorel and Perissin)</p>
</div></div>

<p>The main issues of France, religious toleration and political
reform, were now more obscured than ever by the rivalry of
the factions around the throne. The queen mother bore the
Guises greater hatred than before because of their new ascendency
and had little less spleen toward the Montmorencys, but carefully
dissimulated and sought on one pretext and another to remove
them from around her son. For this purpose Bellegarde, who
was an old attaché of the house of Montmorency and owed his
popularity with the King to a handsome face and a well-turned
leg, was made a special ambassador to Poland in order to get him
out of the way. His comrade on the mission was Elbœuf&mdash;an ill-matched
pair indeed. Their business was to carry 200,000 crowns
of the Paris bourgeois to Poland to bribe the Polish diet not to
elect a successor to the absent Henry. If the Poles were obdurate,
Elbœuf was to advocate the election of the duke of Ferrara, who
had Guisard blood in his veins. At the same time Biron and
Matignon were made marshals to counterpoise the influence of
De Retz who forthwith resigned his office and vowed he would
“meddle no more.” There were heart-burnings, also, over the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">[498]</a></span>
bestowal of the government of Normandy, vacated by the death
of the duke of Bouillon. The duke of Nevers claimed that it had
been promised him while in Poland; the duchess of Nemours
demanded the post for the duke and declared that Nevers was “a
foreigner.” Henry III finally sought to compromise by giving
the office to his insignificant father-in-law, whereupon the duke
of Nevers quit the court in a rage. Squabbles of precedence, too,
vexed the King’s mind. Montpensier challenged the claims of
the Guises to court precedence before the Parlement, and Madame
de Nemours therefore quarreled with her daughter. “They were
all bent to preparations of war,” quaintly wrote Dale to Walsingham,
“but these domestic discords do tame them. It is a very hell
among them, not one content or in quiet with another, nor mother
with son, nor brother with brother, nor mother with daughter.”<a name="FNanchor_1690_1690" id="FNanchor_1690_1690"></a><a href="#Footnote_1690_1690" class="fnanchor">[1690]</a></p>

<p>The state of the finances was deplorable, and Henry resorted
to various devices to provide himself with funds. The mission of
Elbœuf and Bellegarde to Poland was delayed, while the King
implored the Pope, the duke of Savoy, and Venice for the money
needed;<a name="FNanchor_1691_1691" id="FNanchor_1691_1691"></a><a href="#Footnote_1691_1691" class="fnanchor">[1691]</a> the pay of the King’s household servants was nine months
in arrears and the last money wages of his guards had been paid
by an assessment levied by the King upon the noblemen and gentlemen
of the court. Paris, as usual, was heavily mulcted by a
forced loan of 600,000 francs, besides heavy contributions extorted
from the foreign merchants there. But the mass of the money had
to come from the church lands. A letter-patent in the form of an
edict was forced through the Parlement authorizing the alienation
of 200,000 livres de rente of the temporalities of the clergy, the
King reckoning to raise a million and a half of francs by the process,
but few were ready purchasers. In addition to these practices
the “parties casuelles” were farmed to a Florentine money-broker
named Diaceto for 60,000 francs per month. Henry III resorted
to worse expedients than these, though. He sold four seats in
his council for 15,000 livres each; forced the collectors of the
revenue to anticipate the revenue for a twelve-month and then dispossessed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">[499]</a></span>
them of their posts after he had deprived them of the
profits thereof and sold them to others; and dilapidated the forest
domain by selling two trees in each arpent.<a name="FNanchor_1692_1692" id="FNanchor_1692_1692"></a><a href="#Footnote_1692_1692" class="fnanchor">[1692]</a></p>

<p>The position and conduct of Damville afforded the greatest
hope for the future if Henry III could have been made to see things
in the right way. Damville himself dominated all Languedoc
and Provence; his lieutenant, Montbrun, controlled Dauphiné;
Turenne was in possession of Auvergne; the Rochellois had agents
at court seeking for a firm settlement of affairs; even the cardinal
Bourbon and the duke of Montpensier leaned to the side of the
Politiques. In 1575 the existence of the old party of Huguenots,
the Huguenots of religion, was practically at an end. Individual
radical Calvinists there were in plenty but the Protestant <i>organization</i>
was that of the political Huguenots.</p>

<p>It was manifest by the spring of 1575 that the prince of Condé
and Henry of Navarre on the one hand, and Damville and his
brother, together with Alençon, were bound to join hands in the
common purpose to establish permanent religious and greater
civil liberty in France. “Liberty and reform” was the policy of
the hour, if not the watchword. The declaration of the assembly
of Milhau in August of the previous year had been the handwriting
on the wall&mdash;a message which the misguided Henry III
obdurately refused to read. On April 25, 1575, that message was
repeated in even clearer terms in the form of a manifesto issued by
Damville which defined the joint policy of the Politiques and the
political Huguenots. It was the declaration of a patriot, and not a
partisan, least of all a rebel, who, like Cromwell, found himself compelled
to lead a movement for political reform against an obstinate
crown that either would not or could not understand the issues.<a name="FNanchor_1693_1693" id="FNanchor_1693_1693"></a><a href="#Footnote_1693_1693" class="fnanchor">[1693]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">[500]</a></span></p>

<p>Reading between the lines of the constitution agreed upon at
Nîmes, the republican nature of the government therein provided
for is noticeable.<a name="FNanchor_1694_1694" id="FNanchor_1694_1694"></a><a href="#Footnote_1694_1694" class="fnanchor">[1694]</a> The right to exercise the sovereign rights of
legislation, of justice, of taxation, of making war and peace,
of regulating commerce no longer were vested in the King where
the Act of Union prevailed, but in a representative body. Languedoc,
Provence, and Dauphiné were <i>de facto</i> independent of the
crown.<a name="FNanchor_1695_1695" id="FNanchor_1695_1695"></a><a href="#Footnote_1695_1695" class="fnanchor">[1695]</a> Supplementary articles of Condé and Damville, and of the
Catholics and Protestants of Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné
demanded (1) that freedom of exercise of religion without distinction
be permitted; (2) that the parlements should be composed half
of Catholics, and half of Protestants, the latter to be nominated by
the prince of Condé; (3) that justice be done upon the authors of the
massacre of St. Bartholomew and the forfeit and attainder of the
admiral be reversed; (4) that the places at present held by the
Huguenots be retained besides Boulogne and La Charité, and that
for additional defense the King should give them in each province
two out of three towns to be named to him by the prince of
Condé; (5) that the King pay 200,000 crowns for expenses of the
war; (6) that neither the marshal de Retz, nor the chancellor
Biragues should have any part in the negotiations for peace; (7)
that the duke of Montmorency and the marshal Cossé should be
set at liberty, and their innocence declared in full Parlement “en
robe rouge;” (8) that the heirs of those who have been murdered
should have their estates returned to them; (9) that the queen of
England, the elector palatine, and the dukes of Savoy and Deuxponts<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">[501]</a></span>
should be parties to the peace; (10) that within three months
after peace the States-General be assembled to establish good
order in France.<a name="FNanchor_1696_1696" id="FNanchor_1696_1696"></a><a href="#Footnote_1696_1696" class="fnanchor">[1696]</a></p>

<p>For a while there seemed to be a prospect of the King yielding
to these demands. He was growing jealous of the influence of
the Guises, and began to perceive that coercion was impossible.<a name="FNanchor_1697_1697" id="FNanchor_1697_1697"></a><a href="#Footnote_1697_1697" class="fnanchor">[1697]</a>
At the first audience Henry received the deputies graciously, saying
he “liked their speech, but their articles were hard.” The articles
were debated <i>seriatim</i> by the King, both with the deputies and
with the council. The chief hitch was upon the fourth demand.
The King was willing to permit exercise of Protestant worship
in <i>one</i> town in each bailiwick, <i>except closed</i> towns, whereas the
deputies demanded freedom of worship in all places <i>in the suburbs</i>
as provided by the Edict of January. As a matter of prudence,
it would seem to have been better policy for the crown to permit
worship in the suburbs of all towns rather than exact a provision
requiring concentration of the Protestants in one place in each
bailiwick; however, the King probably thought Calvinism would
be less likely to spread under such a restriction than if the Huguenots
enjoyed numerous places of worship.<a name="FNanchor_1698_1698" id="FNanchor_1698_1698"></a><a href="#Footnote_1698_1698" class="fnanchor">[1698]</a> The queen mother
sought to persuade Montmorency to use his influence to abate
the demands with promise of release from the Bastille as his reward.
But the duke replied that “if his imprisonment might do the King
pleasure or profit he was content to be there all his life; but to
meddle in the peace, or to write of that matter, never understanding
their doings, were to make himself guilty in it, and to be thought
to make himself to be an instrument to their ruin, and therefore
it were ill for him.”<a name="FNanchor_1699_1699" id="FNanchor_1699_1699"></a><a href="#Footnote_1699_1699" class="fnanchor">[1699]</a> Thereupon Henry III broke off the negotiations
hoping still, as earlier, to be able to separate the Huguenots
and the united Catholics.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">[502]</a></span></p>

<p>Events thereafter thickened rapidly. Narbonne, Perigueux,
and Tournon in Lyonnais were taken by the Huguenot-Politique
armies. The last place was got by Damville himself. Tournon
was an especially strong town on the Rhone about three leagues
from Valence, with Livron to the south of it. The capture so
discouraged the duke d’Uzes that he requested leave to resign on
account of the desertions among his following.<a name="FNanchor_1700_1700" id="FNanchor_1700_1700"></a><a href="#Footnote_1700_1700" class="fnanchor">[1700]</a> Instead command
was given him, “to spoil Languedoc in order to famish them against
winter.” But the duke was too wise to obey and Damville was
permitted to gather in the harvest without molestation. For if
the King had tried ravaging, the whole country would have risen
against him. St. Jean-d’Angély, Angoulême, and Nérac revolted
so far as to expel the garrisons in the town. In Burgundy, where
Tavannes had founded the League of the Holy Spirit, a Politique
league was formed.<a name="FNanchor_1701_1701" id="FNanchor_1701_1701"></a><a href="#Footnote_1701_1701" class="fnanchor">[1701]</a> The narrow escape Damville had at this
time from death by poison drew men more than ever to him. As
a climax to the woes of Henry III on July 15, 1575, the Polish diet
declared the throne vacant, absolving all from allegiance to him.<a name="FNanchor_1702_1702" id="FNanchor_1702_1702"></a><a href="#Footnote_1702_1702" class="fnanchor">[1702]</a></p>

<p>The <i>spontaneous</i> nature of the rising of the country in the summer
of 1575 is an interesting historical phenomenon. It was by
no means confined to the south of France. In Champagne, the
nobles, some of them vassals of Guise, and <i>peasants</i> united to fall
upon the reiters. Madame de Guise fled from Joinville in fear
of being surprised by a sixteenth-century Jacquerie. In Brittany
there was a similar stir when the King attempted to confiscate the
extensive lands of the duke of Rohan upon his death. Certain
things remind one of happenings in the French Revolution. Many
in Champagne left the land and went into the borders of Germany
like the “émigrés” after August 4, 1789. In Paris there were
house-to-house visits not unlike those of September, 1793. There
was universal feeling against the reiters. In Normandy an association<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">[503]</a></span>
of gentlemen was formed for the special purpose of protecting
the country from them.<a name="FNanchor_1703_1703" id="FNanchor_1703_1703"></a><a href="#Footnote_1703_1703" class="fnanchor">[1703]</a></p>

<p>The anxiety of the government was all the greater because it
was not exactly known what relations existed between the Huguenots
and Politiques and the English. The treaty which had
obtained between Charles IX and Elizabeth was renewed by the
latter on April 1, 1575, and confirmed by Henry III on May 4.<a name="FNanchor_1704_1704" id="FNanchor_1704_1704"></a><a href="#Footnote_1704_1704" class="fnanchor">[1704]</a>
But Elizabeth was not the person to be bound by official word.
On the Picardy-Flemish border mutual distrust prevailed. In
December, 1574, Requesens had advised Philip II of his fear of
the renewal of Huguenot activity in the Low Countries, which
had been dead since the Genlis disaster,<a name="FNanchor_1705_1705" id="FNanchor_1705_1705"></a><a href="#Footnote_1705_1705" class="fnanchor">[1705]</a> and the garrisons on the
frontiers had been increased accordingly. The marriage of Henry
III to Louise de Vaudemont gave the Spanish governor great inquietude,
for the unfortunate Egmont was her uncle, and Egmont’s
eldest son, in March, visited his royal cousin of France.<a name="FNanchor_1706_1706" id="FNanchor_1706_1706"></a><a href="#Footnote_1706_1706" class="fnanchor">[1706]</a> Requesens
was apprehensive, too, of a marriage between the duke of
Alençon and the daughter of William of Orange,<a name="FNanchor_1707_1707" id="FNanchor_1707_1707"></a><a href="#Footnote_1707_1707" class="fnanchor">[1707]</a> and over the
fact that the French envoy in Flanders, the sieur de Mondoucet,
prudently avoided using the official post, but employed his own
couriers in dispatching missives to Paris.<a name="FNanchor_1708_1708" id="FNanchor_1708_1708"></a><a href="#Footnote_1708_1708" class="fnanchor">[1708]</a> “All the neighboring
states are actuated by malicious intentions,” he wailed to Philip II.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">[504]</a></span>
“The French and the English are in correspondence, and both are
inspired by the same spirit of hostility against the Catholic religion
and against your majesty, as the sole protector thereof.”<a name="FNanchor_1709_1709" id="FNanchor_1709_1709"></a><a href="#Footnote_1709_1709" class="fnanchor">[1709]</a></p>

<p>The arrest of a secretary of Montmorency at Boulogne in March,
as he arrived from England, and who admitted he was going to
find Damville,<a name="FNanchor_1710_1710" id="FNanchor_1710_1710"></a><a href="#Footnote_1710_1710" class="fnanchor">[1710]</a> coupled with the absence of the prince of Condé
and Charles de Meru, the youngest Montmorency, in Germany,
so disquieted the King that early in June Schomberg was dispatched
across the Rhine to discover what Condé was doing; if he found
that levies of cavalry were being made for service in France, he
was instructed to enroll 8,000 soldiers for the service of the King.</p>

<p>Schomberg proved a good agent, for he shortly afterward
wrote that he believed a secret engagement existed between Queen
Elizabeth, some of the German princes, and the enemies of the
French King at home; and that Condé, having expended 30,000
crowns, had raised 8,000 cavalry which might be expected to arrive
at the frontier by the middle of August, although it was given out,
and believed by some, that these reiters were intended for service
in the Netherlands.<a name="FNanchor_1711_1711" id="FNanchor_1711_1711"></a><a href="#Footnote_1711_1711" class="fnanchor">[1711]</a> On the strength of these suspicions, especially<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[505]</a></span>
when the duke of Guise sent word in the first week of September
that 2,500 reiters had crossed the Rhine, the English ambassador,
Dr. Dale, who hitherto had lodged in the Faubourg St. Germain,
was advised to remove into the city, ostensibly for his greater
security, but really to prevent him from receiving unknown persons
secretly at night, as was possible where he resided.<a name="FNanchor_1712_1712" id="FNanchor_1712_1712"></a><a href="#Footnote_1712_1712" class="fnanchor">[1712]</a></p>

<p>At this juncture, when everything was tense and everybody
was on edge, the duke of Alençon managed to make his escape
from the court (September 15). While not actually confined, like
the duke of Montmorency, he and Henry of Navarre had both
been kept under continuous surveillance for months and various
efforts made by them to get away had failed. Dismay prevailed
at court when the escape was known. The King was “as a man
out of courage,” and betook himself to extravagant religious demonstration,
as before, when at Avignon, “going from church, as
though deserted by all his people.”<a name="FNanchor_1713_1713" id="FNanchor_1713_1713"></a><a href="#Footnote_1713_1713" class="fnanchor">[1713]</a> He knew that his brother’s
presence would draw many of the gentry, who were yet hesitating,
to the ranks of the Politiques.<a name="FNanchor_1714_1714" id="FNanchor_1714_1714"></a><a href="#Footnote_1714_1714" class="fnanchor">[1714]</a> He had no means to levy an army,
nor the resources to sustain it.</p>

<p>In this crisis Catherine de Medici kept the clearest head of all
at the court. While she sought to wheedle the runaway prince
with smooth words, going as far as Dreux to meet him, detachments
were ordered out from Rouen, Orleans, and Chartres to
surround him. But Alençon was not to be trapped and rode swiftly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">[506]</a></span>
off toward the Loire in the hope of falling in with La Noue or
the viscount of Turenne. At the same time the duke of Guise
was ordered to make a vigorous resistance against the coming of
Condé’s reiters. But even his army was in a bad state on account
of the defection of officers and men, who had gone over to Alençon,
so that new troops had to be sent him.<a name="FNanchor_1715_1715" id="FNanchor_1715_1715"></a><a href="#Footnote_1715_1715" class="fnanchor">[1715]</a> Almost all the soldiery
in the service of the King was withdrawn from Dauphiné and
Languedoc and concentrated in Burgundy and Champagne.<a name="FNanchor_1716_1716" id="FNanchor_1716_1716"></a><a href="#Footnote_1716_1716" class="fnanchor">[1716]</a>
Much depended upon the result of the coming battle with the
reiters. If the King’s troops were beaten, Paris would be in a
serious strait between the King’s enemies. Already, in consequence
of the withdrawal of troops, all Auvergne, Bourbonnais,
Nivernais, Gâtinais, and the Beauce were in arms, and the gentlemen
of these regions had gone over to the duke of Alençon. Only
the vigilance of the garrisons at Orleans and Tours, Moulins and
Nevers, enabled the crown to maintain the line of the Loire river.</p>

<p>The reiters attempted to evade Guise and find another way
of entrance into France, so that the duke left his artillery in Lorraine
and by forced marches went to Sedan, with the intention of
giving battle there. But the reiters, about 2,500, under Thoré,
avoided an engagement and maneuvered to join a Protestant force
of 2,000 Picards, and Guise fell back on Rheims in order to hold
the crossing of the Aisne, meantime asking the King for reinforcements
which were so slow in coming that the duke was compelled
to retire to the Marne. On October 9 he established his headquarters
between Château-Thierry and Epernay, near Port-à-Pinson.
The encounter took place near Fismes, on the Marne,
above Dormans, on October 10. Not more than fifty were killed
on either side and the combat did not deter the reiters from continuing
their course and crossing the Seine near Nogent-sur-Seine,
which they were able to do on account of low water. Their chief
loss was of two or three cornets of reiters whom Guise bribed to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">[507]</a></span>
desert. De Thoré owed his easy escape, however, to the serious
wound which the duke of Guise sustained. For a bullet struck
him in the side of the face, tearing his ear clear away and so mangling
the cheek that he was fearfully scarred for the rest of his life
and always wore a velvet mask.<a name="FNanchor_1717_1717" id="FNanchor_1717_1717"></a><a href="#Footnote_1717_1717" class="fnanchor">[1717]</a></p>

<p>The insignificance of the victory of the duke, however, did not
deter the King from proclaiming a solemn procession and <i>Te Deum</i>
in honor of the day. The “victory” also was made the justification
of a new tax. On October 12, 1575, by command of the King,
the burgesses of Paris assembled in the grand room of the Hôtel-de-Ville
where the provost of the merchants, Charron, made known
a new demand of the King for aid in the form of a capitation
tax upon the burgesses of the city and other places in the
<i>prévôté</i> of Paris for the payment of 3,000 Swiss, making half of
the 6,000 which the King required for defense of the realm, in
addition to the sum of 15,000 francs expected for each of the ensuing
months.</p>

<p>Once again were the people of Champagne made the victims
of the spoiler. All the horses of the poor laborers whom the reiters
encountered on the road were forcibly seized, as was also the case
in the hostelries where they lodged. A single parish lost thirty
horses. The only payment the poor peasantry got was to be
beaten for their protests.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">For the space of three or four days one might see along the roads and in the
villages soldiers all of the time, making for the crossing of the Seine at La
Motte de Tilly. Two troopers rode one horse and their presence was hard
upon the merchants and the priests, whom they met in the way. The smaller
merchants were despoiled of their property, and those known to be wealthy
had their riches extorted from them by force, or else were held prisoner until
ransomed. To make matters worse, in the wake of the army came a rabble
of looters and plunderers, mostly French.<a name="FNanchor_1718_1718" id="FNanchor_1718_1718"></a><a href="#Footnote_1718_1718" class="fnanchor">[1718]</a></p>

<p class="p1">It was obvious that as long as the reiters were in the field, the
King could send no force against his brother. He blamed the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">[508]</a></span>
queen mother for everything that had happened, especially for
the escape of Alençon, and Catherine, by way of reply, is said to
have sent him a copy of Commines to read with the advice to emulate
the policy of his crafty predecessor. But as a contemporary
scornfully observed, Henry of Valois was not Louis XI. What
could be expected from a King who spent his time “going from
abbey to abbey and devising with women.”<a name="FNanchor_1719_1719" id="FNanchor_1719_1719"></a><a href="#Footnote_1719_1719" class="fnanchor">[1719]</a> In sorrow and
anxiety, sustained by the dukes of Montmorency and Montpensier
and the fine old marshal Cossé, Catherine made earnest efforts
to negotiate a truce with the duke of Alençon.</p>

<p>Prefacing his demands by the caution that he could not negotiate
finally without Condé or Damville, Alençon demanded surrender
of Pont-de-Cé on the Loire, besides La Charité, Bourges,
Angoulême, Niort, Saumur, and Angers for the Huguenots; and
Mezières in Champagne, Langres in Burgundy, or La Fère in
Picardy for the prince of Condé;<a name="FNanchor_1720_1720" id="FNanchor_1720_1720"></a><a href="#Footnote_1720_1720" class="fnanchor">[1720]</a> a large settlement for himself;
a promise that the States-General should be convened for the
Politiques; the crown to pay 200,000 crowns to the Protestant
reiters; the exercise of Calvinist worship in as ample terms as
obtained in 1570 (till more fully provided for in the ultimate articles
of peace); the revolted provinces to remain in arms, except in
the case of mercenaries, it being understood that no acts of hostility
be done and commerce and trade to be free during the interim.
The King’s council, when these sweeping terms were laid before
it, advised the King to yield, seeing no way out on account of lack
of means to carry on the war. But Henry III was furious and
threw the articles in the fire. In defiance of the advice of his
friends, who told him to employ what few funds he had in corrupting
the reiters with Condé, he sent 30,000 crowns more to Germany
to purchase assistance.</p>

<p>In this strait, money came suddenly, as from heaven. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">[509]</a></span>
papal nuncio proffered 100,000 crowns at once and promised
200,000 more, while the Venetian government, in memory of his
visit there in the year previous, made him a gift of his jewels that
were in pawn. Finally, to crown the King’s jubilation at this
sudden turn of events, word came from Germany that the reiters
hired by Schomberg and Bassompierre were coming “and would
not be stayed by the truce.” Henry III at once broke off negotiations.
The hope was to sever Alençon from the prince of Condé
and then, preferably by bribery, by war if necessary, overcome
the latter, for Schomberg persuaded the King that this course was
practicable. To this end commissioners were sent abroad to
levy new taxes.<a name="FNanchor_1721_1721" id="FNanchor_1721_1721"></a><a href="#Footnote_1721_1721" class="fnanchor">[1721]</a> Great ingenuity was shown in the devising
of new forms of taxation. In June, 1575, two edicts had been
issued, one requiring the fixing of new seals to bolts of woolen
cloth and the establishment of a <i>greffier des tailles</i> in each parish;<a name="FNanchor_1722_1722" id="FNanchor_1722_1722"></a><a href="#Footnote_1722_1722" class="fnanchor">[1722]</a>
the other creating the office of four <i>arpenteurs</i> (land commissioners)
in each jurisdiction of the realm. The number of notaries was
also augmented.<a name="FNanchor_1723_1723" id="FNanchor_1723_1723"></a><a href="#Footnote_1723_1723" class="fnanchor">[1723]</a> In December the King made a pretext of the
coming of the reiters to demand a new subsidy from the pliant and
obedient people of France, under cover of raising men for the war.
Of the Parisians he demanded the sum of 200,000 livres, to pay
three thousand Swiss. Another pretext was the repair of the bridge
at Charenton, which the Huguenots had broken in 1567.<a name="FNanchor_1724_1724" id="FNanchor_1724_1724"></a><a href="#Footnote_1724_1724" class="fnanchor">[1724]</a> These
taxes fell all the more heavily because in addition to the ruin of
the country by war, the crops were short throughout the land on
account of the dry summer. “The rivers everywhere were so
low that in many places one could wade them. Every morning
the sun rose and every evening it set red and inflamed.”<a name="FNanchor_1725_1725" id="FNanchor_1725_1725"></a><a href="#Footnote_1725_1725" class="fnanchor">[1725]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">[510]</a></span></p>

<p>In the meantime, fear prevailed in Paris lest the forces of Damville
and the viscount of Turenne would effect a junction with
those of the duke of Alençon and the united body march upon
Paris, and garrisons were hastily put in Montereau, Corbeil,
Charenton, St. Cloud, and St. Denis. The old trenches on both
sides of the river were repaired and platforms erected in the fields
around the city. Montmartre especially was fortified. The
townspeople of the capital as well as villagers from the outside
were impressed into the work with picks, shovels, and baskets.
Mills were erected within the city, and the city was provisioned.
The King issued an edict ordering the peasantry within thirty
leagues around the capital to thrash their grain and to store it in
fortified towns known to be faithful to the crown, unless they were
dwelling within nine leagues of Paris, in which case the grain was
to be brought into the city. All the passages of the Loire were
guarded. The result of all this was a reign of terror in the Ile-de-France.
The soldiery indulged in all sorts of brigandage, so that
in sheer desperation the villagers sometimes fired their towns.
Provisions were commandeered without recompense. To such
outrages were the poor people subjected that the inhabitants of
one town, Jogny, begged the commander to have mercy upon
them. But instead of so doing, Puygaillard loaded the little deputation
with reproaches and had them beaten by the soldiers in the
presence of all.<a name="FNanchor_1726_1726" id="FNanchor_1726_1726"></a><a href="#Footnote_1726_1726" class="fnanchor">[1726]</a></p>

<p>With the memory of the elder prince of Condé’s presence before
the walls of Paris, and the battle of St. Denis, where the constable
Montmorency was killed, the Parisians were willing to labor in
the trenches for the safety of Paris. But they were not willing to
be taxed further. In a remarkable remonstrance, joined in by
the clergy, the Parlement, the Chambre des Comptes, the Cour des
Aides, the provost of Paris, and the bourgeois and citizens of every
quarter of the city, protest was made against the extortion of 200,000
livres, which Henry III proposed to raise in this hour of
extremity. After reciting that civil discord had prevailed in France
since 1560, and that during the space of fifteen years the crown<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">[511]</a></span>
had obtained 36,000,000 francs from Paris and other towns, and
60,000,000 from the clergy, besides other gifts and subsidies, with
little progress to show either in politics or religion, the memorial
proceeded to point out some of the causes of this universal corruption
in scathing terms:</p>

<p class="pbq p1">Simony is openly permitted. Benefices are held by married gentlewomen
who employ the revenues far differently to the intention of the founders. The
people are left without religious instruction and thus stray from the true
religion. There is but little justice to be obtained through the venality of the
tribunals, causing their neighbors to hold them in abomination. The number
of those holding office is very great and part of them notoriously incapable and
the rest poor, being thereby prone to evil actions. Justice is further impeded
by the impunity with which murder is committed. Great cruelties and barbarities
are committed by the foot soldiers and by the gendarmerie, which does
not now consist of gentlemen but of persons of vile condition. Not only by
these, but by the soldiers of his guard, is pillage made on the houses of his
people, ecclesiastical holdings, and hospitals even in Paris itself, so that the
poor cannot obtain common necessaries.<a name="FNanchor_1727_1727" id="FNanchor_1727_1727"></a><a href="#Footnote_1727_1727" class="fnanchor">[1727]</a></p>

<p class="p1">During these weeks Montmorency had earnestly labored in favor
of peace, pleading, arguing, expostulating both with his own younger
brothers and Alençon. He was as earnestly supported by Catherine
de Medici, now converted to a peace policy by the force of
events,<a name="FNanchor_1728_1728" id="FNanchor_1728_1728"></a><a href="#Footnote_1728_1728" class="fnanchor">[1728]</a> but both were continually thwarted either by the King’s
inconstancy or the machinations of the Guises.</p>

<p>The illness of the queen mother&mdash;she suffered so much from
sciatica that often she was unable to leave her chamber&mdash;and the
frivolity of the King were a positive advantage to the Guises’ policy.</p>

<p>It will be remembered that the fortress of La Fère had been
tentatively demanded of the King for the prince of Condé. Henry
III had replied offering Doulens in Picardy instead of either La
Fère or Peronne, which was later suggested, on the plea that he
could not exact obedience from the inhabitants of the latter places.
This demand for a border fortress near Flanders was made by
the duke of Alençon, in reality to further his own advantage in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">[512]</a></span>
the Spanish Netherlands, and he took the method of having Condé
take title to it as a means of concealing his purpose.</p>

<p>The possible disposal of any border fortress in Picardy in such
a way tremendously alarmed the king of Spain and the Guises
who concerted to break the peace.<a name="FNanchor_1729_1729" id="FNanchor_1729_1729"></a><a href="#Footnote_1729_1729" class="fnanchor">[1729]</a> This plan is the true origin
of the formation of the famous Holy League, which, although it
assumed organized form only after the peace of Bergerac (September
17, 1576), nevertheless existed in a tentative state this early, in
the combined action of the dukes of Guise, Nemours, Mayenne,
and Nevers, Biragues the chancellor, and other satellites of the
house of Guise to prevent peace being made on such terms, and
to break it in event of its being made.<a name="FNanchor_1730_1730" id="FNanchor_1730_1730"></a><a href="#Footnote_1730_1730" class="fnanchor">[1730]</a> Twice this cabal called
upon the King to give battle before all the forces of the opposition
were united and twice the queen mother foiled their purpose by
securing delay. On February 22 a violent scene took place between
her and the council&mdash;Henry III was sick&mdash;in which Catherine
branded those who said her son was a traitor as liars and
declared that in spite of opposition “it shall be peace.”</p>

<p>The indifference of Henry III to the gravity of the situation and
his supreme egotism are remarkable, yet thoroughly in keeping with
his character. For hours together he would prate of poetry and
philosophy&mdash;“de primis causis, de sensu et sensibili and such like
questions”&mdash;with his favorites, in the retirement of a cabinet, while
the realm was going to rack and ruin. The Venetian ambassador
describes one of these symposiums with minute care in a dispatch
of February 3, 1576.</p>

<p class="pbq p1">For the last few days [he says] his Majesty has taken his pleasure by
retiring into a small apartment which has no window, and to his apartment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">[513]</a></span>
his Majesty summons four or five youths of the city who follow the profession
of poets and light literature, and to meet these people his Majesty invites the
Duke of Nevers, the Grand Prior, Biragues, Monseigneur, De Soure, the
queen of Navarre, his sister, Madame de Nevers, and the marshal de Retz,
all of whom profess to delight in poetry. When they are thus assembled his
Majesty orders one of these youths to speak in praise of one of the virtues,
exalting it above all the others, and as soon as he has concluded his reasoning
each person in turn argues against the proposal which has been made. His
Majesty consumes many hours in this exercise, to the small satisfaction of the
queen mother and everybody else, who would desire to see in times so calamitous
his Majesty attending to his urgent affairs, and not to amusements,
which, however praiseworthy at other times, are now from the necessity of the
case condemned by all, seeing that the King for this cause fails to be present
at his council and there to discuss matters which are of the greatest importance
and which having regard to his own position and that of his kingdom can
easily be imagined to require attention.<a name="FNanchor_1731_1731" id="FNanchor_1731_1731"></a><a href="#Footnote_1731_1731" class="fnanchor">[1731]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Strange as it may seem, the Guises’ determination to continue
the war comported with the wishes of some of their enemies&mdash;a
circumstance which illustrates how singular was the alliance existing
between the Huguenots and the Politiques. The religious
Huguenots already, in the middle of December, had remonstrated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">[514]</a></span>
against the terms of peace proposed on the ground that the offers
made did not promise as much of advantage or security as a continuation
of the war. It was argued that the truce would result
in greater prejudice to them since the King would still be prepared
for war and that if they now let the opportunity pass of establishing
their fortune by the aid of the reiters, the result would bring calamity
to them.<a name="FNanchor_1732_1732" id="FNanchor_1732_1732"></a><a href="#Footnote_1732_1732" class="fnanchor">[1732]</a> These narrow-minded dissidents looked with ill
favor upon the politic course of the duke of Alençon in avoiding
the pillage of the towns he took, even of trusting to their loyalty
and refraining from putting garrisons in them (some of these towns
were Dreux, Romorantin, Thouars, and Loudun), and censured
him for his pacific overtures to the Parlement of Paris.<a name="FNanchor_1733_1733" id="FNanchor_1733_1733"></a><a href="#Footnote_1733_1733" class="fnanchor">[1733]</a> Accordingly
they hailed with delight the escape of Henry of Navarre
(February 5, 1576), and his immediate abjuration<a name="FNanchor_1734_1734" id="FNanchor_1734_1734"></a><a href="#Footnote_1734_1734" class="fnanchor">[1734]</a> of the Catholic
faith which he had been forced to confess on St. Bartholomew’s
Day, and the renewed advance of the reiters into Burgundy and
Auvergne and thence across the Loire into Bourbonnais, notwithstanding
the fact that these mounted mercenaries “made a terrible
spoil with fire and fagots” wherever they went.</p>

<p>The reiters took the road toward Langres, crossed the Seine
above Châtillon into Auxerre, making for the passage of the Loire
River at La Charité, in order to effect a junction with the duke of
Alençon, who was in Berry, not far from Bourges. Champagne
and Brie were filled with robbers in the wake of their advance,
who, pretending that they were soldiers, plundered the townspeople
and robbed wayfarers and travelers. There were regular bands
of these freebooters, the members of which were paid regular wages
by their captains. But the anarchy in the provinces did not
compel the King to stop his dallying with philosophy, or his love
for mad-cap pranks. He went off on a Shrovetide frolic in March,
“riding about the town to cast eggs and such other disorders,”
leaving Mayenne to labor with those nobles who refused to be commanded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">[515]</a></span>
“by a boy that never saw wars and a soldiery whose pay
was a whole quarter in arrears.”<a name="FNanchor_1735_1735" id="FNanchor_1735_1735"></a><a href="#Footnote_1735_1735" class="fnanchor">[1735]</a> Mayenne made his headquarters
at Moulins to prevent the reiters uniting with Alençon and the
Huguenots of Poitou and Guyenne. It required all the address
of the marshal Biron to restrain the young commander from throwing
himself upon them, almost careless of the outcome, for defeat
could have been little worse than the daily shrinkage of his army
from desertion.<a name="FNanchor_1736_1736" id="FNanchor_1736_1736"></a><a href="#Footnote_1736_1736" class="fnanchor">[1736]</a></p>

<p>Henry III at first had pretended to make light of the escape
of his cousin. But the presence of Henry of Navarre in the field
soon had an important influence. It was the one thing needful
to complete the organization of the Huguenots, many of whom
looked upon the prince of Condé more as a Politique than as one
of them. The harmonious working of the two parties opposed
to the crown was now possible in greater degree than before.
Henry of Navarre, the prince of Condé, the duke of Alençon, and
Damville united, were in a position to bring things to a focus.
The actual territory controlled by Henry III at this time was little,
if any, greater than the ancient Ile-de-France, Burgundy, and
Champagne of his ancestors in the twelfth century. The Huguenots
and Politiques so divided the realm among themselves that
a map of the kingdom at this time reminds one of that of France
in the feudal age. Henry of Navarre had made his headquarters
at Saumur and thus was able easily to control Anjou; the allegiance
of Guyenne, Béarn, and Poitou was certain; the duke of Alençon
was in occupation of the “midlands”&mdash;Berry (except Bourges)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">[516]</a></span>
and most of Bourbonnais and Nivernais. Young Coligny, who
had succeeded Montbrun, was in Dauphiné, and his fealty to the
religion was unswerving; Damville and his lieutenants controlled
all Languedoc, Provence, and Auvergne; young Montgomery
was in Lower Normandy where English assistance secretly helped
him, while the prince of Condé, backed by the count palatine,
endangered Picardy.</p>

<p>The winning cards were all in the hands of the Huguenots and
the Politiques. Without territory, without funds, with an unpaid
army or hireling mercenaries only, the crown had no other recourse
than to accept the situation and make peace unless Henry III
and the queen mother stooped to the worse humiliation of receiving
the support of Philip II. And so it came to pass that while
Paris daily expected to withstand a siege and the faubourgs and
gates were so crowded with those living outside the walls and
refugees from the environs “that a man could scarce enter the
gates for the people, carriages, and cattle,”<a name="FNanchor_1737_1737" id="FNanchor_1737_1737"></a><a href="#Footnote_1737_1737" class="fnanchor">[1737]</a> Henry III signed
the Act of Peace, May 2, 1576.</p>

<p>The peace of 1576, sometimes called the Peace of Monsieur,
from the duke of Alençon’s prominent part in its formation, was
the most complete and elaborate charter yet given the Huguenots,
embodying the wisdom that experience had taught. It is to be
noticed that the settlement involved both toleration of the religion
and political reform. The provisions of this composite peace may
be classified under four heads, each of which was an essential element
in the late opposition to the crown, viz:&mdash;the Huguenots,
Henry of Navarre, the duke of Alençon, the Politiques.</p>

<p>The King granted to the Huguenots public exercise of the
Calvinist religion throughout France except within two leagues
of the court and four leagues of Paris. The Huguenots were
declared eligible to all offices and dignities without discrimination
on account of religion. As a security for the King’s justice against
possible abuse of these rights, the crown engaged to establish
mixed parlements, half Catholic, half Protestant, at Poitiers,
Bordeaux, Toulouse, Montpellier, Grenoble, Aix, Dijon, Rheims,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">[517]</a></span>
and Rouen, and a new chamber in the Parlement of Paris with
two presidents and eighteen councilors, nine of them Catholic,
nine Protestant. Protestant advocates, <i>procureurs-généraux</i> and
<i>greffiers</i> civil and criminal were to be connected with each of these
mixed parlements.</p>

<p>For further protection of the Huguenots, eight cautionary towns
were to be ceded to them, to wit: Aigues-Mortes and Beaucaire
in Languedoc; Périgueux and Le Mas de Verdun in Guyenne;
La Rochelle in Poitou; Yssoire in Auvergne; Nions and Serres (château
included) in Dauphiné; Cennes “la grande tour et le circuit”
in Provence. Additional demands were for general oblivion for
all conduct and action by persons of either side; revocation of all
decrees, judgments, and proclamations hitherto made; rehabilitation
of the memory of Admiral Coligny and restoration of their
livings and honors to his children as well as in the cases of Montgomery,
Montbrun, Bricquemault, and Cavagnies. No prosecution
was to be made with regard to the actions done at St. Germain-en-Laye
and Bois de Vincennes.</p>

<p>Two of these provisions were received with great dissatisfaction
by the Huguenot deputies and when published were decried by
many of the Protestants. The first of them was the prohibition
of Protestant worship within the faubourgs of Paris, the act specifically
declaring that St. Denis, St. Maur-des-Fosses, Pont-de-Charenton,
Bourg-la-Reine and Port de Neuilly were within the
prohibited confines. The other one which met with great objection
was that touching the security towns.<a name="FNanchor_1738_1738" id="FNanchor_1738_1738"></a><a href="#Footnote_1738_1738" class="fnanchor">[1738]</a> The deputies demanded
two towns in every government (there were fourteen governments).
But the King would yield only eight, these to be chosen
from the towns already in possession of the Huguenots, a proviso
which eliminated such important points as Niort, Angoulême, and
Cognac. In the case of La Charité and Saumur, over which the
longest discussion arose, a compromise was reached by giving them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">[518]</a></span>
to Alençon in appanage. Long and acrimonious debate was
made over this article, and at one stage the negotiations were so
nearly broken off that Paris was notified to be prepared for a renewal
of the war. The crown’s demands in this matter were really
not unreasonable, for these eight towns were not included in the
number given to Henry of Navarre or the prince of Condé, or in
the appanage of the duke of Alençon.<a name="FNanchor_1739_1739" id="FNanchor_1739_1739"></a><a href="#Footnote_1739_1739" class="fnanchor">[1739]</a></p>

<p>If the demands of the Huguenots were excessive, those of
Henry of Navarre were still more sweeping. He not only aimed
to live like a king in the future in his own country of Béarn, but
sought to commit the crown to the recovery of the kingdom of
Navarre as well. All the past claims and grievances of his ancestry
were embodied. He demanded: That the King of Navarre
command in his government of Guyenne extending from Pilles
to Bayonne, in such manner as his ancestors had done; that all
captains and governors obey him as the governor and lieutenant-general
of the King; that he have the providing of the necessary
garrisons; that all his lands and seignories should recognize no
other government than he appointed and that all towns and fortresses
belonging to him should be at once surrendered; that his
right to his kingdom be preserved, and that his subjects should
not be taxed for the services of the king of France, according to their
ancient immunities; that all gentlemen being his servants, officers,
or subjects should come and go and traffic freely through all France
without molestation; that his officers and servants should enjoy
such privileges as if they served the royal family of France; that
he and his heirs should be discharged from the guarantee given
by himself and his mother toward the purchases of ecclesiastical
property, and for the payment of the reiters; that in view of the
fact that the late king had granted 200,000 livres to his mother,
the late queen of Navarre, for the celebration of the nuptials of
himself and his queen, the King’s sister, which has never been
paid, and furthermore, because there was also yet due 120,000
livres, arrears of the pension of the late king of Navarre, he prayed
the King to deal with him as favorably as he could for payment;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[519]</a></span>
that if any offices or benefices fell vacant in seignories of the king
of Navarre, he should have the nominating and presenting of such
persons; that the King would preserve to him in his lands and
seignories his privileges and accustomed sources of revenue, such
as the <i>droit de tabellionage</i> and <i>de sceaux</i>.</p>

<p>Having so far required everything that could conceivably be
based upon things present, Henry endeavored to revive the ancient
claims of his house in a startling fashion. The old feudal spirit
of William of Aquitaine and Raymond of Toulouse seems to have
been reincarnated in his person at this time. For Henry demanded
further that he be recompensed for the 6,000 livres promised in
time past, in virtue of the right that Françoise de Bretagne, wife
of Aleyne, sieur d’Albret, father of John of Navarre, had had to
the duchy of Brittany.<a name="FNanchor_1740_1740" id="FNanchor_1740_1740"></a><a href="#Footnote_1740_1740" class="fnanchor">[1740]</a> But even this was not all, for Henry of
Navarre finally made the demand that the pension of 46,000 livres
which his grandfather had enjoyed in recompense for the loss of
Navarre, from which his great grandfather had been expelled in
1512 by Ferdinand of Aragon, be continued to him, and <i>that the
King of France should promise to help him to recover Navarre!</i><a name="FNanchor_1741_1741" id="FNanchor_1741_1741"></a><a href="#Footnote_1741_1741" class="fnanchor">[1741]</a></p>

<p>In the nature of things, not a tithe of these demands could be
granted by the crown, least of all the last. The massacre of St.
Bartholomew had proved how perilous it was to try to drive Catholic
France into a war with Spain, and France was less ready now
than in 1570-72 to join battle with Philip. Perforce Henry of
Navarre had to be content with a restoration of things as they were
on August 24, 1572.<a name="FNanchor_1742_1742" id="FNanchor_1742_1742"></a><a href="#Footnote_1742_1742" class="fnanchor">[1742]</a></p>

<p>The duke of Alençon had created for him a position stronger
than that of Henry of Navarre. As a prince of the blood and as
a Politique he occupied middle ground between the crown and
the Huguenots; in consequence, many of the places which neither<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">[520]</a></span>
of the chief principals was willing to resign were included in the
grant to him. While technically all the territories so concerned
were regarded as appanages,<a name="FNanchor_1743_1743" id="FNanchor_1743_1743"></a><a href="#Footnote_1743_1743" class="fnanchor">[1743]</a> it is plain that a distinction may
easily be made between the duchies of Alençon, Maine, Anjou,
Touraine, and La Roche&mdash;which had originally been given him
as a prince of the blood&mdash;and places like Bourges, Moulins, Loches,
Saumur, La Charité, Pont-de-Sel, Amiens, Moulans, and Mantes.
These latter possessions were practically a class apart of security
cities intrusted by compromise to the duke. This was particularly
true of Saumur and La Charité, which insured the Protestants
of passage across the lower and upper Loire, and so linked the
South with Normandy on the North and the Palatinate and the
German Protestant states to the east. Moreover, Moulins in
Bourbonnais and Bourges in Berry assured the Protestants of
position there, so that the whole left bank of the Loire from Auvergne
to Nantes was in their control. Mantes was meant to
compensate the Huguenots in the vicinity of Paris for the loss of
Charenton.</p>

<p>The King yielded the government of Picardy again to the
prince of Condé, but the matter of what town should be his created
much heated argument. The prince himself at first stoutly contended
for Boulogne, although he did not say that its convenience
to England was the chief reason for his desire. But Henry III
as stoutly refused. Then Amiens was suggested, and as compromise
this city was given to the King’s brother. Condé then demanded
Peronne. Although the King would have preferred
Doulens or even St. Quentin to this concession, he yielded. The
only other detail concerning the prince was the obligation to pay
his and his father’s debts in Germany, which the crown assumed.</p>

<p>Damville did not come in for as much honor as his colleagues,
but was far from being ignored. As the chief of the Politiques
or “les catholiques associez,” as they were defined in the interest
of peace, Damville was and remained the leading man in Languedoc.
Aside from the retention of Damville in his government,
promise was made the Politiques to summon the States-General<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[521]</a></span>
at Blois within six months for the reformation and reorganization
of the administration.<a name="FNanchor_1744_1744" id="FNanchor_1744_1744"></a><a href="#Footnote_1744_1744" class="fnanchor">[1744]</a></p>

<p>It follows as a matter of course that the maintenance and protection
of the multitude of social and civil rights that made the
web and woof of a civilized society was guaranteed, such as the
validity of Protestant marriage, land and property titles, freedom
of education, commerce and trade, etc.</p>

<p>A very delicate matter to adjust was the future relation of the
electoral count palatine and the duke John Casimir, his son. A
secret alliance had existed between the count palatine, England,
and the prince of Condé since July, 1575. In November, Alençon
and the Politiques joined the alliance. One of the terms of that
alliance was that Metz, Toul, and Verdun were to pass to Casimir
as the price of his support and both Huguenots and Politiques&mdash;at
least Alençon&mdash;stood pledged to assist him in securing these
Three Bishoprics. But it was manifestly impossible to expect
the French crown to grant such a cession, nor is it probable, now
that peace had come, that any in France looked with amiability
upon this article of the contract of Heidelberg. It were too great
a humiliation to have this brilliant conquest of 1552 thus passively
surrendered. Fortunately it was found possible to placate John
Casimir with less distinguished sacrifices. His claims were purchased
for an enormous sum of money&mdash;or at least the promise
of it; no less than two million florins (three million francs), part
to be paid in the coming June and the balance at the next two
fairs at Frankfurt, in addition to which he received the whole
seigneury of Château-Thierry<a name="FNanchor_1745_1745" id="FNanchor_1745_1745"></a><a href="#Footnote_1745_1745" class="fnanchor">[1745]</a>&mdash;worth 20,000 francs per annum&mdash;a
perpetual colonelcy of 4,000 horse, a company of 100 men-at-arms
and 12 reitmeisters, all of which was confirmed by Henry III’s
declaration that he would “repute and esteem the count palatine
and Duke Casimir as good neighbors.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">[522]</a></span></p>

<p>The terms of the Peace of Monsieur<a name="FNanchor_1746_1746" id="FNanchor_1746_1746"></a><a href="#Footnote_1746_1746" class="fnanchor">[1746]</a> were exceedingly unpopular
in Paris, whose citizens had been the heaviest contributors to the
expenses of the war thus closed and who had made strenuous military
preparations in defense of the capital, and the unpopularity of
Henry III was not enhanced in the eyes of the Parisians by the
King’s repudiation of a part of the <i>rentes</i>, the incomes of which were
the chief means of support with many. But when Charron, the provost
of the merchants, and the counselor Abot, at the head of a
deputation of the foremost citizens of the capital protested against
this high-handed action to the King’s own face, Henry III with
a sneer which carried with it a covert threat rejoined: “Hang a
man and he tells no tales.”<a name="FNanchor_1747_1747" id="FNanchor_1747_1747"></a><a href="#Footnote_1747_1747" class="fnanchor">[1747]</a></p>

<p>The camps of the duke of Alençon and the Protestants were
broken up when the peace was published. The soldiery around La
Rochelle and in Poitou, Anjou, and Berry, returned home, except
some troops which were reserved until it was seen what Casimir
and his reiters, who were near Langres, would do. These marauders
with many French of Champagne and Brie, crossed the
Yonne above Sens and arrived in Champagne between May 10
and 11 and remained there for a week, living on the land. After
having sojourned six or seven days between the Seine and the
Vauluisant, on the 16th they moved on to a place between Troyes
and the village of Mery-sur-Seine, where they remained for
fifteen days to the distress of the people and absolutely destroyed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[523]</a></span>
the little village of Marigny, which had but two persons left in it.
In order to find food they foraged for miles. The peasantry turned
their cattle loose or drove them, together with their possessions,
into the fortified towns or châteaux. But the gentry were less safe
than the peasantry even, for the latter had already been so despoiled
that nothing was left to be taken. Out of this frightful state of
affairs rose an organized resistance which is very interesting to
observe, for the nobility and gentry of the region and the local
peasantry, forgetting their class antagonism, made common cause
together. Whenever these “vigilance committees” found themselves
to be stronger or happened upon stragglers from the main
band, they threw themselves upon them; sometimes the victims
were bound and cast alive in the river Aube or Seine. Between
St. Loup-de-la-Fosse-Gelane and St. Martin-de-Bossenay, a group
of ten or twelve reiters were thus set upon and only one escaped.
But the vengeance their comrades meted out upon the offenders was
terrible, for the troopers, numbering over a hundred horsemen, the
next night burned all the villages round about.<a name="FNanchor_1748_1748" id="FNanchor_1748_1748"></a><a href="#Footnote_1748_1748" class="fnanchor">[1748]</a></p>

<p>Not until September was this scourge removed from the land.
By that time they were bought off and were conducted to the
frontier by Bassompierre, the Alsatian gentleman in the King’s
service, who was well rewarded, as he deserved to be, for the accomplishment
of the perilous task. But the licensing of the regular
troops immediately afterward still prolonged the agony of the
province for a season.<a name="FNanchor_1749_1749" id="FNanchor_1749_1749"></a><a href="#Footnote_1749_1749" class="fnanchor">[1749]</a></p>

<p>The Peace of Monsieur may fittingly be said to have terminated
the period of the <i>religious</i> wars of France. The dominant issue
of the succeeding years of conflict from 1576 to 1598 was not a
religious, but a political one. Why permanent peace did not result
it is not the work of this volume to narrate. Suffice to say that
Spain and Spain’s instrument, the Holy League, were to blame
for the ensuing years of strife.</p>

<p>The germ of the provincial Catholic leagues had been the
desire, on the part of the Catholics of France, to resist the progress<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[524]</a></span>
of Calvinism. But in the hands of the French nobles these local
leagues, controlled by the aristocracy and welded into one mighty
organization under the leadership of the duke of Guise, backed
by Spanish gold, became a new league of the public weal, which,
under the cloak of religion revived the feudal ambition of the
French nobility to acquire power at the expense of the crown.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[525]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-g01.jpg" width="400" height="314" id="c525"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-g02.jpg" width="500" height="277"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[526]</a></span></p>


<div class="figcenter">
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         alt=""
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</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[527]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
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         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[528]</a><br /><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[529]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c529" id="c529">APPENDICES</a></h2>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[530]</a><br /><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[531]</a></span></p>

<h3 class="p4">APPENDIX I</h3>

<p class="pc">[P. 49, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. XIII, No. 456</span></p>

<p class="pc">[<i>The Cardinal of Lorraine and Duke of Guise to the Queen-Dowager of
Scotland</i>]</p>

<p class="p1">Madame nous avons receu votre lettre par ce marinier present porteur
et sceu par icelle lestat en quoy sont les affaires de dela [<i>two pages in cipher</i>].</p>

<p>Quant aux nouvelles de deca nous voullons bien que vous sachez que
depuis quinze ou vingt jours aucuns malheureux ont essaye icy demectre a fin
une conjuration quilz avoient faicte pour tuer le Roy et ne nous y oublyoient
[pas]<a name="FNanchor_1750_1750" id="FNanchor_1750_1750"></a><a href="#Footnote_1750_1750" class="fnanchor">[1750]</a> tout cela fonde sur la religion dont aucuns des principaulx autheurs
[ont este pris] et pugniz. Maiz tant plus nous allons avant et plus trouvons nous
[que ceste conspiration] a longue queue ayant este bastie de longue main et
appuyee par daucuns gr[andz qui se] sont trouvez bien trompez. Car nostre
Seigneur a bien sceu defendre sa cause. S’est quasi le mesmes train qui ont
prins voz Rebelles mais ilz voulloient commancer par le sang et lespee une
autre fois vous en scaurez plus par le menu. Et pour fin de ceste lettre vous
dirons madame que la compaignye faict Dieu mercy tresbonne chere et nous
recommandons treshumblement a votre bonne grace, Priant Dieu ma dame vous
donner en sante tresbonne et treslongue vye. De Marmoustre le ixº jour
davril 1559.</p>

<p class="pi6">[<i>Signed</i>] Voz treshumbles et tresobeissans freres</p>
<p class="pr4">C. Car<sup>al</sup> de Lorraine Francoys s<sup>r</sup> de Lorraine.</p>

<p class="pi4">[<i>Addressed</i>] A la Royne</p>
<p class="pi6">Douairiere et regente Descosse.</p>

<p class="pi4">[<i>Not endorsed</i>]</p>

<p class="ph4">[<i>Pencil note by editor</i>] This is dated “more Gallicano” which commences
the year at Easter. In 1560, Easter day fell on the 14 of April,
consequently this letter dated on the 9th would appear to be, as
it is dated, in 1559, being in fact 1560.</p>

<p class="pc1">No. 460</p>

<p class="pc">[“<i>A portion of the previous letter in French</i>” (Calendar)]</p>

<p>Estant que avecques plus de commodité et de moyen vous navez esté et
nestez secourue autant que nous voyons et jugeons trop bien quil seroit necessaire
ce que n’a pas este retardi par faulte de debvoir de soing et de diligence.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[532]</a></span>
Car nous en avons cherche ...<a name="FNanchor_1751_1751" id="FNanchor_1751_1751"></a><a href="#Footnote_1751_1751" class="fnanchor">[1751]</a> moyenes possibles et mesmes po<sup>r</sup> essayer
si ceste Royne dangleterre s ... addoucir et contenir par quelques remedes
qui n’ont ... en son endroict, car apres avoir faict du cousté du Roy tout
... de penser po<sup>r</sup> luy oster la jalousie et le soupcon qu’elle monstre au
... nous y avons employe le Roy catholicque tant que par son ambassadeur
il luy ... quil ne souffriroit pas que elle donnast faveur aux rebelles ...
aulcune chose au preiudice des droictz et authorite du Roy et de ... fille
en Escosse. Depuis y a este envoyé l’evesque de Valence conseillier au ...
po<sup>[r</sup> luy rendre raison plus pertinente de l’intention du Roy, et quil ne ch ...
l’obeissance de ses subiectz, resolu de retirer ses forces apres qu ... restablies
au bon chemin, tout cela n’a de rien servi si elle n’a ... vous avez
peu veoir par les articles qu’elle a f ... son Ambassadeur si honteux que
nous croyons qu’elle sass ... nous n’en ferions rien et par ainsy elle passeroit
oultre ... qui est de la guerre, dont nous veryons peu de moyen
de ... si ce n’est po<sup>r</sup> ... refuge l’ ... de Sieur de Glayon ques<sup>r</sup> les
... y envoye po<sup>r</sup> luy en parler des grosses contz ayant delibere si ...
obstinee de secourir le Roy de tout ce de luy qu’il vouldra et ... a accorde luy
bailler gens et vaiss ... po<sup>r</sup> remettre lobeissance ... dont il a este
prins au mot. Et y a este envoye ... scavoir de la duchesse de Parme de
quel nombre ou ... lad. dame charge expresse d’en accommoder le Roy
de tout.... Cependant Madame nous ne perdons point le temps a faire
ad ... qui sera dun si bon nombre de vaisseaulx et si bien formy de gens
et de toutes choses convenables que nous esperons que lad. Royne ne ses
forces n’auront pas le moyen de les garder de vous secourir tout le p ...
veryons est qu’elle ne peult estre preste que vers la fin de Iuillet. Mais si ferons
nous tout ce que sera possible au monde po<sup>r</sup> la mettre plustost a la voyle et ne
espargner argent soing ni diligence comme nous nous asseurons que vous
croyez bien. Et neantmoins cherchons nous tous aultres moyens de vous faire
secourir de deniers soit de Flandres ou d’ailleurs et aussy ne craindrons nous
en adventurer par petites pommes cependant et pour y commencer avons
nous advise vous renvoyer ... eur dedans vng aultre petit vaisseau que
luy avons faict equipper, ne luy ... espargne aussy argent car il a eu po<sup>r</sup>
estre venu icy et le hazard qu’il a douze centz francz que le Roy luy a donnes
et trois centz escus po<sup>r</sup> son retour. Avecq luy nous vous envoyons par ung
clerc qui l’accompaigne la somme de mille livres et vingt cacques de pouldre
menue grevée par ce que nous avons sceu par les lettres des sieurs de la Brosse
et Doysell qui vous en avez besoing par dela ce sera pour attendre toutz jours
mieulx estantz bien deliberez de ... perdre une seule occasion de vous
secourir ainsy par le menu au danger ... perdre quelque chose.</p>

<p>Cependant, Madame, il fauldra que de vostre coste vous faciez le mieulx
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[533]</a></span>... pourrez et sur tout qu’il soit donné ordre a tenir les places bien....
rnies louant sa ma<sup>$1</sup>ien fort la defensive sur la quelle les capitaines de dela
sont d’advis que vous vous mettiez qui est ung moyen pour avoir la raison de la
legerete et mal consyderée entreprise de lad. Royne dont nous esperons que
le mal tombera a la fin sur elle et qui Dieu ne laissera impunye la faulte qu’elle
faict.</p>

<p>... a este grande consolation au Roy et a toute ceste compaignie
d’avoir entendu ... les souldatz de dela ayent si bonne volonté, cela nous
faict ... Dieu qui tout yra mieulx qu’elle ne vouldroit car si led....
gneur Roy catholicque chemine en cecy de bon pied dont il nous asseure il est
impossible que la chose ne tourne a sa confusion.</p>

<p>Quant aux nouvelles de ca nous voulons bien que vous scachez que depuis
xv ou vingt jo<sup>$1</sup>aulcuns malheureux ont essaye icy de mettre a fin une conjuration
quilz avoient faicte po<sup>$1</sup>uer le Roy et ne nous y oublioient pas. Tout
cela fondé sur religion dont aulcuns des principaulx autheurs ont esté pris
et punis. Mais tant plus nous allons avant et plus trouvons nous que ceste
conspiration a longue queue ayant este bastie de longue main et appuyee par
daulcuns grandz qui se sont trouvez bien trompez. Car nostre Seign<sup>$1</sup> bien
sceu defendre sa cause. Ceste [quasi le mesmes]<a name="FNanchor_1752_1752" id="FNanchor_1752_1752"></a><a href="#Footnote_1752_1752" class="fnanchor">[1752]</a> train qui ont prins voz
rebelles, mais ilz vouloient [commancer par le] sang et l’espee. Un autre foys
vous en scaurez [plus par le menu] Et po<sup>r</sup> fin de ceste lettre.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Not signed</i>]</p>

<p class="pi4">[<i>Not addressed</i>]</p>

<p class="ph4">[<i>Endorsed</i>] 12 April, 1559<a name="FNanchor_1753_1753" id="FNanchor_1753_1753"></a><a href="#Footnote_1753_1753" class="fnanchor">[1753]</a> (1560) Card. &amp; D of Guise to the queen
Dowager whereof another copy was sent to the Q. Ma<sup>te</sup>
 the 3 of
Aprill and was dated at Mayremoustier the viij<sup>th</sup> of the same.</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, SCOTLAND</p>

<p class="pc1"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. III, No. 58.</span> (Translation. The parts in italics have
been deciphered.)<a name="FNanchor_1754_1754" id="FNanchor_1754_1754"></a><a href="#Footnote_1754_1754" class="fnanchor">[1754]</a></p>

<p class="pi6">[<i>The cardinall of Lor: and duke of Guise to the Quene douag</i>:]<a name="FNanchor_1755_1755" id="FNanchor_1755_1755"></a><a href="#Footnote_1755_1755" class="fnanchor">[1755]</a></p>

<p class="pi4">[April 29]</p>

<p>Madame This bearar hath made verie good diligence to bring us yo<sup>r</sup>
lettres wherof we wer verie gladde, for that by the same we understoode yo<sup>r</sup>
newes, and the rath<sup>r</sup>, for that we had receyvid none from yo<sup>w</sup>, sins the comminge
of <i>Protestant the courrone</i>. Sins which tyme the <i>Quene of England</i>
hath ever kept us in allarme to begynne the <i>warre</i> and to shew <i>by all her dealinges
that she</i> had sent to be doinge and sturringe the coles. We beleeve<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[534]</a></span>
she hath forgotten nothinge, wherby she might thinke to draw anye fruict
of her evell disposicion: yf she had fownde thinges in cace to go through w<sup>th</sup>
her businesse. Neverthelesse shee hath gyven us the fairest wordes of the
world. <i>Wherunto the Frenche King hath not so muche trustyd</i> but that he
hathe advertisid the king of Spaine of all that <i>she hath doon</i> who having well
considered the mater, hath made answer that there is no cause why to disalow
his entent specially to go through w<sup>th</sup> the maters on that side, and that to
chastise the Rebelles he will gyve the King, as manye vessells, men, and vitailes,
as he will, and so hath writen to the said queene, who knowing that she can
hope for nothing of that, that she maketh a rekening of, begynnithe to use
oth<sup>r</sup> languaige, and causythe her ambassad<sup>r</sup> to saye that that she hath done
hath ben for none oth<sup>r</sup> cause, but for the jalousye she hath of her Realme, and
fearinge to be sodaynly taken unwares. So that it seemithe, that she repentethe
to have gon so farre furth in the mater. And we beleeve that before theese
lettres come to yo<sup>r</sup> handes, yo<sup>w</sup> shall have well perceyved, that her intentes ar
waxed verye colde. And yf that which she hathe caused to be said by her
Ambassado<sup>r</sup> be true, yo<sup>w</sup> shall have understand all the hole storie, by a man
whome the S<sup>r</sup> de Sevre the kinges ambassad<sup>r</sup> in Englande, hathe sent unto
yo<sup>w</sup>. Neverthelesse we have thought good to sende yo<sup>w</sup> backe againe this
said bearar, by the waye of Flandres to advertise yo<sup>w</sup>, that we thinke that your
Rebelles wilbe farre from their rekeninge, yf they make their accompte of the
said Ladyes protection. Or elles there is much dissimulation.</p>

<p>And yet the King knowing after what sorte he must trust Englishemen,
leavithe not of, to prepare xxiiij great ships to thintent (yf neede requyre, and
that it do appeere, that the sayd Ladye doth contynue her evell disposicion)
to gyue ordre w<sup>th</sup> the same and oth<sup>r</sup> forces w<sup>ch</sup> he keepith in a readinesse, to
souccour yo<sup>w</sup> in such sorte, as he shall have the reason that he requyrethe, of
thone and thoth<sup>r</sup>.</p>

<p>Yn the meane tyme he hathe sent the busshoppe of Valence, counsello<sup>r</sup>
in the K<sup>es</sup> pryvie counsell, towardes the Queene, to understande plainely her
meaninge, and in cace that the same be good, then to come to yo<sup>w</sup> w<sup>th</sup> good and
large memorialles, to assaye to appease thinges on that side and to fynde the
meanes to wynne tyme.</p>

<p>The thing (Madame,) that greevithe us most, is, that the meanes is hindred
and stopped, to soucco<sup>r</sup> yow w<sup>th</sup> money as ofte and as readily as we wold be
glad to do, and as yo<sup>w</sup> have neede of it. Which we durst not aventure, nor also
o<sup>r</sup> brother Mons<sup>r</sup> le Marquis for the evident danger that might happen. But
yt cannot be longe before we see some waye open, and yow maye be sure
(Madame) that we will not lose one quarter of an houre.</p>

<p>Now (Madame) we must w<sup>th</sup> yo<sup>w</sup>, lament the Evell, that the mater of
religion maye bring into a Realme, which hath so gone to worke on this side,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[535]</a></span>that w<sup>th</sup>in these xij or xv dayes, there is discouvered a conspiracy, made to kill
us bothe, and then to take the King, and gyve him masters and gouvernours
to instruct and bring him up in this wretched doctryne. For which pourpose
there shuld assemble a great nombre of personnes heerabowtes who ar not
w<sup>th</sup>out the comforte and favour of some great ones. And betwixt the sixth
and xv<sup>th</sup> of this monethe, they shuld execute the same. So that w<sup>th</sup>out the
healpe of God and thintelligences w<sup>ch</sup> we have had from all partes of christendome,
and also of some of the conspiratours, that have disclosed it, the matter
had taken effect. But God hath provyded heerin for us. The mater being
discouvered, and manye beinge prissoners, we hope that the same shall be
bowlted out, and so the danger avoyded. Wherof, and how the same shall
breake out, yo<sup>w</sup> shalbe more particularly advertised heerafter, specially if the
waye be freer, then hitherto it hath ben. Yn the meane tyme yo<sup>w</sup> shall receyve
(if yt please yo<sup>w</sup>) our humble commendacions prayeng God &amp;c. Montignac
is presently arryved upon the depeche, wherupon ordre shall be taken out of
hande.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Not signed</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>Not addressed</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>This and other deciphered letters</i> (Queen Dowager of Scotland to MM.
d’Oysel and de la Brosse 29 [April] and “a private man’s letter to d’Oysell”
[29 April] 1560) <i>are written on the same sheets of paper, and are endorsed together</i>:
“The interceptyd lettres discyphred,” <i>and endorsed in Burghley’s
hand</i>: “B. 12. Martii. 20. Martii lettres deciphred from France to the Q.
dowag.”<a name="FNanchor_1756_1756" id="FNanchor_1756_1756"></a><a href="#Footnote_1756_1756" class="fnanchor">[1756]</a>]</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX II</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 98, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">ARCHIVES NATIONALES,<br />

K. 1,494, <span class="smcap">PIÈCE NO. 70</span></p>

<p class="pc1">[<i>L’Ambassadeur de France, Mr. de L’Aubespine, évêque de Limoges, au
Roi d’Espagne, Philippe II</i>]</p>


<p class="pr2">Tolède, 4 avril 1561</p>

<p>[<i>Suscription</i>] Au Roy.</p>

<p>[<i>Au dos, alia manu</i>] A Su Magestad. Del obispo de Limoges, a IIIIº de
Abril 1561.</p>

<p>Sire, par ce que la Royne aura peu escrire à Vostre Majesté et Monsieur
le Prince d’Evoly aussi, vous aurez entendu l’estat auquel les choses se retrouvoient
parmy les Estatz particuliers en France il y a vingt jours par la
malice de quelques ungs mal sentans de la foy, lesquelz avoient faict une menée
en certaines provinces afin que l’on feist tomber le gouvernement du royaume<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[536]</a></span>
en autre main que celuy de la Royne vostre mere, la sentans ferme et constante
a n’endurer leurs erreurs et a les punir. Depuis est arrivé l’un de mes gens
avec deux pacquetz de Monsieur de Chantone, lesquelz j’ay faict mectre entre
les mains de Sajas.<a name="FNanchor_1757_1757" id="FNanchor_1757_1757"></a><a href="#Footnote_1757_1757" class="fnanchor">[1757]</a> M’advertissant ladicte dame par le mesme courrier que
le Roy de Navarre s’est monstré si conforme en tout ce qu’elle a desiré et
peu approuvant la temerité de telles entreprinses, qu’il s’est accommodé pour
aussi recevoir quelque lieu et contentemant d’estre seul lieutenant general du
Roy vostre bon frere en France soubz ladicte dame, afin que la multitude des
autres seigneurs et gouverneurs de tout le royaume n’amenast point la confuzion
qui y estoit, que l’on eust quelque adresse, et que, par ce moien aussi il feust
plus honnoré et respecté d’ung chascun sans aucune diminution de l’authorité
de ladicte dame, laquelle, Sire, demeure chef de toutes choses, ayant les quatre
secrétaires d’Estat soubz elle, les pacquetz, finances, dons et autres graces
avec la personne du Roy, et commande au conseil ainsi que de coustume,
tellement que chacun espere, comme aussi faict Sa Majesté et ainsi qu’elle
me commande vous dire, Sire, que desormès il y a certaine apparance de
toute tranquilité et repos, car ce que dessus est passé, arresté et signé entre
eulx et de leurs mains pour articles irrevocables, ayant pour ceste cause mandé
aux Estatz qu’ilz eussent à ne penser ne disputter plus sur telz pointz, ains
seulement en ce qui concerne le mesnaige du royaume, les reculans et remettans
a s’assambler a la fin de l’esté prochain. Et ce pendant, suivant l’instante
requeste du peuple, le Roy vostre bon frere, Sire, partira de Fontainebleau
incontinent après ce Quasimodo pour se faire sacrer à Reims dedans le XX<sup>e</sup>
de May, et incontinent après sus le mois de Juing faire son entrée à Paris,
d’autant que ces deux actes sollemnelz donnent plus d’authorité et contentement
à tous nos subjectz, et que, cela faict, la Royne vostre mère pourra aussi,
comme elle désire, plus soigneusement user de la main forte et justice en tout
ce qui se presentera. Ce que dessus, Sire, amandera, s’il vous plaist, en vostre
endroit l’opinion mauvaise que nous avions quant je parlay a Monsieur le
prince d’Evoly de l’yssue de noz Estatz, lesquelz, par ce remede, sont frustrez
de plus rien toucher ne negotier qui concerne le gouvernement. Me commandant
tres expressement la Royne de remercier fort affectionneement
Vostre Majesté des bons et roiddes offices desquelz Monsieur de Chantoné
a usé près d’elle pendant ces disputz, et asseurant Vostre Majesté que ce luy
est obligation telle qu’elle peult faire estat de son amour et affection autant
que de sa propre mère, comme de son costé elle se confie tant en sa bonté et
amitié que, si l’on eust voulu faire plus de tord a son honneur et preminance,
elle eust usé de ce que Dieu a mis. Sire, soubz vostre obeissance, comme
de son meilleur amy, desirant que Vostre Majesté face en semblable estat de
tout ce que sera en elle. Ceulx, Sire, qui avoient tramé ce que dessus pensoient
remuer en nostre conseil et autres endroitz les hommes et honneurs à<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">[537]</a></span>
leur guise; mais, par ce moien, ilz sont hors de leurs desseings. S’estant
Monsieur le prince de Condé contenté d’une declaration qu’on luy a donnée
pour sa justification, à la charge qu’il peust, quant bon luy sembleroit, estre
à la Court près ladicte dame, ainsi qu’il y a esté permis. Monsieur le connestable
a, Sire, faict de bons et saiges offices en cet establissement, me chargeant
de vous presenter ses tres humbles recomandations, vous requerant,
comme font Leurs Majestez, qu’il vous plaise en sa faveur confirmer en Flandres
une abbaie de dames à l’une de ses parentes que les religieuses desirent fort
depuis le decez de feu madame de Lallain, comme j’éscris à Monsieur le conte
d’Horne. Ce que, Sire, j’eusse de bouche esté faire entendre à Vostre Majesté;
mais la crainte que j’ay eu de le troubler parmy ces sainctz et devots jours
m’excusera s’il luy plaist, et commandera á Monsieur le prince d’Evoly qui
cy est, de me faire donner quelque responce sur ceste lettre et sus une precedente
que je vous escrivis il y a deux jours, afin que je puisse faire entendre à la
Royne vostre bonne mère le contentement que recevrez de ce que dessus et
vostre bon conseil. Quant mon courrier partit, Monsieur le conte d’Heu
avoit desja esté licencié du Roy et de la Royne mère, et suis attendant, Sire,
Monsieur de Montrueil, lieutenant de Monsieur le prince de la Roche-sur-Yon,
lequel arrivera icy dedans quatre ou cinq jours, venant devant pour preparer
ce qu’il sera de besoing et pour aussi visiter la Royne, qui me faict estimer que
ledict seigneur Conte ne sera pas en ceste ville que quatre ou cinq jours après
Quasimodo,<a name="FNanchor_1758_1758" id="FNanchor_1758_1758"></a><a href="#Footnote_1758_1758" class="fnanchor">[1758]</a> dont noz dames ne sont pas contentes, la Royne pour le desir
qu’elle a de reveoir Vostre Majesté plustost, et les autres pour leur interest
particulier</p>

<p>Sire, je me recommande très humblement à vostre bonne grâce, priant le
Créateur vous donner entres bonne santé tres heureuse et longue vye.</p>

<p>De Toledo, ce IIII<sup>e</sup> d’avril 1561.</p>

<p class="pr6">Vostre tres humble serviteur</p>
<p class="pr4"><span class="smcap">S. de l’Aubespine</span></p>
<p class="pr2">E[vesque] de Lymoges</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX III</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 153, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 179</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Letter of the duke of Guise to the cardinal of Lorraine</i>]</p>


<p>[<i>1562, June 25</i>]</p>

<p>Extraict de la lettre de Guyse escripte de sa main au cardinal.</p>

<p>Ie vous envoye ce porteur en dilligence pour vous advertir que tout fut
yer accorde. Et puis vous dire que le commancement est l’honneur de Dieu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[538]</a></span>
service du Roy bien et repoz de ce royaume. Cedit porteur est suffisant et
nauront noz chers cardinaulx que part ceste lettre comme aussi nostre mareschal
de Brissac qui congnoistra quil y en a qui sont bien loing de leurs desseins.
Nostre mere et son frere ne jurent que par la foy quilz nous doibvent et quilz
ne veullent plus de conseil que de ceulx que scavez qui vont le bon chemyn.
Conclusion la Religion reformee en nous conduisant et tenant bon sen va a
baz leaue et les amyraulx mal ce qui est de possible. Toutes noz forces nous
demeurent entierement les leurs rompues les billeez rendues sans parler dedictz
ne de preches et administracion des sacremens a leur mode. Ces bons seigneurs
croiront sil leur plaist cedit porteur de ce quil leur dira de la part de
trois de leurs meilleurs amys et bayse la main. De Baugency ce xxv<sup>e</sup> jour
de Iuing 1562.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>No signature</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>No address</i>]</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] Extraict d’une lettre escripte de<br />
la main de m<sup>r</sup> de Guyse au<br />
Cardinal de Lorraine deXXV<sup>e</sup><br />
Iuing 1562.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX IV</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 155, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 211</span>, vj</p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Letter of the duke of Guise to the Catherine de Medici</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>1562, Iuly 9</i>]</p>

<p>Madame, je viens presentement de recevoyr la lettre quil vous a pleu
mescripre touchant quelques marchandz anglois que lambassadeur de leur
Royne vous a faict entendre avoyr este prys par les gens de guerre qui sont icy
pres de moy pour le service du Roy et le vostre. Dont encores Madame je
navois ouy parler, bien de quelques soldatz anglois qui furent pris y a assez
long temps par le s<sup>r</sup> Dallegre qui voulloient entrer a Rouen et lesquelz tost
aprez je feiz renvoyer sinon quelques ungs qui se sont voluntairement mys
a vostre service parmy noz bandes vous pourrant asseurer Madame, que tant
sen fault que je permecte telles choses Que tout ce que jay en plus grande
recommendation, est de les laisser librement et tous les autres estrangers qui
sont icy mesmes voz subiectz de quelque religion quilz soient de trafficquer
et negotier comme ilz faisoient au paravant ses troubles, sachant trop bien de
quelle consequence cella est pour vostre service. Et ne puis penser dou
viendroit ceste prise si ce nest par ceulx mesmes de Rouen Dieppe et le Havre
qui pillent et prennent indifferemment sur les ungs et les autres sans aucune<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[539]</a></span>
exception. Toutesfois Madame, je mectray peyne de faire si bien rechercher
parmy ses trouppes que sil y en a aucuns qui en ayent quelque chose je la feray
delivrer et nen sera perdu ung seul denyer, ainsy que je lay faict entendre a
ce present porteur que ledit ambassadeur ma envoye expres.</p>

<p>Madame je prye Dieu vous avoyr en sante et donner tresbonne et longue
vye. Au Mesnil devant S<sup>te</sup> Catherine le ix<sup>e</sup> jour de Juillet 1562.</p>

<p class="pr6">Vostre treshumble et tresobeissant</p>
<p class="pr4">serviteur et subiect</p>
<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Claude de Lorayne</span></p>

<p>[<i>No address</i>]</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] 9 Iulii 1562.<br />
The coppye of the duke d’aumalles<br />
letter to the Quene mother.</p>

<p>[<i>Enclosed in a letter from Throckmorton to the Queen, from Paris, 12 July,
1562</i> (<i>No. 211</i>)]</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX V</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 177, n. 3]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. XLVI, No. 973</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Letter of the prince of Condé to the earl of Warwick</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>1562, December 14</i>]</p>

<p>Mons<sup>r</sup> le Conte. Attendant que la commodite se presente plus propre de
vous pouvoir voir et diviser privement avecques vous envoiant maintenant
ceste depesche en Angleterre je nay voulu oublier a vous ramentevoir le besoing
que nous avons de joir en vostre secours, auquel jespere moiennant la grace
de Dieu me joindre de brief pour par apres mectre quelque fin a tant de calamitez.
Si Mons<sup>r</sup> le Conte de Montgoumery est de retour avecques quelques
forces, je serois bien dadvis se pour nous devancer, vous vous acheminissiez
droict a Honnefleur pour plus faciliter le chemin et a lune et a laultre armee.
Me recommandant sur ceste esperance a vostre bonne grace je supplieray
le Createur vous donner Mons<sup>r</sup> le Conte avecques sa tressaincte grace ce que
plus desirez. Escript au camp de S<sup>t</sup> Arnoul ce xiiij<sup>e</sup> jour de Decembre 1562.</p>

<p class="pr4">Vostre plus afecsionne et parfayt amy</p>
<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Loys de Bourbon</span></p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Addressed</i>] A Mons<sup>r</sup><br />
Mons<sup>r</sup> le Conte de Quarruich.</p>
<p>[<i>Endorsed in Cecil’s hand</i>] 184 December. Prince of Cond. to the Er.
of Warwyk.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[540]</a></span></p>

<h3>APPENDIX VI</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 203, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. XXIX, No. 50</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Admiral Clinton to Cecil</i>]</p>

<p>S<sup>r</sup> I am sure that yo<sup>w</sup> are advertysed of the Appoyntement for New haven
I would gladly understand the quenes ma<sup>tes</sup> plesure for my farther Servyce.
I lefte the Philipp and Mary the Lyon the Sakar and twoo gales w<sup>th</sup> viij victualers
wyth m<sup>r</sup> Wynter in the roade of New haven to joyne w<sup>th</sup> the shipps under
his charge for the Dyspayche of the men and such thinges as is to be brought
thense and lefte m<sup>r</sup> Holstocke to assyste m<sup>r</sup> Winter and I w<sup>th</sup> the Elizabeth
Jonas and the Victorie cam hither this evenyng and synse my comyng
w<sup>th</sup> the advyse of m<sup>r</sup> vycechamberlen I have dyspayched a suffycyent nomber
of shippes that I founde presentely here to goo to New haven to fetch
all thinges thense that is to be brought. I cam to New haven yester day at
one a cloke in the after none &amp; departyd thense at twoo a clok this morning
fyndyng my lord of Warwycke a shippborde redy to departe and at my fyrst
coming Edward Horsey came to me w<sup>th</sup> monser de Lynerols from the
Frenche King the quene and the constable as he sayd to vysyt me w<sup>th</sup> offer
of any thing that was their for my comoditie and sayd that the king desyryd
me to com on land to hym and their w<sup>th</sup> he tould me the Appoyntement for
New haven. I sayd to hym that the plage of dedly infexion had don for them
that I thynke all the force of France could never a don for yf the mortalitie had
not taken a way and consumynyd our Captens &amp; Soldiors in so grete nombers
they could never a prevailyd nor a proched so neare the towne yet ys it apparant
vnto yo<sup>w</sup> the noble coraige of the lorde lyevetenaunt and the valeantnes
of his soldiors hath bene shewyd as moch as might be in men having fought
agaynst an unsesable plage of pestylence &amp; the whole force of France. And
as I doo reioyce that my contreymen hath so worthely behavyd them selfes
so am I hartely sorry that yo<sup>r</sup> chanse is to recover that towne, and so I desyryd
hym to geve my humble thankes to the King the quene &amp; the constable for
their corteous mesaige and offer sent to me but I having charge by the quenes
Ma<sup>tes</sup> comandement my mistres of thes shipps and nombers of men I can not
departe from them and so we departyd and afore the comyng of Edward
Horsey &amp; the sayd frenshe man to me I not knowyng at that tyme where my
L of Warwyk was sent William Drury w<sup>th</sup> a Trompet to New haven to speke
w<sup>th</sup> my lord from me. And at his landing the Prynce of Condy &amp; dyverse of
the noble men found hym their and usyd hym verey curteosly and offeryd
hym a horse to ryde to se the towne and a jentilman to attend on hym and
declaryd to hym that my lord of Warwyk was gone to the See and had taken a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[541]</a></span>shipp to departe. And this moche I thought mete to let yo<sup>w</sup> understand
prayng yo<sup>w</sup> that I may know the quenes Ma<sup>tes</sup> plesure for my dyspayche hense.
Thus I take my leave. From Portesmowth the last of Iuly a<sup>o</sup> 1563.</p>

<p class="pr4">[<i>Signed</i>] Your assured friend to comand</p>
<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">E. Clynton</span></p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Addressed</i>] to the right hono<sup>r</sup>able
S<sup>r</sup> William Cicill Knight<br />
pryncipall Secretare<br />
to the quenes Ma<sup>ty</sup>.</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] xxxj. July 1563.
to m<sup>r</sup> Secretary from the<br />
L. admyrall.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX VII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 253, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. LXXVII, No. 846</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Letter of the prince of Condé to his sister</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>1565, March</i>]</p>

<p>The copy of the Prynce of Condes letter to his sister the Abbesse of Chelis.<a name="FNanchor_1759_1759" id="FNanchor_1759_1759"></a><a href="#Footnote_1759_1759" class="fnanchor">[1759]</a></p>

<p>Ma Soeur, lennuy ou je suis de linjure que lon a faict a Monsieur le Cardinal
de Lorraine m’a mis au lict, comme vous dira vostre homme, de la fascherie
que jay de veoir ainsy traicter les Princes. Qui me faict dire que lunion de
noz maisons est plus que necessaire; comme il le peult bien congnoistre a ceste
heure, et sil leust plustost faict, il leust tenu en peur et crainte ceulx qui nous
doibvent obeissance et non par les armes eussent puissance de commandement.
Surquoy jay faict a ce porteur entendre mon oppinion, et de la facon
que mondict seigneur le Cardinal se doibt gouverner. Qui me gardera vous
en faire plus longue lettre, hors mir que je veux confesser que si jeusse sceu
ce qui cy est passe; jeusse veu lhistoire pour empescher une telle honte et
oultraige, qui est plus grand que je nay jamais ouy parler que Prince ayt eu.
Je luy suis et seray, tel que je luy ay promis. Et si jeusse este aupres de luy,
je luy eusse faict prevue de ma volunte, plus par effect que par parolle. Je vous
iray veoir quand le me manderez. Qui sera la fin apres avoir prie Dieu etc.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>No signature</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>No address</i>]</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed in Cecil’s hand</i>] March 1565.
Copy<a name="FNanchor_1760_1760" id="FNanchor_1760_1760"></a><a href="#Footnote_1760_1760" class="fnanchor">[1760]</a> of a letter from the Marischall<br />
Montmorency to the Duke<br />
of Montpensyar<br />
and a letter from the Prince of Conde<br />
to the Abbass of Cheliss.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[542]</a></span></p>

<h3>APPENDIX VIII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 259, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CXI, No. 612</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Montluc’s Treason</i>]</p>


<p>[1570, March 27]</p>

<div class="sidenote">Ont deferes
avec luy
les sieurs
de Larride
de Mirepoix
et
Negrepelice</div>

<div class="sidenote">Le sieur de
Marchassetel
est
ung jeune
gentilhomme
dune
maise de
xii a xv.
mille livres
tournois
de rente et
a fiance
nagueres
la soeur de
Monsieur
de Crussol</div>

<p>Le sieur de Montluc charge davoir intelligence avec le Roy despaigne
pour mettre en ses mains le pais de Guienne de quoy il reste accuse envers le
Roy de France et la Royne sa mere par le sieur de Peres en Quercy et son filz
le sieur de Marchassetel beau frere du sieur de Crussol qui ont envoye tout
expres ung gentilhomme en court a ceste fin instruit de lettres et memoires
par lesquelles est porte que le seneschal de Quercy a dit ausdits sieurs de Peres
et Marchassetel quil avoit este solicitte de faire mutiner la ville de Montaubain
a fin de donner occasion audit de Montluc de la piller se plaignant que ses
services nestoient recongneuz mais quil sen vengeroit et plusieurs autres
propos sembles quilz veullent maintenir avoir este proferez par ledit de Montluc
qui est aussi charge de sestre assemble lieu ung lieu nomme Granale distant
quatre lieues de Tholose avec le cardinal Darmaignac et ung seigneur despaigne
pour conferer de cest affaire d aultre part que les prelats de Guyenne et
Languedoc ont fait certaines assemblees et accorde entre eulx quelques levees
de deniers et contribucions necessaires a cest entreprise et ont deputte secrettement
levesque de Lodene vers le roy despaigne.</p>

<p>Le seneschal de Quercy arrivant nagueres en court adverti de ce que
dessus se veult purger a levesque de Vallence frere dudit sieur de Montluc
disant ne scavoir que cestoit et quon le mettoit a tort en cest affaire. Toutesfoys
ledit sieur de Vallence homme collere de son naturel et passionne et laffaire
de son frere aisne estant de telle consequence obtient du roy que lesdits seneschal
de Quercy et gentilhomme seroient ouis au conseil prive ou le seneschal
a nye publicquement ce que dessus Neantmoings le bruit est quen particulier
parlant a la royne luy aie dit beaucoup de grandes choses. Le gentilhomme
apersevere monstrant sesdites lettres et memoires et quil estoit
prest se rendre prisonnier ou submettre a telle autre peine pour soustenir son
dire. Comme aussi feroient ceulx qui lavoient envoye lesquelz viennent maintenant
en court pour maintenir tout le contenu desdites memoires et proposer
plusieurs aultres griefs contre ledit de Montluc tel est le bruit la royne apres
avoir ouy lesdits seneschal et gentilhomme depesche ung nomme Duplessis
varlet de chambre du roy vers ledit sieur de Montluc. Pour entendre la veritte
lequel de Montluc au lieu de se purger commenca a hault louer ses faicts
et services et a se plaindre de la mescognoissance quen avoit le roy et dont
pouvoit venir quon soubson de luy et mauvaise oppinion que sestoit tousjours
honnestement acquicte des charges quon luy avoit donnees. Bien aict confesse<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[543]</a></span>
avoir parle a Granale avec le Cardinal Darmagnac mais que cestoit en passant
chemin pour aller a Tholose et communicquer avec luy des affaires du roy ou lon
dit sestre trouve ou ung nomme Don Pierre de Navarre bastard dalbert evesque
de Cominges. Ce quencores est trouve mauvais pour ce que lun et lautre
nen ont rien escript au roy ny a la royne. Pourquoy sont mandez en court
lesdits de Montluc et Marchassetel pour se representer devant leurs maiestez.</p>

<p>Cest la cause pourquoy le sieur de Montluc a envoye cartel contre tous ses
adversaires &amp;c. disant que tous ceulx que vouldront maintenir quil aict intelligence
avec le roy despaigne ont menty sauf et excepte les princes du sang
et autres ses superieurs ausquelz il doit honneur et reverence quil est prest
de les combatre a toutes sortes darmes en quoy il espere ne faire moings de
devoir que il navoit que vingt ung ans &amp;c.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>No signature</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>No address</i>]</p>

<p class="ph4n">[Endorsed] 27º Martii. Informacion<br />
contre Mons<sup>r</sup> de Monluc.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX IX</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 303, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">BIBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALE</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Fonds français, Ms. no. 3,197, f<sup>o</sup> 92, recto</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>The Cardinal’s War</i>]</p>

<p>[2 juillet 1565]</p>

<p>[<i>Au dos</i>] Coppie. De Mons<sup>r</sup> de Salzede à Mons<sup>r</sup> d’Auzances, du II<sup>e</sup> Juillet
1565.</p>

<p>Cause de l’empeschement faict à Monseigneur le Cardinal par le S<sup>r</sup> de
Salcede.</p>

<p>Monsieur, comme le diable qui ne cerche jamais que de mectre des choses
en avant, il est survenu que, estant arrivé Monseigneur le cardinal de Lorraine
a Ramberviller, ses officiers m’ont dict aultre commandement de publier et
attacher par touttes les villes et chastellenyes la protection et sauvegarde
qu’il a recouvert de l’Empereur, le double de laquelle je vous envoye signé
et collationné de son chancellyer. Et avec cela, je suis esté adverty de bon
lieu certainement qu’il veult et a despeché capitaines pour mettre ès place
lesquelles je conserve il y a environ dix ans aux despens du Roy et avec ses
soldatz; et veoir à ceste heure ung remuement devant moy avec ceste saulvegarde
et<a name="FNanchor_1761_1761" id="FNanchor_1761_1761"></a><a href="#Footnote_1761_1761" class="fnanchor">[1761]</a> une particularité que je sçay je ne suis deliberé de le souffrir que
premièrement le Roy et la Royne ou vous (comme les representans) vous
n’ayez bien pensé le faict et la consequence que cela peult advenir pour
l’advenir.<a name="FNanchor_1762_1762" id="FNanchor_1762_1762"></a><a href="#Footnote_1762_1762" class="fnanchor">[1762]</a> Je vous asseure, Monsieur, que je suis bien mary qu’ayant tant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[544]</a></span>
faict de services à Monseigneur le Cardinal et à sa maison, comme tout le
monde sçayt bien, il<a name="FNanchor_1763_1763" id="FNanchor_1763_1763"></a><a href="#Footnote_1763_1763" class="fnanchor">[1763]</a> me contraigne pour mon honneur de thumber en sa malle
grace. Et quant luy au aultre vouldront mectre quelques particularitez en
avant, vous vous bien asseurer avec tous mes seigneurs et amys que je mouray
et me coustera ma vye et mon bien que je ne serviray jamais aultre que à
monseigneur et roy, auquel je suis tant tenu. S’il vous plaist de me envoyer
la coche de madame d’Auzances<a name="FNanchor_1764_1764" id="FNanchor_1764_1764"></a><a href="#Footnote_1764_1764" class="fnanchor">[1764]</a> par Florymont,<a name="FNanchor_1765_1765" id="FNanchor_1765_1765"></a><a href="#Footnote_1765_1765" class="fnanchor">[1765]</a> je vous envoyeray à Metz
en charge ma femme et enffans avec le peu de bien que j’ay en France, pour
vous asseurer que je ne feray jamais chose qui ne soit pour le service du Roy,
synon pour sa grandeur et authorité. Et, en ce pendant que j’aurai de voz
nouvelles, j’entretiendray les choses en l’estat que j’ay deliberé, avec la plus
grande modeste que je pouray, sy je ne suis contrainct aultrement. Et sur ce,
je me recommande de bien bon cuer a vostre bonne grace et prye Dieu</p>

<p>Monsieur, vous donner très heureuse et longue vye.</p>

<p>De Vic, ce II<sup>e</sup> jour de Juillet. Ainsy signé:</p>

<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">P<sup>o</sup> de Salcede.</span></p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX X</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 307, n. 7]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Addenda, Vol. XIII, No. 71</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>George Poulet to Sir Hugh Poulet</i>]</p>

<p>[1567, April 22]</p>

<p>It may pleas yo<sup>u</sup> to be advertysed that wheras (aswell at my last being w<sup>th</sup>
yowe, as by your severall letters) yowe have geven me specyall charg for then quyring
of such currauntes as might be learned from the frenche partyes,
wherin having hetherto desysted, rather for want of convenient matter then of
dew remembraunce, I have therefore thought yt my duty w<sup>th</sup> all convenyent
speede to advertise yo<sup>u</sup> of soche newes, as I have benne presently enfourmed
of by certeyne of this isle w<sup>ch</sup> came upon Satterday last from Normandy, who
have declared that there was a greate rumo<sup>r</sup> of warres, and the newes so certayne
as a boy of myne being at Constaunces for the recovery of a grief w<sup>ch</sup>
he hath, was hydden by his host the space of one day, and so pryvely w<sup>th</sup>
dyvers others of this Isle conveyed over with all speede. Moreover I understand
that there were taken up at Constaunces and theraboutes iij<sup>c</sup> soldio<sup>r</sup>s
w<sup>ch</sup> ar now in garrisson at Graundville and that there ar viij<sup>xx</sup> soldio<sup>r</sup>s in
Shawsey and two greate shippes well appointed. Also that a servaunte of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[545]</a></span>
frenche Kinges hath passed alongest the sea coastes of Normandy and hath
taken the names of the principall masters and marryners in thos partes. The
leke brute of warres and preparacion for the same ys in Bryttayne as I have
learned by a barke of Lyme w<sup>ch</sup> came from S<sup>t</sup> Malos and aryved in this Isle
upon Sonday last at night, who declareth that they were prevely admonished
w<sup>th</sup> all speede to departe from thens, and that Mons<sup>r</sup> Martigues governo<sup>r</sup> of
Bryttayne was appointed to com this present Tusday with a greate company
in to the sayd towne of S<sup>t</sup> Malos where greate preparacion was made for the
receyving of him and his retynewe. Thes ar the specialst and most credybel
yntellygences w<sup>ch</sup> I have as yet lerned from thos partes, the presumpcions
wherof as they ar very manyfest and dangeros so can they not be to myche
credyted and dylligently prevented, wherefore I have w<sup>th</sup> all speede sent
this bearer unto yo<sup>u</sup> w<sup>th</sup> thes my advertysementes whom I have charged not
to slacke his duty in conveyaunce of the same, to thend that yo<sup>u</sup> being
enfourmed of thes premysses may returne youre pleasure and advise for
ower better procedinges in the same, as to yo<sup>r</sup> discrete wysdom may seme
most expedyent, beseching yo<sup>u</sup> yt may be as briefly as ys possyble. And
in this meane tyme I shall not fayle God willing to enforce and make redy
the power of this castle and isle for the resisting of all daungers and sudden
attemptes w<sup>ch</sup> may be geven by the ennymy to the uttermost of ower power.
Although the estate and furnyture of this castle ys not unknowen unto yo<sup>u</sup>,
yet have I thought good to send herew<sup>th</sup> enclosed a byll of suche necessaryes
as ar specyally wanting in the same. There ys no other speciall matter worthy
the certifyeng for this present from this yo<sup>r</sup> charge where all thinges remayne
in the accoustomed good and quyet estate thankes be to God, whom I beseche
long to preserve yo<sup>u</sup>. From Iersey the xxij<sup>th</sup> of Aprill 1567.</p>

<p class="pr4">Yowr most obedyent sonne</p>
<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">George Poulet</span></p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Addressed</i>] To his right wurshipfull father<br />
S<sup>r</sup> Hugh Poulet Knight.</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] 22 April, 1567.<br />
M<sup>r</sup> George Poulett to his father<br />
S<sup>r</sup> Hugh Poulet from Jersey.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XI</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 326, n. 3]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. XCIV, No. 1,338</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Sir Henry Norris to Queen Elizabeth</i>]</p>

<p>Yt may like yo<sup>r</sup> Maiesty to be advertized.... Wryttin at Paris this
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[546]</a></span>last of Septemb<sup>r</sup> 1567, in haste.</p>

<p>Yt is here reported for truthe that Amyans Abevill and Calleis are takin
to the princes beholfe wherof I doubte not by y<sup>r</sup> Ma<sup>ty</sup> is advertized or this.
Also they have Lanne<a name="FNanchor_1766_1766" id="FNanchor_1766_1766"></a><a href="#Footnote_1766_1766" class="fnanchor">[1766]</a> Soyzon<a name="FNanchor_1767_1767" id="FNanchor_1767_1767"></a><a href="#Footnote_1767_1767" class="fnanchor">[1767]</a> Abevill Bollein<a name="FNanchor_1768_1768" id="FNanchor_1768_1768"></a><a href="#Footnote_1768_1768" class="fnanchor">[1768]</a> Ameins and so alonge the
riuer of Sene which be the best appointid townes of Artillery in Fraunce.</p>

<p class="pr6">By y<sup>r</sup> highnes most humble and</p>
<p class="pr4">obedient subiect and servant</p>
<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Henry Norreys</span></p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Addressed</i>] To the Quene’s most excellent<br />
Maiesty:</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] 30 September 1567<br />
S<sup>r</sup> H. Norreys to the<br />
Q. Ma<sup>ty</sup>.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 334, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. XCV, No. 1,457</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Printed Pamphlet of 6 pages</i>]</p>


<p class="pc1"><span class="mid">LETTRES DU ROY,</span> | <span class="smcap">par lesquelles</span> | <span class="smcap">il</span>
<span class="smcap">enioint de fai | re diligente perquisition<br />
&amp; re | cherche de tous les Gentils-hom | mes,<br />
tant d’vn party que d’aul | tre, qui se sont<br />
retirez en leurs | maisons depuis la<br />
bataille donn | ee pres S. Denys.<br />
<span class="mid">A. Paris,</span><br />
Par Rob. Estiene Imprimeur du Roy</span><br />
<span class="mid">M. D. LXVII</span><br />
<span class="smcap">Auec priuilege audict Seigneur<br />
De par le Roy</span>.</p>

<p class="p1">Nostre amé &amp; | feal, Pource que | nous desirons sça | voir &amp; entendre
à | la vérité quels Ge | ntils hommes de vo | stre s’y sont retirez depuis | la bataille
dernièrement donnee | pres S. Denys, tant ceulx qui e | stoyent en nostre armee,
ou ail | leurs pour nostre service, que les | aultres qui ont suyvi le party du
| Prince de Condé: |</p>

<p>A ceste cause nous vous | mandons, &amp; tres-expresseement en | joignons,
Que incontinent la pre | sente receue, vous ayez à faire di | ligente perquisition
&amp; recherche par tout vostredict ressort, de tous | lesdicts Gentils-hommes
tant d’un | costé que d’aultre, qui se sont, ain | si que dict est, retirez en leurs
mai | sons. Et ceulx que vous trouverez | estants de la Religion pretendue |<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[547]</a></span>
reformee, lesquels se seront pre | sentez ou Greffe de vostre siege, &amp; | faict
les submissions portees par nostre Ordonnance &amp; Declaration | sur ce, qui
est de vivre paisible | ment en leurs maisons sans jamais | ung se
mouvoir à prendre les armes, | sinon avec nostre exprès comman | dement &amp;
lesquels au demeurant | observeront en cela nostredicte | Ordonnance &amp;
Declaration, ne | faisants aucun monopole, ne cho | se qui tende à sedition:
Vous don | nerez ordre &amp; tiendrez la main | quils soyent maintenus en la
joys | sance du contenu en icelle Ordonnance &amp; Declaration, pour vivre | &amp;
demeurer doucement en leurs | dictes maisons, sans souffrir ne | permettre
qu’il leur soit mesfaict | ne mesdict en corps ne en biens. | Et là où il s’en
trouveroit qui feis | sent autrement, vous leur interdi | rez ladicte joyssance,
les faisant | punir &amp; chastier selon que vous | sçaurez le cas le requerir.</p>

<p>Et au regard de ceulx desdicts | Gentils-hommes qui seront venus | en
nostre armee, ou auront esté | employez ailleurs pour nostre ser | vice &amp; en
nostre obeissance, s’e | stans semblablement retirez en | leurs maisons apres la
bataille, | vous les manderez venir par de | uers vous, ou bien les advertirez |
par lettres, &amp; leur remonstrerez de | nostre part le tout qu’ils font à no | stredict
service &amp; à leur honneur | &amp; reputation, n’estant maintenant | heure de nous
abandonner en ce | ste occasion: Les exhortant de ve | nir incontinent
retrouver nostre | camp &amp; armee, &amp; les asseurant qu’il | ne se presentera
paradventure ja | mais occasion où nos bons, fidèl | les &amp; affectionnez subiects
puis | sent faire meilleure preuve de | leur bonne volonté &amp; affection en |
nostre service, que en ceste cy, &amp; dont nous recevions plus de con | tentement,
que nous sçaurons bien | recognoistre envers eulx. Et | au contraire vous
leur ferez sça | voir que oultre la juste cause d’in | dignation, que nous aurons
alen | contre de ceulx qui y defauldront, | nous ferons proceder au saisisse |
ment en nostre main de tous &amp; | chascuns leurs fiefs &amp; tenemens | nobles,
pour estre regis par Con | missaires. Mais sur tout ne fail | lez de nous
envoyer incontinent | les noms &amp; surnoms, qualitez &amp; | demeurances de tous
les dessus | dicts Gentils-hommes de costé &amp; | d’aultre retirez en leursdictes
mai | sons. Et vous nous ferez service | tresaggreable. Donné à Paris le
douziesme jour de Decembre, | mil cinq cens soixante sept.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Signé</i>]<span class="vh">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</span><span class="smcap">Charles</span><br />
[<i>Et au dessous</i>]<span class="vh">&mdash;&mdash;.</span><span class="smcap">Robertet</span></p>

<p>[<i>Et sur la superscription est es | cript</i>]</p>

<p class="pi6n">A nostre ami &amp; fealle le Prevost de | Paris, ou son Lieutenant.</p>

<p>Leves &amp; publiees à son de trompe | &amp; cry public par les carrefours de
ce | ste ville de Paris, lieux &amp; places ac | coustumez à faire cris &amp; publications, |
par moy Pasquier Rossignol sergent, cri | eur juré pour le Roy ès ville, Prevosté |
&amp; Viconté de Paris, accompaigné de | Michel Noiret commis par le
Roy pour | trompete esdicts lieux, &amp; d’un aultre | trompete, le dixseptieme
iour de Decem | bre, l’an mil cinq cens soixante sept.</p>

<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Rossignol</span></p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[548]</a></span></p>

<h3>APPENDIX XIII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 352, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">BIBLIOTECA BARBERINIANA</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Vatican Library, No. 5,269, Folio 63</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Discorso sopra gli humori del Regno di Francia, di Mons. Nazaret</i>]</p>

<p>Quante uolte il Rè Christianissimo ha ricerco Nostro Sig<sup>re</sup> di danari
contanti, ò di permissioni di cauarne somme maggiori, et grossissime dal
Clero di Francia, ò di soccorso di gente Italiana, ò di altro aiuto, che si potesse
cauare da sua Beatitudine, tante n’è stato in somma compiaciuto, conciosia,
che la bontà del Papa, et la prontezza, et uolontà grande, che Sua Santità
ha del continuo hauuto d’ impiegare ogni sua forza, et autorità a salute di
quella Corona, et ad esterminatione degli Heretici gli ha fatto prestare più
fede alle promesse, che loro M<sup>ta</sup>, faceuano a parole del ben futuro che alle
uere ragioni di coloro, i quali predicauano il Male, et la corruttione presente,
et palpabile tale, secondo essi da mettere per perduto qualunque cosa si donaua
ò porgeua per quel aiuto con il medesimo zelo ha proceduto sua Santità nell’
aduertire al Re, alla Reina, et alli altri Ministri suoi fideli, et Catholici degl’
inganni, et male opere di certi, i quali si uedeua chiaramente, come proponendo
fallacie, et usando falsità et tradimenti, cercauano con sommo artificio di
leuare l’ obedienza al Rè, et corrompere la giustitia, et Religione di quel Regno,
come in gran parte è loro riuscito, cosi non ha mancato di mettere qualche
uolta in consideratione qualche rimedio per troncare i disegni delli Ugonotti,
parendoli, come Papa et Padre commune, che se gli appartenesse di ricordar
quello tocca al bene de fideli, et come Vicario di Christo in Terra di doversi
intromettere in cosa appartenente all’ uffitio suo per quanto concerne il riformare
la Chiesa di Dio, cioè renderle in quel Paese la sua debita forma, et
dignità essendouene il bisogno, ò la necessità grandissima, mà in parte alcuna
non è mai riuscito di far frutto, anzi quando le loro M<sup>ta</sup> non hanno hauto per
fine di ualersi degli aiuti; et autorità del Papa, manco hanno tenuto conto,
nè pur mostro di curarsi di corrispondere con quella dimostratione di parole,
che ci conuiene ad ubedienti fig<sup>li</sup> et deuoti a questa Santa Sede; Perciochè
all’ altre cose, che l’hanno dechiarato, lo fece manifesto, et palpabile, quando
dopo la battaglia ultima di Mócontor, essendo il tempo appunto proprio de
uenire a dare castigo à chi lo meritaua, come ricordauano i Ministri di Nostro
Sig<sup>re</sup> per parte sua, che era tempo di fare, et ne mostrauano il modo, fu risposto
loro dalla Reina propria con parole assai espresse, come il Rè si trouaua in
età di autorità, et con forze, et prudenza di saper gouernare lo Stato suo, da
sè, senza hauere à pigliare consiglio, nè Legge da Principi esterni. Onde
meritamente da quel tempo in quà è parso a Sua Santità di uolere andare un
poco più consideratamente, non giudicando che se gli conuenisse di doversi
ingenire in cosa d’altri più oltre di quelche fosse grato alli Padroni, sperando<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">[549]</a></span>
pure, che come l’ era affirmato, così asseueratamente l’età del Rè con il
ualoroso animo suo, et con le prouisioni, che loro M<sup>ta</sup> presumeuano di fare più
che à bastanza per trouarsi al sicuro in ogni accidente, potessero superare
la peruersità de Ribaldi, et ogni altra difficultà.</p>

<p>Hora che dalli intollerabili Capitoli da questa ultima impia pace apparisce
tutto il contrario, ueggendosi come restano del tutto oppressi i Cat<sup>ci</sup> et gli
Ugonotti tanto solleuati, che non si preuagliano in qualche parte: mà che mettano
necessità, et in loro soggettione il Rè medesimo.</p>

<p>Non può ne deue sua Beatitudine mancare di tutti quei Uffity, che si appartengono
al grado suo per aprire la mente del Rè con modo, che sia cauato
dalle tenebre, oue altri cerca di tenerlo, et sia illuminato delle prouisioni, che
Sua M<sup>ta</sup> può porgere per la salute, et conseruatione dello Stato, et uita di tutti
i buoni, che senza pronto, et potente rimedio se ne andranno in perditione,
non potendo mai reggersi quel Regno senza buona giustistia, et religione;
le quali sono corrottissime con l’Intervento delli Heretici in esse, li quali
Heretici non accade dubitare, che hanno sempre hauuta, et hanno tutavia
più che mai la principale mira loro fissa alla rouina del Rè et uaglionsi apparentemente
di quelle due cose, che sono generalissime per chiunque cerca
di distruggere un Dominio, ò una Monarchia, cioè la prima di mettere in
diffidenza à chi lo regge quei Prencipi massimamente, che lo possono sostenere,
et porgere consigli; et aiuti da conseruarsi il suo debito imperiò, come si sà,
che hanno tanto tempo procurato di conseguire più, et sopra ogni altra cosa
li Ugonotti del Rè di Spagna con dar ombra, et metter gelosia, che Sua M<sup>ta</sup>
Catt.<sup>ca</sup> et suoi Ministri ancor d’auantaggio fussero sempre per procurare,
non che desiderare la divisione della Francia; perchè la bassezza del Rè
Christianissimo, redondaua à grandezza del l’altro interpretando perpetuamente,
et le parole, et i fatti, che ueniuano da quella parte al peggior senso,
il quale argomento, sebene in superficie hauesse del propabile in qualche parte,
nondimeno la natura del Rè Cat.<sup>co</sup> tanto inclinata al bene, et alla quiete, fà
conoscere a pieno il contrario, come dimostra pur troppo chiaramente l’occasione,
che ha lassato passare, con il non havere con effetto animo di nuocere
alla Francia per pensiero di accrescere se stesso; Ma è assai alli Ugonotti di
hauere messo Zizania da ogni parte, tanto che l’uno non si fidi dell’ altro,
sicome hanno cerco, che gli riesca di consequire del Papa, sebene non è uenuto
loro fatta, perche Sua Beat.<sup>ne</sup> per sua troppa bontà pospone ogni altra occasione,
hauendo risguardo solo al seruitio di Dio, et al bene di quella Corona et del Rè.</p>

<p>L’altra seconda cosa è di mettere diuisione nel Popolo, che di ciò non
accade produrne ragioni, ueggendosi pur troppo per gl’ istessi capitoli dell’ accordo.
E necessaria adunque inanzi ad ogni altra cosa di provare con buone
ragioni, come la setta delli Ugonotti con li suoi capi, sono sforzati a tenere in
perpetuo la persona del Rè per inimica implacabile, perchè oltre à quello che
è detto di sopra l’hanno troppo grauemente offesa, nello Stato nell’ honore,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">[550]</a></span>
et quanto ad essi nella uita sicome testifica quella giornata di Meos, nella
quale fu forza a Sua M<sup>ta</sup> trottare sino a Parigi nel modo che è notorio.</p>

<p>Molte altre congiure, et conspirationi fatte da essi contra la persona di
Sua M<sup>ta</sup> et tanti trattati, et ribellioni usate per occuparle le sue Terre, sono
palesi, et n’appariscono i processi fatti per le scritture, che furono trovate à
Sciantiglione di Coligni, et che offende non perdona, onde considerata la
natura loro, non resta dubbio, che come consij di havere macchinato contra
alla uita del Suo Sovrano Padrone, et offesolo nell’ honore, et nello Stato tante
uolte così abbomineuolmente, come è nonsolo palese; ma prouato a chiunque
lo uole sapere, non potranno in eterno essere fideli, nè obedienti Vassalli; anzi
non staranno mai quieti se non per fraude, et con intentione d’ingannare Sua
M<sup>ta</sup> quando uegghino le cose in termine, che li habbia da riuscire, et se gli
mancarà il modo con l’ Armi scoperte, et con congiurationi palesi, come per
lo passato; perchè la loro setta hauesse declinato, forse per il danno riceuuto
nelle battaglie, che Dio benedetto hà fatto loro perdere, ò perchè dubitino di
poter essere oppressi dal ualore, et uirtu, che uede essere nel Rè è non solo
uerisimile, ma chiara, et sicura cosa, che procureranno di aiutarsi per ogni
uia etia indirettissima, et seguitaranno il lor costume solito, et però non perdoneranno
à ueleno, nè ad altra sorte di scelerata uiolenza, come la morte del
Marescial di Bordiglione, quella di Monsig<sup>r</sup> di Ghisa, et infinite altre simili
ci ammaestrano, perchè conosceranno, come niuna uia è più certa di assicurarli
ad ogni misfatto, et insieme da conseguire il fine del colorire i loro
peruersi dissegni; onde si può fare uera conseguenza, che niuna persona
fidele al Rè, et prudente possa, ne debba persuadere Sua M<sup>ta</sup> a disarmare,
ò à fidarsi in alcun modo poco, ne molto delli ribelli di Christo, et suoi.</p>

<p>Hè che intenda d’huer concordato con essi altrimenti, che con l’intentione,
che hebbe già il Rè Luigi XI. il quale considerata l’unione de Grandi contra
di se uolse rendersi facile di promettere ogni condittione, benchè iniqua, che
da ciascuno l’ era chiesta, mà dissipati che hebbe i capi della ribellione, come
furono deposte l’ armi, incontinente gli troncò tutti, senza indugio, ne risguardo
alcuno. Anzi hà da guardarsi Sua M<sup>ta</sup> ben diligentemente da tutti coloro i
quali con si gran carità gridano pacis bona, et abusando della clemenza, et
benignità del Rè, si sforzano d’ingannarlo, commendando questa pace particolare
con le lode della pace in genere; perchè con le sue proprie non lo potriano
fare: Chi non sà che la pace per se stessa è buona? Mà chi non sa ancora
che Sicary, i Venefici, gli Assassini gli Assassinatori, gli Incendiarij, i Sacrilegij,
gli Heretici, et gli huomini senza fede, ne honore meritano punitione, et esterminatione.
Chi non sà similmente, che hauer preso per trattata la Roccella
per forza Angolem, et tante, et tante altre Città, et Terre in tutti i modi, che
l’ hauere assediato il suo Rè, che l’abbruciare le Chiese, dar il guasto alle
Prouincie, et distruggere, et esterminare, ò ribellare i Popoli è cattiva cosa,
et peccato irremediabile. Mà che il liberarsi da si graue indignità, et oppressioni,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">[551]</a></span>
et che il cauar lo Stato suo, et suoi buoni Vassalli, et se stesso da
tale calamità, et miserie, come è la uile, et abbietta seruitù di chiunque
si troua sottoposto alle crudeli Tirannide, et rapina de’ capi delli Ugonotti,
non è esser seuero, et rigido, mà à fare il douere, il dritto, et quelche
ricerca la Giustitia; Come può il Rè uolgere gli occhi pieni di quel
generoso spirito che hanno mostro i suoi antecessori in tante et si grande
Imprese, da i quali ha riceuuto il titolo di Christianissimo, acquistato
d’essi per i loro meriti verso la Roccella, et tutto il Paese, che chiamano di
conquista, et tolerare di uederselo tolto con i Popoli ribellati, et in tutto alienati
dalla sua obedienza, et Religione con le Chiese antichissime, et si eccellenti,
et nobili edifitij tutte demolite, la qual cosa auuiene non solo ne Paesi doue
hanno pensato d’annidarsi, ma da tutte le parti del Regno, douunque sono passati
con l’armi, che se ne uederanno i uestigii per li secoli auuenire, nonchè
per li successori nostri, talmente hanno adoperato il ferro, et il foco contro
la fede di Christo, et la giurisdittione, et l’autorità Regia.</p>

<p>Si che quando per qualsiuogla mondana ragione pur uolesse Sua M<sup>ta</sup>
scordarsi l’offese si graui fatte alla Corona, à sè, et all’honore, et dignità sua,
non può, ne deue posponere quelle, che sono commesse contra Christo, et
alla sua legge, et non può mancare di giustitia alli suoi Popoli fideli, et Cat.<sup>ci</sup>
che chieggono pietà, et gridano uendetta, chiari di non douere, nè poter, ne
uoler havere mai pace, nè triegua à modo alcuno, sapendo di non potersi mai
fidare d’essi, come l’esperienza gli ha dimostro molte uolte a troppo loro gran
costo. Però quando uedessero di essere abbandonati, et derelitti dal Rè,
et dal Gouerno, piutosto che restare a descrittione di gente si scelerata per
fuggire la rapacita, et enormissime crudeltà loro saranno forzati di ricorrere
ad ogni ultimo refugio.</p>

<p>Si può dunque proporre in consideratione al Rè qual sia più pietoso uffitio,
quanto a Dio, et più glorioso quanto al mondo, hauer fatto un accordo con
l’inique, et intollerabili condittioni, che si ueggano con Vassalli, et ribelli
reintegrandoli nè beni, et dignità, gradi preminentie, uffitij, et benefitij, cedendoli
parte dello Stato proprio, con il lassar loro delle principali Fortezze del
suo Regno in diverse Prouincie, pagandoli danari di nuouo, oltre all’assoluerli
di quanto hanno rubbato alla Corona, et al Popolo, et quello che importa
più di tutto il resto, permetterli il libero esercitio delle loro Heresie, o l’hauere
liberato i suoi fideli soggetti, et se la Casa Sua, et il suo Regno, et la Christianità,
da si pestifera et perniciosa Canaglia, Bella usanza certo si potrebbe
chiamare l’usurpare con la Tirannia, che s’hanno fatto gli Ugonotti, le Città
et gli Stati pertinenti alla Corona, saccheggiare et espilare tutte le Prouincie,
doue si sono potuti cacciare con ogni sorte di tradimento, et quando non si
hà havuto altro refugio, ricorrere alla pace, et al perdono per non restituire
quello che si è rubbato, et occupato à forza, et Tirannicamente. Tollerassi,
che uno, ò pochi transfugi, infame, si facciano capi di una setta, et senza<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">[552]</a></span>
cagione, ò ragione pur finta, ò apparente; non chè con autorità, et giusto
titolo, sotto colore di uolersi fare riformatori dé Preti diformati, et disobedienti,
pigliano l’ armi contra il Rè, lo minacciano, faccino le battaglie seco, lo mettino
nelle necessità, doue Sua M<sup>ta</sup>, è stata, et si truoua tuttauia, et li diano le leggi
piutosto, che castigare chi lo merita, et reintegrare la giustitia, et la Religione
nel suo Dominio, senza le quali due cose mai si uisse, nè si potrà uiuere rettamente
in alcun luogo.</p>

<p>Anzi è troppo chiara cosa, come questo male non corretto: mà così trasandato
andarà augumentando si ogni giorno maggiormente di sorte, che si
habbia da mutare Imperio, come si uede che desiderano, et procurano con
ogni diligenza gli Ugonotti che segua. E adunque la pace, cosi fatta pericolosa,
et dannosa, come si è dimostro, sicome al punir li malfattori sarà
sempre trouato necessario, honesto, et utile. Bisogna hora poi considerare,
posto, che si debba fare se il Rè hà il modo da reintegrarsi nel suo prestino
Stato, et autorità, et obedienza, et di ciò forse si potrebbe uenire in certa
cognitione col misurare qual sia più il numero de Cat<sup>ci</sup> ò quello degli Ugonotti,
qual siano maggiori, et più gagliarde le forze, et armi de ribelli, ò quelle del
Rè, quale delle due parti habbia più facile il modo da cauare gente forastiera,
et sia meglio appoggiata d’amicitie de Prencipi Potentati, et de danari.</p>

<p>Et in fine secondo tali propositioni farne la conseguentia, per due Ugonotti,
che siano nel Regno, si ode calcolare, che si ha da contraporre più di otto
Cat.<sup>ci</sup> gli ribelli hanno perduto nelle battaglie oltre alla reputatione, et la quantità
degli huomini molti Capi grandi, che haueuano come il Prencipe di Condè,
Dandalotto, et tanti altri, talmente che non accade far paragone dell’ armi
sue a quelle del Rè, essi sono senza denari, et non possono così a loro posta
più cauare nuoui soccorsi d’Alemagna, et Sua M<sup>ta</sup> ne ha da sborsare ad essi a
millione, et può hauer Reistri, Suizzari, Italiani, et Spagnuoli quanto li piace,
et purchè uolesse sarebbe aiutato da tutta la Christianità, et quello che importa
non meno di tutto il Resto, ha ad arbitrio, et disposition sua la giustitia,
con la quale sola non è dubbio, che sarebbe bastante de regolare il tutto.</p>

<p>Sono accettate queste ragioni perchè non si può negare, Ma si risponde,
che la Nobiltà di Francia, che è quella dalla quale depende il Popolo, totalmente
è corrotta per la maggior parte, et da questo procede tutto il male, che
la grandezza del Rè proprio in ogni tempo è stata principalmente per il seguito,
et obedienza de i Nobili, et mancandogli essi Sua M<sup>ta</sup> resterebbe debolissima,
et allegano le battaglie guadagnate per diuina dispositione, che non si sono
poi proseguite, nè cauatone quel frutto, che si speraua, et douenasi. Onde
si uà imprimendo nell’ animo di Sua M<sup>ta</sup> che per quel verso mai si potrà uedere
il fine, et che però manco mal sia essere ricorso all’ accordo in quei modi, che
si è potuto, perchè il tempo farà ben lui. Le quali fallacie sono troppo palpabili,
toccandosi con mano, et uedendosi con l’occhio chiaramente doue
stà la magagna: percioche il Re uorrà recarsi la mente al petto, e redursi a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">[553]</a></span>
memoria delle cagioni, perchè non fù seguitata la Vittoria dopo la battaglia
di San Dionigi, et perchè si diede tempo tante, et tante settimane alli Ribelli
di riunirsi, et stabilirsi nelloro capo, et non si uolse mai obedire d’andare a
cauarli da Monteri, o Faulnona, come sa chiunque si trouò, che si poteua
fare senza alcun pericolo, et perchè a Craton in Campagna, quando si seguitauano
li Ribelli non si uolse combatterli, nè manco andarli appresso da
uicino, ò tagliargli i passi, come è palese, che si poteua per non impedirgli
la congiuntione con il soccorso, che ueniua loro di Germania, conoscerà manifestamente
Sua M<sup>ta</sup> di essere stata tradita, et sa da chi, et lo proua da far
punire i malfattori per giustitia, ma non è stata consigliata da uenirne mai
all’ esecutione, perchè Sua M<sup>ta</sup> non hà uoluto consigliarsi con altri, che con
coloro che la tradiscono. Veggasi quel che seguì poi con l’altra pace fatta
con mira, et intentione di dare la stretta alii capi di quella maledetta setta,
dopo che hauessero deposte l’ armi, et reso le Fortezze; acciochè con tal mezo
si conseguisca l’ intento, che si deue hauere senza tanto sangue per non debilitare
le forze proprie. Ma i traditori, che dauano il Consiglio, o almeno
erano partecipi di esso, seppero guidare le cose in modo, et si lasciò uscire
la uolpe dalla tana, et portò il caso, che appunto quelli di cui altri si fidaua
più, et che haueua l’ordine di fare l’ essecutione, auuertissero si a tempo i
Ribelli, che furono i primi a repigliare l’ armi, et uscirne di Noyrs, et conseruaronsi
la Roccella, et hebbero in ordine di poter pigliare Angoslen per
forza, prima che le forze del Re fossero unite esse da opponesseli, che anco
questo, come il resto uiene procedette tutto dalli traditori tiranti adrieto le
prouisioni Regie per dar tempo a complici di lauorare, Piacque pur poi a Dio,
che miracolosamente fosse ammazzato, il Prencipe di Condè, et disfatto parte
delle genti di Moners, ma non si seguitò, come si poteua doueua, et conueniuasi.
Venne ancora il Duco di Dupponti, che si poteua combatterlo, et uincerlo al
sicuro, et non si fece per le cagioni, che si seppero, et pure non ci si prouidde.</p>

<p>Fu seguitato, et verso Limoges si hebbero diuerse occasioni di romperlo senza
alcun risico, et non fù esseguito per la colpa di chi n’ impediua la essecutione
con l’autorità, che haueua nell’ essercito Regio; accioche si lasciasse se unire col
Coligni, anzi fù procurato con buona cura di guardare l’ Essercito Regio in
forma, et in siti, che la fame, et gli stenti l’ hauessero a fare sbandare, dando
andito, commodità, et aiuto à ribelli di godere il Paese, et d’impatronirsi de’
magazzeni, de uittouaglie munitioni, et artigliarie preparate da alcune persone,
che si era troppo apparentemente ueduto, che erano colpeuoli, in ciò si uenne
al paragone, come questi tali scellerati traditori erano di più autorità, essi
appresso le loro Maestà, che qualunque recordaua la salute, et il seruitio di
esse, come riusci similmente quando si era fatta deliberatione de Suizzeri,
et Italiani, così all’ ingrosso, che il Re auesse facoltà di farsi la ragione con l’
armi à malgrado de Francesi, che la seruiuano male, i quali misero sù Mons<sup>r</sup>
Duca d’Angiù che la impregnò, come cosa che offendesse la dignità, et honor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">[554]</a></span>
proprio di Sua Altezza, conoscendo chiaramente, che l’ intenteone de chi
gouernaua, et consigliaua Sua M<sup>ta</sup> non era uolta ad altro fine, che fargli inimici,
ouero diffidenti tutti gli altri Prencipi, et in somma priuarlo di tutti gli aiuti
esterni.</p>

<p>Le difficoltà, che furono interposte, per consumar tempo nell’ andare al
soccorso di Poiters, sono anco loro ben note, perchè ùhebbero da interuenire
diuersi capi, che andarono con le genti Italiane, finalmente, come Piacque
a Dio seguì la battaglia di Moncontor, dopo la quale il Rè medesimo sa, come
fù tenuto a bada sotto San Giouanni d’Angelin, nè si uolse mai mandare parte
della Cauallaria, non che tutto l’Essercito dietro alli Ribelli rotti, et in fuga,
di sorte che non era possibile, che si riunissero, se non se gli fusse lasciato
in preda le migliori, et più opulenti Prouincie di Francia per accrescere loro
il seguito de Padroni, et lasciarli reinferscare, et rimettere insieme. Dalle
quali cose si ode, che il Rè medesimo hà scorto qualche cosa, che gli ha fatto
nausea. Ma essendo Sua M<sup>ta</sup> attorniata di gente, che lo cerca d’ingannare,
et tradire per ogni uerso, ella non può discernere i Lacci, che gli sono tesi ne
i pericoli doue si troua, però e da cercare di far la molto ben capace delle
sopradette cose, mostrandoli, che es non si lieua da torno quei ribaldi, che
cercauano così grandi artificij di rouinarla, ella si prouocherà l’ ira di Dio,
ne douerà più sperare nella sua diuina misericordia, che così miracolosamente
l’ ha sostenuto, et protetto fino al presente, ma restarà in preda di coloro, che
non hanno altra mira, che di fare andare in precipitio la Sua Corona.</p>

<p>Di sopra e fatto mentione di alcuni particolari dè più sostantiali, accioche
accadendosi si sappiano addurre per essempio al Rè, alla persona del quale
pare, che si debba far capo direttamente, et parlare a Sua M<sup>ta</sup> senza maschera,
perchè certo non se gli può far maggior benefitio, che id storarli le orecchie,
et aprirgli occhi, et la mente per farli bene intendere liberamente, come non
resta, che da lei medesima, se non uorrà porre rimedio a tanti mali, à quali
tutti può prouedere facilmente, con punire quelli, che nominatamente si
daranno in una lista, et degli altri, che gli paia, che lo meritino, secondo il
riscontro, che trouarà su le scritture cauate da Casa Coligni, et ancora, che
alli ribelli di Christo, et suoi, che hanno fatto tutte, et si grandi, et inaudite
sceleratezze, secondo l’ opinione di alcuni, non accade considerare di guardar
Fede ò promessa fatta, nondimeno si può fare di castigare solo quelli, che hanno
tradito, mentre seruiuano nel campo, ò nel Consiglio regio, che fia senza
alcun dubio a bastanza.</p>

<p>Hassi d’ auuertire ancora il Rè, come fin che Sua M<sup>ta</sup> se n’ è ita presso alle
grida, et è stata con effetti del tutto Ingannata, ella può esser scusata appresso
Dio, et al Mondo, ma dopo che saranno scoperte le magagne, et rappresentatole
la uerità, et il modo di non star più in preda, et alla descrittione de’
traditori se non ci può: uederà la colpa di tutti i male, si ridurranno sopra le sue
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">[555]</a></span>spalle, et restarà abbandonata da Sua Diuina M<sup>ta</sup> appresso della quale più
non uarranno i prieghi, et oratione del Papa, et de gli buoni, et fedeli, che
forse hanno giouato più di ogni altro aiuto humano a sostenerla. Vedesi,
che gli Heredi uanno cercando sottilmente a qualunque occasione di fare che
il Rè offenda Dio per prouocargli il suo giusto sdegno, mettendogli inanzi con
la sua pelosa carità di conseruarsi l’ amicitia del Turco di usurpare i beni
Ecc<sup>ci</sup>. et fino a mettersi a fare nuove Imprese fuora del Regno col mezo delle
loro Armi, la qual ultima cosa non è incredibile in alcun mode se già il Re
non uolesse darsi loro in preda del tutto, perciochè quando quell’ armi si
uoltassero contra qualunque si sia stato di Prencipe Catholico Nostro Sig<sup>re</sup>
non potrebbe mancare di far quanto si appartiene al debito dell’ offitio suo,
senza risguardo d’ altra mondana consideratione, trattandosi della gloria di
Dio, et conseruatione della Sua Santa Legge, nel qual caso Sua Beatitudine
sarebbe forzata di procurare con la medesima caldezza di souuenire, et aiutare
altri contra gli Heretici, che ha fatto con il Rè Cat<sup>co</sup>. et con Venettiani, la qual
Lega si hà da ricercare, che sia uolta contra gli Heretici, et Infedeli, piutosto,
che altroue.</p>

<p>Sopra la competenza, et gara de grandi, si possono dir moltj particolari
in uoie, che sarià troppo lunga cosa mettere in scrittura, basta, che tutto
seruono a negare la debita obedienza al Padrone, et al uoler portar l’ armi
con le quali s’ impedisce la giustitia, et fino a tanto che il Re non punisce a
qualche uno de buoni, che lo meriti, perchè altri non preuarichi poi in modo,
che una parte, et l’ altre si chiarisca per effetto, come Sua M<sup>ta</sup> uuole conseruarsi
la superiorità, che se gli conuiene, mai sarà libera da queste molestie,
et sempre si starà in preda di ogni uno.</p>

<p>E. uerisimile, che la Reina ami più di tutti gli altri lo Stato, et la uita
del Re et l’ unione, et conseruatione de gli altri suoi Figliuoli, essendo essa
prudente quanto si sa, et hauendo tanta cognitione delli humori, quanta le
ha fatta imparare la lunga amministratione del Gouerno, che ella ha hauuto,
però non si può dubitare, che Sua M<sup>ta</sup> per ambitione di conseruarsi l’ autorità
preuarichi in parte alcuna di quel che deue, ma la proua ci ammonisce troppo,
che da lei non si può aspettare quelle esecutioni, che ha mostro al Duca d’Alua
in Fiandra, che basta a stabilire le solleuationi, et ribellione, perchè il sesso
non gli lo promette, et anco in uerità di essere scusata, essendo stata Forastiera,
et senza appoggio di potersi reggere secondo lei in simili casi, bisognando
delle cotai deliberationi persona di gran cuore, et che habbia oltre l’
autorità l’ attitudine di fare con le mani proprie, quando l’ occasioni lo ricerchi,
però con la M<sup>ta</sup> della Reina, non pare che accada pensare di poter profittare
per tal uerso, si che il trattarne con essa non si deue hauere per opportuno,
et anco di questo si potrebbe pigliar Conseglio sul luogo per gouernarsene
secondo che giudicassero meglio quelli che si sà, che sono buoni, et ueri Cat<sup>ci</sup>
et che non hanno più mira alle passioni particolari per il desiderio di hauer
maggior partecipatione nel Gouerno, che al seruitio, et ben publico.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">[556]</a></span></p>

<p>Intorno alle quali cose è ben necessario, che chi sarà impiegato habbia
molta prattica, et gran prudenza da saper usare la descrittione essendoci
bisogno di somma consideratone, percioche quando si trouasse tanto in preda
a chi gl’ Inganna, che altri si disperasse di poter illuminarlo, et che si restasse
ben chiaro di non douer cauar Frutto dalla persona di Sua M<sup>ta</sup> sarebbe da
uoltarsi forse ad altra strada, cioè uerso quei Prencipi, et grandi, che si conseruano
Catholici, et che restano essosi et esclusi dal Re, et dal gouerno, et
priui di autorità, et reputatione, i quali se haueranno un capo dependente
dal Papa del quale sappino di potersi fidare, sono atti a uolersene, et con il
mezo della sua autorità far tale unione d’ arme di Cat<sup>ci</sup> in quel Regno, che
il Re sia forzato a riconoscersi del suo errore, perchè la maggior parte delle
Prouincie di quel Regno sono sotto il gouerno de Prencipe, o Sig<sup>re</sup> Cat<sup>co</sup>. ciascuno
de quali saprà, et potrà ridurre le associationi, che furono incominciate
con i loro Capi minori, et mediocri, et supremi da ualersi dell’ arme, nel modo
stesso, che hanno sempre usato gli Ugonotti, et con esse dare adosso a gli
Ugonotti da ogni parte per estinguerne la prima razza, che anco sopra ciò
in uoce si può esprimere uarie cose, le quali sarebbono noiose a mettere in
scritto, et a tal proposito si può ridarre a memoria quello che loro M<sup>ta</sup> mandarono
ad offerire al Papa per sicurtà della loro rissolutione di non uolere
mancare subbito, che potessero liberare quel Regno dalla Heresia, cioè di
capitulare espressamente, che a detti Gouernatori delle Prouincie se le usurpassero
in caso di tal mancamento.</p>

<p>L’ abbandonare questa causa non è secondo la bontà, et pietà di Nostro
Sig<sup>re</sup> nè a ragion di Stato conciosiache non si prouedendo è da dubitare, et da
tener per certo, che gli Ugonotti anderanno sependo, et cercando d’ impatronirsi
se gli riuscisse à fatto del Regno per procedere poi anco più oltre con
imprese esterne, et forse hanno dissegno col mettere su il Re a nuoue Imprese
di conseguir l’ una, et l’ altra Impresa in un medesimo tempo col far morire
il Re, et li Fratelli, et altri grandi, che potessero per uia di congiure, et di
tradimenti preualersi dell’ entrata della Corona, et del Clero a sostenere
solo l’ Imprese cominciate in compagnia del Re, la qual consideratione,
sebene paresse lontana non è da gettarsi dopo lè spalle; anzi è consentaneo
alla ragione di permeditarsi, et fare con la prudenza quei rimedy, che sono
giudicati più conuenienti.</p>

<p>Frà quali s’ intenda il mandare al Re, et alli Cat<sup>ci</sup>. una persona sola, o due,
una diretta a Sua M<sup>ta</sup>. et l’ altra alli Cat<sup>ci</sup>. che si riferisca, et obedisca al principale.</p>

<p>Forse non sarebbe inconueniente di mandare anco uerso il Re Cat<sup>co</sup>. persona
ben confidente, et sincera et rissoluta, che potesse cauare Sua M<sup>ta</sup> Cat<sup>ca</sup>.
de Generali, parlandogli con buona intelligenza delli humori prefati di Francia,
et mostrandogli quanto sia il pericolo, che portano gli Stati di Fiandra, si
perchè con il tempo diuentando Heretica la Francia, quelli Stati infetti di<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">[557]</a></span>
già non si potranno a modo alcuno conseruare da Sua M<sup>ta</sup>. Cat<sup>ca</sup> quali remedij
ella presume di farci, et sapere, accioche si potesse disponere, et pensare se
con i Vinetiani et altri Prencipi si potesse fare simili offitij per tastarli il polso
douendo essi presumere, che sempre, che fusse mosso guerra alli Stati del
Re di Spagna a loro non rincrescesse di potersi aiutare della Lega fatta, ma
necessario, non che opportuno, in ogni caso pare il far prouisione quà de
danari, de quali Sua Beat<sup>ne</sup>. ha a ualersi grossamente, si per aiutare quelle cose,
come per diffondere Italia, et il resto della Christianità dalle forze di questa
scelerata setta. Et perchè le deliberationi di tanta importanza, nella quale
si tratta della salute del Regno, et della conseruatione della Santa Sede, et
della Christianità si hanno da fare con matura consideratione, si potrebbe
per auentura discernere meglio qual partito fosse da pigliare prima, o poi, et
come, et fino a qual termine udendone il parere di quelle persone, che paressero,
et fussero giudicate intelligenti, et confidenti. Quanto alle richieste
fatte adesso dal Re, la risposta fatta da N<sup>ro</sup> Sig<sup>re</sup> sopra la dispensa del Duca
di Ghisa, et della Prencipessa di Portiano, non può essere più giusta, ma è
facile a temperarla col mandare la dispensa del tutto spedita per chi andasse,
accioche si uaglia di darla, o non appalesarla, secondo, che trouerà, che sia
più a proposito per li humori; Conciosiache se si conclude affatto il Matrimonio
di Portogallo, come è da stimare, che sia il disegno, chi sa che Madama
Margherita non diuentasse moglie del Duca di Ghisa, piutosto che del Prencipe
di Nauarra. Et circa il permettere che gli Ugonotti possino habitare
sicuramente nella Città, et Contado di Auignone, non parche accada stare in
dubbio, che Sua Santità, non lo può, ne deue concedere, ma di restituire i
loro beni, et lasciarli contrattare, perchè ne sgombrano, si può ben forse
hauerci consideratione, se con questa gratia fatta al Re si uedesse di accomodare
con Sua M<sup>ta</sup> qualche una delle cose più sostantiali, et anco ciò pare, che bisogni
rimettere alla descrittone, et prudenza di chi si uolesse mandare, il quale deue
hauere per massima, che sempre, che il Re uoglia essere così impio, che si risolua
di fare quello, che può per leuare al Papa, et alla Santa Sede quello Stato, non ci
è rimedio a diffendersi, ne essendo Auignone troppo circondato dalle sue forze,
però conuiene auitarsi di conseruarselo, come si è fatto per l’ adietro in tutti
i tempi con l’ autorità, et beneuolenza, et fauore del Re, al quale se può rimostrare
che N<sup>ro</sup> Sig<sup>re</sup>. non uuole, ne intende tenere con l’ armi perturbato il suo
Regno, mà solo tanta guardia nella Città, et Terre, che ui sono, che basti a non
lasciarle rubbare per tradimento a quattro di quei scalzi Ugonotti, come ne
sono state tolte tante a Sua M<sup>ta</sup>.</p>

<p>Douendo questa scrittura seruire solo per informatione delli humori di
quel Regno, non pare, che accade farla ordinata, ne limitata, però sarà fatta,
come si è potuto all’ imprescia &amp;c.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">[558]</a></span></p>

<h3>APPENDIX XIV</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 354, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. XCVII, No. 1,711</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Printed pamphlet of 6 pages</i>]<br />
[<i>Title page</i>]<br />
<span class="smcap"><span class="mid">ESTABLISSEMENT</span><br />
de la Fraternite<br />
des Catholicques de Chaalon sur<br />
Saone erigée à l’honneur<br />
du Benoist Sainct<br />
Esprit en l’an</span><br />
1568<br />
[<i>Woodcut representing the Holy Trinity</i>]<br />
<span class="smcap">Au Nom de Diev<br />
Amen</span></p>


<p>Nous soubscritz bien | acertenez que la sain | cte Eglise Catholique | ne
peut faillir, errer, ny | vaciller en l’observan | ce de la pure, sincere | &amp; vraye
volonté de Iesu-Christ nostre | souverain Dieu, comme estant co | lumne &amp;
fermeté de verité, qui est, &amp; | doit estre de consequent fondée &amp; esta | blie
sur la doctrine des Prophetes, des | Evangelistes, &amp; des Apostres. Dont
Je | su-christ mesme est la maistresse Pierre | angulaire qui a voulu le sainct
Esprit | demeurer à iamais tant que le monde | sera monde eternellement
avec sadicte | Eglise Catholique. Dont n’est à croy | re, comme nous ne
croyons que | Dieu ayt permis son peuple Chre | stien vivant soubz ladite
Eglise, estre | par aveuglement en erreur, &amp; idolatrie | par l’espace de mil
cinq cens &amp; plus | d’ans. Soit par les celebrations de la sain | cte Messe,
assistance du peuple &amp; cere | monies d’icelle, entretenue par tant de | sainctz
&amp; grandz personages en scavoir, | religion, saincte vie, martyrisés pour le |
nom de Dieu, Confesseurs vivans austere | ment en toute parfaicte doctrine,
Vier | ges, que autres bons fidelles d’icele Egli | se catholique. Par l’approbation
de la | quelle (non autrement) nous avons pure | credence des sainctes
escritures, du Viel | &amp; Nouueau Testament, donc d’icelle | lon ne se doit
devoyer, retirer, ny demen | tir en maniere, que ce soit, sans blasphe | me,
erreur, &amp; damnation. Mais doit lon | par l’ayde supplication, &amp; prieres à |
Dieu, &amp; illumination de son S. Esprit | estre fermes &amp; stables, reiectant tous
flots | des persuasions de nouvelle doctrine, | soubs quelconque pretexte quelle
puis | se estre suggerée.</p>

<p>A ceste consideration par in | tention Chrestienne soubs la divine puissance
| &amp; espoir par l’inflammation du | benoist S. Esprit d’estre maintenus
&amp; | conservez en nos consciences, en l’union, | mansuetude, crainte, &amp; obeissance
d’icel | le Eglise catholique, à l’imitation de la | maiesté du Roy nostre
sire, &amp; soubs sa | protection &amp; bon plaisir, desirans nous | efforcer de luy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">[559]</a></span>
rendre &amp; rapporter sub | mission &amp; prompte obeissance, en tou | tes les choses,
que nous voyons, &amp; sca | vons estre observées, selon la saincte vo | lonté de
Dieu, au salut eternel de nos | ames, par sadicte maiesté royale &amp; ses | tresexcellens
predecesseurs, qui ont ve | scu &amp; sont decedez puis l’heure qu’ilz | ont
estez oinctz &amp; sacrez de la celeste | unction par le mystere de la saincte Mes | se
dont ilz remportent le nom de tres | chrestiens. |</p>

<p>Nous avons soubz ledict bon vou | loir &amp; plaisir du Roy faict entre nous
&amp; | pour tous autres Catholiques qui ad | ioindre se vouldront une fraternité
qui | s’appellera Confrairie &amp; société des Ca | tholicques. En laquelle sera
esleu un | Prieur pour luy obeir es choses &amp; en | droicts concernans les poincts
dessusdicts | circonstances &amp; deppendances à mesme | fin sera chascun dimanche
a noz fraiz | celebree une Messe du Benoist sainct | Esprit en l’eglise de
nostre dame des Car | mes de Chaalon &amp; aultres iours qui sera | avisé par
ledict Prieur ou seront tenuz | d’assister ceulx qui seront appellez pour | ladicte
assemblee en bonne &amp; louable de | votion &amp; continuer en prieres qu’il plaise |
à nostre pere celeste conserver sa dicte | Eglise &amp; la purger de toutes perturba
| tions &amp; remettre icelle en une seule foy &amp; | donner prosperité a nostre
Roy en tous | ses affaires &amp; luy prolonger la vie a la gloi | re &amp; sanctification
du nom de Dieu à l’avan | cement &amp; manutention de la religion Catholique
| &amp; courone de France &amp; sil adve | noit (que Dieu ne vueille) que quelques |
uns par une effrenee volonté entreprins | sent contre l’intention de sa dicte
maie | sté d’user d’emotions, iniures, detractions | contre ladicte religion
Catholique, vio | lences sacrileges, invasions, conventicules, | à l’effect dessusdict,
batteries, meurtres, | pilleries d’Eglise, rouptures d’aultelz | images,
croix, &amp; choses dediees au servi | ce divin. Promettons y resister par tous |
deux moyens tant par promptz advertis | semens aux superieurs &amp; iusques
à sa di | cte maiesté que aultrement comme il sera | de besoin. Et si les
effortz estoyent si pe | tulentz qu’ilz requissent prompt empe | schement:
Promettons y tenir par une | unanimité la main &amp; faire tout ce que | par nos
superieurs sera ordonné pour la | manutention de ladicte religion, resister |
aux entreprinses contraires. Et au cas | qu’il advint que Dieu ne vueille que
les | persones de sa maiesté &amp; de messieurs | ses freres qui maintiennent &amp;
maintien | dront nostredicte religion &amp; Corone fus | sent oppressees de sorte
que ne sceussions | avoir advertissemens de leurs volontez. | Promettons
rendre toute obeissance au | general chef qui sera esleu sur la presen | te
société. En tesmoin desquelles cho | ses susdictes &amp; pour l’observance &amp;
ac | complissement d’icelles, Nous les avons | tous soubsignez &amp; marquez
de noz | seings &amp; marques accoustumez audict | Chaalon, le dimanche vingtcinquiesme
| iour du mois d’Avril l’an mil cinq cens | soixante huict.</p>

<p class="pi6">Comme Secretaires esleus en ladicte fraternité &amp; par ordonnance
du superieur en icelle.</p>

<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Lambert.</span><br />
<a name="FNanchor_1769_1769" id="FNanchor_1769_1769"></a><a href="#Footnote_1769_1769" class="fnanchor">[1769]</a><span class="smcap">Belye.</span></p>

<p>[<i>Not endorsed</i>]</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">[560]</a></span></p>

<h3>APPENDIX XV</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 354, n. 4]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. C, No. 1,862</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Catholic League in Maine</i>]</p>

<p>Nous soubsignez confederez et alliez par saincte et divine alliance pour la
continuation et maintention de lhonneur souverain deu a notre Dieu le createur
et aux commandementz &amp; ordonnances de la saincte eglise catholique apostolique
&amp; romaine et pour la maintention de lestat du Roy treschrestien et
trescatholique, notre souverain prince esleu &amp; a nous baille par la grace et
providence divine pour notre chef &amp; souverain terrien debateur &amp; conservateur
de lad. eglise catholique &amp; romaine et des sainctz decretz &amp; concilies dicelle,
et de lobeissance que nous et tous ses bons subiectz luy devons et a noz seigneurs
ses freres aussi treschrestiens &amp; trescatholiques, repoz de son Royaume
&amp; de tout son peuple Et afin de maintenir lad. eglise et religion catholique
apostolique &amp; romaine pour obvier par tous moyens licites raisonnables et
permis de Dieu aux damnees entreprinses machinations et conspirations que
Sathan a mys es cueurs daucuns malheureux qui ont tendu &amp; tendent par
tout lesd. artz dyaboliques de non seulement imminer mais du tout subvertir
lad. religion catholique apostolique &amp; romaine et lestat &amp; auctorite du Roy
notre bon souverain catholique et treschrestien Prince &amp; legitime defenseur
dicelle et de nosd. s<sup>rs</sup> ses freres, et pour tenir moyennant layde de Dieu et le
consentement &amp; accord de leurs ma<sup>tes</sup> tout le peuple en repoz Pour servir a
Dieu &amp; a notre mere saincte eglise et rendre lobeissance deue a leurs Ma<sup>tes</sup>,
faire obeir la justice tant de ses courtz de parlementz que autres ses juges
magistratz, Promettons et jurons vivre et mourir en lad. religion catholique
apostolique &amp; Romaine et lobeissance deue ausd. Ma<sup>tes</sup> et a leur justice
Nous promettons aussi &amp; jurons ensemble toute obeissance service et ayde
et de noz personnes &amp; biens pour empescher &amp; courir sus avec leurs auctoritez
contre tous perturbateurs innovateurs et contrevenantz a lad. religion; en
estats desd. ma<sup>tes</sup> &amp; a leurs sainctz &amp; catholiques edictz &amp; ordonnances divines
&amp; polytiques et de nous secourir les ungs les autres aux effectz susd. par tous
moyens contre tous rebelles heretiques sectaires de la nouvelle religion en
quelque lieu quilz soient &amp; qui en sont suspectz ou nadherentz a notre party
et tendans a fins contraires. Le tout jusques a la mort inclusivement. Le
xj<sup>e</sup> Iuillet 1568.</p>

<p>Depuis ces presentes signees par la noblesse mercredy dernier elles furent
signees en cahier distinct toutesfois en mesme livre par les presbytres. Et
vendredy portees par lesd. presbytres auturs estat Et y ont soubsigne les eschevins
&amp; procureurs de la ville plusieurs des officiers du Roy et des bourgeois
avec menasses a ceulx qui nont voulu signer destre tenuz suspectz. Et par<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">[561]</a></span>
la conference quils ont eue tous ensemble, la noblesse sest chargee du reiglement
pour assembler et dresser les gens de guerre et ceulx qui peuvent porter
les armes et dadviser et eslire les chefz pour leur communte. Et les presbytres
et le tiers estat sen sont de tout submys a la noblesse. Ils font signer &amp; jurer
par les bourgades aux procureurs &amp; plus apparentz des parroisses.</p>

<p>Lesgail sest faict en la ville du Mans pour la solde des harquebuziers a
cheval pour mons<sup>r</sup> le seneschal de Maine. Et ayant a son arrivee trouve les
portes assez mal gardies a faict publier la garde avec injunction des peynes.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Not signed</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>Endorsed</i>] Copie de lassociation faicte | par les provinces.</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. C, No. 1,863</span></p>

<p class="pi6">Cest le Roole de la saincte union contenant quarante rooles en
parchemin cestluy compris.</p>

<p>Nous soubsignez confederez &amp; alliez par saincte et divine aliance es Duché
Canton et Conté du Maine, pour la continution et manutention de l’honneur
deu a Dieu notre createur, de ses sainctz comandementz, et ordonnances de
la saincte Eglise catholicque, apostolicque et Romaine: Et pour la manutention
de lestat du Roy treschrestien et trescatholicque notre Souverain
Prince, esleu et a nous baille par la grace et providence divine pour notre
Chef et Souverain terrien dominateur et conservate<sup>r</sup> de lad. saincte Eglise
Catholicque, Apostolicque et Romaine, et des sainctz decretz et conciles
d’icelle, et de lobeyssance que nous et tous ses bons subiectz luy debuons,
et a tous nos Seigneurs ses freres aussy treschrestiens et trescatholicques
Princes, repos de son Royaume, et de tout son peuple: Et afin de maintenir
lad. s<sup>te</sup> eglise et Religion catholicque, Apostolique et Romaine, po<sup>r</sup> obvier
par tous moyens licites raisonnables et permis de Dieu, aux damnees entreprinses,
machinations et conspirations que Sathan a mises es cueurs d’aucuns
malheureux qui ont tendu et tendent par tous artz diaboliques de non seulement
imminuer mais du tout subvertir lad. Religion catholique; Prince treschrestien
et legitime defenseur, et de nosd. Sieurs ses freres. Et pour tenir
moyennant layde de Dieu, consentement et accord de leurs maiestez, tout le
peuple en repos pour servir a Dieu et rendre lobeyssance deue a leursd<sup>es</sup> maiestes,
faire obeyr la justice, tant de ses Cours de parlement que aultres des
juges et magistratz. Promettons et jurons vivre et mourir en lad<sup>e</sup> Religion
Catholique Apostolique et Romaine et obeyssance deue ausd<sup>es</sup> Maiestes Ausquelles
Maiestez et Iustice nous promettons et jurons toute obeyssance, secours,
et ayde, et de nos personnes empescher et courir sus, aveq leurs authoritez,
a tous perturbateurs, innovateurs, et contrevenants a lad. Religion, et Estatz
desd<sup>es</sup> Maiestez, et a leurs sainctz et catholiques Edictz, et ordonnances divines
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">[562]</a></span>et politiques: Et nous secourir les uns les autres aux effectz susd<sup>es</sup> par tous
moyens contre tous rebelles, heretiques, sectaires tendantz a fin contraires.
Le tout jusques a la mort inclusivement. Faict et arresté au Mans lunz<sup>me</sup>
jour de Iullet 1568.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Not signed</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>Endorsed in Cecil’s hand</i>]</p>

<p class="pi6">Copy of a Conspyracion by | vow, in France by the | Catholicques<br />
ag. the contraryes.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XVI</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 359, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. XLVII, No. 72</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Walsingham to Cecil</i>]</p>

<p>S<sup>r</sup></p>

<p>Notw<sup>th</sup>standynge my frend doothe assure me that he is advertysed by sooche
as he doothe imploye in that behalfe, that ther wer of late certeyne lodged in
Sowthewerke whoe nowe are departed, whos clos keping of them selves gave
great cause of suspytion of no dyrect meanynge. At this p<sup>r</sup>sent s<sup>r</sup> I am requested
by him to advertyce you that in taulke that passed of late betwene the
new come Cardynaule and him, towching the undyrect dealynges of the Cardynaule
of Loreyne emongest other thinges he shewed him that thre of late
were sent by the sayde Car. of Loreyne to exequte the lewde practyce in the
searche wherof yt pleasethe you to imploye us two of the partyes, he thus
descrybed them unto him as followethe. The one to be of natyon an englysheman,
of complexion sangwine, his beard read, and cot (as commonly they terme
yt marchesetto) of vysage leane, of stature hye. The other of natyon an
Italyan, of complexion cholerycke and swarte, his bearde of leeke hue, and cot,
of vysage full faced, of stature and proportyon lowe, and sooche as commonly
we tearme a trubbe. After I had herde the descryptyon of them I declared
unto him that alreadye ye were advertysed of the leeke and that you towld
me that thos descryptyons were so generayle, as they myght as well towche
the innocent as the gyltye. I further towlde him (as of my selfe) that the Cardynall
Shatyllglion myght use this as a meane to make his ennemye the more
odyowse to this estate. To the fyrst he replyed, that the rather he had cause
to be iealowse of thos descryptyons, for that he knewe an Inglysheman of
leeke descryptyon, havinge the Italyan tonge verry well, and the Frenche
reasonably well, that passed to and fro betwene the pope and the Card. of L.
and also the seyde partye resorted myche to the noble man that at that tyme
was lodged in my frendes howse; and therfor the rather he seyde he was leeke
to be imployed in so lewd a practyce. To the seconde he seyd that he hath<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">[563]</a></span>
had so good exsperyence of the synceryte and dyrect dealynge of the howse of
Shatiglion as he knowethe assuredly that they woold not seeke by so undyrect
a meane to make any man odyowse: And saythe he further to assure you,
that sooche a practyce may be in hande: I knowe by letters that I sawe by a
secret meane wrytten from Roome unto the bysshop of Viterbo, abowt syxe
years passed, in the tyme of B. Francys (of late memorye) the leeke practyce
was in hande the cavse also I knowe whie yt tooke no place, and therof can
advertyce m<sup>r</sup> Secretarye when yt shall please him to deal w<sup>th</sup> me in that behalfe.
Besides to provoke me to wryte he added further, that he understood by sooche
as he imployed in searche at Sowthewerk that one of thos whom they holde
for suspected shoold have a redd berde, w<sup>th</sup> the rest of the merks aboverecyted:
and therfor for that he is not to be fownde in Sowthewerke, he dowbtethe he
may be repeyred to the coorte: wherfor he desyerethe you most earnestly,
that ther may be some appoynted by you fytt for the purpose to have regarde
in that behalfe. Thus levinge any further to troble your honor I commyt
you to God. From London the xv<sup>th</sup> of September a<sup>o</sup> 1568.</p>

<p class="pr6">Y<sup>r</sup> honors to commaunde</p>
<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Fra: Walsyngham</span></p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Addressed</i>] To the right Honorable S<sup>r</sup> William<br />
Cicill principall Secretarye and<br />
one of her Ma<sup>tes</sup> privie counsell<br />
At the</p>
<p class="pi8">Court.</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] 15 fbr, 1568.<br />
M<sup>r</sup> Francis Walsingham to<br />
my m<sup>r</sup></p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XVII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 375, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CX, No. 533</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>News from La Rochelle</i>]</p>

<p>Monsieur l’Amiral escript du commencement du moys de Ianvier, que
larmee de Messeigneurs les Princes se trouve fort gaillarde et plus saine quelle
n’a esté depuis ung an, et estime quele changement d’air a esté ung des moyens,
dont Dieu s’est servy pour faire cesser les maladies qui y ont regné jusques a
lors. Lad. armee estoit au port de s<sup>te</sup>. Marie a trois lieues d’Agen et tenoit
tout le bord de la riviere de la Garonne depuis les portes d’Agen jusqs
pardela Marmande et du long de la riviere du Loth jusqs a Villeneufve
ou y a de petites villes mais riches &amp; abondantes de toutes choses necessaires
a une armee, et desquelles on tire quelques finances.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">[564]</a></span></p>

<p>Mon: le Conte de Montgommery est de l’autre bord de la riviere de la
Garonne tenant tout le pais de la jusqs en Bearn et jusques a Lengon, et
au hault de la riviere jusqs a Haultvillar qui de son coste amasse le plus de
finances quil peut. Il ny a point dennemys qui facent teste, ou donnent
empeschemt. Ilz se tiennent clos &amp; couverts dedans les villes et laissent la
campaigne libre aux dictzs<sup>rs</sup> Princes. Mons. le Mar<sup>al</sup> Danville se tient a
Tholose, et mons<sup>r</sup> de Montluc a Agen. Ilz ont des forces mais separees
&amp; mal unies de voluntez et de lieux. Le S<sup>r</sup> de la Vallette avoit este envoyé
pour les rassembler et s’essayer de faire plus que lesditz S<sup>rs</sup> Danville et Montluc
mais il s’en est retourné sans rien faire.</p>

<p>Mons<sup>r</sup> de Pilles et ceux qui estoient dedans S<sup>t</sup> Iehan sont venuz au camp
bien sains et gaillards, ayans soubstenu le siege tant que les pouldres ont duré
&amp; faict actes aussy belliqueux &amp; magnanimes qui se sount faictz de notre cage
en siege de ville.</p>

<p>Il avoit este faict ung pont a batteaux sur lad. riviere de la Garonne sur
lequel hommes, chivaux charettes et artillerie avoient passé huyt jo<sup>rs</sup> durant,
mais tant par la rive des eaux que par la faulte dung qui estoit alle prendre ung
moulin des ennemys po<sup>r</sup> lamener aud. port de S<sup>te</sup> Marie. lad. moulin luy est
eschappe et a choque et rompu led. pont. Si est ce quon y a depuis donne tel
ordre quon ne laisse de passer.</p>

<p>Il y a plus<sup>rs</sup> advertissements quil y a quatre mil Espaignolz a la frontiere
d’Lespaigne &amp; que le Prince Daulphin s’en va les trouver avec une troupe de
cavalerie po<sup>r</sup> le<sup>r</sup> faire escorte.</p>

<p>M<sup>r</sup> de Lavauguyon est venu entre les deux rivieres de la Dordogne et du
Loth avec vingt cornettes de cavalerie pour tenir les passages desdictes rivieres.
doubtant que Mess<sup>rs</sup> les Princes les veillent repasser, mais cela na empesché
le S<sup>r</sup> de Pilles de passer le Loth, et saprocher desdictes cornettes, esperant les
reveoir de plus pres en brief.</p>

<p>Les reistres des dictz seigneurs Princes ont receu ung payement, et son,
si bien satisfaictz et contens que jamais ne fut veu une plus obeissante nationt.
Ilz sont partie dela la riviere auec M. le Conte de Montgommery et partie decha,
ne faisans difficulte de se separer et recevoir le commandant de tous ceux quil
est ordonné et d’aller en tous lieux ou il le<sup>r</sup> est commande.</p>

<p>Mons. le Conte de Mansfeld faict infiniz bons offices tous les jo<sup>rs</sup>, esquelz
il monstre ung zele a ceste cause avec une magnanimité, de laquelle il ne cede
a person quelconques. Et ne fault doubter que Dieu ne layt envoyé pour ung
tresgrand bien et necessaire comme aussy le Conte Ludovic de Nassau prince
tresvertueux et fort advisé.</p>

<p>Quand a la negotiation de la paix, les admis de la Rochelle portent que
ung moys durant le Roy et la Royne ont souvent envoye devers la Royne de
Navarre pour l’exhorter a entendre au bien de la paix et haster les deputez,
lesquelz ont longuement differé a cause des difficultez qui ont este mises en
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">[565]</a></span>avant tant po<sup>r</sup> le peu de seurete quon trouvoit aux passeportz qui estoient
envoyez de la partie de le<sup>rs</sup> majestez, que po<sup>r</sup> la distance du lieu, ou le pourparte
de lad. paix estoit assigné et ordonné, qui est la ville d’Angiers, en laquelle
a Co<sup>rt</sup> se retrouve a present.</p>

<p>Finalement leurs majestes ont renvoyé autres passeportz, et depesché le
s<sup>r</sup> du Croq le<sup>r</sup> m<sup>e</sup> d’hostel, pour conduire lesdictz deputez, lesquelz furent
nomez au conseil tenu a la Rochelle le x<sup>me</sup> de Ianvier, ascavoir, les s<sup>rs</sup> de
Beauvoir la Nocle lieutenant de feu Mons. d’Andelot, Cargeoy gentilhomme
de Bretaigne, Compain chancelier et la Chassetiere Brodeau secretaire de la
Royne de Navarre. Le S<sup>r</sup> de Theligny est aussy des deputez, mais avec sauf
conduit pour et retourner quand bon luy semblera et besoing sera, pour raporter
no<sup>les</sup> de lad. negotiation a lad. Dame Royne et a Messeigneurs les Princes et
Mons. l’Amiral selon les occurrences.</p>

<p>Et encore qu il semble que le Roy desire la paix et quon ayt advis quil la
veult faire a quelque pris que ce soit, si est ce que pour le peu de foy et seurete
quon a esprouve par deux foys en celle qui a este faute, on est resolu de la
faire a ce coup avec laide de Dieu bonne, asseuree et inviolable. Et a ceste
fin on a baille aux dictz deputez ung pouvoir si restraint quilz ne peuvent rien
conclure sans premier avoir ladvis de lad. dame Royne desdicts S<sup>rs</sup> Princes
et dud. S<sup>r</sup> Amiral, et jusqs a ce quil ayt este par les susdictz dame Princes et
S<sup>rs</sup> arreste. Ce qui ne se fera sans pallablement avoir surce le conseil et
deliberation de nos confederez et de ceux qui nous ont favorise, aide et secouru
en ceste cause comme il est raisonable, et a fin de pouvoir mieux asseurer lad.
paix; esperans que en y procedant de ceste facon et establissant le pur service
de Dieu par dessus toutes choses il honora les actions de ceux qui y seront
employez.</p>

<p>Au reste la charge desdictz deputez consiste en trois points ascavoir la
liberte des consciences et exercice de la Religion sans distinction de lieux
ou personnes. La seurete &amp; protection de nos vies et personnes &amp; la restitution
de biens honne<sup>urs</sup> charges, estatz et dignites.</p>

<p>Ceux qui sont hors de ce Roy<sup>me</sup> quon a resolu dadvertir premier que de
conclure aucune chose sur le traicte et pourparte de la paix sont dune pt les
princes D’allemaigne et mesmes monsie<sup>r</sup> le Prince d’Aurenge, et dautre pt
Monsie<sup>r</sup> Le Car<sup>al</sup> de Chastillon par ce quil y a eu si estroictes promesses et
obligations faictes par ceux qui ont en pouvoirs de Messeu<sup>rs</sup> les Princes, quil
a este trouvé raisonable de ne rien faire sans le commun advis de tous ceux
qui sont participans en ceste cause et qui lont favorisee.</p>

<p>Le Baron de la garde se vante desja si la paix se conclut de faire ung voyage
en Escosse avec ses galeres.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Not signed</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>Not addressed</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>Endorsed in Cecil’s hand</i>] Ianvar 1569</p>
<p class="pi12">Extract of letters from Rochelle &amp;c.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">[566]</a></span></p>

<h3>APPENDIX XVIII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 387, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CVIII, No. 359</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Catherine de Medici to the duke of Anjou</i>]</p>

<p>[1569, September 10]</p>

<p>Extraict de la lettre de la Royne escritte de sa propre main a Monseigneur
le Duc du dix<sup>me</sup> Sep<sup>re</sup> Dclxix escritte au Plessis les Tours.</p>

<p>Mon filz, Sanger irent tout a ceste heure darriver de vostre frere par lequel
nous a mande la bonne et utile nouvelle de l’heureux desassiegement de Poittiers
avec ung tresgrand honeur de mons<sup>r</sup> de Guise et de tous ceulx qui y estoient
pour le grand et notable service quilz ont fait a Dieu au roy et a ce royaume
et de vostre frere de les avoir si bien secouruz qen faisant semblant dassieger
Chastellerault et de donner ung faulx assault il a fait a quil vouloit et pourquoy
le roy lavoit envoye et a ceste heure il regardera de mettre peine dabreger
toute ceste guerre que avec layde de Dieu il mettra bien tost le repoz en ce
royaume et me semble que jamais ny eust plus doccacion de remercier Dieu
et le continuer de prier a fin quil nous mette hors de tant de maulx.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>No signature</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>No address</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>Endorsed</i>] Copie de la lettre de la Royne a Monseigneur le Duc.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XIX</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 389, n. 4]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CIX, No. 444</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Norris to Cecil</i>]</p>

<p>Right honorable<span class="vh">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</span>The Admirall hathe lately written to the Cap<sup>en</sup>
of la Charite that praise be givin to Gode he maye now joyne w<sup>th</sup> the vicountes
at his pleas<sup>r</sup> &amp; that he hadd forces sufficient to make hedd to his Ennemis,
Praying the Governo<sup>r</sup> to loke carefully to the places on the frontiers &amp; provide
all thinges necessarie for the commyng of Mons<sup>r</sup> de Lizy, withe the Armey
of Allemagnes whiche puttithe these in great feare &amp; use all meanes to treat
a Peax that possibly the can. Wrytten at Tours thise 19<sup>th</sup> of December
1569.</p>

<p class="pr6">Yo<sup>r</sup> honours ever assuride to commaunde</p>
<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Henry Norreys</span></p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Addressed</i>] to the Right Honorable S<sup>r</sup> William Cisill Knight principall<br />
Secretarie to the Quene’s most Excellent Maiestie &amp; of hir<br />
highnes preavy Cownsell.</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] 19 xbr 1569<br />
S<sup>r</sup> Henry Norreys to my m<sup>r</sup><br />
from Tours.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">[567]</a></span></p>

<h3>APPENDIX XX</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 392, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CXI, No. 580</span></p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Double de la responce faicte par le Roy aux ar<sup>cles</sup> presentez a
sa Ma<sup>te</sup> par les deputez de la Roine de Navarre.</p>

<p class="pi4 reduct">Le Roy ayant entendu ce qui luy a este exposé de la part des deputez
de la Roine de Navarre des Princes de Navarre de Conde S<sup>rs</sup> Gentils-hommes
&amp; autres de toutes qualitez qui sont avec eulx les <i>treshumbles
requestes</i> faictes a sa Ma<sup>te</sup> de leur donner la paix avec les seuretez qui
sont en son pouvoir pour les faire jouir du benefice dicelle. Ensemble
les submissions qui luy ont este faictes de luy rendre lobeissance &amp;
fidelité quilz lui doibvent Sadite Ma<sup>te</sup> pour la <i>singuliere affection quelle
a tousjours</i> portée a la Roine de Navarre Princes de Navarre &amp; de
Conde pour la proximité de sang dont ilz luy appartiennent. Le desir
quelle a de la conservacion de ses subgectz <i>speciallement de sa noblesse</i>
pour monstrer a eulx &amp; a tous les dessusditz son affection &amp; clemence
paternelle &amp; royalle envers eulx et la volunté quelle a de voir ses
subgectz ensemble revinz soubz son obeissance &amp; son royaulme en
repos de troubles qui y sont de present leur a accordé pour parvenir
a une bonne syncere &amp; entiere pacification desditz troubles les choses
qui sensuyvent.</p>

<p>Car les treshumbles req<sup>tes</sup> presentees a sa Ma<sup>te</sup> de la part de la Royne de
Navarre et de Messeigneurs les Princes il est manifeste que le but de lad. dame
et desd. Seigneurs Princes n’est et ne fut onques d’oster au Roy sa couronne
comme ilz ont esté calumniez, mais d’entretenir le vray pur et libre service
de Dieu, come le Roy suyvant la req<sup>te</sup> des estatz la accordé a tous ses subgectz.</p>

<p>Nous sommes persuadez de la bonne affection que sa Ma<sup>te</sup> a portee a la Roine
de Navarre et a Messieurs les Princes au paravant que ceulx qui aujourdhuy
soubz le nom du Roy oppriment le Royaulme eussent chassé d’aupres de sa
personne tous ses meilleurs et plus loyaux conseillers et mesmes qu’au paravant
ces dernieres troubles nonobstant les fausses accusations calumnies et impostures
dont on avoit charge lad. Dame Roine et Messieurs les Princes, ce
neantmoins n’avoient tant sceu faire ceulx de Guyse que de faire oublier a sa
Ma<sup>te</sup> son bon naturel, tellement que personne na doubté si sa Ma<sup>te</sup> se fust
conduicte selon sa bonne inclination que sa bonne affection ne se fust tousjours
monstree en leur endroict et eussent este traictez comme bons et prochains
parens loyaulx subgectz et tresobeissans serviteurs. Toutesfois il est cogneu
notoirement que par les mauvaises praticques desquelles ont use ceulx qui
sont aupres de sa Ma<sup>te</sup> lad. dame Messieurs les Princes, les S<sup>rs</sup> Gentils-hommes
et autres estans a leur suyte ont este beaucoup plus cruellement traictez que
les poures Chrestiens qui tombent entre les mains des Turcqs et Infidelles.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">[568]</a></span></p>

<p>Ceulx de Guise ont assez faict de preuve de la bonne affection quilz ont
a la conservation des subgectz de sa Ma<sup>te</sup>, quand par les secrettes Intelligences
quilz ont avec la maison Despaigne et speciallement avec le Duc d’Albe depuis
huict ans en ça ils ont faict mourir la meilleure partie de la noblesse et autres
subgectz de lune et lautre religion et mesmement les plus loyaulx &amp; affectionnez
au service de sa Ma<sup>te</sup>. Et quant a aymer la noblesse il est certain que ce sont
ceulx qui la haissent et craignent le plus et apres eux les gens de lettres comme
ceulx qui naturellement sont ennemys de la tyrannie, et de lusurpation quilz
ont voulu faire de la couronne et en particulier des comtez d’Aniou et de
Provence, et que ne promections jamais lalienation de la souveraincté de
Bar, que ceulx de Guise ont essaie de praticquer depuis la mort du Roy Henry
plus<sup>rs</sup> fois et on scait encores ce quilz ont faict dernierement. Et quant au
repos public il est certain que la paix et le Cardinal de Lorraine ne peuvent
loger en ung mesme royaulme.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Premierement que la memoire de toutes choses passées demeurera
esteincte &amp; supprimée comme de choses non jamais advenues. Quil
ne sera loizible ne permis en quelque temps ne pour quelque occasion
que ce soit den faire jamais mention ne procés en quelque court
jurisdiction que ce soit ne ailleurs, et a ceste fin sera imposé silence
a ses procureurs generaulx en toutes ses courtz de parlemens &amp;
leurs substitudz, sera aussy defendu a toutes personnes princes d’en
renouveller la memoire ny en faire reproche sur peine destre puniz
comme infracteurs de paix &amp; perturbateurs du repos public.</p>

<p>Semblables choses nous ont este promises deux foix mais les courtz de
parlemens et autres juges inférieures n’ont laisse de faire mourir ceulx quilz
ont peu apprehender, le peuple a massacre par tout ou ils a esté le plus fort,
les assassinats ont este tous publics, de justice ils ny en a point eu les injures
plus grandes que jamais ce mot de rebelle a este familier en la bouche des
Gouverneurs des Provinces et singulierement des soubz Gouverneurs dont la
France est infectée, et consequemment des pctis, partant pour effectuer ceste
promesse est de besoing que sa Ma<sup>te</sup> pourveoie a la justice et a son prive conseil
comme elle seulle le peult et doibt faire autrement ces promesses sont trappes
et pieges.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Que tous arrestz sentences jugemens &amp; procedures faictes en quelque
Court et devant quelques juges que ce soit durant les presens troubles
&amp; aux precedens pour raison des choses passees durant ou a cause
desditz troubles a lencontre des dessusditz ou aucuns deceulx seront
mis a neant cassez &amp; revoquez.</p>

<p>Il nest rien si naturel que tous affaires soyent dissoutes par le moyen quel
les ont este assemblees et partant est de besoing que les courtz qui ont faict la
playe facent la guarison donnans arrestz et sentences contraires a leurs premiers
arrestz et sentences, aillent en personne despendre les effigiez et ossemens<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">[569]</a></span>
des executez ou en effigie ou apres leur mort pour le moins en semblable sollemnité
quilz les ont executez comme il fut faict a Rouen en la personne des
seigneurs de Harcourt et de Granville. Et quant a ceulx qui ont este executez
de faict que punition exemplaire soit faicte des Iuges qui ont este autheurs
de telles sentences mesmes contre le vouloir et intention du Roy et que les
heritiers des defunctz prennent leurs interestz sur les biens desd. criminelz.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Quilz ou aucuns d’eulx ne pourront jamais estre recerchez pour
raison des praticques ou intelligences quilz pourront auoir eves avec
Princes Potentatz Communautez ou personnes privees estrangeres
ny a cause des traictez ou contractz quilz pourraient avoir faictz
ou passez avec eulx pour raison des choses concernans lesdictz
troubles &amp; dependances diceulx dont le Roy les a entierement deschargez
et leur en baillera toutes tres &amp; seuretez qui seront a ceste
fin necessaires en la meilleure &amp; plus autentique forme que faire se
pourra.</p>

<p>Ce seroit a ceulx de Guise a prendre lettres d’abolition pour avoir eu
secrettes praticques avec les antiens ennemys de la couronne, les avoir mis
dedans le Royaulme pour parvenir a leur damnable desseing dusurper le
Royaulme et au contraire ceulx qui en une extreme necessité ont eu recours
a leurs antiens amys et confederez pour secouer ce joug et mainitenir le Roy
et la Couronne meritent toutes sortes de louanges et de recognoissance pour
leur grande valleur &amp; pour tant de pertes.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Que par le benefice de ceste paix tous les dessusditz seront remis
&amp; reintegrez en leurs honneurs &amp; biens pour diceulx jouir eulx leurs
enfans heritiers successeurs ou ayans cause paisiblement et sans
aucun empeschement.</p>

<p>Cest article ne peult avoir lieu si ce que est dict cy dessus sur lar<sup>cle</sup> 3 nest
execute. Item puis que ceulx qui ont tué de sang froid Monseigneur le Prince
de Condé et contre la loy de la guerre. Ceulx qui ont emprisonne Monsieur
d’Andelot et ce trahistre qui a tué le s<sup>r</sup> de Mouy ont este hault esleuez et
renumirez Messieurs leurs enfans ne peuvent estre remis en leurs honneurs
sinon que punition exemplaire soit faicte de si pernicieux hommes de leurs
complices &amp; adherens que si Dieu mesmes a desja faict la vangeance d’aucuns
(comme il la faict) si leur memoire nest condamne.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Et pour gratifier particulierement lesditz Princes &amp; ceulx de la
noblesse qui auront estatz charges &amp; pensions de sadite Ma<sup>te</sup> le Roy
les remectra en sesditz estatz charges et pensions pour en jouir ainsy
comme dessus est dit.</p>

<p>Cest article ne tend qu’a diviser les grands davec les petis pour les opprimer
les ungs apres les autres.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Et quant au faict de la religion le Roy, leur permectra de demeurer
&amp; vivre paisiblement dedans son Royaulme en entiere liberté de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">[570]</a></span>
leur conscience sans estre recerchez en leurs maisons ny les abstreindre
a faire chose pour le regard de ladite religion contre leur volunté.
Et encores pour plus grande seureté sadite Ma<sup>te</sup> leur accordera deux
villes lesquelles le s<sup>r</sup> de Biron leur nommera, dedans lesquelles ilz
pourront faire tout ce que bon leur semblera et quilz vouldront sans
estre recerchez. Et neantmoins en chascune desdites villes sadite
Ma<sup>te</sup> aura ung Gentilhomme capable &amp; ydoine pour avoir loeil a ce
quil ne soit faict chose qui contrevienne a son auctorité &amp; repos de
son Royaulme et qui mainctienne ung chacun en paix et repos. Ne
voulant sadite Ma<sup>te</sup> quil y ayt au reste de tout son Roiaulme aucun
ministre ne quil soit faict autre exercice de religion que de la sienne.</p>

<p>Dautant que cest ar<sup>cle</sup> est le noud de la matière il est aussy captieux en
toutes ses parties.</p>

<p>Premièrement il est couché si a propos quon ne scavoit recueillir sil s’entend
seulement des Princes et de la noblesse oubien generallement de tous. Et on
scait comment on sest servy par cydevant de telles facons de parler.</p>

<p>Secondement il y a de la contradiction manifeste en ce quil est dict expres,
quil y aura entiere liberté de conscience et neantmoins quil ny aura point de
ministres en France.</p>

<p>Tiercement de limpossibilité, car quelle peut estre la liberté de la conscience
ou il n’y a point dexercice de religion? Le Cardinal de Lorraine pense que
liberte de conscience et stupidite de conscience soit ung. Or la liberte de
conscience est en la liberté de la foy qui est en Christ comment se peut engendrer
entretenir et augmenter la foy que par la parolle delaquelle estans privez il ne
reste aucune liberté. Le Cardinal se trompe en ce quil pense que la liberté
gise a avoir congé de n’aller point a la Messe, de n’aller point aux pardons et
choses semblables, mais la liberte de la conscience ne gist point a ne point
faire ce qui est mauvais, mais a faire ce qui est bon. La verite dict qui oyt
ma parolle et qui la mect en effect est bien heureux. Il sensuyt doncq que
qui ne loyt point est malheureux Il ne dit point qui ne va point a la Messe.
En somme notre liberte nest point composee de negatives, mais fondee sur
propositions affirmatives quil fault faire. Item si le Cardinal ne peut comprendre
quelle est ceste liberté des Chrestiens, comme il ne peult ne luy ne
quiconques soit en ce monde sil n’est regendre denhault, au moins peult il
bien entendre que quand nous n’avons moyen de contracter mariages, baptizer
les enfans, et enterrer noz mortz que nous n’avons aucune liberté en noz consciences,
mainctenant quil me dise comment (ayans en horre<sup>r</sup> les actes de la
papauté) nous pouvons faire ces choses estans privez du ministere de la parolle
de Dieu, et consequemment de pasteurs legitimes, mais il semble que nous
sommes comme luy cest adire que la religion ne nous est que jeu et que nous
serions contentz que tous le monde vinst en Atheisme comme il est certain
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">[571]</a></span>que si cest ar<sup>cle</sup> avoit lieu avant peu de temps la France seroit pleine de Payens
et en peu de temps il seroit a craindre comme desja il est de trop, que ce mauvais
conseil ne fust dommageable a ceulx qui l’ont donné et mesmes a tout lestat
en general.</p>

<p>Quartement, cest ar<sup>cle</sup> est ung piege pour attrapper tous ceulx qu’on
vouldra exposer a la mercy dung juge de village, car jusques on sestendra ceste
liberté? Si ung homme prie soir et matin ou a quelque autre heure du jour,
on dire quil aura faict acte de ministere comme on trouvera desja assez de
gens condamnez voire a la mort et executez pour avoir prie Dieu, si on chante
ung pseaume en sa maison ou en sa bouticque on en sera recerché car on dira
comme il a esté desja souvent juge que cest autre exercice que de la religion
du Roy cest adire de ceulx qui sont prez de sa personne qui toutesfois nen ont
point du tout. Si on lit en la bible ou en quelque bon livure si ung maistre
apprend a ung enfant a lire dedans ung nouveau testament, si on luy apprend
son oraison en francoys on sera en peine. Brief, accorder aux hommes une
telle liberté de conscience est autant comme qui osteroit les fers a ung homme
et neantmoins on luy osteroit aussy tous les moyens de recouvrer pain et vin
et le laisserait en mourir de faim.</p>

<p>Finallement quant aux villes qui nommera le S<sup>r</sup> de Biron, on verra quils
nommera ou des bicocques ou sil nomme de bonnes villes que ce sera pour
praticquer de les aliener de la cause commune soubz lumbre de quelque promesse;
mais quoy quil y ayt, comment se peult accorder que dedans ces villes on
fera ce quon vouldra, et quil y ayt ung Gentilhomme qui y commande, il est
aise a juger que mectre ung homme de Commandement dedans une place,
cest lavoir a se devotion toutesfois et quantes et quand cela ne sera point,
quest ce que deux villes en France quelques grandes et fortes quelles puissent
estre les forces estans une fois rompues et divisees, et mesmes en ung si grand
Royaulme quelle commodite pourraient apporter deux villes a ceulx qui en
seraient infiniment eslougnez, mais le but de tout cela est faictes comme en lan
1568, et on vous traictera aussy de mesmes.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Et quant aux offices de justice finances &amp; autres inferieurs actendu
que depuis la privation faicte diceulx par decretz &amp; ordonnances
de justice suyvant les edictz du Roy autres ont esté pourveuz en
leurs places et sont aujourdhuy en exercice diceulx. Que largent
qui en est provenu a este despendu &amp; emploie pour soustenir les
fraiz de la guerre le Roy ne les peut aucunement restituer ne retracter
lexecution de ses edictz pour ce regard Actendu mesmes les grandes
plainctes &amp; demandes que font ceulx du clerge de sondict Royaulme
&amp; autres ses subgectz catholiques pour avoir reparation du dommage
par eulx souffert tant en leurs biens qu’en la desmolition des eglises
et maisons du patrimoine dicelles par tous les endroictz de sondit
royaulme a lencontre de ceulx qui ont faict lesdites demolitions &amp;
dommages. Ausquelz ne pourrait justement desnier de faire droict &amp;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">[572]</a></span>
justice a lencontre de ceulx contre lesquelz ilz vouldroient pretendre
sil falloit entrer en cognoissance de cause et reparation des dommages
souffertz dune part &amp; dautre.</p>

<p>Il ne s’est jamais veu et ne se peult faire sinon par une tirannie extreme
(ce que nous n’estimons pas que sa Ma<sup>te</sup> face jamais) qu’en France les officiers
n’ayant forfaict soient deposez de leur charge, si que quand les Roys lont
voulu procurer les particuliers ont tousjours en droict gaigne leur cause contre
les Roys mesmes. Et quant a largent despensé il y a assez de moyens recouvrer
argent par la vendition des biens temporelz des ecclesiastiques Car puisque
nous ne sommes point autheurs des troubles, ains deffendeurs en necessité
extreme, que ceulx qui se pouvoient bien passer de la guerre et vivre en paix,
en leurs maisons, puis quilz ont tant desiré la guerre quilz ne cornoyent entre
chose doibvent aussy en porter la folle enchere comme encores silz ne nous
font autre raison nous esperons que Dieu la nous fera et en briefe. Que si il
estoit question d’entrer en compensation il se trouvera que nous avons souffert
infinies pertes plus que les autheurs des troubles, en quoy quil y ayt tant de
gens et bien meurdriz par des juges et officiers massacrez par le peuple depuis
la derniere pacification tant de femmes violees par les gens de guerre et mesmes
des plus remarquez qui cela surpasse toute perte &amp; que toutes fois nous esperons
que Dieu ne laissera pour impuny quoy que les vivans en rien ne regardans
point aux jugemens quil en a desja faictz sur les plus mauvais d’entreulx qui
se jouoient ainsy de son Nom de Ma<sup>te</sup> glorieuse.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Voulant sadite Mate pour lobservation des choses susdites avec toute
bonne foy &amp; syncerité leur bailler toutes leurs seuretez qui sont en
son pouvoir et quilz luy vouldront honnestement &amp; raisonnablement
requerir lesquelles seuretez le Roy fera esmolloguer &amp; passer par ses
courtz de parlemens &amp; autres juges quil appartiendra.</p>

<p>Les bons subgectz (telz que nous sommes) n’ont point acoustumé de
demander les formes de seuretez cest a sa Ma<sup>te</sup> de nous les donner bonnes et
asseurees, et puis quil na este en sa puissance de nous garder sa foy il nous
donnera sil luy plaist les moyens de nous garentir contre ceulx qui la vouldroient
enfraindre en notre endroict, et quant a ses courtz de parlemens nous ne
pensons pas que pendant quelles serons composees de telles gens quelles sont
quil nous garde foy et administre justice veu quilz sont noz parties formelles.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Veut et entend sadite Ma<sup>te</sup> que les dessusditz reciproquement pour
luy rendre la fidele obeissance quilz luy doibvent ayent a se departir
de toute alliance, confederation, et association quilz, ont avec les
Princes Potentatz ou Communautez estrangeres hors du Roiaulme
pareillement de toutes intelligences praticques &amp; associations quilz
ont dedans &amp; dehors icelluy.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Quilz ne feront aucunes assemblées contribution ne cullettes de deniers
sans expresse permission du Roy declarée par ses lettres patentes.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">[573]</a></span></p>

<p>Quant a ces deux ar<sup>cles</sup> sa Ma<sup>te</sup> scait que nous n’avons rien promis que
nous n’ayons tenu ce que nous ferons encores la paix estant bien asseurer.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Quentieront &amp; feront sortir hors sondit Roiaulme dedans ung moys
apres la conclusion de ladite Pacification par le chemin qui leur sera
prescript par sadite Ma<sup>te</sup> sans foulle ne oppression de ses subgectz tous
estrangers estans a leur service, et conviendront avec eux de leur
paiement a leurs propres coustz &amp; despens. Et a ceste fin leur donnera
le Roy telle permission quil sera besoing pour entr’eulx leuer
les sommes qui leur seront necessaires.</p>

<p>Cest ar<sup>cle</sup> est impossible en toutes ses parties, car les estrangers ne peuvent
en ung mois se retirer, ilz ne peuvent ny ne doibvent sortir par le chemin qui
leur sera prescript sinon quilz veulent se precipiter eulx mesmes a leur mort,
ce que nous ne leur conseilleront jamais, plustost choisirons nous de mourir
avec eulx. Et davantage ilz sont assez fortz pour se faire voye par ou bon
leur semblera. Si nous promectons que les subgectz de sa Ma<sup>te</sup> ne soient
point foullez cest une trappe, car nestant aucunement en notre puissance de
laccomplir ceulx de Guise diront que nous avons rompu la paix. Il ne nous
est non plus possible de les paier de noz deniers particuliers car la cruauté de
noz ennemys nous a osté tous les moyens que nous avions au paravant et
mesmes dedans ung mois une telle cuillette ne sa pourrait faire et quand elle
le seroit il nous souvient comment nous fusmes traictez a Auxerre et qui est le
pis les particuliers ne vouldront contribuer, se souvenans bien comme ilz ont
esté traictez pour avoir contribué aux troubles precedens suyvant les tres
patentes de sa Ma<sup>te</sup>.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Laisseront aussy les armes et separeront toutes leurs autres forces
tant de pied que de cheval par mer &amp; par terre se retireront chacun
en leurs maisons qon bon leur semblera incontinent apres la conclusion
de ladite paix pour la ou ilz seront vivre paisiblement.</p>

<p>Les seuretez de la paix estans bonnes se departiront voluntairement des
armees, mais ilz se ressentent de plus de dix mil hommes des leurs qui ont
esté cruellement meurdriz aux dernières troubles obeissans a ung semblable
article que cestuy. Partant il est necessaire que sa Ma<sup>te</sup> y pourveoie.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Remectront entre les mains du Roy ou de ceulx quil commectra les
villes chasteaux &amp; places quilzdetiennent pour le present et en feront
sortir les forces quilz y ont y déllaissant semblablement lartillerie
&amp; autres munitions qui sont en icelles, au pouvoir de ceulx qu’ordonnera
sadite Ma<sup>te</sup>.</p>

<p class="pi6 reduct">Et generallement restitueront de bonne foy a sadite Ma<sup>te</sup> ou a ceulx
quil commectra toutes les choses a elle appartenantes qui se trouveront
encores en nature soit es villes &amp; places quilz tiennent ou autres
lieux quilz soient ou par mer ou par terre. Faict a Angiers le iiij<sup>e</sup> jour
de Feburier 1570. Ainsy signe CHARLES et au dessoubz <span class="smcap">De
Laubespine</span>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">[574]</a></span></p>

<p>Quant a ces deux ar<sup>cles</sup> la paix estant asseuree feront ce quilz promectront.
Toutesfois lexperience a monstre a Orleans, Auxerre, Autun, Vallence, Montpellier
et autres villes comment sil ne plaist a sa Ma<sup>te</sup> de pourveoir a lestat de
gouverneurs de gens dautre humeur que ceulx qui ont este commis au gouvernement
des places depuis les secondes troubles il seroit beaucoup plus expedient
aux poures habitans des villes de mourir vaillamment a la breche que de voir
devant leurs yeulx les horribles meschancetez quilz ont veues, et qui sont telles
que nous avons honte seullement de les nommer.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Not signed</i>]</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed in Burghley’s hand</i>] 8 Martii 1569 (1570).<br />
Respons to the articles of the<br />
fr. K<sup>es</sup> answer to the Q. of<br />
Navarrs Deputees.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXI</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 396, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CXV, No. 990</span></p>

<p class="pi6">Distribution des gouvernementz d’aulcunes Provences en
France dernièrement faict par les Protestantz et Premierement</p>

<p>Le Segneur de Montbrun general pour le pais de daulphine et Provence,
Monser de S<sup>t</sup> Romain general pour le duche de Nismes, Montpellier.
Mande, Vivaretz, Uses, et le puis avec 600 livres en pention per chascun moys
200 harquebusiers et trois cornettes de Cavallerie.</p>

<p>Le vicounte de Paulin pour les duches d’alby, Castres, S<sup>t</sup> Pol, Carcassonne,
Narbonne, Bessiers, Aix et Lodesve.</p>

<p>Le S<sup>r</sup> de Serignac Montauban et tout le pais bas, Quercy, Agenois, diocese
de Thoulouse, Rioux, La Nur Mereboix et Albert.</p>

<p>Le Cap: de Guynieres pour les dioceses de Palmes Costrance Comiges,
et toute la counte de Foix.</p>

<p>Le Baron darroy les pais de Ricaon, Besomiris, Cascogne et Armignac.</p>

<p>Le Viconte de Pimal toute la seneschalce d’avergne.</p>

<p>Le Visconte de Gordon Loyer et le hault guibry Limosin et leurs adjacentes.</p>

<p>Laissant lentier sang aux S<sup>rs</sup> de la Noe et de Montgomery des affaires qui
concerneront la Rochelle lesquieux pourvoieront de choses aux gouvernementz
des paix de Guienne, Poictou, Torenne, Le Meine, Bourgoigne, Bretaigne,
Normandie et autres adjacentes.</p>

<p>A este en oultre ordonne par l’assemblee generalle desdits protestantz
que chascun desdict chefs comandiria en son departement quilz prendrent tous
les deniers du Roy. Item tous les revenus des ecclesiastiques cotiseront de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">[575]</a></span>
gre ceulx de la Religion selon l’exigence des affaires, et les Catholiques de
gre ou de force, et contrainderont le solvable pour insolvable.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Not signed</i>]</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] Distribution de provences<br />
par les protestans.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 399, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">ITINERAIRE DE MONTGOMERY EN GASCOGNE</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Pendant L’Annee 1569</span><a name="FNanchor_1770_1770" id="FNanchor_1770_1770"></a><a href="#Footnote_1770_1770" class="fnanchor">[1770]</a></p>

<p class="ph2">8 juin. Quitte Nontron, nanti des pleins pouvoirs de la reine de Navarre
(France protestante).</p>

<p class="ph2">21 juin. Arrive à Castres et y organise l’expédition du Béarn.</p>

<p class="ph2">27 juillet. Part de Castres à midi pour se rendre en Béarn (Mémoires de
Jacques Gaches. Lettre de Montgomery à Jeanne d’Albret).</p>

<p class="ph2">28 juillet. Occupe Mazères, en Foix, et traverse l’Ariège (Mémoires de J.
Gaches.)</p>

<p class="pi4"><i>Il franchit l’Ariège probablement au pont d’Auterive, puis le Salat. Il
était le i<sup>er</sup> août à Montbrun; le 2, ayant passé sans encombre la Garonne au
pont de Miramont</i> (Courteault, <i>Blaise de Montluc</i>, p. 544).</p>

<p class="ph2">2 août. Pille Saint-Gaudens (Durier, Huguenots en Bigorre).</p>

<p class="ph2">5 et 6 août. Traverse la plaine de Tarbes et loge à Pontac, le 6 au soir (<i>ibid.</i>;
Bordenave, <i>Histoire de Béarn</i>, p. 259).</p>

<p class="ph2">7 août. Passe le Gave à Coarraze (Bordenave, <i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>

<p class="ph2">9 août. Entre à Navarrenx (Lettre du 11 août).</p>

<p class="ph2">11 août. Quitte Navarrenx et arrive sous les murs d’Orthez vers midi (Bordenave,
p. 266; Lettre du 11 août).</p>

<p class="ph2">12-14 août. Assiège Orthez.</p>

<p class="ph2">15 août. Signe la capitulation.</p>

<p class="ph2">16 août. Occupe la ville, où il a une entrevue avec le comte de Gramont
(Bordenave, p. 276).</p>

<p class="ph2">18-19 août. Prend Artix et fait massacrer les frères mineurs du couvent (<i>ibid.</i>,
p. 280).</p>

<p class="ph2">22 août. Fait rendre des actions de grace à Pau (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 280).</p>

<p class="ph2">23 août. Séjourne à Pau (Lettre à Jeanne d’Albret).</p>

<p class="ph2">24-29 août. Oleron, Mauleon de Soule.</p>

<p class="ph2">30 août. Entre en Bigorre, par le Vic-Bilh.</p>

<p class="ph2">31 août. Traverse Maubourguet.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">[576]</a></span></p>

<p class="ph2">1<sup>er</sup> septembre. S’empare de Tarbes et met tout à feu et à sang (Durier,
Huguenots en Bigorre).</p>

<p class="ph2">2-4 septembre. A Tarbes.</p>

<p class="ph2">5 septembre. Quitte cette ville (Lettre à Jeanne d’Albret), pour aller en
Chalosse (Bordenave, p. 286).</p>

<p class="ph2">6 septembre. Occupe et rançonne Marciac (Lettre).<a name="FNanchor_1771_1771" id="FNanchor_1771_1771"></a><a href="#Footnote_1771_1771" class="fnanchor">[1771]</a></p>

<p class="ph2">7 septembre. Entre à Aire-sur-Adour (Lettre).</p>

<p class="ph2">11 septembre. A Grenade-sur-Adour (Lettre).<a name="FNanchor_1772_1772" id="FNanchor_1772_1772"></a><a href="#Footnote_1772_1772" class="fnanchor">[1772]</a></p>

<p class="ph2"><i>12-18 septembre.</i> <i>Capitulation de Sainte Sever</i> (Bordenave, p. 287) <i>et Mont
de Marsan vers Montault et Mugron delà l’Adour</i> (Courteault p. 553 n. 2).</p>

<p class="ph2">19 septembre. Traverse Amou (<i>ibid.</i>).<a name="FNanchor_1773_1773" id="FNanchor_1773_1773"></a><a href="#Footnote_1773_1773" class="fnanchor">[1773]</a></p>

<p class="ph2">20-28 septembre. <i>A Orthéz</i> (Courteault, p. 555). Va à Navarrens, ou il ordonne
l’exécution de Bassillon, gouverneur de cette ville.</p>

<p class="ph2">28 septembre. Arrive à Salies de Béarn (Lettre).<a name="FNanchor_1774_1774" id="FNanchor_1774_1774"></a><a href="#Footnote_1774_1774" class="fnanchor">[1774]</a></p>

<p class="ph2">1-6 octobre. Séjourne à Salies, où il réorganise la justice.</p>

<p class="ph2">10 octobre. Ouvre le synode de Lescar et part pour la Bigorre.</p>

<p class="ph2">13 octobre. Occupe Betplan (Huguenots en Bigorre).</p>

<p class="ph2">14-17 octobre. Etablit son camp à Lahitole (<i>ibid.</i>).</p>

<p class="ph2">18 octobre. Quitte Lahitole et se dirige vers Marciac (<i>ibid.</i>).</p>

<p class="ph2">21 octobre. Arrive à Nogaro (Lettre), qu’il pille et brûle (Huguenots en
Bigorre).</p>

<p class="ph2">22 octobre. Traverse Eauze (Comment.).</p>

<p class="ph2">3 novembre. Occupe Condom (Huguenots en Bigorre), d’où il écrit aux
consuls d’Auch.</p>

<p class="ph2">3-17 novembre. Fait des courses dans l’Armagnac; menace Auch et Lombez;
ravage Samatan (<i>ibid.</i>).</p>

<p class="ph2">17 novembre. Rentre à Condom (Dupleix), d’où il écrit aux consuls de Bagnères
(Huguenots en Bigorre).</p>

<p class="ph2">Décembre. Faict sa jonction avec l’armée des princes.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXIII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 402, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">ARCHIVES NATIONALES</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">K 1,515, pièce No. 23 A</span></p>

<p class="pr2">[Montauben, janvier 1570.]</p>

<p>[<i>Au dos</i>] Proclamation des Rebelles de France.</p>

<p>De par Messeigneurs les Princes de Navarre et de Condé.</p>

<p>Il est tres expressement commandé et enjoinct a tous gentilzhommes,
capitaines, soldatz faisans profession de la religion reformée non enrollés<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">[577]</a></span>
soubz les enseignes et compaignies retenues pour la garde et deffence des villes
tenues soubz l’obeyssance du Roy et desdictz Sieurs Princes, de in continent
et sans delay se rendre en leur armée pour y estre employez au service de
Dieu et du Roy sellon leur degré et quallité, et ce, sur peyne d’estre tenuz
pour ennemys de la cause de Dieu et de la religion. Enjoinct aux gouverneurs
des villes ou ilz seront sans expresse licence desdictz S<sup>rs</sup> Princes, d’iceulx
faire vuyder et desloger promptement, deffendre leur estre baillé logis ne
vivres et les soldatz desvalizés et desgradés de leurs armes et chevaulx. Sy
ont lesdictz Sieurs Princes estroictement deffendu et inhibé a toutz capitaines,
soldatz et aultres estans de la presente armée de brusler, desmolir ny ruyner
aulcuns chasteaulx, maisons ne ediffices apartenans aux gentilzhommes de
quelque religion qu’ilz soyent, ne aussy des paisans et peuble estans ez bourez
et villages du plat pais. Et d’aultant que les Courtz de Parlement et aultres
officiers de la justice et conseil des villes, principalement ceulx de la ville de
Tholouze se sont renduz, par une hayne trop cruelle et incapable, refracteurs,
voyre directement oppozés à la publication et entretenement de la paciffication
dernierement establye en ce royaulme, jusques à faire mourir inhumainement
et ignominieusement le Sieur Rappin, maistre d’hostel du Sieur feu prince
de Condé, nostre tres chere et tres amé oncle et tres honnoré seigneur et pere,
contre toute foy et seureté publique a luy octroyée tant par le edict de paciffication
que par expres sauf conduict et passeport a luy baillés especiallement par
Sa Majesté aux fins d’apporter et faire publyer ledict edict de la paciffication;
oultre le cruel meurtre contre les loix et debvoirs de la guerre commis en la
personne du baron de Castelnau et aultres gentilzhommes, capitaines et
soldatz prins en guerre durant les troubles. Lesdictz Sieurs Princes, pour
reprimer et faire cesser de leur pouvoir telles inhumanitez non ouyes entre les
plus barbares nations de la terre, et, par le chastiment des perturbateurs de la
paix et foy publicque, parvenir à quelque tranquillité stable entre ceulx qui
désirent la seureté et conservation de cest Estat et coronne de France, ont
habandonné en proye, pillage et feu toutes maisons, ediffices, bestail, meubles,
danrées et biens quelzquonques qui se trouveront appartenir aux presidents
conseilliers de ladicte Court de Parlement de Tholouze et aultres lieux, justiciers
et administrateurs et generallement officiers de ladicte ville, pappistes ou
atteistes; et pour cest effect permis aux capitaines, soldatz et aultres quelzconques
estans en ceste armée uzer de tous lesdictz actes d’hostillité à
l’endroict des dessusdictz. Deffendant tres expressement mesfaire en aulcune
façon, ains conserver de tout leur pouvoir les maisons et biens appartenans à
ceulx qui font profession de la religion reformée, de quelque qualité ou condition
qu’ilz soyent. Et, affin que nul ne puisse ignorer lesdictes deffences
et provision, ensemble les causes et occasions d’icelle, ont volu ces presentes
estre cryées a cry publicque tant en la ville de Montauban que en la presente
armée.</p>

<p>Faict à Montauban, au mois de janvier mil cinq cens soixante dix.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">[578]</a></span></p>

<h3>APPENDIX XXIV</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 412, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">ARCHIVES NATIONALES</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">K 1,515, pièce No. 68</span></p>

<p class="pr2">[11 mars 1570.]</p>

<p>[<i>Au dos, propria manu</i>] Lo que se dixo de parte de los Principes de Bearne y
Conde a Biron.</p>

<p>Dicho y pronunciado a los XI de março, a tres horas despues de mediodia,
delante de Mos<sup>res</sup> los Principes y Almirante, gentileshombres y cabeças de lexercito
de los dichos Señores Principes.</p>

<p>Mos de la Caçe ha dicho a Mos de Biron que tenia mandamiento de
todos los Señores y gentileshombres del exercito para dezirle:</p>

<p>Que, como ellos loan infinitamente a Dios por la gracia que ha hecho al
Rey de le tocar el coraçon e inclinarle a la paz tan necessaria, assi davan muy
humildes gracias a Su Magestad de la buena voluntad que tenia de les estender
sus braçocs y abraçallos como buenos y fieles subditos, mas, porque estiman
y creen que la privacion de los exercicios de la religion es para ellos mas dura
muerte que ninguna que se les pudiesse dar, supplican muy humilmente a
Su Magestad les otorgue un medio con que acquieten sus consciencias para
con Dios, al qual si se mostrassen desleales, Su Magestad no podria esperar
que ellos le fuessen muy fieles, porque quien no es fiel á Dios no lo puede ser
á los hombres, que no es libertad de consciencia estar sin palabra de Dios, sino
una insoportable servidumbre, que si huvieran consentido de vivir en esta
licencia llamandola libertad de consciencia, Su Magestad con razon devria
tomar resolucion de no se fiar jamas dellos y de no los tener jamas en estima
de hombres de bien.</p>

<p>Que Dios dize que sobre nosotros ha embiado la muerte, es a saber que
cien muertes nos vienen mas a cuenta que alexarnos voluntariamente del
derecho camino de la vida eterna.</p>

<p>En lo demas dize que ellos havian (con muy grande desplazer suyo) sido
forçados por muchas causas de emplear sus vidas por defender a los que
avian sido sus defensores, cosa que no les devia ser imputada a mal, ni delante
de Dios, ni delante de los hombres, sino solo a aquellos que contra justicia y
contra las leyes han siempre oprimido sus consciencias y sus honrras y sus
vidas. Al presente, dessearian por quanto su dever les obliga, podellos
emplear en el servicio de Su Magestad y cumplimiento de su Estado, en prejuyzio
de aquellos que se reyan de sus miserias comunes y esperavan dello
provecho.</p>

<p>Por el particular de Mos<sup>r</sup> de Biron, el dize que todos sentian una grande
obligacion para con el, por la buena intencion que mostrava al acrescentamiento
del reposo publico, que si fuesse en su mano de le poder mostrar quanto<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">[579]</a></span>
lo estimavan, el veria en lo que tenian y estimavan aquellos que, como el, no
dependian de alguna particularidad, mas de la sola voluntad del Rey y de la
consideracion de la utilidad publica; que el Rey no podia hazer election de
señor de su Corte mas agradable a toda la compañia ni mas proprio para la
execucion divina entan sancta impressa, en la qual rogava a Dios le llegasse a
effecto, de manera que ellos viessen presto un buen fin que fuesse a gloria de
Dios y contentamiento de Su Magestad y reposo de sus consciencias y alegria
de todos sus subditos.</p>

<p>Finalmente le dixo que ellos quedavan persuadidos que, como el avia
valerosamente aventurado su vida en campaña por les hazer mucho mal sin
razon, agora con razon el emplearia sus officios y buenos medios para les procurar
el bien que desseavan, sin el qual podian menos passar que sin el pan
que comian ordinariamente.</p>

<p>A loqual Mos de Biron respondio lo mas sabia y graciosamente que fue
possible, dandoles siempre segundad del desseo que Su Magestad tenia de
hazer paz, y representandoles el alegria que ternia de representar a Su Magestad
las buenas razones que el les avia oydo, y hazerle testimonio del buen proposito
en que todos en general y en particular estavan de querer dar a Su
Magestad la obediencia que le era devida, y que este era solo el medio por
el qual podia Su Magestad ser vencido. En fin, el uso de muy honestos agradescimientos,
y assi mismo dio seguridad de emplear sus buenos officios en un
negocio que el creya havia de causar tanta utilidad al Rey y a sus subditos.<a name="FNanchor_1775_1775" id="FNanchor_1775_1775"></a><a href="#Footnote_1775_1775" class="fnanchor">[1775]</a></p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXV</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 413, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CXII, No. 693, j</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Extraict des Lettres du S<sup>r</sup> card<sup>al</sup> de Lorraine</i>]</p>

<p>Quant a la paix discessum est re infesta, qui nous faict esperer bien. Et
se reassemblent a cest heure tant de grandes personnaiges mesmes messieurs
de Conseil de Paris. Chacun y fera &amp; dira son opinion et oyra parler le Roy
ainy chacun en pourra dire a cueur ouverts. Les offres que leur auroent este
faictez cestoient les villes de la Rochelle Sancerre &amp; Montauban usque ad
biennium ut civitates refugii sans tenir offices ny benefices. Et que les haultz
justiciers &amp; plains fiefs de haubert en Normandie ne seroient empesches ny
recherches faisant dedans leurs maisons &amp; ceulx presant tantum tout ce que<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">[580]</a></span>
bon leur sembleraient en leur religion alibi nusquam itaque ilz ont demande
temps de deliberer &amp; feront respons dedans six sepmaines. Ce Chateaubriant
ce iiij<sup>e</sup> May 1570.</p>

<p>[<i>Enclosed in a letter by Sir Henry Norris to Sir William Cecil from Paris,
May 24, 1570</i>]</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXVI</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 417, n. 3]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">ARCHIVES NATIONALES</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">K. 1,515, pièce No. 118</span></p>

<p>[<i>Au dos, alia manu</i>] Copia de carta del Nuncio a Su Magestad. De Madrid
al Escurial, a 26 de Junio 1570.</p>

<p>Para escrivir a Francia, como se hizo. Lo de Mos. de Fox.</p>

<p>Copia di una lettera, che il Nuntio scrisse a S. M<sup>ta</sup> Cat<sup>ca</sup>.]</p>

<p>Mi è doluto assai intendere che V. M<sup>ta</sup> Cat<sup>ca</sup> senta qualche indispositione
di stomaco, il che deve ser residuo de la incomodità del camino. Il Signor
Dio la mantenga sana lungamente, con ogni contento et felicita.</p>

<p>Per le ultime lettere d’Italia ch’io trovai in Madrid, quali sono di 17 de
maggio, S. S<sup>tà</sup> mi avvisa d’havere inteso che la Regina di Francia sta in animo
di far cancelliere di quel regno di Francia Mons<sup>r</sup> di Foys, hora Imbasciatore
in Venetia. Et perche questo homo, oltre l’essere indiciato grandemente
nel Santo Offitio de la Inquisitione di Roma e parente e dependente da quella
buona donna chiamata la Regina di Navarra, et è persona superba, inquieta
di spirito, amica di novita et discordia, et di piu si tiene offeso da Sua Santità
per non havere consentito ch’egli vadi a Roma, et credo il medesimo sia con
V. M<sup>tà</sup> por una causa simile di non haverlo accettato in Spagna; queste cause,
dico, et altre che Sua Santita considera, gli da gran sospetto che, se questo
homo fosse posto in tale administratione, la quale può infinitamente in quel
regno, come nel Cancellier passato s’è veduto per esperientia, non cercarebbe
altro che di unire le voluntà de queste due donne, et non solo, favorendo la
parte ugonota, travagliare le cose di Francia (pur troppo travagliate), ma
anchora quelle de li circunvicini, maxime nelli Stati ecclesiastici et di V. M<sup>tà</sup>
Cat.<sup>ca</sup>, non solo per vendetta de la offesa, et per l’odio che a l’uno et l’altro
verisimilmente porta, ma anchora per la propria inclinatione sua. Onde
Sua Beatitudine, facendo sopra cio quello che puo per la sua parte, desidera e
ne prega V. M<sup>tà</sup> a volere similmente cercare ogni via di impedire tale elettione,
et quando non si possi altro, si degni scrivere a l’Imbasciatore, et vedendo
passar inanti tal cosa, si unisca con il Nuntio, et insieme si lassino intendere
apertamente dalla Regina che Sua Beatitudine et S. M<sup>tà</sup> Cat<sup>ca</sup> haveranno
per male ch’ella dia uno orficio di tanta importantia in mano di persona tale
il che non deve fare, si ella desidera di essere tenuta fautrice de la fede cattolica
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">[581]</a></span>desiderosa de la grandezza et quiete del Re suo figliuo lo et della unione e<sup>t</sup>
bene de la Christianità. Spera Sua Santità che, con questo rimedio si possi
obviare a quello inconveniente, peroche la Regina prefata mostra pure di
havere qualche consideratione in simili attioni di non far cosa che possi con
ragione dispiacere a Sua Santità et a V. M<sup>tà</sup>. Et perche da una parte questo
negotio ricerca presta provisione, et da l’altra non è honesto che in questo
tempo io dia perturbatione a V. M<sup>tà</sup> con la mia presentia, ho voluto communicarla
con il Cardinale, et scrivere a V. M<sup>tà</sup> Cat<sup>ca</sup> la presente, supplicandola
humilmente si degni farmi dare quella grata risposta che comandara ch’io
scriva a Sua Beatitudine sopra questa materia. Et, basando reverentemente
le regali mani a V. M<sup>ta</sup>, prego N. S<sup>r</sup>. Dio la concervi longamente felice.</p>

<p>Di Madrid, li 26 di Giugno 1570.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXVII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 422, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CXV, No. 937</span>.</p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>The Vidame de Charters to Marshal Montmorency</i>]</p>

<p>Monseigneur, j’ay receu une lettre quil vous a pleu m’escripre pour responce
a ce que vous avois escript par monsieur de Saragosse. Iay congneu que
pensiez que je fusses encores au lieu dont vous avois escript. Si jeuse pense
que ma presente y eust este requise j’euse differé tant quil vous eust pleu le me
faire entendre. Mais il vous estoit fort aise a penser que si lon prenoit goust
par deça a ceste negociation elle seroit adressee a monsieur le cardinal de
Chastillon, ou a l’ambassadeur du roy. On seroit envoye quelqu’ng des
francoys favoris. Quand a moy ie n’ay pretendu en cest affaire que le service
du roy et de la couronne de France, et si les affaires succedoient comme je
y voy une telle espoirance et asseurance sil estoit poursuivy diligemment.
Le contentement que je desire ne me pouroit fuir. Il est vray que je serais fort
marry si jamais j’oyois dire que par faulte de diligence cest affaire fust demoure
imparfaict, aussy seroit ce ung domage public oultre le particullier du prince
au quel les premiers fruicts en appartiennent. Monsieur une lettre que jay
receue de mons<sup>r</sup> de Saragosse me faict entrer en soupçon et craincte que en
atendant entre deux personnes qui ne se sont jamais veues qui ostera prenner
le bonnet il ne se mette quelqung entre deux qui face perdre l’occasion de
contracter une grande amitie &amp; fort utille a la France, la quelle estant perdue
sensuyviroit le dommage et le regret (mais en vain). Je suis bien asseure
que larcheduc d’Austriche ne sendormira pas et ne laisera perdre l’occassion
qui se presente a une assemblee des estatz qui se vont tenyr voire les previendra
sil peult ne perdra pas une heure, que pendant quil voyt que la royne est
en deffiance et doubte pour les affaires de la royne D’escosse et des differens
quelle a avec le roy D’espaigne et quilz voyoient que l’empereur avent en<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">[582]</a></span>
pouppe, et quil faict des mariages telz quil scavroit souhaiter. Il ne se serve
de l’occassion &amp; faveur du temps et pendant que les amis simulez paistront
la jeunesse animeuse et la rempliront de grande espoirance, luy prometant
par adventure des plus grandes choses (combien quelles ne soient pas aysees a
trouver), et pour moy je ne les scay pas ilz prendront cest advantage sur la
partye et renforceront leur grandeur de la puissance et faveur d’un royaulme
qui nest point petit. Et vous ose bien dire quil y a de la part de ceux en qui
gist la resolucion de cest affaire une grande inclinacion et une grande consideracion
de long service de cest ancyen serviteur et de la subjection et humiliacion
quil a monstree de la quelle vous scavez que le sexe se delecte. Ausy
est ce leur façon de regner la quelle toutes veulent exercer, tant plus les roynes.
Il ne fault penser que les dificultes pour la religion puissent engendrer quelques
difficultez aux capitulacions qui facent plus de retardement. Car je scay
par la bouche de la dame et ausy par ceux qui ont sceu toute ceste negotiacion
passee, et par ung qui y a este employe qui ne parle pour metre le beau devers
elle nestant de ses subjects mais estranger, que la charte blanche luy a este
donnee. Et sest contente l’Archeduc pour le faict de la religion de si peu que
cella se doibt estimer pour rien. Davantage la consideracion de lage qui est
plus vivill et meur donne ung beau lustre aux persuasions et jugement de ceux
qui tendent de ce costé la. Avec ses advantages du long service et age convenable,
je crains que ceux qui tiennent le party contraire ne persuadent avec
aparence a cause du trop long silence ou froide poursuite quil y aye du contemnement
ou de la froideur en ceux de la France estant chose propre au sexe
de faire plus de choses par despit que par amour est a craindre quel la froideur
de ceste part ne soit cause de l’eschauffer et faire haster plus quelle ne fairoit
si nestoit pour se faire regretter apres a loisir par ceulx qui se seroient portez
trop froidement en son endroit. Larticle de la lettre du gentilhomme qui vous
porta ma lettre (qui me faict craindre que en voulant traicter de la part de la
France avec fort grand respect et par adventure prendre l’honneur devers
nous l’affaire nen sera pire) est quil dict que si lon estoit asseure par deça de
la bonne volonte de ceux de dela la mer on y pouroit entendre ce qui me semble
estrange de vouloir qu’une ville se rende avant quelle soit sommee. Il me
semble que cest beaucoup quelle parlamente, sans avoir ouyr parler le canon.
Et nest par peu de chose qu’estant sa principalle defence de la difference de
laage et de linconstance de la jeunesse et la crainte destre dicy a quelques
anees, peu aymes et mesprisee et en danger de veoir de ses yeulx aymer dautres,
lon luy a faict abandonner ceste contre escarppe et le corrider tellement que
lon peult veoir au pied de la muraille que je vous asseure nest point veue de
flans. Des particularitez et moyens que lon a tenue en ses approches jusques
la jen ay dice quelque chose a ce gentilhomme qui est fort affectionne a cest
affaire en faveur du bien de la France. Et dabondant en hayne de la grandeur
qui se voit preparer a la maison d’Autriche si elle s’impatronize de ce royaume,
tellement quil nest a craindre si non que la tradiuite ne donne loisir a ceux<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">[583]</a></span>
qui de long temps ont faict deseing de se saisir de ce pais de venyr au bout de
leur intencions lesquelles sont fort favorablement receues, et croy quils jouyront
en bref si leurs conseilz ne sont troublez par une diuersion &amp; par obiect nouveau
plus desirable que celuy qui ce presente Ce qui me semble estre indubitablement
en la jeunesse d’un prince qui a la reputacion davoir le sens meur devant
les ans et ausi courageux et dausy grande espoirance que prince ne soit ne de
lage des hommes. Monsieur vous scavez trop bien combien la maisson d’Autriche
seroit agrandie sur la maison de France si elle estoit renforcee de ce
royaume. Et ny a point de doubte quelle ne donnast pour tousjours par cy
apres la loy a la France et est chose seure quelle contraindroit le roy a rompre
la paix quil a donnee a ses subiectz. Davantage si par ce mariage nest donne
satisfaction au grand coeur de mons<sup>r</sup> frere du roy pour loccuper et luy donner
matiere de faire plus grandz deseingz Il ne fault point doubter que tous ceux
qui prennent la couleur et pretexte de la religion pour advancer les moiens de la
divission et ruyne de la France afin d’agrandir la maison d’Autriche ne proposent
a monsieur duc danjou quelques mariages qui sera au despens de la couronne de
France si la bonne nature et amitie dentre les freres ne resiste a leur malicieux
deseingz. Mais il ne sen scauroit proposer du quel se doive espoirer plus de grandeur,
non seulement a luy mais a toute la maison de France en gaignant le dessus
sur la maison d Autriche, la quelle veult soubz couverture &amp; douceur du mariage
du roy faire avaller ceste curee &amp; gaigner ung royaume sans ce quil luy soit
donne empeschement et ne fault point doubter que si le mariage de larcheduc
se faict quil ne soit en peu de temps mieulx obey que na este le roy Philippe
et ce moiennant le danger de la religion et leur sera aise de nous donner la loy
ou pour le mains de nous faire redoubler la ruyne de la France par division
et guerre civille. Au contraire si ce bien est resceue pour noz princes il y
aura bien de quoy rendre la pareille a ceux qui ont dresse tous leurs conseilz
a procurer que la France se ruynast par une guerre civille Voyans que par
guerres ouvertes jamais ilz n’auroient peu paruenir a leur intencion. Pour
amour du mal quilz ont faict mons<sup>r</sup> pouroit iustement avec forces du roy
faveur dangleterre et moiens du prince dorenge avoir la confiscacion de la
Flandre par droict de feodalite pour felonnie commise. Et ausy la maison
d Autriche qui se bastit lempire hereditaire et la monarchie se trouveroit en
ung instant deux freres roys ausy puissans lun que lautre pour contrepois
de son ambition liggnez avec les princes protestans de lallemaigne et auroient
les deux freres plus de part en lempire que ceux qui se veulent atribuer par
la ruyne des anciennes maisons de la Germanye come de la maison de Saxe
et des princes palatins qui sont amateurs de la couronne de France. Le
partage de monsieur d allençon seroit aise a trouver en la duche de Millan
auec la faueur de lallemaigne, des Suises ausy et des princes Italliens devotieux
de la France Et si besoing estoit po<sup>r</sup> le recouvrement du royaume de Naples,
la fave<sup>r</sup> du Turc se trouveroit par apres ung a propos. Mons<sup>r</sup> il ma semble
que cela est si aparent, et si facille a persuader que puis que vous en aurez<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">[584]</a></span>
une fois ouvert la bouche il ny faudra plus autre soliciteur que le roy mesmes
qui peult veoir par ce moyen son royaume luy demourer uny ses freres partagez.
Sa force telle et si grande quil ne poura estre offence ny commande par menasses
qui contraignent faire la guerre a ses subiects pour complaire a ceux qui
sont envieux de sa grandeur et n’ont peu trouver moyen de la diminuer que
par elle mesmes. Lors ce pouroit faire une legue parfaicte entre noz princes
&amp; les protestans de la Germanie &amp; les suisses. De ceste facon ung grand
plaisir viendroit a la royne de veoir tous ses enfans roys. Lors leglisse galicane
pouroit sexempter des erreurs de leglisse Romayne comme elle a faict plusieurs
fois le temps passe, lors se pouroit faire ung concille general au quel les erreurs
introduictes par lambition et advarice de leglisse romayne ne seroient favorisses
et confirmees par praticques et corruptions, et en la France l’allemaigne et
langleterre s’introduiroient une ordre et pollice de religion et unite de doctrine
que toutes les autres provinces de la cristiente seroient contraintes dembrasser
et finiroient les differens des subiectz avec leurs princes desquelles Sathan se
sert pour la destruction de la Christeente et pour donner loisir au turc d’usurper
pendant que les princes Chrestiens s’amussent a defendre les supersticions
du Pape et maintenyr sa grande<sup>r</sup>.</p>

<p>Monseigneur je me recommande treshumblement a votre bonne grace et
vous suplie de rechef me departir de votre faveur et conseil touchant comment
je me doibs gouverner a escripre a leurs ma<sup>tes</sup> ou non: Mons<sup>r</sup> je prie Dieu vous
donner tresheureuse et treslongue vye. De la Ferte ce&mdash;&mdash; <a name="FNanchor_1776_1776" id="FNanchor_1776_1776"></a><a href="#Footnote_1776_1776" class="fnanchor">[1776]</a> jour doctobre 1570.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Not signed</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>Not addressed</i>]</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed in Cecil’s hand</i>] Octob. 1570.<br />
The vidam of Chartres to the Marshall Montmorency.</p>

<p>[<i>Enclosed by Sir Henry Norreys to Cecil, 4 November, 1570.</i>]<a name="FNanchor_1777_1777" id="FNanchor_1777_1777"></a><a href="#Footnote_1777_1777" class="fnanchor">[1777]</a></p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXVIII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 426, n. 3]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CXVIII, No. 1,174</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Marshal Montmorency to Cecil</i>]</p>

<p>Mons<sup>r</sup> jay este tresaise davoir entendu tant par la lettre que mauez escripte
du xxij<sup>e</sup> du passe, que par le s<sup>r</sup> du Pui present porteur le desir qui vous avez
de veoir bien tost affectuer ce qui a este miz en avant pour estraindre une<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">[585]</a></span>
bonne &amp; ferme alliance, entre ces deux royaumes, ayant par votre prudence
&amp; longue experience de lestat &amp; cours des affaires, passez &amp; presens tresbien
cogneu combien cella seroyt en ce temps, non seullement convenable Mais
aussi necessaire, pour le bien seurette &amp; grandeur de lun &amp; de lautre, a quoy
de ma part je ne fauldray de tenir la main de tout mon pouvoir et de my
employer syncerement, de cueur &amp; daffection Vous priant a ceste cause Mons<sup>r</sup>,
que desormays avec une bonne Intelligence &amp; correspondance, que pour cest
effect nous aurons ensemble Nous mections peine de vaincre les difficultez &amp;
rompre les obstacles. Que aucuns y mectent tous les jours, artificieusement,
de sorte que au plustost, avecques votre bon ayde, nous y puissyons veoir
lheureux suites, que nous desirons. Qui tourne avec occasion, de raisonable
tantement dune part &amp; dautre, au repoz unyon &amp; grandeur de ces deux
couronnes, et a la confuzion de ceux qui sefforcent d empescher ung si bon euvre
ce que masseurant, que vous vouldrez faire et cheminer en ce faict avec votre
Integritte acoustumee, je ne mestandray plus avant en ce propoz. Si ce nest
pour vous prier de creoire ced. porteur, de ce quil vous dira de ma part, come
moy mesmes Qui surce me recomanderan tresaffectueus<sup>t</sup> a votre bonne s<sup>r</sup>
Priant Dieu vous donner Mons<sup>r</sup> en parfaicte sante bonne &amp; longue vye. De
Gaillon le xxv<sup>e</sup> jour de May 1571.</p>

<p class="pr4">[<i>Signed</i>]<span class="vh">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</span>Votre obeissant et parfaict amy</p>
<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Montmorency</span></p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Addressed</i>] A Mons<sup>r</sup><br />
Mons<sup>r</sup> de Burghley.</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] 20 May 1571<br />
Montmorency to my L.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXIX</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 448, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Addenda, Elizabeth, Vol. XXI, No. 58</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>French-English Alliance, 1572</i>]</p>

<p>Good m<sup>r</sup> Hoggyns.... We allso here of a gret lege made w<sup>th</sup> France w<sup>ch</sup>
ys thowghte that thereby the Frenche pretendith some further feche to serve
there tourne: God of his goodnesse kepe the noble yle of Inglande to lyve
w<sup>th</sup>out givynge ower much credith to forren fryndshipe. Here ys gret preparation
as ever I sawe for w<sup>th</sup> in this xx dayes there wyll be x thousant horsmen
&amp; fyfty thousant fotmen: lykewyse by se 80. saylle of men of warre. Don
Jhon de Austria ys come w<sup>th</sup> his galles to Genova &amp; the Venecians goith outwarde
agaynst the tourke who hath augmentyd there forces. The deuke of Savoye
armyth for the Kynge 8000 fottemen and as it ys sayd commyth hym sellf
in parson. Flushynge saluted the deuk de Medina cely very vyle at his commynge<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">[586]</a></span>
&amp; burnte iij shipes of marchantes onlye by treson of a Floshynge verlet
that came out of Spayne w<sup>th</sup> them &amp; toke apon hym to led them in to the port
of Sleuce &amp; set then on grond hym sellf wente his waye yet the daye after the
wynd beynge very good the rest of the deuks armey housted vp saylle, and in
dyspite of the toune of Flushynge passed to the Raynykyns w<sup>th</sup> out hurt more
then one gonner slayne. The portyngall flyte of this contry lyke fallse trayters
strok ancker before Flushynge w<sup>ch</sup> ys lyk that many thereby ar undone. The
gensys tok off the iij shyppes that wer bornet xxvj. spaynyardes &amp; in the toune
honge them. Lykewyse the Spayniardes aboute xv. dayes past toke xxx
frenche horsmen commynge to Monsse amonge w<sup>ch</sup> as yt ys sayd the sone of
monsir Mongomvrey was one who offerryd for his ransome 5000 crounes he
&amp; the rest his compaynyons wer hanged at Flyford vj. dayes past so that here
ys no favor but hangynge on both sydes. Our cuntrymen &amp; wemen as my
lade of Northumberland lieth at Maklynge &amp; so doth m<sup>r</sup> Daykeres where not
dayes past [two] of my l. Setones sones wer lyk to have byn slayne in
the tumolte w<sup>ch</sup> standeth yet but in a mamerynge yet nowe they begyne to
come coler &amp; to obbey the maigestrates. The pore erle of Westmarland lieth
at Lovayne &amp; so doth my lade Hungerford my old knyght &amp; otheres.
Thoughe I begone, wryte I pray you to me &amp; send yo<sup>r</sup> letters to my l. to Brugys
&amp; in so doynge I wyll wryt to you wekelye from the campe of our occurrance,
in hast wryten this present tewsdaye the xvij of Iune at Brugys 1572.</p>

<p class="pr4">Yo<sup>r</sup> lovynge frende</p>
<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Thomas Parker</span></p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Addressed</i>] To his lovyng fryend m<sup>r</sup> Robert<br />
Hoggyns at m<sup>r</sup> Edmunde Hoggyns<br />
his house in Mylke Streete give<br />
thes. At London.</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>]17 Iunii 1572.<br />
m<sup>r</sup> Tho. Parker to m<sup>r</sup><br />
Hogans from Brugis.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXX</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 457, n. 3]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">BIBLIOTHEQUE DE L’INSTITUT, COLLECTION GODEFROY</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Vol. 256, fo. 71, recto (no. 39 du catalogue)</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Le duc d’Anjou à Charles IX.</i>]</p>

<p class="pr2">[La Guerche, 19 janvier 1573.]</p>

<p>[<i>Suscription, au dos</i>] Au Roy, Monseigneur et frere.</p>

<p>[<i>Au dos, alia manu</i>] Monseigneur, de XIX<sup>e</sup> janvier 1573.</p>

<p>Monseigneur, par la depesche que je vous fiz hyer, je vous ay adverty
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">[587]</a></span>que le S<sup>r</sup> de Biron m’avoit escript que, quand toutes les compaignyes de gens
de pied françoyses dont nous avons faict estat seroient la, après avoir demeuré
dix ou douze jours aux tranchées, il n’en scauroit rester plus hault de six mil
hommes, et qu’il estoit nécessaire d’en avoir plus grand nombre. Sur quoy
j’avois advisé d’envoyer devers Mons<sup>r</sup> l’amyral pour avoir quarante enseignes
de celles qui sont auprès de luy. Et estant presentement, venu devers moy
le S<sup>r</sup> de Beaulieu Ruzé, que le S<sup>r</sup> de Biron m’a depesché expres, tant pour
aucunes particularitez que j’ay donné charge au S<sup>r</sup> de Lanconne (que j’envoye
devers vous) vous dire, que pour m’advertir, encores que les forces y soient
si petites qu’elles sont, qu’ilz estoient neanmoins d’adviz que je ne laissasse
pas de m’acheminer au camp. Ce que j’ay resolu de faire et de partir demain
de ce lieu, pour m’en aller a Châtellerault et de la à Poictiers. Et cependant je
renvoye ledict Ruzé devers ledict S<sup>r</sup> de Biron pour me revenir trouver en chemin,
et me rapporter au vray ce que sera survenu depuis. Et ay depesché incontinant
ung courrier devers ledict S<sup>r</sup> Amyral, pour faire partir tout aussy tost
lesdictes quarante enseignes, ou ce qu’il me pourra envoyer, et qu’il les face
embarquer à Moyssac, d’ou elles peulvent venir par eaue, jusques à La Rochelle,
luy ayant mandé les lieux par ou elles auront a passer et par mesmes
moien audict S<sup>r</sup> admiral et de Montferrant de pourveoir qu’il y ait des batteaulx
et estappes des vivres. Et ne veoy aucune chose qui puisse apporter retardement
a vostre service, que de n’avoir les deniers, pour pouvoir faire faire
monstre a mon arrivée au camp, principallement aux gens de pied, d’autant
qu’il est a craindre que, n’estans poinct payez et s’asseurans que je ferois
porter argent avec moy (comme je l’avois promis a celles de vostre garde et
du capitaine Gadz), ilz se desbendent et que le nombre que je m’attendz y
estre n’y soit poinct. Je vous supplie tres humblement, Monseigneur, de
commander que l’on regarde de cercher tous les moyens dont l’on se pourra
adviser pour m’envoyer les troys cens mil livres que je debvois avoir avant
mon partement de la Court.</p>

<p>Au demeurant, Monseigneur, j’ay receu la lettre qu’il vous a pleu m’escripre
du XIII<sup>e</sup> de ce moys, et veu par le contenu d’icelle comme vous avez resolu
deux poinctz. Le premier, de la suppression de tous offices qui vacqueront,
pour congnoistre la grand charge que cela apporte à vous et à voz subgectz,
pour les gaiges qu’il leur fault payer. Et l’autre, que vous avez commandé
qu’il ne soit depesché cy apres aucun office ou benefice dont il vous sera baillé
memoire ou placet, que troys moys apres que vous verrez les roolles qui en
seront faictz, pour les departir à ceulx qui font service, principallement en ce
camp auprès de moy. Ce que je ne fauldray leur faire entendre, suivant ce
qu’il vous plaist me mander. J’ay aussy veu le memoire que vous a esté
baillé de ce que l’on vous propose pour la conqueste que vous pouvez faire
à l’Yndie avec peu de despence, laquelle je ne puis trouver que très bonne,
lorsque vous serez en paix et que voz affaires le pourront permectre, y estans
les richesses et commoditez portées par ledict memoire. Vous sçavez combien
telles entreprises et conquestes ont apporté de proffict au feu Empereur et<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">[588]</a></span>
Roy Catholique, pour le grand nombre d’or qu’il a tiré et tire ordinairement
du Peyrou, tellement que, sans cela, il n’eust eu moyen d’entretenir et soldoyer
les armées et forces qu’il a entretenues jusques à present, qui me faict vous
conseiller (soubz vostre meilleur adviz) de ne laisser poinct perdre ceste occasion,
quand vous congnoistrez qu’elle pourra estre mise a execution. Presentement,
j’ay eu nouvelles que le S<sup>r</sup> Paul Emille a tant faict que ceulx de
La Rochelle qui le detiennent prisonnier l’ont mis à rançon pour mil escruz,
dont aulcuns de ses amys ont respondu pour luy. Laquelle somme il n’a
aucun moyen de fournir, si ce n’est de vostre liberalité, grace et specialle
faveur, laquelle je vous supplie vouloir estendre en luy pour cest effect, et luy
faire paroistre la souvenance que vous avez tousjours eu de ceulx qui vous
font service. Aussy, Monseigneur, j’ay esté adverty que l’estat de viceneschal
de la Haulte et Basse Marche, qui est ès terres de mon apennaige est a present
vacant par mort, la disposition et provision duquel neanmoins vous appartient.
A ceste cause, je vous supplie encores le vouloir accorder aux Sieurs de Villequier,
pour lesquelz je vous en faictz requeste, et commander que la depesche
et provision soit faicte en leur faveur au nom de tel personnaige suffisant et
cappable qu’ilz nommeront et non autrement. Sur ce je supplieray le Createur
vous donner,</p>

<p>Monseigneur, en tres bonne santé, très longue et très heureuse vie.</p>

<p>Escript à la Guierche, le XIX<sup>me</sup> jour de janvier 1573.</p>

<p>[<i>Propria manu</i>] Vostre tres humble et tres obeissant frere et subget.</p>

<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Henry</span></p>

<p>[Original]</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXXI</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 458, n. 3]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CXXVI, No. 419</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Charles IX to Montgomery</i>]</p>

<p>Mons<sup>r</sup> le Conte j’ay este bien ayse d’entendre par le s<sup>r</sup> de S<sup>t</sup> Iehan votre
frere la bonne volunte en laquelle il vous trouva de vous contenir doulcement
par dela et sans entreprendre ou favoriser aucune chose qui soit contre le
bien de mon service, qui est ce que je desire de vous, et me semble que ne
scauriez mieulx faire pour votre honne<sup>r</sup> &amp; advantaige, ayant pour ceste cause
advise vous envoyer le s<sup>r</sup> de Chasteauneuf present porteur expres pour vous
dire &amp; asseurer que vous comportant d<a name="FNanchor_1778_1778" id="FNanchor_1778_1778"></a><a href="#Footnote_1778_1778" class="fnanchor">[1778]</a> je vous feray conserver en
tout ce qui vous touchera il vous maintiendray ainsy que mes autres bons
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">[589]</a></span>&amp; loyaulx subjects comme vous entenderez plus particullierem<sup>t</sup> dud. S<sup>r</sup> de
Chasteauneuf Sur lequel me remectant du surplus dont je vous prie le
croire, je priray Dieu Mons<sup>r</sup> le Conte vous avoir en sa s<sup>te</sup> &amp; digne garde.
Escript a Paris le ix<sup>me</sup> jo<sup>r</sup> de feurier 1573.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Signed</i>] <span class="smcap">CHARLES</span></p>
<p class="pr4"><span class="smcap">Pinart</span></p>

<p>Mons<sup>r</sup> le Conte, j’ay faict desgaiger
votre vaisselle de trois cens escuz, et
ay commande au tresor<sup>r</sup> de mon eschiequer
la garde po<sup>r</sup> la vous faire rendre
comme je luy ay ordonne.<a name="FNanchor_1779_1779" id="FNanchor_1779_1779"></a><a href="#Footnote_1779_1779" class="fnanchor">[1779]</a></p>

<p>
[<i>Addressed</i>] Mons<sup>r</sup> le Conte de Montgommery.</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed in Burghley’s hand</i>]<br />
9 Februar, 1572. (<i>Sic.</i>)<br />
fr. Kyng to the Count<br />
Montgomery by Chasteaunevff.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXXII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 461, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CXXI, No. 1,428</span></p>

<p class="pc1">Liste des villes des quelles ceuex de la relligion sasseurent en France.</p>
<p class="pc"><i>Mons<sup>r</sup> le Prince de<br />
Conde et Mons<sup>r</sup> de<br />
Rohan y<br />
commaundent</i></p>

<p>En Xainctongne, La Rochelle<br />
S<sup>t</sup> Jehan, S<sup>t</sup> Angely ou commaunde Mons<sup>r</sup> de S<sup>t</sup> Mosmes.<br />
Roian, Port de Mer<br />
Pons<br />
Bouteville, et quelques Chasteaux</p>

<p class="pc"><i>Mons<sup>r</sup> de S<sup>t</sup> Geniez,<br />
Mons<sup>r</sup> de Longe</i></p>

<p>Sur la Riviere de Dordonne<br />
Bergirac imprenable<br />
S<sup>t</sup> Foy<br />
Chastillon<br />
Pinnoymant &amp;c. Et sur disces il ny a presques pas un Papiste, ny mesme en tout le Pays.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">[590]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc"><i>Mons<sup>r</sup> de Madailham,<br />
Le Baron de Beauville</i><br />
Sur le Riviere du Lot<br />
Villeneufve d’Agenois<br />
Clerac.<br />
S<sup>t</sup> Linerade.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>Mons<sup>r</sup> de Turène</i></p>

<p>En Perigort, Perigueux Ville Capitale et Plusieurs Chasteaux
Montflanquin</p>

<p class="pc"><i>Mons<sup>r</sup> de Chappes,<br />
Lieutenan: le Baron<br />
d’Uzac, &amp;c.,</i></p>

<table id="tcap02" summary="tcap02">

 <tr>
  <td>Figiac<br />
Bellie<br />Puynirol<br />Tournon<br />Lanzarte</td>
  <td class="tdrl1"><div class="figtab">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-curly.jpg" width="10" height="49"
         alt=""
         title="" />
 </div></td>
  <td class="tdl2">ces trois sont imprenables; et sont au R. de N.</td>
 </tr>

</table>

<p class="pn">Turene ave toutes les terres de Monsieur de Turene en Lymosin.<br />
Briene la gagliarde.</p>

<p class="pn">Usurstie. qui sont des meilleures: Toutes les surd. places sont bien accommodees
et sont toutes deçe la Riviere de Garonne.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>Mons<sup>r</sup> le Baron de<br />
Luzignian, Mons<sup>r</sup><br />
de Fauaz</i></p>

<p>Sur la Garonne au bord de deca sont<br />
Agen ville Capitale d’Agenois grande et riche<br />
La Reolle, Lonne ville, dont le Chasteau est imprenable; et sur le Rivage
dela sont<br />
Lengon<br />
Millau<br />
Le mas de Verdoun &amp;c.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>Le Roy de Navar<br />
parce que c’est son<br />
patrimonie y a<br />
partout Portien<br />
de les plus affectionez</i></p>

<p>Entre le Garonne et le pays de Bearn nous tenons<br />
Leystoure ville Episcopale richen et imprenable patrimonie de R. de N.<br />
Mauvesin<br />
Fleurance<br />
Cauze, bonne et forte ville<br />
Nerac<br />
Castel Jalouz<br />
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">[591]</a></span>
Balas ville riche, episcopale<br />
Le mont de Marsan; forte<br />
Tout le conte de Bigorces et les pays de Marsan, Tarsan Gavardan</p>

<table id="tcap03" summary="tcap03">

 <tr>
  <td class="tdlw">Tarbe<br />Aire</td>
  <td class="tdrl"><div class="figtab">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-curly2.jpg" width="7" height="32"
         alt=""
         title="" />
 </div></td>
  <td>villes episcopales</td>
 </tr>

</table>
<p class="pn">La principaute de Bearn<br />
La basse Navarre</p>

<p class="ph0">Le Pays des basques, a quoy on a donne tiel ordre que nouristant la paix il
ne si changera rien.</p>

<p class="ph0">Au contrarie de puis la paix Grenade Beaumont et Verdun villes ont
reconut le Roy de Navarre p^[r] governeur et se sont mises soubz sa
protection et tous les jours si la paix tient quelque peu si en mettra de nouvelles. M.
L. Amirall a assiege Beaumont a cause de cela ou il a este tresbien battu.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>M. le Vicount<br />
de Terides</i></p>

<p>Pays de Quercy nous tenons<br />
Montauban imprenable et une des belles villes de guerre du monde.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>M. la Vicount<br />
de Gourdon</i></p>

<p>Figeac capitale de Haut Quercy<br />
Caussade<br />
Realville<br />
S<sup>t</sup> Antonin<br />
Villemur &amp;c. en ces villes tout le peuple est de la religion.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>Vicont<br />
de Paulini</i></p>

<p>Au pays de Rourgue.<br />
Millaut ville episcopale<br />
Vabres ville episcopale</p>

<p class="ph0">Creissel et autres en grand nombre fortes d’assietes dont nous ne scavons le
nom. Le peuple aussi est de fort longtemps de la religion et sont en
tous ces pays des relliques des vieux.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>Le Baron de<br />
Audon</i></p>

<p>En Languedoc, toute la Conte de Foix qui tient depuis les montz Pirenees
jusques aux portes de Thoulouse Patrimonie du R. de N. en icelle sont
Pasmicas ville forte peuplee, presque de la religion episcopale.</p>

<p class="pn">Foix ville et chasteu imprenable.<br />
Sa Verdan<br />
Mazores<br />
Le Carla</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">[592]</a></span></p>

<p class="ph0">Le mas d’Azil, toutes riches et imprenables. Et ceste derniere se faict une
quantite purniable de Saltpetre pour muner tout le pays de poudre.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>Le baron de<br />
Monbardies</i></p>

<p>En Lauraignais partie du bas Languedoc sont</p>

<p>Puylaurens</p>

<p>Revel</p>

<p>Soureze</p>

<p>S<sup>t</sup> Paul</p>

<p>Cramain &amp;c.</p>

<p>Castres ville episcopale imprenable</p>

<p>L’Isle d<span class="vh">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</span>et plusieurs autres en la montagne.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>M. de Chastilon,<br />
M. de Thore,<br />
M. de S<sup>t</sup> Romain, &amp;c.</i></p>

<p>Au hout Languedoc, y en a infinies, les plus notables sont<br />
Monpelier<br />
Nismes<br />
Aiguesmortes<br />
Lunel<br />
Aimargnes<br />
Marsilargnes<br />
Sommieres<br />
Uzez<br />
Auz<br />
Aleth<br />
Lodeve la pluspart episcopale<br />
Tout le Pays de Vivarez; et le Pays de Sevènes.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>M. de</i> [<i>L</i>]<i>Ediguieres</i></p>

<p>En Daulphine nous tenons tout le haut Pays, et du bas pays presque
toutes les villes<a name="FNanchor_1780_1780" id="FNanchor_1780_1780"></a><a href="#Footnote_1780_1780" class="fnanchor">[1780]</a> quatre ou cinq. Gap et Dis villes principales sont
a nous et cinq cens gentilihomines tous de la religion entre les quels y a tresbon
ordre.</p>

<p class="pc"><i>Le Baron d’Alemagne</i></p>

<p>En Provence nous avons quelques bonnes villes, entre autres Seine, le
grand Tour, et tout le meilleur du Conte de Venisse, appartenant au Pope à
cause d’Avignon.</p>

<p>Le Roy de Navarre ces places fournies de garnissons necessaires tant de
pied que de cheval, peut sans sortir de Guienne mettre huict mil hommes de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">[593]</a></span>
pied en campagne et mille gentilihomines et fournir l’equippage de six canons
et deux couleurines &amp;c. et quand il sera joinct avec les forces de Languedoc
(car le Daulphine a le Rhosne entredeux) il poura faire estat de 10000 hommes
de pied 2000 chevaux des meilleurs qui se virent jamais en France, et 10 canons,
quatre couleurines et la pouldre et munitions et equipage d’iceux.</p>

<p>Pour les affaires de la guerre en son conseil il est assisté de M<sup>r</sup> de Meru.
Monsieur de Turene qui a esgarde sur la Perigort et Lymosin en sa absence.</p>

<p class="pn">M<sup>r</sup> de la Nouë chef et superintendant de sa maison.<br />
M<sup>r</sup> de viconte de Terride, Baron de Serignac, vieux Capitaine.<br />
M<sup>r</sup> de S<sup>t</sup> Geniez, vieux Capitaine et homme de bon entendement.<br />
M<sup>r</sup> le Baron de Lusignan. Gouverneur de Agenois.<br />
M<sup>r</sup> de Fontralles, M<sup>r</sup> le Baron d’ Audon.<br />
M<sup>r</sup> de Guitry qui sont tous des meilleurs Cap: de France.</p>

<p>Pour le mainement des negotiations, outre les susd. il est assiste de M<sup>r</sup>
de Grateinx son Chauncelier, M<sup>r</sup> des Aginz President et M<sup>r</sup> des Requestes
et plus<sup>rs</sup> autres de mesme reing.</p>

<p>Outre ceux y y a plusieurs Princes, Seignurs, Vicontes, et Barons affectes
de tout temps au party de la religion. Toutesfois je les ay lieu voulu mettre
icy croire ilz me sont vennues en memorie.</p>

<p class="pn">Le R. de N.<br />
M’ le P. de Conde<br />
M. de Rohan<br />
M. de Nemours<br />
M. de Laval<br />
M. de Rochebernard son frere<br />
M. de Meru<br />
M. de Thore<br />
M. de Turene<br />
M. de Chastillon<br />
M. de Clermont<br />
M. de la Noué<br />
M. de S. Genie et ses freres<br />
M. le Viconte de Tirrede<br />
M. de St. Romain<br />
Le Baron de Fontrailles<br />
Le Baron de Ardon<br />
Le Baron de Senegaz<br />
Le Baron de Mirambeau<br />
M. de Languillier<br />
Le Baron de Verac<br />
Le Vic: de Savailhan<br />
Le Baron de S. Gehniz<br />
Le Baron de Mombardices<br />
Le Vicount de Lalant<br />
Le Baron de Montanhils<br />
Le Baron de Monlieu<br />
Le Baron de la Rochalais<br />
Le Prince de Chalais<br />
M. de Mouy<br />
M. de la Forse gendre de M. de Biron<br />
Le Vicont de Chasteauneuf<br />
Le Baron de Piersebuffiere<br />
Le Baron de Salignac<br />
Le Baron de Beinac<br />
Le Baron de Bresolles<br />
Le Vicont de Paulini<br />
Le Vicont de Panart<br />
Le Vicont de Gourdon<br />
Le Vicont de Arpajon<br />
Le Baron de Cabrere<br />
M. de Ediguires<br />
M. de Guitry<br />
Le Baron de Longa<br />
M. de Campagnac<br />
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">[594]</a></span>M. de Boesse<br />
M. de Montguiron<br />
Le Baron de Montandie<br />
Le Baron de Luzignan<br />
M. de Bonevall<br />
M. de Ussac<br />
Le Vicont de Rochouart<br />
Le Baron de Almagne<br />
Le Baron de Beauville<br />
Le Baron de Reine<br />
Le Baron de Vercillac<br />
Le Baron de S. Nauphan<br />
Le Baron de S. Arlaye<br />
Le Vicont de Meherin<br />
Le Vicont de Belsane et autres.</p>

<p>Tous les desus nommes sont en Guienne et de Guienne ou Languedoc ou
p<sup>r</sup> le moins ont porte les armes a ceste dernier guerre. Quant aux autres
Seigneurs et Capitaines des autres Provinces de France qui ont pareille ulcouse[?]
et la monsteront au besoing, ascavoir es provinces assises deca la Riviere de
Loure, ilz sont sans comparison en plus grand nombre pour respost des lieux
ou ilz sont; nous ne les avons point nommés pas ce quilz ont attendu une
armée de Reistres present s’y jettes, attendant la quelle ilz se sont le mieux
quilz ont peu compertes en leurs maisons.</p>

<p class="pr2">[<i>Not signed</i>]</p>

<p>[<i>Endorsed</i>] Les villes des quelles ceux de la</p>
<p>Religion s’asseurent en France.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXXIII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 474, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">BIBLIOTHEQUE D L’INSTITUT, COLLECTION GODEFROY</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Vol. 256, fo. 83 recto, no. 45 du catalogue</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Le duc d’Anjou à Charles IX</i>]<a name="FNanchor_1781_1781" id="FNanchor_1781_1781"></a><a href="#Footnote_1781_1781" class="fnanchor">[1781]</a></p>



<p class="pr2">[Camp devant La Rochelle, 17 février 1573].<a name="FNanchor_1782_1782" id="FNanchor_1782_1782"></a><a href="#Footnote_1782_1782" class="fnanchor">[1782]</a></p>

<p>Monseigneur. Par le jeune Seguier que j’ay depesché depuis deux jours
devers Vostre Majesté, elle aura entendu comme j’estois sur le poinct envoyer
devers icelle le S<sup>r</sup> de Bourrique, l’un de mes maistres d’hostelz, pour la sattisfaire
de tout ce que je pouvois avoir à luy faire entendre de l’estat de ceste
armée. Suivant ce, je l’ay presantement faict partir si bien instruict de touttes
choses que je ne doubte qu’il ne luy en sçache rendre très bon compte. Me
restera à supplier, comme je fais très humblement, Vostre Majesté le voulloir
en ce qu’il vous dira de ma part oyr avec la mesme foy et creance dont elle
a tousjours voullu m’honnorer. J’ay veu ce qu’il luy a pleu me mander par
sa depesche du XI<sup>me</sup> de ce mois sur la proposition que aucuns avoient faicte
de donner la charge de vostre armée de mer à mon frere Mons<sup>r</sup> le Duc et au
Roy de Navarre chose que je rejectay aussi tost pour les mesmes considérations,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">[595]</a></span>
que Vostredicte Majesté a bien sceu prendre, et n’estois pour le permectre
en aucune sorte, de maniere que Vostredicte Majesté demourera,
s’il luy plaist, en repos de ce cousté la.</p>

<p>Monseigneur, je supplie le Createur donner à Vostredicte Majesté en
très bonne santé et prosperité tres longue et tres heureuse vye.</p>

<p>Escript au camp devant La Rochelle, le XVII<sup>me</sup> jour de febvrier 1573.</p>

<p class="p2">Monseigneur, j’ay veu par les dernieres depesches qui vous sont venues
d’Angleterre de S<sup>r</sup> de La Mothe Fenellon, la demonstration que ceulx de vos
subiectz qui sont refugiez par dela font de procurer de leur part l’entier repos
de vostre royaume avec ceulx de leur religion. Chose qui me semble estre
très avantageuse au bien de vostre service, et que, pour l’effect de leur bonne
intention, il vous plaise leur bailler touttes les seuretez necessaires pour venir
par deça. Estant ceste voye, si elle peult proffiter, beaucoup plus aisée et
seure que celle de la force, outre le moien que ce vous seroit de conserver
beaucoup de voz bons subiectz et serviteurs et soulaiger d’autant vostre bourse.<a name="FNanchor_1783_1783" id="FNanchor_1783_1783"></a><a href="#Footnote_1783_1783" class="fnanchor">[1783]</a></p>

<p>[<i>Propria manu</i>] Vostre treshumble et tres obeissant frere et subget</p>

<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Henry</span>.</p>

<p>[<i>Au dos, Suscription</i>] Au Roy, Monseigneur et frere.</p>

<p>[<i>Au dos, alia manu</i>] Monseigneur, du XVII<sup>me</sup> febrier. M<sup>r</sup> de Bourricques.</p>

<p>[Original]</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXXIV</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 503, n. 1]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CXXXIV, No. 186</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Dr. Valentine Dale to Lord Burghley</i>]</p>


<p>Es co tempore quo proximè ad te scripsi nullum fuit mihi prorsus tempus
animi laxandi, ita fui partim itineribus partim multis gravibus &amp; impeditis
rebus administrandis distractus, nec satis etiam nunc scio an mihi liceat aliqua
intermissione frui ut de liberioribus ac amœnioribus studiis possim aliquantisper
cogitare. Neque verò tuam nunc volo sive tarditatem sive negligentiam in scribendo
accusare nulla est enim mihi remissæ erga me tuæ amicitiæ vel minima
suspitio. Ut scias igitur quid rerum hic agatur Nunquam tanta animorum
consentione ad pacem conspiratum est nec unquam tamen magis diversis studiis
de pacis conditionibus ineundis actum est Coguntur enim planè jam omnes
longo &amp; ancipiti bello fessi &amp; ad inopiam atque egestatem usque redacti
necessario nunc tandem ac serio de pace cogitare. Neque enim aut æris
alieni quo infinito premuntur dissolvendi ratio est, nec sumptus qui sunt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">[596]</a></span>
apud istos profusissimi diutius sustinere possunt. Vectigalia autem ac ceteri
reditus regii aut oppignorata aut distracta sunt ut annui regis proventus ne ad
erogationes quidem domesticas satis sufficiant. Vident igitur omnes si bellum
gerendum sit, infinita contributione opus esse, cum nullæ sint principis ad
bellum gerendum facultates, &amp; omnis qua opus sit regi pecunia ab aliis sumenda
aut potius extorquenda sit. Homines autem nobiles per quos bellum precipuè
geritur quorum amplissimæ sunt facultates (nam hi pæne soli prædia possident
&amp; vicena aut tricena aut etiam centena plerique millia aureorum nummum
habent annua). Hi quantam alicunde pecuniam corradere possunt eam prodige
&amp; profuse ilico profundunt, nulla est enim eis cura rei familiaris, sed tanqam
in diem viventes quibus opus habent rebus quantivis comparant eam quam
habent pecuniam negligentes &amp; quam non habent quibusvis rationibus vel
quamvis cum jactura conquirentes. Solent autem illis ut plurimum belli
presertim tempore sumptus a rege subministrari. Nunc autem quum videant
nihil esse regi, quod det, corpora sua periculis libenter non subjiciunt, inviti
autem hoc presertim tempore ad bellum non adiguntur, itaque fit ut qui ferè
uni pro principe soliti sint decertare hi bellum in primis detrectent. Plebs
autem rustica inops semper est atque egena, non enim ut nostri improvidos
reperiunt prediorum dominos, a quibus prerogata quadam modica pecunia
exili reditu conductis agris, ad magnas opes perveniant, sed aut Coloni partiarii
agrum magno labore parvo autem cum compendio colunt, aut justum fructuum
precium pendunt. Hoc verò tempore vastationibus populationibus &amp; direptionibus
ita sunt expilati, ut nec bos ad arandum nec frumentum ad sementes
faciendas supersit: tantum abest ut illorum pecunia bellum geri possit. Reliqua
sunt oppida que sanè sunt multa &amp; cives certe ditissimi Nam que magna
ut scis nostris est trium millium coronatorum pecunia, apud istos ducentorum
aut trecentorum millium exiguè sunt facultates, &amp; qui urbes incolunt soli
aut sub pignoribus &amp; hypothecis nobilium proventus possident, aut eorum
facultates fœnere exhauriunt. Inter istos autem cives opifices non nomino,
quorum infinitus est numerus qui admodum difficulter victum magnis laboribus
in urbibus querunt non enim in agris locus illis est ubi se ac suos tenuiter
colendis agris aut pecore pascendo, ut nostri faciunt, alant. Itaque in urbis
quisque proximas se confert, ubi officinas instituunt &amp; vitam labore producunt.
Multo minus inter cives numerandi sunt hi, qui passim in viis scatent omnibus
oratoriis preceptis ac artibus instructi quo hominum mentes ad elemosinam
&amp; commiserationem permoveant. Neque etiam bonos illos viros hic nomino,
quorum magnus est numerus qui se fratres dici volunt, quamvis inter se odiis
plusquam fraternis dissideant quos ego planè eos esse existimo quos Chaucerus
noster ex loco illo parum honesto sese proripere scribit, qui nugas ac nenias
venditando in eam authoritatem pervenerunt. Ut æquum existiment rogari
potius sese quam rogare: tanquam viri omnibus virtutibus excellentes ad quorum
pedes bona nostra projicere debeamus, quanquam illorum pæne jam explosa<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">[597]</a></span>
est disciplina ab illis quorum novum est ancupium qui se Jesuistas appellant,
&amp; perfecti volunt esse, juxta illud. Estote perfecti sicut ego sum, inter quos
Darbesherus noster non est minimus apostolorum si noster dicendus est qui
&amp; nos &amp; seipsum deservit &amp; aliam vitam alios mores sequitur, illi autem quos
dixi Cives qui tantum opibus valent, clientelis miseorum opificum in quos
imperium habent &amp; suis divitiis freti, pecuniam sibi imperari non patiuntur,
sciunt enim neminem esse qui eos cogere possit, cum rex parum fisus nobilibus,
tutelam urbium arma, machinas, bellicas, mœnia, &amp; quicquid est roboris illis
commiserit, rogati autem immensas &amp; crebras priores pensitationes &amp; tributa
causantur itaque pauxillulam tandem aliquam pecuniam prout nec causa
postulat tanquam ab invitis quasi vi sibi exprimi patiuntur. Jam Episcopi
Abbates &amp; alii quibus opima sunt sacerdotia cum videant omnium oculos in
se ac bona sua esse conjectos nec aliquam aliam esse rationem conficiende
pecuniæ nisi quæ ex eorum bonis &amp; prediis distrahendis redigatur. Quis erit
(inquiunt) tandem nostri expilandi finis si bellum adhuc duret. An non sex
decimas annuas fructuum nostrorum pensitamus. Vix annus adhuc est quod
octingenta millia francorum que sunt centena millia librarum nostrarum in
profectionem Polonicam dedimus jamque nos urgent Questores regii ad solutionem
unius millionis &amp; dimidiæ francorum, que summa est quingentorum
millium coronatorum gallicorum, quos rex approbante pontifice nobis extorquet:
cujus pecuniæ solvendæ rationem nullam adhuc habemus. Non tametsi
pontifex ad rem tam piam nempe ad bellum intestinum alendum, predia
ecclesiastica ad eum summam venire permiserit, emptores tamen non reperiuntur,
coguntque nos officiales &amp; ministri regii pecuniam quam non habemus,
nostro periculo representare: recepturos aliquando ex distractione bonorum,
si qui tandem reperiantur, qui tam dubio jure litem futuram presenti pecunia
velint comparare non enim ignotæ sunt artes pontificiæ: Veniet namque
facile tempus cum Pontifex iste aut successor aliquis ejus restitutionem in integrum
pro ecclesia non sine dirarum etiam imprecatione a se impetrari
facillime patiatur, nulla habita eorum ratione qui in bona ecclesiastica pecuniam
impenderunt. Itaque eo ventum est ut hi quorum causa bellum hoc geritur
&amp; qui evangelicos plurimum oderunt hi nunc pacem maximè expetant, &amp; quemvis
Dei cultum potius permittant, quam se indies argento emungi patiantur
imò quidvis inquiunt potius in malam rem doceant Hugonoti, neque enim
magis ab illis quam ab istis possumus expilari. Nec est illorum non inepta sanè
oratio. Jam homines miseri qui sedibus pulsi patria carent, inopes vagantur,
quibus insidiæ undique tenduntur, supplicia &amp; mortes intentantur, qui deserti
ab omnibus, perpetuas excubias ad sese tuendos agunt hi pacem si unqam
antehac nunc certè fessi ac defatigati miserè cupiunt, ut aliquis tandem sit
laborum finis &amp; patria terra quiescere liceat. Nemo est igitur qui non uno
ore pacem affectet, ad pacem oculos, animum &amp; omnes cogitationes convertat.
Quin &amp; Pontifex ipse sibi timens &amp; veritus quem res nec sit habitura exitum,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_598" id="Page_598">[598]</a></span>
&amp; precipuè de comitatu Avinionensi sollicitus, alios non lacessitos esse malit,
quam de suis rebus in periculum venire: sperans futurum ut rex intermisso
bello integris viribus eos facile opprimat, quos nunc lacerato regno satis vexare
non possit. Ex qua re factum est, ut sermonibus hominum certa pax facta,
&amp; negocium prorsus transactum esse diceretur, &amp; ea fama per uniuersum
orbem sparsa sit, pacem jam manibus teneri. Sed cum de pacis conditionibus
agi ceptum est, longe fuerunt alie hominum voluntates, longè alius rei exitus.
Nam quibus antea sua facilitate impositum est, ne in idem discrimen inciderent
Evangelicæ libertati &amp; saluti sue presidiis, urbibus ac rebus aliis que ad
vitam tuendam pertinent sibi consulere voluerunt, nec se aliorum fidei committendos
esse censuerunt quin rebus omnibus integris arma sumere possent,
ut si non melior at saltem non deterior istis pactionibus illorum conditio fieret.
Alii contra qui spe miseros illos homines devorarant &amp; sibi occasionem egregiam
oblatam existimabant, incautos homines vafricia &amp; insidiis prorsus
opprimendi, cum viderent non esse locum dolis quin potius futurum ut Evangelium
propagaretur, nec esse in illorum potestate, ut istis conditionibus
homines Evangelici exterminarentur, quidvis potius faciendum esse suadebant,
quam locum illis dari quos extinctos esse cupiunt, hi &amp; se &amp; sua omnia regi
offerunt, &amp; quoduis discrimen subeundum esse censent. Itaque nunc Pontifex
bellum alioqui formidans pecuniam mutuam satis amplam u(l)troneus offert:
(sibi tamen satis callide pignoribus cavens) ut regis animum a pacis cogitatione
avertat. Sunt etiam alii viri providi &amp; rebus suis prospicientes, qui sciunt
vetus illud esse, mobilia esse gallorum ingenia ad suscipiendum bellum (neque
enim in tanta penuria &amp; tantes difficultatibus de aliis perturbandis desinunt
cogitare, nec istis unquam aut voluntas aut pecunia ad alios vexandos deest)
qui ista penitius perspiciunt &amp; sibi prudenter cavent, hi frigidam suffundunt,
pristinam gloriam nominis gallici commemorantes, &amp; ignominiam ob oculos
ponentes, si tale dedecus subeatur ut quasi victi manus tendere, &amp; leges jam
non dare sed accipere cogantur, futurum ut tempore vires regia crescant, alii
contra vel simultatibus solvantur, vel insidiis opprimantur, vel premiis &amp;
pollicitationibus separentur, qua ex re fiet aliquando ut rex victor stirpem
illam hominum prorsus exterminet, &amp; ecclesiæ Romane vindex eternam sibi
famam ad posteros transmittat. Hic ego si tibi que fuerint postulata, que
responsa, que argumenta in utramque partem adducta, qua constantia permansum
sit in petitis, quibus artibus Evangelicorum legati tentati sint, quibus
intercessoribus res tractata sit, historiam tibi non epistolam scriberem nolo
tamen tibi ignotum esse egregiam fuisse in hac re Helvetiorum protestantium
operam, ego autem quod potui porro ut est apud comicum nostrum. His
igitur rebus effectum est ut post multas &amp; longas de pace disceptationes incertiores
simus multo quam dudum, pacem enim facere noluit bellum autem
gerere non possunt.</p>

<p>Cum ista superiora aliquot dies scripta apud me haberem, nec describendi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_599" id="Page_599">[599]</a></span>
esset ocium accepi tandem tuas vicesimo quarto Maii scriptas, ex quibus
intelligo esse etiam apud vos fidefragos, ut tuo verbo utar, nam fœdifragos
usquam gentium reperiri non est fas dicere, itaque nactus ocium te istis quibuscunque
carere nolui, nec si tibi sit cordi ullum laborem recusabo, quin priores
etiam meas queas tu le amisisse tantopere quereris descriptas ad te mittam.
Vale &amp; nostros omnes meo nomine diligenter saluta nam eos de mea salute
sollicitos esse scio. Lutetie Parisiorum ultimo Junii 1575.</p>

<p class="pr4">Tui amantissimus</p>
<p class="pr2">V. D.</p>

<p>[<i>Not addressed</i>]</p>
<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] Ult<sup>o</sup>. Junii<a name="FNanchor_1784_1784" id="FNanchor_1784_1784"></a><a href="#Footnote_1784_1784" class="fnanchor">[1784]</a> 1575<br />
M<sup>r</sup> D. Dale to m l.<br />
from Paris.</p>

<p>[<i>In Burghley’s hand</i>] a lettre wrytten in latin concerning the state of France.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXXV</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 503, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CXXXI, No. 895</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Henry III to Queen Elizabeth</i>]</p>

<p>Treshaulte tresexellente, et trespuissante princesse Nostre treschere et
tresamee bonne seur et cousine ayant entendu le trespas ces jours passez
advenu du feu Roy nostre trecher s<sup>r</sup> et frere nous en avons receu ung tresgrand
regret enuy &amp; desplaisir pour la singulliere affection et fraternelle amitie quil
nous a tousjours portee et demonstrée par tous bons offices. Et aussy pour
la perte grande qui en demeure generallement a toute la Chrestiente, et a nous
particulierement, qui luy avions tant dobligation comme nous avons encores
en sa memoire, pour tant d’honneurs et de faveurs quil luy a pleu tousjours
nous departir de son vivant. Ce que saichant que les princes ses voisins
auront pareillement porte avec douleur, et mesmement vous, avec qui il
avoit et a tousjours eu si bonne &amp; parfaicte amitye, voisinaige et intelligence.
Nous avons pense estre bien convenable a l’amitye mutuelle qui est aussy
entre nous noz Royaumes et pais de nous en condoulloir avec vous, comme
nous faisons par la presente en attendant qu’estant arrivé en nostre Royaume
de France (ainsy que nous l’esperons bien tost avec layde de Dieu) nous
puissions nous acquicter plus dignement de cest office. Voullans bien vous
dire &amp; asseurer cependant que si vous avez congneu le feu Roy notred. S<sup>r</sup>
et frere desireulx de conserver la bonne et sincere amitye voisinance et intelligence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_600" id="Page_600">[600]</a></span>
que vous aviez ensemble, vous n’en debuez pas moings attendre &amp;
esperer de nous son successeur a la corone de France Ne voullant seullement
continuer en lad. amitye, mais la fortifier asseurer et augmenter par tous
honnorables &amp; dignes offices que doibuent les princes amis les ungz aux autres
ainsy qu’avons donne charge au s<sup>r</sup> de la Mothe Fennelon vous faire entendre
que vous prions recevoir et avoir agreable aupres de vous pour y estre notre
conseiller et ambassadeur resident, tout ainsy quil estoit du feu roy nostre
feu S<sup>r</sup> et frere Et ne pouvons aussy trouver que tresbon l’exercice quil a faict
de ladicte legation de puis ledict decedz advenu, tant suivant les tres de feu
notred. S<sup>r</sup> &amp; frere que celles de la Royne nostre treshonnoree dame et mere
qui en avoit tout pouvoir et a laquelle nous envoyons presentement le nostre
le plus ample quil nous est possible. Saichant combien elle merite de cested.
corone, et combien elle sest aussy tousjours rendue affectionnée au bien de
nous tous ses enfens, et des affaires et prosperite de notred. Royaulme, vous
priant croire ledict s<sup>r</sup> de la Mothe de ce quil vous dire sur tout ce que dessus
et y adjouster foy comme feriez a nous mesmes Qui prions Dieu treshaulte
tresexellente et trespuissante princesse Nostre treschere et tresamee bonne
seur et cousine vous avoir en sa tressainte et tresdigne garde. Escript a
Cracovye le xv<sup>ne</sup> jour de Juing 1574.</p>

<p class="pr4">[<i>Signed</i>] Vostre bon frere et cousin</p>
<p class="pr2">HENRY<br />
<span class="smcap">Warsevicz</span></p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Addressed</i>] A treshaulte tresexcellente et<br />
trespuissante princesse Nostre<br />
treschere et tresamee bonne<br />
seur &amp; cousine la Royne<br />
D’Angleterre.</p>
<p>[<i>Endorsed</i>] June xv<sup>th</sup> 1574.</p>
<p class="pi4">From the K. of Polonia to her Ma<sup>tie</sup>. Dated at Cracovia.
He condolethe the deathe of the K. his brother offreth and
requireth lyke contynewance of amitie as was betwene her and
his brother Desiereth her Ma<sup>tie</sup> to accept Mon<sup>sr</sup> de la Mothe
for his Ambassadeur.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_601" id="Page_601">[601]</a></span></p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXXVI</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 504, n. 2]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">ARCHIVES NATIONALES</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">K. 1,537, PIECE NO. 22</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Report of a Spanish Spy about Calais</i> (Deciphered)]</p>


<p>[<i>Au dos</i>] Descifrado.</p>

<p class="pc">Avisos de Cales à XVIIIº de Março 1575</p>

<p>[<i>En tete</i>] Avisos de Cales à XVIIIº de Março 1575</p>

<p>Quiero dezir el runrun que anda entre estos Franceses, no porque me passe
por el pensamiento que deva ser assi, pero en secreto se dize que el Rey de
Francia anda tramando para yr sobre los Estados, ó tomarlos, y que su her,
mano se casa con hija del Principe, y otros muchos casamientos que se hazen-y
que se haze armada en toda Francia para ello, y oy ha llegado aqui aquel
Embaxador con treynta cavallos, que va á la Reyna de Inglaterra, y viene de
Paris, y assi mismo se aguarda (segun se dize) el que esta en Brusselas, para yr
tambien a la dicha Inglaterra. De suerte que no se sabe otro sino esto, que,
como digo, se dize en secreto, y en partes que nos lo han dicho. Plegue a
Dios que nos guarde dello, que bien creo si suspection dello huviesse, lo sabria
el Embaxador que esta en Paris y lo advertiria a essa Bolsa, pues importa.
Aunque, como digo, no creo nada dello, y no he querido dexar de escrivirlo en
esta, para que se tenga aviso dello, sin que se entienda, pues no se suffre dezir.</p>

<hr class="dec2" />

<h3>APPENDIX XXXVII</h3>

<p class="pc reduct">[P. 505, n. 3]</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC</p>

<p class="pc"><span class="smcap">Elizabeth, Vol. CV. No. 51</span></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">[<i>Walsingham to Lord Burghley</i>]</p>

<p>My verry good L. I send your L. sooche letters as I receyved from owre
Imb. dyrectid unto you by the w<sup>ch</sup> yt may appeare unto you that Q. mother
had some intentyon under the cullore of a Parle w<sup>t</sup> her sonne to have intrapped
him. I thinke the gentleman hathe to good exsperyence of her to truste her
(thowghe nature myght somewhat move him therin) I longe to heare that he
were past the Ryvere of Loyre: for before that tyme I shall be greatly jealouse
of his savetye. Her ma<sup>t</sup> was perswaded under the cullor of scooryng the seas
to have set owt two of her shipps to have receyved him yf being not well assysted
he shoold be forced to flye but she can not be drawen to yelde therto.
This daye ther came letters from the justyces of Devonshire that the seconde
of this monethe ther arryved on ther cost 48 sayle of Spanyshe men of warre
whoe desyered herborrowynge but were denyed for that they had no passeporte<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_602" id="Page_602">[602]</a></span>
of her ma<sup>t</sup>. Notw<sup>t</sup>standyng they suffered the Admyrall and vyceadmirall
to come in to the porte of Darmouthe: wher as the gentlemen advertyce yt is
thowght they wyll lande some treasvre to be conveyed by lande unto London
The rest of the ships are gon towardes Dunkyrke. The Generall of them is
Don Petro de Baldis whoe maryed Petro Malendas daughter. The arryvall
of this armye makethe me greatly to dowbt the P. of Oranges well doinge:
whoe alreadye seamethe to be in verry harde case. I praye God owre merchauntes
fynde them good neyghebowres. Owt of the northe we have hearde
nothing laetly And so having nothing ells to advertyce I commyt your L. to
Goods good kepyng most humbly takyng my leave. At Rycot the vj<sup>th</sup> of
Octobre 1575.</p>

<p class="pr6">Y<sup>r</sup> L. to commavnde</p>
<p class="pr2"><span class="smcap">Fra: Walsyngham</span></p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Addressed</i>] To the right honorable<br />
my vearie good Lord the<br />
L. treasurer.</p>

<p class="ph4n">[<i>Endorsed</i>] 6. Octob. 1575.<br />
M<sup>r</sup> Secret: Walsingham<br />
the Spanish flete in<br />
the west.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_603" id="Page_603">[603]</a></span></p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:james-thompson-the-wars-of-religion-in-france-ill-602.jpg" width="450" height="511" id="i602"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_604" id="Page_604">[604]</a><br /><a name="Page_605" id="Page_605">[605]</a></span></p>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4"><a name="c605" id="c605">INDEX</a></h2>


<p class="pni">Abbeville, riot at, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Acuna, Don Juan de, mission of, to Savoy, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Adresse, baron des, Huguenot chieftain in Dauphiné, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prince of Condé thinks of joining, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">lieutenant of, in Provence, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Agde, court at, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Agen, riot at, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic league of, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montluc thinks of retiring to, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montluc fortifies, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aides, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aigues Mortes, Damville introduces Turkish fleet into, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aix, association of Provence formed at, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court at, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Alava" id="Alava">Alava</a>, Spanish ambassador in France:</p>
<p class="pnii">theft of cipher of, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, n. 6;</p>
<p class="pnii">exceeds&nbsp; instructions in threatening war, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">charges Catherine de Medici with duplicity, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protests against overtures for peace, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">incident with Tavannes, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">haughty reply of Charles IX to, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Albanian troops with Alva, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Albi, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Viscounts">Viscounts</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Albret, Jeanne d’, queen of Navarre, wife of Antoine of Bourbon and mother of Henry IV: mentioned, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Antoine of Bourbon quarrels with, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demand for banishment of, by Spanish ambassador, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">consideration shown, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot of Montluc and Spain to kidnap, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">excommunicated, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">maintains court preacher to anger of Catholics, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mobilizes troops in Béarn, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">territories of, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">crushes Catholic League at St. Palais, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">crosses Garonne River “under the nose of Montluc”, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">pawns her jewels, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">directs foreign negotiations with Huguenots, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">negotiations of government with, <a href="#Page_391">391-93</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alençon, François, duke of, youngest brother of Charles IX:</p>
<p class="pnii">governor of Paris, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marriage negotiations with Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_430">430</a> ff.;</p>
<p class="pnii">character and appearance of, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot-Politique plot to recognize, as heir apparent, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">complaint of, to Charles IX, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrested, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">escape of, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolt of provinces to, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">terms demanded of Henry III, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">privileges of, in Peace of Monsieur, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alessandria de la Paille, Alva at, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alexander VI, bull of, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Allny, secretary sent to confer about peace, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alsace, Baron Bolwiller of, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Alva" id="Alva">Alva</a>, duke of, proxy for Philip II at marriage of Elizabeth of Valois, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">suspected of urging inquisition in France, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">favors repressive policy of Henry II, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">upon commerce of Low Countries, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">purposes to have Havre put in hands of Philip II for mediation between France and England, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advises fortification of Gravelines, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">instructions at Bayonne, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advises execution of Huguenot leaders, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relations with Catherine de Medici at Bayonne, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence over duke of Montpensier, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II determines to send, to Netherlands, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">march of, through Savoy, Franche Comté, and Lorraine, <a href="#Page_305">305-11</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sails from Cartagena and arrives at Genoa, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrives at Brussels, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and the Gueux, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrests Egmont and Hoorne, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">opinion of, of cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">appealed to by cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers aid to Catherine of Medici, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">suggests coming in person to relief of French crown, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">instructions to, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protests against Huguenot activity in Flanders, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">defeats Louis of Nassau at Jemmingen, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">executes Egmont and Hoorne, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offer of aid accepted by France, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Jeanne d’Albret protests against, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tyranny of, in the Netherlands, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolt of Flushing and Middelburg against, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">determines to retire his forces into Ghent and Antwerp, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">desperate straits of, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_606" id="Page_606">[606]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">intercepts Genlis’ relief column, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Amboise, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">drownings at, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">royal chest at, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Amboise">Amboise, Edict of</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Amboise, conspiracy of:</p>
<p class="pnii">origin, <a href="#Page_28">28-31</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">participation of D’Andelot in, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">secret of, discovered, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">crushed, <a href="#Page_33">33-39</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé accused of complicity in, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catherine de Medici accused of being secret party to, by Tavannes, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">return of French exiles after, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">memory of, haunts Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Amboise" id="Amboise">Amboise</a>, Edict of, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hostility of Spain to, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cannot be enforced, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures to break, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rupture of, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">amendments to, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Amiens, three-fourths of population said to be Huguenot, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Amsterdam, endangered, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">all Holland lost to Spain, save Rotterdam and, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Andelot" id="Andelot">Andelot</a>, François de Châtillon, sieur d’, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">counsels Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spanish ambassador objects to presence of, at court, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joins Condé at Meaux, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appears before Paris, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures made by, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">lieutenant to Condé, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">destroys bridge at Jargeau, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Germany for assistance, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, n., <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plans to cut Paris off, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">gives Aumale the slip, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">German horse of, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">serious position of, in Orleans, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asks aid of Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">quarrels with Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Switzerland, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to protect Champagne against Alva, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to seize Poissy, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposition to marry son of, to sister of duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death of, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Anduze, Catholic league at, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Angennes, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Angers, Huguenot outburst at, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cruelties at, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Alençon demands, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Angoulême, bishop of, French ambassador in Rome, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Anjou raises siege of, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX offers to yield to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolts, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Alençon demands, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Angoumois, revolt in, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Anjou in, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Anjou, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic league in, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Annates, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Antinori, agent of Pius IV, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Antoine_of_Bourbon" id="Antoine_of_Bourbon">Antoine of Bourbon</a>, king of Navarre, wife of Jeanne d’Albret and father of Henry IV:</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">character and policy of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attends Elizabeth of Valois into Spain, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">suspected of complicity in conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot overtures to, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appreciated by Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">promised Sardinia, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">inclines to Spain, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">nominal authority of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hopes for restoration of Navarre, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relations of, with Spanish ambassador, <a href="#Page_100">100-2</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">uncertain conduct of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot against, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hopes to compound with Philip II, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">negotiates with Vatican, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">promised “kingdom” of Tunis, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">instructed in Catholic faith, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">quarrels with Jeanne d’Albret, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offended at Coligny, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">surrenders to Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protests against Charles IX’s removal to Blois, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">supports duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures to Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">weakens, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">publishes proclamation against Huguenots in Paris, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Vernon, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Blois, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mortally wounded at siege of Rouen, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dies, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">confesses religion of Augsburg, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, n.</p>

<p class="pni">Antwerp, population of, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva determines to retire his forces into, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aosta, duke of Alva at, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aragon, Ferdinand of, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Argentan, Montgomery takes, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Argenteuil, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Armagnac_cardinal_of" id="Armagnac_cardinal_of">Armagnac, cardinal of</a>:</p>
<p class="pnii">helps form Catholic league at Toulouse, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revives Catholic league at Toulouse, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Arnay-le-Duc" id="Arnay-le-Duc">Arnay-le-Duc</a>, battle of, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Arpajon, viscount of, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Artois" id="Artois">Artois</a>, frontier difficulty with France, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolt in, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Association" id="Association">Association</a>:</p>
<p class="pnii">of Huguenots in Languedoc, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_607" id="Page_607">[607]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Catholic associations, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Bordeaux, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Provence, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Catholic towns in Rouennais, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot, in Dauphiné, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Association catholique at Beauvais, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Brotherhood_of_Catholics">Brotherhood of Catholics</a>; <a href="#Confraternities">Confraternity</a>; <a href="#Guild">Guild</a>; <a href="#League">League</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Aubespine" id="Aubespine">Aubespine</a>, Sebastian de, bishop of Limoges: French ambassador in Spain, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">letter of, about Philip II, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">secret letter of, to Philip II, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">argues with Philip II, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Switzerland, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Spain, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">confers about peace, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aubigné,&nbsp; Huguenot&nbsp; historian,&nbsp; eye-witness of executions of Amboise, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Auch, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Augsburg, Confession of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Antoine of Bourbon dies in, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">Peace of, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Aumale" id="Aumale">Aumale</a>, Claude of Guise, duke of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joins duke of Guise before Orleans, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captures Honfleur, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">approaches Rouen, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">atrocious practice of, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Swiss and Germans sent to aid of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">lets D’Andelot slip by, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">levies troops in Champagne, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">blunder of, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">letter of, intercepted, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reiters of, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">army of, in Champagne, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cost of army of, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fails to intercept duke of Deuxponts, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reproached by Catherine de Medici for negligence and cowardice, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Auvergne, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Grands Jours d’, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Coligny in, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Auxerre, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rising in, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot to seize, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Deuxponts in, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Avenelles, betrays conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Avignon" id="Avignon">Avignon</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court at, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Joyeuse returns to, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots at, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">papal nuncio protests against Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Baden, margrave of, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mission of Castelnau to, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bajazet, revolt of, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bar, duchy of, in vassalage to duke of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bardaxi, agent of Philip II in negotiations with Montluc, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">instructions to, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bar-le-Duc, Huguenot alarm over Charles IX’s sojourn at, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Basel" id="Basel">Basel</a>, alarm at, over Alva’s approach, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bassompierre, <a href="#Page_180">180</a> and n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">wounded at Moncontour, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Bayeux" id="Bayeux">Bayeux</a>, Huguenots of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">capitulation of, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bayonne, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">conference at, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272-81</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain impatient for fulfilment of promise made at, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">uncertainty as to what was done at, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cardinal Santa Croce at, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">no proof of alliance between France and Spain at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II’s interest in Catholic provincial leagues at, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Béarn, plot to seize, by Spain, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Jeanne d’Albret mobilizes troops in, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montluc’s plan to conquer, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposal to neutralize, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Beaugency, surprise of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé marches to, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Coligny at, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Beauvais, Huguenot outburst at, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Association catholique at, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Beggars_of_the_Sea" id="Beggars_of_the_Sea">Beggars of the Sea</a>, capture of Brille by, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bellegarde, sensechal of Toulouse: routs viscounts, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Poland, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Bellievre" id="Bellievre">Bellièvre</a>, sent to Switzerland, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Bergerac" id="Bergerac">Bergerac</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Edict of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Peace of, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Berghes, De, Flemish noble, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Bern" id="Bern">Bern</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">forms league with Valais, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">treaty of, with Savoy, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">neutrality of, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bernina Pass, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Berry, Tavannes organizes Catholic league in, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Deuxponts in, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Besançon, Granvella returns to, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva’s route through, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Beza, at Colloquy of Poissy, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Synod of La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Synod of La Ferté-sous-Jouarre, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Beziers, court at, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Biragues, a Milanese, archbishop of Sens: made chancellor, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">made keeper of the seal, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">treachery of, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges Charles IX to imprison marshal Montmorency, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protests against, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Biron, sent to La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_608" id="Page_608">[608]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">made a marshal, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Blamont, interview of Catherine de Medici and Louis of Nassau at, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Blanche of Castile, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Blaye, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Blésois, Protestantism in, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Blois" id="Blois">Blois</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX removed to, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">camp at, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">drownings at, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court returns to, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">working capital of France, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">viscounts cross Loire at, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">treaty of, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX signs treaty of, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">repudiated by Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">no massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bochetel, bishop of Rennes, French ambassador in Vienna, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bohemia, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bois de Vincennes, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court at, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bolwiller, plans recovery of Metz, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Cardinals_War">Cardinal’s War</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bonneval, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Bordeaux" id="Bordeaux">Bordeaux</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">saved by Montluc, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">association of, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court at, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot plot in, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alençon demands, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Trompette_Chateau">Château Trompette</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bouillon, duke of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">neutrality of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">activity of, in Low Countries, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">disaffection of, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain’s anxiety over presence of, at Sedan, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear of co-operation of, with Louis of Nassau and prince of Condé, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death of, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Boulogne, demanded by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bourbon. <i>See</i> <a href="#Antoine_of_Bourbon">Antoine of Bourbon</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bourbon, Charles, cardinal of, accompanies Elizabeth of Valois to Spain, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reproaches Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">assumes pay of reiters, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">with army in Saintonge, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bourbonnais, famine slight in, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bourdillon, marshal, succeeds Marshal Termes, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bourges, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">siege of, <a href="#Page_159">159-61</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic league established at, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Brabant" id="Brabant">Brabant</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Brie, troops levied in, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wheat dear in, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic army in, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Brille, capture of, by Beggars of the Sea, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Brissac, marshal, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">transferred from Picardy to Normandy, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II writes to, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hostility of Huguenots toward, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relations with Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">resigns, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">charged with corrupt practice, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Rouen, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">quits Paris for Normandy, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">defeats viscounts in Périgord, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Brittany, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Brochart, Huguenot commander at Sancerre, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Brotherhood_of_Catholics" id="Brotherhood_of_Catholics">Brotherhood of Catholics</a> in France, proposed at Council of Trent by cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#League">League</a>; <a href="#Association">Association</a>; <a href="#Confraternities">Confraternity</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Brouage, salt staple at, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Brucamonte, Don Gonzalo de, Spanish captain, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bruges, capture by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bruniquel, Bernard Roger, viscount of, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Brussels, infected with heresy, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva’s arrival at, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Burghley, Lord, letter of Dale, English ambassador in France to, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Burgundy, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops levied in, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">petition of Estates for abolition of Protestant worship in, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">price of wheat in, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">endangered by Alva’s march, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic resentment in, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Confrérie du St. Esprit in, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">vigilance of Tavannes in, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">concentration of troops in, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Tavannes">Tavannes</a>; <a href="#Dijon">Dijon</a>; <a href="#Chalons-sur-Saone">Châlons-sur-Saône</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Burie, governor of Guyenne, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Busanval, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Cadillac, Catholic league formed at, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Caen" id="Caen">Caen</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrival of English money at, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cahors, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">riot at, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Calais, capture of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and Havre-de-Grace, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">English hope to recover, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">pale of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spanish fear lest England acquire, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Havre might have been another, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_609" id="Page_609">[609]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">England proposes to trade Havre and Dieppe for, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">English right to, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">France claims forfeiture of English rights to, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">restitution of, demanded by English ambassador, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain’s anxiety over, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French alarm over, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé demands, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Candalle, activity of, in Guyenne, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">helps to form league of Agen, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plans to attack Montgomery at Condom, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Capuchins, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Cardinals_War" id="Cardinals_War">Cardinal’s War</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Metz">Metz</a>; <a href="#Lorraine_cardinal_of">Lorraine, cardinal of</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Carlos, Don, son of Philip II:</p>
<p class="pnii">proposed marriage of, with Mary Stuart, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">madness of, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposed as husband of Marguerite of Valois, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death of, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Carnavalet, Madame, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cartagena, Alva sails from, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Casimir" id="Casimir">Casimir</a>, count palatine, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reiters of, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hopes of Huguenots pinned on, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reported to be coming, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ambition “to Calvinize the world”, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Palatine">Count Palatine</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Castlenau, mission of, to margrave of Baden, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Castres, resists Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montgomery at, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Cateau-Cambre" id="Cateau-Cambre">Cateau-Cambrésis</a>, Treaty of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">commercial importance of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Catherine_de_Medici" id="Catherine_de_Medici">Catherine de Medici</a>, Queen of France, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">policy after conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Venetian ambassador’s description of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">policy of, after death of Francis II, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">has custody of seal, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">control of government by, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">adroitness of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">shrewdness of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fears Spanish intervention, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">vacillation of, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">invites bishop of Valence to preach at court, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarmed by formation of Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">labors for Huguenot cause, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">warned against policy of toleration, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">not intimidated, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in fear of Guises, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">endeavors to maintain balance of parties, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">perseveres in policy of toleration, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">upbraided by Chantonnay, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands his recall, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sends St. André back to his government, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offended at Cardinal Tournon, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear lest Guises seize King, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overruled by constable and king of Navarre, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">surrenders to Triumvirate and asks aid of Spain, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">seizes church plate, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">supports Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wants to end first civil war by composition, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">activity after battle of Dreux, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">justifies Edict of Amboise, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">pays Coligny’s reiters, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">determines to push war against England, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appeals to Paris for loan, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">enterprise in siege of Havre, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">character of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in supreme control, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands dissolution of Catholic leagues, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">seeks to pacify the kingdom, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">quarrels with D’Andelot, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">co-operates with the Guises, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ambition of, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offends Philip II by favorable policy toward Turks, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic pressure upon, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">visits Nostradamus, the astrologer, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarmed at growth of Catholic leagues, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interview with Alva at Bayonne, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ambition of, in Poland, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reproached by Cardinal Bourbon, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">haunted by conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">weakness of, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands withdrawal of Roggendorf, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">espouses policy of political Huguenots, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarmed at Alva’s march, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">accused of stealing Spanish ambassador’s cipher, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">looks to Alva for aid, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sends Lignerolles “to practice the stay of the reiters”, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urged to make overtures after battle of St. Denis, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">anxiety over Emperor’s claim to Three Bishoprics, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asks aid of Spanish troops against the reiters, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">popular rage against, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">consults Nonio, the astrologer, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">accuses Montluc of secret dealings with Philip II, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reproaches Aumale for negligence and cowardice, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joins army in Saintonge, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">approves feigned attack on Châtellerault by duke of Anjou, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">disappointed at Bayonne, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dreams of marrying Charles IX to elder daughter of the Emperor, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attitude of, toward proposed marriage of duke of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">double policy of, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">jealous of Coligny, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">responsibility of, for massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_610" id="Page_610">[610]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">interview of, with Louis of</p>
<p class="pnii">Nassau at Blamont, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">folly of Polish ambition of, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tries to bribe La Noue, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to put Henry of Navarre to death, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">assumes regency on death of Charles IX, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">anxiety for return of Henry III, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sinister influence over Henry III, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spanish troops offered to, by Requesens, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tries to wheedle Alençon, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">illness of, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Catholic lines in August, 1562, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Catholics, violence of, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Caudebec" id="Caudebec">Caudebec</a>, revolts, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Caumont, viscount of, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Celles, Coligny at, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cévennes, viscounts in, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chalais, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Châlons-sur-Marne, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Chalons-sur-Saone" id="Chalons-sur-Saone">Châlons-sur-Saône</a>, saved by Tavannes, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">organization of La fraternité des catholiques at, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chambéry, Alva’s route through, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chambre ardente, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chambres mi-parties, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Champagne, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops levied in, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reiters meeting in, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Protestantism in, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">price of wheat in, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">endangered by Alva’s march, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ravages of Huguenot army in, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic army in, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic league formed in, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Aumale’s army in, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ravages of reiters in, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Champagne, Fair of, devastated by reiters, <a href="#Page_420">420</a> and note.</p>

<p class="pni">Chantilly, Marshal Montmorency goes to, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Chantonnay" id="Chantonnay">Chantonnay</a>, Perrinot, sieur de, brother of Cardinal Granvella, Spanish ambassador in France, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">endeavors to persuade Antoine of Bourbon, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100-2</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">threatens Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">directs Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">son of, is christened, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">upbraids Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">recall of, demanded, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protests against Chancellor L’Hôpital, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tries to intimidate Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">traverses south of France in disguise, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">withdrawal of, from France, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">aids plot to recover Metz, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">transferred to Vienna, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charenton, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">capture of Pont de, by Condé, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé withdraws from, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot demand for freedom of worshiping at, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charles III of Lorraine, marries sister of Charles IX, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charles V, Emperor, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fails to capture Tunis, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charles V, Free Companies in reign of, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charles VII, Pragmatic Sanction of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">grants silk monopoly to Lyons, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charles VIII, fiscal policy of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Charles_IX" id="Charles_IX">Charles IX</a>, King of France (1560-74):</p>
<p class="pnii">accession of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">begins reign with policy of toleration, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">coronation of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urged to stand fast in the faith by Cardinal Tournon, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands repression of sedition in Agenois, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear lest he be seized by Guises, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">removed to Blois, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asks aid of Philip II, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">unable to control Paris, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">bitter against cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">majority of, declared, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reply of, about Calais, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">industrial crisis in reign of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">remonstrance of, to Pope, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">purpose of tour of provinces, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Guises want him to marry Mary Stuart, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wants to marry a Hapsburg princess, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposed marriage of, with Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">threatens to dispossess the Rohans, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advocates administrative reform, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposes amendments to Edict of Amboise, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asked to permit Spanish troops to cross France to Flanders, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain fears appeal of, to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">strengthens garrisons in Languedoc and Provence, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sends troops into Lyonnais, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots attempt to kidnap, <a href="#Page_319">319-21</a> (<i>see</i> <a href="#Meaux">Meaux</a>);</p>
<p class="pnii">dares not accept offers of Philip II, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">insists in disarmament of Huguenots, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">argues with count palatine, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reply to Condé, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">poverty of, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reply of, to demands of Huguenots, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">accuses cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">promises to maintain peace of Longjumeau, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">displaces Marshal Montmorency as governor of Paris, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">to marry daughter of Emperor, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">views renewal of war with alarm, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_611" id="Page_611">[611]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">at siege of St. Jean-d’Angély, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">petitioned to make peace by his council, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Teligny sent to, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protests against peace made to, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">goes to Mont St. Michel, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">secret dealings of, with Montluc, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of battle of Arnay-le-Duc upon, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers to yield La Rochelle, Angoulême, and Montauban, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers to trade Perpignan or Lansac for La Charité, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">infractions of Peace of St. Germain by, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">promises reform of taxes, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">imposes new taxes, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marries Elizabeth of Austria, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">releases duke of Lorraine from vassalage to France for duchy of Bar, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">vague replies of, to demands of Spain, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">character of, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">haughty reply of, to Alava, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">signs Treaty of Blois, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">letter of, found on person of Genlis promising aid in liberation of Low Countries, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">consternation of, at failure of Genlis’ expedition, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures of, to La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">unsuccessful in recruiting footmen in Germany, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sends duke of Longueville to La Noue, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">signs peace with La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">jealous of Guises, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">inclines to aid Netherlands again, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">warned by Morvilliers, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plans to convene Huguenot deputies of Languedoc and Dauphiné, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ill of smallpox, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">forbids circulation of bad money in France, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">makes sale of new offices, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">orders census to be taken in each bailiwick, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sends Torcy and Turenne to Montgomery, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tract against, comparing to sultan, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot to seize at St. Germain, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urged to execute Cossé and Montmorency, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">last illness of, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charron, provost to Paris, Henry III’s threat to, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chartres, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic camp at, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé retires toward, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé imprisoned at, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court leaves, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">gunpowder factory at, blows up, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chartres, vidame of, suspected of conspiracy, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrested, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">imprisoned in Bastille, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prosecution of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sister of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">agrees to deliver Havre-de-Grace to English, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Châteaudun, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">gunpowder factory at, blows up, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Château-Thierry, Swiss at, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">military base of Catholics, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">granted to Casimir, count palatine, <a href="#Page_521">521</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Châtelet, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Châtellerault, duchy of, given to young duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">taken by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attacked by duke of Anjou, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Châtillon, cardinal-bishop of Beauvais, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposal to expel from country, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">banishment of, demanded, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feud of, with Guises, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">resignation of, demanded, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to confer about peace, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">learns of plot of Guises, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Coligny">Coligny</a>; <a href="#Andelot">Andelot</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Châtillons, young duke of Guise refuses to be reconciled with, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chaudien, Protestant pastor in Paris, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chavigny, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">taken by Condé, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chinon, taken by duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ciappini Vitelle, marquis of, Italian commander, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Claudine, sister of Charles IX, wife of Charles III of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Clergy" id="Clergy">Clergy</a>, supports Guises, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands at States-General of Orleans, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">contribute 100,000 écus, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">loan made by, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">heavy taxation imposed upon, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offer to maintain war at their own expense, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#States-General">States-General</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Clérie, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">combat at, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cluny, Hôtel de, belonging to the Guises, attacked by a mob, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Coconnas, arrest and execution of, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cocqueville, failure of his invasion of Artois, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cognac, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Coligny" id="Coligny">Coligny</a>, Gaspard de, admiral of France, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured at battle of St. Quentin, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">policy of, after conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Normandy, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers Huguenot petition, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Council of Fontainebleau, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">efforts of, for toleration, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot against, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">made governor of Normandy, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">counsels Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spanish ambassador objects to presence of, at court, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Antoine of Bourbon offended with, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joins Condé at Meaux after massacre of Vassy, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_612" id="Page_612">[612]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">appears before Paris, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Montreuil, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">aims to seize line of Loire River, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures to, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">destroys bridge at Jargeau, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Orleans, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">solicits English aid, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in battle of Dreux, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Villefranche, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">crosses Loire, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tries to join earl of Warwick in Havre, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">confers with Throckmorton, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in fear of his own reiters, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asks aid of Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">desperate position of, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Madame de Guise refuses to recognize acquittal of, for murder of duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">violence of Paris toward, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">not responsible for surrender of Havre-de-Grace to England, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva advises his execution, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Moulins, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hypocritical reconciliation of, with cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain demands banishment of, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">unadmirable conduct of, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">retires from court, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tries to prevent Strozzi’s coming, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">saying of, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attempt to capture, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plans activity in south of France, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">becomes actual leader of Huguenots after death of prince of Condé, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hopes to join duke of Deuxponts, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">illness of, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fights battle of La Roche l’Abeille, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">aims to take Saumur, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">besieges Poitiers, <a href="#Page_385">385-87</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wounded at battle of Moncontour, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">falls back on Niort after battle of Moncontour, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">price put upon head of, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">confers with Teligny, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joins Montgomery, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">assumes offensive, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captures Port Ste. Marie, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and plans to winter there, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">great blunder of, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">besieges Toulouse, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">illness of, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Montbrison, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fights battle of Arnay-le-Duc, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges marriage of Henry of Navarre with Marguerite of Valois and that of duke of Anjou to Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a> ff.;</p>
<p class="pnii">honorably received in Paris by Charles IX, and made member of Conseil du Roi, <a href="#Page_439">439</a> and n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">persuades Charles IX to sign Treaty of Blois, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">upbraids Charles IX for abandonment of Flemish enterprise, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attempt to kill, on August 22, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">murdered in massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Dreux">Dreux</a>; <a href="#Jarnac">Jarnac</a>; <a href="#Moncontour">Moncontour</a>; <a href="#Arnay-le-Duc">Arnay-le-Duc</a>; <a href="#St_Bartholomew">St. Bartholomew</a>, etc.</p>

<p class="pni">Colloquy of Poissy. <i>See</i> <a href="#Poissy">Poissy</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cologne, elector of, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cominges, Bernard Roger, viscount of Bruniquel, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Commendone, cardinal, at Polish Diet, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Commerce" id="Commerce">Commerce</a>:</p>
<p class="pnii">of Low Countries, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">through Havre-de-Grace, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Lyons, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of civil war upon, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">exportation of grain from Lombardy, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">commercial promises of Spain, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cloth-trade of England, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wine trade of France, <a href="#Page_267">267-69</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">free trade in grain, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">high price of wine, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots enter Flanders as merchants, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in salt, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Fair of Champagne devastated by reiters, <a href="#Page_420">420</a> and n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">English in Flanders, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Poland covets Hanseatic, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">strife between Paris and Rouen, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Embden">Embden</a>; <a href="#Cateau-Cambre">Cateau-Cambrésis</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Compiègne, endangered by William of Orange, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX ill of smallpox at, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Conciergerie, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">La Mole and Coconnas imprisoned in, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Concordat of 1516, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Condé, Louis de Bourbon, prince of:</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Flanders, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">accused of conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">confers with Damville, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">suspected of new conspiracy, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrested, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prosecution of, <a href="#Page_69">69-71</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">approached by Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">acquittal of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">seeks government of Champagne, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relations of, with Antoine of Bourbon, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot against, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sends Hotman to Germany, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent into Picardy, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">counsels Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposal to banish, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Paris when duke of Guise arrives after massacre of Vassy, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leaves Paris for Meaux, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appears before Paris, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">occupies St. Cloud, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">complains of Guises, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">assumes command of Huguenot forces, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">controls middle Loire, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">weakened by Grammont’s failure to reach Orleans, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Paris fears coming of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands withdrawal of Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses conditions of peace, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">retires into Orleans, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">thinks of retiring into Gascony, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_613" id="Page_613">[613]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">solicits English aid, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures made to, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hope that he may succeed Antoine of Bourbon as lieutenant-general, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advances upon Paris, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wheedled by Catherine de Medici and the Guises, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fails to attack Paris, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">retires to Normandy, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">falls back on Chartres, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured at battle of Dreux, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">imprisoned at Chartres, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">promised post of lieutenant-general, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">anger of, at Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">project of, to marry Mary Stuart, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">liaison of, with Isabel de Limeuil, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, n., <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva advises execution of, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">maintains court preacher to anger of Catholics, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marries Mlle. de Longueville, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">suspected of intercourse with William of Orange, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">unadmirable conduct of, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">retires from court, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captures Pont de Charenton, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">extraordinary demands of, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">aims to overthrow Guises, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">precarious position of, before Paris, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands Calais, Boulogne, and Metz, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">withdraws to Troyes after battle of St. Denis, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attempts to effect junction with reiters, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">camped between Sens and Troyes, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joins reiters, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands of, in favor of Huguenots, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">power of, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appoints Cardinal Châtillon, bishop of Valence, and Teligny, to confer about peace, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">complains of outrages on Huguenots, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">manifesto of, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">takes Champigny and falls back on Loudun, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">defeated at Jazeneuil, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">attempts to join William of Orange, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marches to relief of Sancerre, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">killed at battle of Jarnac, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">jewels of, are pawned, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">makes viscount of Rapin governor of Montauban, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Dreux">Dreux</a>; <a href="#Jarnac">Jarnac</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Condé, prince of (the younger):</p>
<p class="pnii">with Henry of Navarre theoretical leader of Huguenot party, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to compromise with the crown, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">abjuration of, on St. Bartholomew’s Day, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">made governor of Picardy, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">gets 8,000 cavalry out of Germany, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">privileges in Peace of Monsieur, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Condom, Montgomery at, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Confraternities" id="Confraternities">Confraternities</a> (Confréries), nucleus of local Catholic leagues, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Association">Association</a>; <a href="#Brotherhood_of_Catholics">Brotherhood of Catholics</a>; <a href="#Guild">Guilds</a>; <a href="#League">League</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Confrérie de Ste. Barbe, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, n.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Confrerie" id="Confrerie">Confrérie</a> du St. Esprit, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353-55</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Association">Association</a>;<a href="#Brotherhood_of_Catholics"> Brotherhood of Catholics</a>; <a href="#Guild">Guild</a>; <a href="#League">League</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Constance, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Correro, Venetian ambassador, describes the Swiss at Meaux, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cossé, marshal, in Picardy, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protests against siege of St. Jean-d’Angély, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges peace, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to recover La Charité, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX urged to execute, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrested, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Council, General, of the church, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Council, National, question of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Council of Blood, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Count palatine, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sends deputation to France, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">claims Three Bishoprics, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">receives Château-Thierry, <a href="#Page_521">521</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Casimir">Casimir</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Counter-Reformation, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Coutances, Montgomery lands near, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cracow, duke of Anjou arrives at, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Croisade, La, name of new Catholic league at Toulouse, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#League">League</a>; <a href="#Armagnac_cardinal_of">Armagnac, cardinal of</a>.</p>


<p class="pni"><a name="Dale" id="Dale">Dale</a>, Dr. Valentine, English ambassador in France:</p>
<p class="pnii">quoted, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">suspected by French government, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Damville, Henry de Montmorency, sieur de:</p>
<p class="pnii">confers with Condé, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">guards Condé in prison after battle of Dreux, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">strained relations of, with Montluc, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">just government of, in Languedoc, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">moderation of, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Paris, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">made king’s lieutenant in Languedoc, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Politique leanings of, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montluc’s hatred of, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montluc’s overtures to, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">party of, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">failure of attempt to seize, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leader of joint Huguenot and Politique party, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interviews duke of Savoy at Turin, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">introduces Turkish fleet into Aigues Mortes, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attempt to poison, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_614" id="Page_614">[614]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">complicity with England suspected, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">privileges granted to, in Peace of Monsieur, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Dantzig" id="Dantzig">Dantzig</a>, disaffected by French election in Poland, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Darnley, marries Mary Stuart, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dauphiné, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">militia of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot association in, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">viscount of Rapin in, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">strength of Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot deputies of, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dax, Turkish ambassador received at, by Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Debts" id="Debts">Debts</a>, of crown, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">to Swiss, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Charles IX, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Finances">Finances</a>; <a href="#Loans">Loans</a>; <a href="#Clergy">Clergy</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">De Losses, captain of Scotch Guard, sent to La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Denmark, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sues for French favor, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">De Retz, protest against, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">resigns office as constable, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dessay, Condé’s camp at, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Deuxponts (Zweibrücken), duke of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reiters of, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">junction of, with William of Orange, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Coligny hopes to join, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">enters France, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captures Nevers and La Charité, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death of, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Diaceto, a Florentine banker, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Diane de Poitiers, mistress of Henry II, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, n.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Dieppe" id="Dieppe">Dieppe</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Calvinists in, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolts, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plan for recovery, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">precarious condition of Montgomery in, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">England offers to trade Dieppe and Havre for Calais, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Dijon" id="Dijon">Dijon</a>, Tavannes foils attack upon, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">objects to Edict of Amboise, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholics of, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ravages of reiters around, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Deuxponts advances upon, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">no massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dillenberg, proclamation of William of Orange from, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Dime" id="Dime">Dîme</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dives, Coligny at, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dole, Alva at, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Don Caratif. <i>See</i> <a href="#Dime">Dîme</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dordrecht, revolt of against Alva, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dourdon, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Dreux" id="Dreux">Dreux</a>, battle of, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178-81</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II’s joy over, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">D’Scars, chamberlain of Antoine of Bourbon, secret agent of Guises, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Du Bourg, protests against inquisitorial practices of Henry II, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">executed, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">policy of crown after death of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interceded for by Marguerite of Savoy, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Du Faur, protests against inquisitorial practices of Henry II, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">suspended from office, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Du Faur (advocate of Toulouse), helps in formation of Catholic league at Toulouse, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Du Plessis, Huguenot pastor at Tours, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Du Plessis-Mornay, memoir of, upon, French intervention in Netherlands, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to England, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">radicalism of, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Duras, Huguenot leader, activity of in Guyenne, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dutch, union of Huguenot and Dutch interests, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Flanders">Flanders</a>; <a href="#Louis_of_Nassau">Louis of Nassau</a>; <a href="#Low_Countries">Low Countries</a>; <a href="#Netherlands">Netherlands</a>; <a href="#William_of_Orange">William of Orange</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Edict of Nantes, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Edict" id="Edict">Edict</a>: of Paris (1549), <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Fontainebleau (1550), <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Chateaubriand (1551), <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Compiègne (1557), <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of November, 1559, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Romorantin (1560), <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of <a name="January" id="January">January</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128-31</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Rouissillon, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Amboise, evasion of, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Amboise">Amboise</a>; <a href="#Bergerac">Bergerac</a>; <a href="#January">January</a>; <a href="#Longjumeau">Longjumeau</a>; <a href="#Monsieur">Monsieur</a>; <a href="#Nantes">Nantes</a>; <a href="#Romorantin">Romorantin</a>; <a href="#Rouissillon">Rouissillon</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Edward I, war with Philip IV, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Egmont" id="Egmont">Egmont</a>, Lamoral, count, Flemish noble, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leader of Flemish revolt, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain attempts to draw him away from the Gueux, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">association of, with William of Orange and Hoorne, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrested, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to scaffold, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">son of, visits Henry III, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Elbœuf, René of Guise, marquis of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">enters Paris, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">surrenders Caen castle, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_615" id="Page_615">[615]</a></span></p>
<p class="pni"><a name="Elboeuf_duke_of" id="Elboeuf_duke_of">Elbœuf, duke of</a>, sent to Poland, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Elizabeth_Queen" id="Elizabeth_Queen">Elizabeth, Queen</a> of England:</p>
<p class="pnii">connection of, with conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">precarious position of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers to aid Huguenots, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">procrastination of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">parsimony of, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advises Huguenots to accept “reasonable” terms of peace, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">implored to send relief, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers to exchange Havre and Dieppe for Calais, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">her conduct compels Huguenots to make peace, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">courtships of, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposed marriage of, with Charles IX, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revives claim to Calais, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">project of marriage of, to duke of Anjou, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">makes loan to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duplicity of, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marriage negotiations of, with duke of Anjou, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428-30</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marriage negotiations of, with duke of Alençon, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">political problems of reign of, <a href="#Page_432">432-34</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">repudiates Treaty of Blois, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">indirectly responsible for massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, n. 1;</p>
<p class="pnii">enigmatical policy of, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Elizabeth of Austria, marriage of, to Charles IX, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Elizabeth of Valois, daughter of Henry II and queen of Spain:</p>
<p class="pnii">married to Philip II, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">goes to Spain, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dowry of, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">gives birth to still-born twins, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Bayonne, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death of, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, n. 424.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Embden" id="Embden">Embden</a>, staple at, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Emperor" id="Emperor">Emperor</a>, revives claim to Three Bishoprics, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX to marry daughter of, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hostility of, to France, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to consider marriage of his daughter to Charles IX, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asked to stop progress of Protestant reiters, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">makes truce with Turks, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interest in Poland, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Ferdinand">Ferdinand</a>; <a href="#Maximilian">Maximilian</a>; <a href="#Three_Bishoprics">Three Bishoprics</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">England (English), contrasted with Spain, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">aid expected from, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">commercial interests in Low Countries, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">occupy Havre-de-Grace, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">“adversary of”, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and Philip II, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">adventurers flock to La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alliance with France proposed, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dares not break with Spain, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">treaty with William of Orange, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">Du Plessis-Mornay sent to, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Elizabeth_Queen">Elizabeth, Queen</a>; <a href="#Commerce">Commerce</a>; <a href="#Dale">Dale</a>; <a href="#Norris">Norris</a>; <a href="#Smith">Smith</a>; <a href="#Throckmorton">Throckmorton</a>; <a href="#Blois">Treaty of Blois</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Este, Hippolyte d’, cardinal of Ferrara. <i>See</i> <a href="#Ferrara">Ferrara</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Estouteville, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, n. 2.</p>

<p class="pni">Etampes, duke of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Etampes, Protestant camp near, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">recovered by duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">granary of Paris, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Evreux, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Famine, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Hard_Times">“Hard Times;”</a> <a href="#Plague">Plague</a>; <a href="#Commerce">Commerce</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ferdinand, petitioned by Margaret of Parma, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Emperor">Emperor</a>; <a href="#Three_Bishoprics">Three Bishoprics</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Ferdinand" id="Ferdinand">Ferdinand</a> of Aragon, ancestors of viscounts in war against, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Ferrara" id="Ferrara">Ferrara</a>, Hippolyte d’ Este, cardinal of:</p>
<p class="pnii">opposed by Chancellor L’Hôpital, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">likely to succeed his brother as duke of, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marriage of, with Marguerite of Valois proposed, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Finances" id="Finances">Finances</a>, early history of French, <a href="#Page_81">81</a> ff., <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reform of, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Henry III, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Clergy">Clergy</a>; <a href="#Debts">Debts</a>; <a href="#Dime">Dîme</a>; <a href="#States-General">Estates-General</a>; <a href="#Henry_II">Henry II</a>; <a href="#Loans">Loans</a>; <a href="#Swiss">Swiss</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fismes, duke of Guise wounded at battle of, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Flanders" id="Flanders">Flanders</a>, gunpowder brought from, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolt in, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">change in nature of revolt in, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">2000 troops from, arrive in Paris, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">trade with England, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Alva">Alva</a>; <a href="#Artois">Artois</a>; <a href="#Brabant">Brabant</a>; <a href="#Egmont">Egmont</a>; <a href="#Gueux">Gueux</a>; <a href="#Hoorne">Hoorne</a>; <a href="#Low_Countries">Low Countries</a>; <a href="#Valenciennes">Valenciennes</a>; <a href="#William_of_Orange">William of Orange</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Florida" id="Florida">Florida</a>, massacre of French colony in, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Menendez">Menendez</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Flushing, revolt of, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fleet of, captures Spanish merchantmen, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Foix, Paul de, pope refuses to receive, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fontainebleau, council at (1560), <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court goes to, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé aims to cut off, from Paris, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court removes from, to Melun, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fontarabia, Philip II strengthens, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fontenay (near Toul), Alva at, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_616" id="Page_616">[616]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Forez, Coligny in, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fourquevaux, French ambassador in Spain, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">succeeds St. Sulpice, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">embarrassed by massacre of French in Florida, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges Charles IX to be cautious, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reply to papal nuncio, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges marriage of Charles IX to Princess Anne of Hapsburg and that of Marguerite of Valois to Don Carlos, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Alva">Alva</a>; <a href="#Florida">Florida</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">France, social structure of, in sixteenth century, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relations with Denmark, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">possibility of war in, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and Philip II, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">William of Orange enters, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">state of, described by Sir Thomas Hoby, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alliance with England proposed, <a href="#Page_440">440-41</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prospect of war with Spain, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Franche Comté, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain fears French attack on, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot plot in, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Francis I (1515-47), <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">financial policy of, <a href="#Page_81">81-85</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fortifications of, around Paris, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of, upon silk industry, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Francis_II" id="Francis_II">Francis II</a>, King of France (1559-60), <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">character of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appeals to Philip II, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Franco-Gallia" id="Franco-Gallia"><i>Franco-Gallia</i></a>, a pamphlet by Hotman, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Frankfort, duke of Anjou passes through, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Frankfort Fair, William of Orange at, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fraternité des catholiques de Châlons-sur-Saône, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Association">Association</a>; <a href="#Brotherhood_of_Catholics">Brotherhood of Catholics in France</a>; <a href="#Confraternities">Confraternity</a>; <a href="#Confrerie">Confrérie</a>; <a href="#League">League</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Freiburg" id="Freiburg">Freiburg</a>, treaty of, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">league with Bern and Valais, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Frene, messenger of Parlement of Paris, assassinated, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Froelich" id="Froelich">Froelich</a>, Swiss colonel, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Gabelle, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Guyenne exempt from, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gaillac, destruction of, by viscounts, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gallican church, liberties of, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Garde, De la, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Garonne River, Huguenots masters of, at Port Ste. Marie, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Garris, siege of, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gascony, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé thinks of retiring to, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">germ of Catholic League in, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Protestantism in, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of provincial traditions upon, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Geneva, exiles from, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">“Geneva party” among Huguenots, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence upon Lyons, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">preachers from, in Netherlands, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fears joint attack of Spain and Savoy upon, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Genlis, captures Mons, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relief column of, intercepted, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">letter of Charles IX found upon person of, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Genoa, syndicate of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain borrows ships from, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva at, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Genoullac, administrative corruption of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Germany, activity of Guises in, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">return of French exiles from, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Smalkald war in, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">chief Protestant princes of, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">Hotman sent to, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots await aid from, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops sent to duke of Aumale from, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refugees from lower, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Protestants of, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis of Nassau’s dealings with Protestant princes of, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attitude of Protestant princes of, to French civil wars, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reiters levied in, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">looked to for assistance, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Protestants, assistance from, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX unable to recruit in, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Schomberg’s missions to, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French ambition in, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feeling in, because of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ghent, Alva determines to retire his forces into, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gien, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, captures Sluys and Bruges, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gondi, bishop of Paris, part of, in massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gordes, governor of Dauphiné, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gourdon, viscount of, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Grammont, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prevented from reaching Orleans, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva advises execution of, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposal to neutralize Béarn under, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Grands Jours d’Auvergne, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Granvella" id="Granvella">Granvella</a>, cardinal, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">gives warning of conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_617" id="Page_617">[617]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">favors international Catholic league, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asserts impracticability of helping Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">discovers Huguenot intrigues in Flanders, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">implores Philip II to come to Netherlands, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">retires to Besançon, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advises Spanish pressure upon France 266;</p>
<p class="pnii">ridicules rumor of Montgomery’s coming to Flanders, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">secretly petitioned by cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">comment on Flemish revolution, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gravelines, fortified, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gray, Alva at, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Gregory_XIII" id="Gregory_XIII">Gregory XIII</a>. <i>See</i> <a href="#St_Bartholomew">St. Bartholomew</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Grenoble, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Grisons" id="Grisons">Grisons</a>, Bellièvre sent to, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guernsey, governor of, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Leighton">Leighton</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Gueux" id="Gueux">Gueux</a>, William of Orange and Louis of Nassau allied with, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">formation of, <a href="#Page_312">312-14</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">masters of the sea, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Egmont">Egmont</a>; <a href="#William_of_Orange">William of Orange</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Guild" id="Guild">Guilds</a>, revolution in, <a href="#Page_217">217-23</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Confraternities">Confraternity</a>; <a href="#Confrerie">Confrérie</a>; <a href="#Industry">Industry</a>; <a href="#League">Leagues</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guise, duchess of, widow of Francis:</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to recognize acquittal of Coligny, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marries duke of Nemours, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guise, Francis, duke of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in charge of war office, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">opposition to, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">character of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captures Metz and Calais, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">lieutenant-general, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leaves court, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">loses influence, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">letter of, to Philip II, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot hatred of, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">peculations of, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Colloquy of Poissy, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leaves court, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">conference of, with duke of Württemberg at Saverne, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">responsibility for massacre of Vassy, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">enters Paris, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">assembles forces in Paris, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé demands withdrawal of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">takes Loudun and Chinon, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wounded at siege of Rouen, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fortifies Paris, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">holds Seine River, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">follows Condé’s retreat, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">repulsed at Clérie, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">besieges Orleans, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">assassinated, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Guise" id="Guise">Guise</a>, Henry, duke of, made grand master, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">given duchy of Châtellerault, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">returns to court, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to be reconciled with Châtillons, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Champagne, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">follows Condé, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">organizes opposition, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">establishes Catholic league in Champagne, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">defends Poitiers, <a href="#Page_385">385-87</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wounded at Moncontour, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">makes love to Marguerite of Valois, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marries princess of Porcien, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">part of, in massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_450">450-53</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX’s jealousy of, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">accuses Montmorency of plot to assassinate, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges arrest of Montmorency, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feud with Montmorency, <a href="#Page_491">491-94</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spanish soldiery flock to, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feud with duke of Montpensier, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ordered to resist coming of the reiters, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wounded, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guises, ancestry and wealth of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ambition of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">usurpation of, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear assassination, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarmed at conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">accuse Condé, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">pursue Visières and Maligny, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feud of, with Montmorencys, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, n., <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and war in Scotland, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">activity in Germany, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">popular feeling against, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">make changes in provincial administration, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">grievances against, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">designs of, to crush Huguenots, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fury of, at release of Condé, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">aim of, to control regency, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures of, to Antoine of Bourbon, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leave the court, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">adverse condition of, after death of Francis II, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">make use of aspirations of Antoine of Bourbon, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leave court, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catherine de Medici in fear of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">absence of, from court creates suspicion, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear lest they seize King, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">angry at court’s removal to Blois, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tyranny of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">besiege Caudebec, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">maladministration of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interest of, in the “Cardinal’s War”, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">secret negotiations with Spain, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">contemplate deposition of house of Valois, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plans of, thwarted by reiters, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hatred of, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposition to marry daughter of, to prince of Condé, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">secret conference of, at Louvre, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plan to subjugate Gascony and Guyenne, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">abuse Chancellor L’Hôpital 357;</p>
<p class="pnii">plan to capture Coligny, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">responsible for continuance of war, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feud with Châtillons, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tilt with Chancellor L’Hôpital, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_618" id="Page_618">[618]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">co-operate with Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">approach Montluc, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">discomfiture of, after peace of St. Germain, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">endeavor to break match between duke of Anjou and Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Aumale">Aumale, duke of</a>; <a href="#Elboeuf_duke_of">Elbœuf, duke of</a>; <a href="#Guise">Guise, duke of</a>; <a href="#Lorraine_cardinal_of">Lorraine, cardinal of</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guitery, joins Montgomery in Normandy, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">his blunder ruins the plot to seize Charles IX, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guyenne, Marshal Termes made governor of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">exempt from gabelle, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">badly infected with heresy, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rebellion in, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic league in, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">activity of Candalle in, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Protestantism in, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">early republicanism of Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">civil war in, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plan of Montluc to deliver to Spain, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">saved to Catholics by Montluc, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of provincial traditions upon, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot movement in, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gymbrois, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Haarlem, siege of, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Haguenau, grand bailiwick of, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hainault, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hanseatic cities. <i>See</i> <a href="#Dantzig">Dantzig</a>; <a href="#Revel">Revel</a>; <a href="#Riga">Riga</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hapsburg, union of house of, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">international plan to break dominion of, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Hard_Times" id="Hard_Times">“Hard Times”</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284-87</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Commerce">Commerce</a>; <a href="#Plague">Plague</a>; <a href="#Wheat">Wheat</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Harfleur, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Haton, Claude, quoted, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Havre" id="Havre">Havre</a>-de-Grace, seized by Maligny, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear lest it be given to English, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and Calais, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">occupied by England, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">question of evacuation of, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">precarious position of Warwick in, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">war with England over, inevitable, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva proposes, be put in Philip II’s hands pending mediation, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">England proposes to trade, for Calais, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">English possession of, jeopardizes commerce of Paris, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French assault begins upon, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">difficulties of siege of, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Warwick agrees to surrender, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">yielded to France, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Coligny not responsible for surrender of, to England, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">English occupation of, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Warwick">Warwick</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Heidelberg, duke of Anjou passes through, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hennebault, admiral, fall of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Henry_II" id="Henry_II">Henry II</a>, King of France (1547-59):</p>
<p class="pnii">mortally wounded in tournament with Montgomery, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dies, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">character of reign of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">suspected of favoring inquisition, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French exiles return after death of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">government of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wars of, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Henry" id="Henry">Henry</a>, duke of Orleans-Anjou, later Henry III (1574-89):</p>
<p class="pnii">industrial crisis of reign of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marriage of, to Juana of Spain proposed, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interest of, in Poland, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">bigotry of, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva proposes marriage of, to queen of Portugal, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">project of marriage of, to Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">lieutenant-general, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">endeavors to prevent junction between Condé and William of Orange, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">raises siege of Angoulême, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">endeavors to repair his losses, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">keeps the field in Saintonge, Angoumois, and Limousin, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wretched state of army of, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arms peasantry in Limousin, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">withdraws across Vienne River, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feigns attack on Châtellerault, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fights battle of Moncontour, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at siege of St. Jean-d’Angély, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">approves Montluc’s plan to conquer Béarn, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marriage negotiations of, with Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427-30</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposed marriage of, to Mary Stuart, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offered command of fleet against Turks, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">part of, in massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prospects of, in Poland, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">elected king of Poland, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leaves for Poland, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot-Politique plot to thwart succession of, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leaves Poland, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrives at Lyons, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hardens his policy toward Huguenots, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">determines to clear valley of Rhone, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">raises siege of Livron, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">coronation of, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marries Louise de Vaudemont, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">debates terms of peace, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">deposed by Polish Diet, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attempts to confiscate lands of the Rohans, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">excesses of, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">imposes new taxes, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">frivolity of, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">makes light of Henry of Navarre’s escape, <a href="#Page_515">515</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_619" id="Page_619">[619]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">grants Peace of Monsieur, <a href="#Page_515">515-21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Henry of Navarre, not permitted to go to mass, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demanded as hostage, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at siege of Garris, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">edict of Nantes and, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to make terms with the crown, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marriage of, with sister of duke of Württemberg proposed, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marriage of, with Marguerite of Valois proposed, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marriage of, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">abjuration of, on St. Bartholomew’s Day, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">opinion of, on massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrested, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">escape of, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands of, and terms granted in Peace of Monsieur, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hoby, Sir Thomas, his description of France, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Holland" id="Holland">Holland</a>, revolt in, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">all lost to Spain except Amsterdam and Rotterdam, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Louis_of_Nassau">Louis of Nassau</a>; <a href="#William_of_Orange">William of Orange</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Honfleur, captured by Aumale, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hoogstraeten, failure of his expedition, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Hoorne" id="Hoorne">Hoorne</a>, Flemish noble, leader of the revolt, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">association with William of Orange and Egmont, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrested, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to scaffold, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hospitals, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, n.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Hotman" id="Hotman">Hotman</a>, originator of conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">author of <i>Le Tigre</i>, a pamphlet, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">on States-General of Orleans, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Germany for aid, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">author of <i>Franco-Gallia</i>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Huguenots" id="Huguenots">Huguenots</a>, under Henry II, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">origin of the word, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">“of religion”, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">“political”, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">early republicanism of, exaggerated, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demand convocation of States-General, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Normandy, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Edict of Romorantin (1560) and the, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">strength of, in the provinces, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">riot of, in Rouen, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and council of Fontainebleau, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures of, to Antoine of Bourbon, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">grievances of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hope to organize States-General, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II seeks to harden policy of France toward, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">violence of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hostility of, to Guises, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urge cause of toleration, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuse to pay tithes, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">effrontery of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">organized nature of agitation of, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">diplomatic negotiations of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">riots of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposal to banish from court, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">undismayed by massacre of Vassy, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">house of worship of, in Paris destroyed, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">association of, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">destroy tax-registers 147;</p>
<p class="pnii">demolish Bourbon tombs at Moulins, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">communication of, with English, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hostility of Paris to, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demand withdrawal of Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">look for English financial aid, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">await aid from Germany, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">pillage churches, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">lines of, in August, 1562, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hope for English aid, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">radicals among, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Elizabeth advises, not to refuse reasonable terms, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">English complication of, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">procrastination of Elizabeth compels, to make terms, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">house-to-house search for, in Paris, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">association of Languedoc, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">disquietude, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">party of, made up of working classes, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">organization of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321-24</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">church polity of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proportion of, to Catholics, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarmed at Charles IX’s sojourn at Bar-le-Duc, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">confiscations imposed upon, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">iconoclasm of, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarm of, in south France, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">complain of Candalle and league of Agen, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Pius V advocates wholesale slaughter of, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fears of, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influx into Moulins, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rapprochement between, and Montmorencys, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">principles of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">backed by Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of Netherlands upon, <a href="#Page_296">296-98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">preachers of, in Low Countries, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Netherlands, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarm of, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dismayed at arrest of Egmont and Hoorne, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">exodus of, from Paris, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">efforts of, to cut off Paris, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plunder churches around Paris, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">try to break Swiss alliance, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures of, to revolted Flemings, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">capture citadel of Metz, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">terms demanded by, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interest of, in Dutch revolt, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proscription of, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">spirit of, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">not dismayed by death of prince of Condé, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">strength of, in Saintonge and Rochellois, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">anxiety of, over effect of death of prince of Condé on foreign negotiations, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">elated by capture of La Charité, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">capture Châtellerault and Lusignan, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">besiege Poitiers, <a href="#Page_385">385-87</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">intercept King’s treasurer in Limousin, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_620" id="Page_620">[620]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">division of party between nobles and bourgeoisie, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands of, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Joyeuse tries to prevent co-operation of, east and west of Rhone, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">council at Milhaud, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">strength of, in Provence and Languedoc, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">strength of, in southwestern France, <a href="#Page_408">408-10</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">new demands of, for peace, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">papal nuncio protests against, in Avignon, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demand restoration of William of Orange and Louis of Nassau, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feudal interests of, <a href="#Page_417">417</a> and n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">excluded from universities, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">organization of, formed at Montauban in 1573, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">deputies of, from Languedoc and Dauphiné plan to meet Charles IX, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">make common cause with Politiques, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">declaration of, of La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">division in party of, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">political theory of, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demand of, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">provincial system of, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">union with Politiques, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relations with England, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">terms of, in Peace of Monsieur, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hyères, court at, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Ile-de-France, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wheat dear in, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot leaders in, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Torcy made lieutenant-general in, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Industry" id="Industry">Industry</a>, revolution in, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Inquisition, urged in France under Henry II, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II orders maintenance of, in Flanders, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Interest, rates of, in fifteenth century, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in sixteenth century, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, n.</p>

<p class="pni">Ireland, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Italians" id="Italians">Italians</a>, in battle of La Roche l’Abeille, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at siege of Poitiers, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Strozzi">Strozzi</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Italy, lottery introduced from, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wars in, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II and, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French interests in, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French ambition in, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Jacquerie, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Peasantry">Peasantry</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jagiello house, last king of, in Poland dies, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jargeau, attempt to take, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Jarnac" id="Jarnac">Jarnac</a>, battle of, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jazeneuil, Condé defeated at, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, n.</p>

<p class="pni">Jemmingen, Louis of Nassau defeated at, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jesuits, <a href="#Page_132">132</a> and n., <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Joinville, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Deuxponts passes by, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Madame de Guise flees from, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Joinville, prince de, and Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Joyeuse, viscount of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Pius V sends troops to aid of, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">campaign in valley of Rhone, fails to take Pont St. Esprit, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">takes Loudun, Orsennes, and Tresques, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">defeats Montbrun, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">garrisons towns of Lower Languedoc and returns to Avignon, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tries to prevent co-operation of Huguenots on both banks of the Rhone River, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joins duke of Anjou, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">blocks viscount of Rapin, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fails in attempt to seize Damville, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Juana, sister of Philip II, marriage with Henry duke of Anjou suggested, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Junius, Francis, driven from Antwerp 297, n.</p>


<p class="pni">La Charité, rising in, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured by duke of Deuxponts, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">unsuccessfully assaulted by Lansac, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Marshal Cossé sent to recover, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX, offers to trade Perpignan or Lansac for, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Alençon demands, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Fére, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Alençon demands, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dispute over cession of, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Ferté-sous-Jouarre, Synod of, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lagebaston, president of parlement of Bordeaux, complains of conduct of Montluc, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lagny, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Haye, plots to seize La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">secedes to Politiques, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Marche, duke of Deuxponts dies in, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Mare, valet-de-chambre to Henry II, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Mole, arrest and execution of, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Mothe Gondrin, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">killed, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Langres, duke of Deuxponts passes by, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Alençon demands, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Languedoc, loans in, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">militia of, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX strengthens garrisons of, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">civil war in, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Damville’s government of, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_621" id="Page_621">[621]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Catholic league in Lower, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">towns controlled by Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">peasantry rise against Huguenots, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">viscounts in, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">control of Huguenots in Lower, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">divided into two governments by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot deputies of, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Noue, captures Orleans, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">seizes Luçon, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">comes to relief of Niort, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Saintonge, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wounded at Ste. Gemme, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Rochefort, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">goes to Netherlands, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">opinion of, of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">moderate policy of, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures to, by Charles IX, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">negotiations of, in La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Lusignan, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">persuades La Rochelle to join Politique party, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">efforts to prevent joining Montgomery, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">exchanged for Strozzi, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attempts to bribe, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">takes Lusignan, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">saying of, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lansac, Charles IX offers to trade for La Charité, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lansac, sent to Trent, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">to Rome, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">to Madrid, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">repulsed in assault on La Charité, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Place, vilification of La Noue by, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lara, Spanish ambassador at Trent, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Larboust, baron, proposes to neutralize Béarn, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Rive, pastor of church at St. Palais, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Roche l’Abeille, battle of, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="La_Rochelle" id="La_Rochelle">La Rochelle</a>, president of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">outbreak at, in 1542, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">port of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demanded by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot to seize, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">synod of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arms secretly stored at, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">secret plan to attack, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">king sends peace envoys to, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">townsmen of, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sea power of Huguenots at, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">La Noue at, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX offers to yield, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">aids Dutch, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">naval preparations at, in favor of Dutch, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">terms of peace granted by Charles IX, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reply of, to Charles IX, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">turns to England for aid, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">siege of, <a href="#Page_455">455-59</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">radical party in, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot to betray, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lausanne, treaty of, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">La Valette, plans to attack Montgomery at Condom, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">League, Gray, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Switzerland">Switzerland</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">League, Holy, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interest of Spain information of, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="League" id="League">League</a>, idea of Catholic, favored by Granvella, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">provincial, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Agen, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Anjou and Maine, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Toulouse, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of guilds upon, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">pernicious activity of Catholic, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Languedoc, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montluc’s advice concerning, <a href="#Page_256">256-58</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">forbidden by ordonnance of Moulins, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures to Philip II for formation of, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Holy League, establishment of, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">between Bern, Freiburg, and Valois, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II’s interest in provincial leagues, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">development of Holy League, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Ligue chrétienne et royale in Berry, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Anjou and Maine, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revival of, at Toulouse, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at St. Palais, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Politique league formed in Burgundy, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Association">Association</a>; <a href="#Brotherhood_of_Catholics">Brotherhood of Catholics</a>; <a href="#Confrerie">Confrérie</a>; <a href="#Guild">Guilds</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">League of the Public Weal (1465), <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">League of Toulouse, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lectoure, siege of, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Legate, papal, advises recourse to arms, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Ferrara">Ferrara</a>; <a href="#Santa_Croce">Santa Croce</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Leighton" id="Leighton">Leighton</a>, English captain, at siege of Rouen, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Lepanto" id="Lepanto">Lepanto</a>, battle of, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">L’Hôpital, Michel de, chancellor:</p>
<p class="pnii">made chancellor, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">author of Edict of Romorantin, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at council of Fontainebleau, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">pleads for harmony at States-General of Orleans, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">labors for toleration, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">counsels Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposal to expel from country, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Chantonnay protests against, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protests against findings of Council of Trent, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tilt with Guises, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">policy toward the guilds, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva’s objection to, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">supports petition in favor of Huguenots, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advocates reform, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_622" id="Page_622">[622]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">favors changes in Edict of Amboise, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to confer with Condé, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">abused by Guises, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">clashes with cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dismissal of, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Libourne, Montluc thinks of retiring to, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lignerolles, sent “to practice the stay of the reiters”, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to count palatine, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Limeuil, Isabella de, liaison of Condé with, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, n., <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Limoges, Sebastian de l’Aubespine, bishop of. <i>See</i> <a href="#Aubespine">Aubespine</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Limousin, duke of Anjou in, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">treasurer of, intercepted by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">no massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot movement in, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lithuania, secedes from Poland, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Livron, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Henry III raises siege of, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Loans" id="Loans">Loans</a>, history of French public, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Loches, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Loire River, Coligny aims to master line of, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé controls middle, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">towns of, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fighting line, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé unable to cross, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">government maintains line of, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">viscounts cross at Blois, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Montpensier instructed to hold passage of, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lombardy, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">exportation of grain from, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Londono, Don Sancho, Spanish commander, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Longjumeau" id="Longjumeau">Longjumeau</a>, Condé seizes highroad at, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Peace of, <a href="#Page_345">345-50</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of viscounts on Peace of, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Longueville, duke of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">assumes pay of reiters, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at siege of Poitiers, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to interview La Noue, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death of, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Longueville, Madamoiselle de, marries Condé, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lorraine, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wheat in, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Lorraine" id="Lorraine"></a><a name="Lorraine_cardinal_of" id="Lorraine_cardinal_of">Lorraine</a>, Charles of Guise, cardinal of, († 1574), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">charge of financial administration of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">altercation of, with Coligny, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">character of administration of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leaves court, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II writes to, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hostility to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Colloquy of Poissy, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leaves court again, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">corrupt practice of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">collects money at Trent for the war, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Council of Trent, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">bitter against policy of Charles IX, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Vienna, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">persuades Emperor Ferdinand, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposes to form “The Brotherhood of Catholics in France”, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feud with Marshal Montmorency, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">opposes Chancellor L’Hôpital, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hypocritical reconciliation with Coligny, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">accepts situation “telle quelle”, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">treasonable negotiations of, with Emperor, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva’s opinion of, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">negotiations with Spain, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">political “trimming” of, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">policy of, hardens, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposes marriage of Philip II and Marguerite of Valois, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">clashes with L’Hôpital, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">with army in Saintonge, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Jeanne d’Albret protests against, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hastens coming of reiters, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death of, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lorraine, duke of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prevented from joining Aumale, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">vassal for duchy of Bar, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Loudun, taken by duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé falls back on, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">skirmish near, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Loudun (in valley of Rhone), taken by Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Louis IX, loans of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Louis XI, ordonnance of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Louis XII, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">financial policy of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Louis_of_Nassau" id="Louis_of_Nassau">Louis of Nassau</a>, relations of, with the Gueux, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dealings of, with Protestant Germany, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">defeated at Jemmingen, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joins Coligny, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">restoration of, demanded by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges alliance of France and England, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">persuades Charles IX to sign Treaty of Blois, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leaves France for Valenciennes, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interviews Catherine de Medici at Blamont, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain fears co-operation of, with prince of Condé and duke of Bouillon, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Louise de Vaudemont, marries Henry III, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Louvre, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">secret conference of Guises at, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Low_Countries" id="Low_Countries">Low Countries</a>, revolt in, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot activity in, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_623" id="Page_623">[623]</a></span></p><p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Alva">Alva</a>; <a href="#Flanders">Flanders</a>; <a href="#Granvella">Granvella</a>; <a href="#Louis_of_Nassau">Louis of Nassau</a>; <a href="#Valenciennes">Valenciennes</a>; <a href="#William_of_Orange">William of Orange</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lucerne, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Luçon, La Noue seizes, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lusignan, taken by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">taken by La Noue, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lutherans, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Luxembourg, heretics from, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">difficulty of, with France, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">France fortifies frontier of, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva at, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Mansfeldt sent to, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Alva">Alva</a>; <a href="#Mansfeldt">Mansfeldt</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lyons, loan imposed upon, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">riot in 1542, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">commerce of, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolt of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of Geneva upon, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Reformed church in, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">recovery of, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to tolerate the mass, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">silk industry at, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plague at, <a href="#Page_236">236-38</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic pressure upon Catherine de Medici at, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX sends troops to, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Maarck, Count Van der. <i>See</i> <a href="#Beggars_of_the_Sea">Beggars of the Sea</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Macon, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Madrid, L’Aubespine returns from, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Maine, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic league of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Maligny, lieutenant of prince of Condé:</p>
<p class="pnii">pursued by Guises, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">seizes Havre-de-Grace, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Malta, siege of, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain borrows ships from, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Manrique, Don Juan de, ambassador of Philip II, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mans, Huguenot outburst at, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">bishop of, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Mansfeldt" id="Mansfeldt">Mansfeldt</a>, Count, sent to Luxembourg by Alva, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prevented from joining Aumale, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops of, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at battle of Moncontour, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Marcel, provost of Paris: participation of, in massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, n.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Margaret_of_Parma" id="Margaret_of_Parma">Margaret of Parma</a>, half-sister of Philip II and regent of Netherlands:</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses aid to France, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urged to send assistance to Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asserts impracticability, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sends aid, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fearful of revolt of Valenciennes, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">implores Philip II for aid, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asks concessions for Netherlands, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">petitions Emperor for aid, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Marguerite of Valois, sister of Charles IX, marriage of, proposed to Don Carlos, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">to Philip II, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marriage of, with Henry of Navarre proposed, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Guise makes love to, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Ferrara proposed as husband of, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Don Carlos proposed as husband of, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marries Henry of Navarre, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Marguerite, sister of Henry II, married to Emanuel Philibert of Savoy, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Marillac, archbishop of Vienne, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Marillac, François, counsel of Condé, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Marmoutier, abbey of, plundered by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Marseilles, riot at, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court at, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Martamot, Bernard Astarac, baron of, recovers Tarbes, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Martigues, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Martyr, Peter, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Matignon, captures Montgomery, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">made marshal of France, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Maximilian" id="Maximilian">Maximilian</a>, Emperor:</p>
<p class="pnii">France at odds with, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urged to recover Metz, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">affirms suzerainty over, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">daughter of, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Meaux" id="Meaux">Meaux</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé goes to, after massacre of Vassy, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court at, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Melun, court removes to, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Menendez" id="Menendez">Menendez</a>, massacres French colony in Florida, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Merchant adventurers, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, n.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Metz" id="Metz">Metz</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear lest Emperor try to seize, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">imperial designs upon, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Emperor affirms suzerainty over, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Vieilleville sent to, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">importance of Calvinists in, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé demands, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">citadel captured by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">center of government’s activity against duke of Deuxponts and William of Orange, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">expulsion of Calvinists from, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Anjou avoids, on way to Poland, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_624" id="Page_624">[624]</a></span></p><p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Cardinals_War">Cardinal’s War</a>; <a href="#Three_Bishoprics">Three Bishoprics</a>; <a href="#Vieilleville">Vieilleville</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mezières, duke of Alençon demands, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Middelburg, revolt of, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Milan, Spanish governor of, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French claim to, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Milhaud" id="Milhaud">Milhaud</a>, Huguenot association at, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot camp at, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alliance of Huguenots and Politiques at, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Minard, vice-president of Parlement of Paris, murdered, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, n.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Moncontour" id="Moncontour">Moncontour</a>, battle of, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mons, capture of, Genlis, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">surrenders, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Monsieur" id="Monsieur">Monsieur</a>, Peace of, <a href="#Page_516">516-21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montaigu, viscount of, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montargis, rising in, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montaubon, demolition of walls of, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">viscounts at, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX offers to yield to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">resists Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">three thousand Huguenots and Politiques of Toulouse find refuge in, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot convention at, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montbrison (in Auvergne), Coligny at, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montbrun, captain of Scotch Guard killed at battle of Moncontour, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montbrun, defeated by Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montbrun, son of the constable, killed at Dreux, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mont Cenis, Alva’s route over, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montclaire, Antoine de Rabastenis, viscount of, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mont de Marsan, court at, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre at., by Montluc, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montdidier, entered by Catholic army, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montereau, Condé establishes headquarters at, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montfort, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montfran, battle near, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Montgomery" id="Montgomery">Montgomery</a>, Gabriel de Lorges, sieur de, captain of the Scotch Guard: mortally wounds Henry II in tournament, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Havre-de-Grace, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asks for terms during siege of Rouen, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">escapes, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Dieppe, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">precarious condition of, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rumor of coming of, to Flanders, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attends court at Moulins, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">swaggers around Paris, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear lest he come to Netherlands, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Lower Normandy, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Pontoise, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">some of the Scotch Guard desert to, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Languedoc, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Castres, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">near Toulouse, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">raises siege of Navarrens, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">campaign in Béarn, <a href="#Page_398">398-402</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joins Coligny, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montluc plans to attack at Condom, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ravages environs of Toulouse with Coligny, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">escapes from massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appears with fleet before La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in England, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">lands near Coutances and joins Guitery in Normandy, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reply of, to Charles IX, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">takes Carentan and Argentan, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured and put to death, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montigny, one of the leaders of the Flemish revolt, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">faithlessness of, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montjean, marshal, exactions of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montluc, Blaise de, suppresses riot at Agen, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reputation of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">“true creator of the French infantry”, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Sienna, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hostility of, to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">saves Toulouse and Bordeaux, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">helps form Catholic league at Toulouse, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ordered to report to Marshal Termes at Orleans, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">helps form Catholic league at Agen, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protest against, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">estimate of, of number of Huguenots in Guyenne, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">approached by Guises, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advice of, concerning formation of provincial Catholic leagues, <a href="#Page_256">256-58</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposes formation of international Catholic league, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joint plan of, with Philip II, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offered asylum in Spain, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">warns Philip II of connection between Huguenots and revolted Flemings, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">on political theory of the Huguenots, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">hatred of, of Damville, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Gascony, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dealings of, with Philip II, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">vigilance of, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">outrages of, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Jeanne d’Albret crosses Garonne “under the nose of”, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">discovers plot in Bordeaux, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">resigns commission, but retracts resignation, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plans with Terride to deliver Guyenne to Spain, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plan of, to conquer Béarn, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">praises Montgomery, <a href="#Page_398">398-402</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">makes overtures to Damville, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">thinks of retiring to Libourne or Agen, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacres Mont de Marsan, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_625" id="Page_625">[625]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">admiration of, for the reiters, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">saves Guyenne to Catholic cause, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fortifies Agen, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plans to attack Montgomery at Condom, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">secret dealings of, with Charles IX, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">still hopes to conquer Béarn, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">terribly wounded in siege of Rabastens, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montluc, Jean de, bishop of Valence, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">preaches at court, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Colloquy of Poissy, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposal to expel from country, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to confer about peace, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">commissioner of finances in Guyenne, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent on mission to Poland, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montmorency, Anne de, constable of France:</p>
<p class="pnii">favorite of Henry II, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feud of, with Guises, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">not a party to conspiracy of Amboise 29, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">holds balance of power after death of Francis II, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II writes to, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">forms Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">welcomes duke of Guise after massacre of Vassy, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advises king to repudiate responsibility for Vassy, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">organizes Paris, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">over-rules Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">charged with corrupt practice, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">begins to weaken, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposes to petition the Pope for aid, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé demands retirement of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fears English intervention, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured at battle of Dreux, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">imprisonment of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">endeavors to make a settlement, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">destruction of house of, plotted by Guises, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">quarrel with cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protest in favor of Cardinal Châtillon, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">anger of, at Guises, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">quits court, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">avarice of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rash reply of, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">lieutenant-general, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">killed at battle of St. Denis, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montmorency, marshal and duke of, eldest son of the constable:</p>
<p class="pnii">governor of Paris, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feud with cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">approaches Huguenots, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">succeeds to constableship, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Paris furious at, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">confers about peace, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">assumes pay of reiters, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">informed of plot of Guises, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">moderation of, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leaves Paris, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advocates marriage of Henry of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">deposed as governor of Paris, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">disaffection of, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">the man of the hour, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges marriage of duke of Anjou and Elizabeth and Henry of Navarre with Marguerite of Valois, <a href="#Page_422">422-26</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relations of, with Charles IX, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX urged to execute, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrested, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feud with Guises, the “seed of the war”, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montpellier, Huguenot league at, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court at, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">resists Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montpensier, duke of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II writes to, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and the Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mobbed by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva’s convert at Bayonne, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">castle belonging to, taken, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">defeats viscounts in Périgord, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent into Anjou, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">feud of, with the Guises, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montreuil, Coligny at, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montrichard, Coligny at, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mont St. Michel, Charles IX at, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Morillon, provost, upon Flemish revolt, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Moriscos, revolt of, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Morlaas (in Béarn), captured by Terride, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Morvilliers, bishop of Orleans, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">confers with Condé, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">as keeper of the seal protests against feudal release of duchy of Bar and resigns, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">warns Charles IX, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Moulins, Huguenots destroy Bourbon tombs at, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court passes winter at, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influx of Huguenots into, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interdiction of Protestant worship at, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ordonnance of, <a href="#Page_291">291-96</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mouy, tries to prevent Strozzi’s coming, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Muscovite, Polish hostility to, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Musket, introduction of field, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Nancy, duke of Anjou passes through, on way to Poland, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Nantes" id="Nantes">Nantes</a>, conspiracy of Amboise plotted at, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Edict of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">no massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Naples, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops from, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French claim to, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Narbonne, taken by Huguenot-Politique party, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nassau. <i>See</i> <a href="#Louis_of_Nassau">Louis of Nassau</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_626" id="Page_626">[626]</a></span></p><p class="pni">“Natural frontiers”, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Navarre, Philip II fears attack upon, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Navarrens, siege of, by Terride, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">raised by Montgomery, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nemours, duke of:</p>
<p class="pnii">made governor of Champagne, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">implicated in plot to kidnap Henry, duke of Orleans-Anjou, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">forsakes his wife and marries duchess of Guise, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">breaks Condé’s blockade of Paris, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ordered to intercept duke of Deuxponts, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nemours, Madame de (duchess of Guise):</p>
<p class="pnii">complicity of, in massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands governorship of Normandy for husband, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nérac, Huguenot church at, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montgomery at, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolts, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Netherlands" id="Netherlands">Netherlands</a>, progress of heresy in, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">critical situation in, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II and, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolt of, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">connection of revolt of, with Huguenots, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot preachers in, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear lest Montgomery come, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of France upon, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposed alliance for liberation of, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Alva">Alva</a>; <a href="#Egmont">Egmont</a>; <a href="#Flanders">Flanders</a>; <a href="#Granvella">Granvella</a>; <a href="#Holland">Holland</a>; <a href="#Hoorne">Hoorne</a>; <a href="#Louis_of_Nassau">Louis of Nassau</a>; <a href="#Margaret_of_Parma">Margaret of Parma</a>; <a href="#Philip_II">Philip II</a>; <a href="#Valenciennes">Valenciennes</a>; <a href="#William_of_Orange">William of Orange</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nevers, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured by duke of Deuxponts, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nevers, duke of, claims government of Normandy, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Newhaven. <i>See</i> <a href="#Havre">Havre-de-Grace</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nîmes, Protestantism at, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court at, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Niort, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">La Noue relieves, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Coligny falls back on, after battle of Moncontour, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Alençon demands, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nivernais, Protestantism in, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nobility, policy of, in 1559, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">impoverishment of, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Noizay, château de, rendezvous of conspirators of Amboise, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Nonio" id="Nonio">Nonio</a>, an astrologer, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Normandy, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">loans made in, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Coligny made governor of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear of English intervention in, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">formidable nature of revolt in, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">militia of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Protestantism in, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">coast defense of, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">war of partisans in Lower, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">apprehension in ports of, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dispute over governorship of, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Bayeux">Bayeux</a>; <a href="#Caen">Caen</a>; <a href="#Caudebec">Caudebec</a>; <a href="#Dieppe">Dieppe</a>; <a href="#Havre">Havre</a>; <a href="#Rouen">Rouen</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Norris" id="Norris">Norris</a>, Sir Henry, English ambassador, protests innocence of English government’s conduct, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges marriage of Queen Elizabeth with duke of Anjou, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Nostradamus" id="Nostradamus">Nostradamus</a>, astrologer, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nuncio, papal, demands that Cardinal Châtillon resign, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Madrid, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protests against Huguenots in Avignon and Verre, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Ferrara">Ferrara</a>; <a href="#Santa_Croce">Santa Croce</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nürnberg, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Olivier, chancellor, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Oran, Philip II’s expedition to, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Orange, cruelties practiced at, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Orange, William of, at deathbed of Henry II, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leader of revolt of Netherlands, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tactics of, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">insists upon convocation of States-General, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">allied with Gueux, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relations with Condé, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">with Egmont and Hoorne, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">leaves Flanders, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">seeks to use reiters of Casimir, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">enters France, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">anxiety over movements of, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">effects junction with Deuxponts, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Egmont">Egmont</a>; <a href="#Gueux">Gueux</a>; <a href="#Hoorne">Hoorne</a>; <a href="#Louis_of_Nassau">Louis of Nassau</a>; <a href="#Netherlands">Netherlands</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Orléannais, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Protestantism in, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Orleans, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot worship at, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">States-General at, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé assumes command of Huguenot forces at, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops pour into, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Grammont fails to reach, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fear lest supplies be cut off from, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">condition of country around, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé retires to, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic garrisons around, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot center at, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">D’Andelot’s serious position in, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">siege of, <a href="#Page_186">186-88</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demolition of walls of, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured by La Noue, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot to seize, by Catholics, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic headquarters at, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relief of, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_627" id="Page_627">[627]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Orleans, Henry, duke of Orleans-Anjou. <i>See</i> <a href="#Henry">Henry III</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Orsenne, taken by Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Orthez, captured by Terride, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ostabanés, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ozances, French ambassador in Spain, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Pacheco, cardinal, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Palatine" id="Palatine">Palatine</a>, count, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Casimir">Casimir</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pampeluna, Philip II strengthens, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pamphlets, Huguenot, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Franco-Gallia"><i>Franco-Gallia</i></a>; <a href="#Hotman">Hotman</a>; <a href="#Huguenots">Huguenots</a>; <a href="#Tigre_Le"><i>Le Tigre</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Parat, viscount of, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Paris" id="Paris">Paris</a>, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">loan demanded of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Chaudien, Protestant pastor in, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic preachers of, admonished, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rentes of, <a href="#Page_83">83-85</a> (<i>see</i> <a href="#Finances">Finances</a>; <a href="#Debts">Debt</a>);</p>
<p class="pnii">abounds with Huguenot preachers, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">riot in, <a href="#Page_94">94-96</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prince de la Roche-sur-Yon made governor of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Marshal Montmorency made governor of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">violence of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">receives duke of Guise joyfully after massacre of Vassy, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">weakness of Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prince of Condé leaves, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarm of, <a href="#Page_137">137-39</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops collected in, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fears attack by Condé, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hostility to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">people of, armed, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé advances upon, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">gunpowder factory at, blown up, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to tolerate terms of peace, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appealed to for loan, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hatred of, of Coligny, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">witticism of, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">preponderance of, in formation of Holy League exaggerated, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plague at, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wheat dear in, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montgomery in, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">court moves to, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">bigotry of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">exodus of Huguenots from, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">blockade of, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">makes loan to king, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">precarious condition of Condé before, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Flemish troops arrive at, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">loyalty of, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prepares for siege, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic resentment of, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">garrison of, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alençon made governor of, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">anxiety of Guises over, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">elation at news of Jarnac, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">frightened by capture of La Charité, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers to maintain war, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">forced loan in, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">commercial dispute with Rouen, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">military preparations in, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attacks upon, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">preparations to defend, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">remonstrances of, to Henry III, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">resents Peace of Monsieur, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Parlement of Paris, hostility of, to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">acquits prince of Condé, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hopes of L’Hôpital and Coligny about, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">forbids speculation in grain, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">good sense of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pau, captured by Terride, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Paulin, Bertrand de Rabastenis, viscount of, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot governor in Languedoc, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Peasantry" id="Peasantry">Peasantry</a>, armed by duke of Anjou, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Languedoc and Quercy, allied with viscounts, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wretchedness of, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arms in hands of, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolt of, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Périgord, Condé in, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Perigueux, taken by Huguenots-Politiques, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Perpignan, Charles offers to trade for La Charité, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Peter’s Pence, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pfiffer, Swiss colonel at Meaux, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Philip_II" id="Philip_II">Philip II</a>, King of Spain (1557-98):</p>
<p class="pnii">marries Elizabeth of Valois, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">notified of death of Henry II, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">suspected of urging inquisition in France, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers aid to Guises, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarmed at project of a national council in France, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appealed to by Francis II, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">said to be inclined to restore Navarre, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">seeks to harden policy of France toward Huguenots, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">writes to Catholic leaders, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appealed to by Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarmed at policy of France, <a href="#Page_116">116-18</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">redoubles efforts with Antoine of Bourbon, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">continental designs of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">procrastination of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers Sardinia to Antoine of Bourbon, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asked for aid, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fears attack on Navarre and strengthens Fontarabia and Pampeluna, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and England, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joy over battle of Dreux, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hostility to Edict of Amboise, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarmed at England’s possible recovery of Calais, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">resolved to act after massacre of Vassy, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">opposed to marriage of Charles IX or Condé to Mary Stuart, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and France, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_628" id="Page_628">[628]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">and Italy, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and England, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and Scotland, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">character of, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interest of, in crushing Calvinism, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joint plan of, with Pius IV and Montluc, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">orders maintenance of inquisition in Flanders, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">implored to come to Netherlands, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">consents to interview with Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">letter of, to Cardinal Pacheco, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">consents to have Charles IX marry Elizabeth of Austria, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">anxiety of, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">doubt as to his course, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overshadows France, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">worried at connection between Huguenots and revolted Flemings, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refused permission to have Spanish troops cross France, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">knowledge of, of massacre of French in Florida, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">favors plan to recover Metz, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dares not make overt move against France, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">determines to send Alva to Flanders, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">angry at alliance of France and Switzerland, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">self-control of, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fears Catherine de Medici will make termswith Huguenots, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">secret relations of, with Montluc, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interest of, in provincial Catholic leagues, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposed as husband of Marguerite of Valois, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marries Anne of Austria, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">war of, with the Moriscos, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plans with reference to Mary Stuart, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">advised by Requesens of Huguenot activity of, in Low Countries, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Philip IV, financial policy of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Picardy, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rebellion in, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">militia of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">wheat dear in, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">frontier strengthened, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">government of, promised to Condé, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Marshal Cossé in, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prince of Condé made governor of, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">danger on border of, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain alarmed at situation in, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Piedmont, Marshal Termes in, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">viscount of Paulin in, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pilles, defends St. Jean-d’Angély, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Piracy, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Pius_IV" id="Pius_IV">Pius IV</a>, alarmed at plan of National Council in France, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offended at action of States-General, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sends cardinal of Ferrara to France, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">petitioned for aid, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sends troops to Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">anticipated death of, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">remonstrance of Charles IX to, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">idea of, of a European concert, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">brings pressure upon Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joint plan with Philip II and Montluc, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">favors France at Trent, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Pius_V" id="Pius_V">Pius V</a>, advocates wholesale slaughter of Huguenots, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops of, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">takes victory of Jarnac as answer to prayer, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">elation of, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Plague" id="Plague">Plague</a>, at Lyons, <a href="#Page_236">236-38</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Poissy" id="Poissy">Poissy</a>, Colloquy of, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110-14</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interest of German princes in, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Andelot sent to seize, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Poitiers" id="Poitiers">Poitiers</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">exempt from gabelle, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rising in, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured by St. André, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rebellion in, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Protestantism in, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">siege of, <a href="#Page_385">385-87</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Poitou, Huguenot movement in, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Poitiers">Poitiers</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Poland, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Anjou elected king of, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French ambition in, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Politiques, difficult to distinguish between, and Huguenots, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">germ of, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">labor for peace, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">make common cause with Huguenots, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">political theory of, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">imbued with Hotman’s teachings, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alliance with Huguenots at Milhaud, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Politique league in Burgundy, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Poltrot, assassin of duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pontacq (in Béarn), captured by Terride, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pont-à-Mousson, duke of Deuxponts at, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pont Audemer, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pont de Cé, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Alençon demands, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pontoise, adjourned session of States-General at, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106-9</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot outburst at, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands of States-General of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montgomery sent to seize, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pont St. Esprit, Joyeuse fails to take, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pope, nullifies marriage of duke of Nemours and offends the Rohans, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">consents to alienation of church property, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">takes victory of Jarnac as answer to prayer, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_629" id="Page_629">[629]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">opposed to Spain’s Polish aspirations, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to receive Paul de Foix, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Pius_IV">Pius IV</a>; <a href="#Pius_V">Pius V</a>; <a href="#Gregory_XIII">Gregory XIII</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Porcien, prince of, activity of, in Low Countries, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Porcien, princess of, marries duke of Guise, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Portereau, a faubourg of Orleans, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Port Ste. Marie, captured by Coligny, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">destruction of bridge at, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Port St. Martin, faubourg of Paris, windmills in, burned by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Portsmouth, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Portugal, proposal that queen of, marry duke of Anjou, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Portuguese marriage planned for Marguerite of Valois, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Portuguese, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pouzin, Huguenot stronghold, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured by Henry III, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Poyet, chancellor of Francis I, reforms of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pragmatic Sanction of Charles VII, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Provence, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">association of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Protestantism in, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles IX strengthens garrisons of, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">civil war in, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">towns controlled by Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">viscount of Rapin in, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot control of, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Provins, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, n., <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Prussia, Lithuania makes alliance with Russia, Sweden, and, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Puygaillard, outmatched by La Noue, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Quercy, viscounts in, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Rabastens Montluc terribly wounded at siege of, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ranke, quoted on massacre of Vassy, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rapin, viscount of, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in rising of Toulouse in 1562, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">governor of Montauban, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">crosses Rhone into Dauphiné and Provence, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ravages in Vivarais, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Reformation in England and Germany, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Regency, of Blanche of Castille, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Anne of Beaujeu, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and Salic Law, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, n.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Antoine_of_Bourbon">Antoine of Bourbon</a>; <a href="#Catherine_de_Medici">Catherine de Medici</a>; <a href="#Charles_IX">Charles IX</a>; <a href="#Francis_II">Francis II</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Reiters" id="Reiters">Reiters</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, n., <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cross Seine, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">introduce German words into French language, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">in Normandy, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at battle of Dreux, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Coligny in fear of his own, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">spoliation of Normandy by, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">return of, to Germany, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">depredations of, <a href="#Page_193">193-95</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">paid by Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of Rhinegrave, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Lignerolles sent “to&nbsp; practice the stay of”, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">enter Lorraine, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">effect junction with Condé, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">pay of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ravages of, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">effort to prevent, joining William of Orange, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">levied in Germany, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">of duke of Deuxponts, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urged to advance to Loire River, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Paris fears coming of, after capture of La Charité, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in battle of Moncontour, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">threaten to mutiny, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hastened forward by cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tentative offer of restoration of Three Bishoprics if Emperor will stay progress of, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">effective warfare of, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mutiny of, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">devastate Fair of Champagne, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">plundering of, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cross Rhine, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">ravages in Champagne, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">return of, to Germany, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Renaudie, Godfrey de Barry, sieur de; leader of conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death of, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rennes, Bochetel, bishop of, sent to count palatine, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rentes, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Finances">Finances</a>; <a href="#Debts">Debts</a>; <a href="#Loans">Loans</a>; <a href="#Paris">Paris</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Requesens, succeeds Alva as governor of Spanish Netherlands, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers Spanish troops to Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">warns Philip II of Huguenot activity in Low Countries, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fears daughter of William of Orange will marry duke of Alençon, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Revel" id="Revel">Revel</a>, discontent with Polish election, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rheims, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">endangered by William of Orange, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Henry III crowned at, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rhine, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_630" id="Page_630">[630]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">D’Andelot crosses, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rhinegrave, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reiters of, mutiny in Champagne, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rhinelands, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rhone river, Joyeuse’s campaign in valley of, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Henry III attempts to clear valley of, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ridolfi plot, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Riga" id="Riga">Riga</a>, discontent with French election in Poland, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Robert, Claudius, counsel of prince of Condé, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rochefort, La Noue at, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rochefoucauld, count of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">driven into Saintonge, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva advises execution of, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rochelle. <i>See</i> <a href="#La_Rochelle">La Rochelle</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Roche-sur-Yon, prince de, accompanies Elizabeth of France to Spain, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">governor of Orleans, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">governor of Paris, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">supplanted by Marshal Montmorency, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Roggendorf, recruiting sergeant of Guises in Germany, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">arrives in Paris, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catherine de Medici demands withdrawal of, from Paris, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Reiters">Reiters</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rohan, duke de, forbids Catholic worship in his domains, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">anger of, at duke of Nemours for divorce of his wife, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots flee to protection of, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Henry III attempts to confiscate the lands of, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rome, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Gregory_XIII">Gregory XIII</a>; <a href="#Pius_IV">Pius IV</a>; <a href="#Pius_V">Pius V</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Romero, Julian, Spanish commander, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Romorantin" id="Romorantin">Romorantin</a>, Edict of, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Edict">Edict</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rosay-en-Brie, rendezvous of Huguenots at, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rotrou, county of, given to Condé, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rotterdam, all Holland lost to Spain save Amsterdam and, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Rouen" id="Rouen">Rouen</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">riots in, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Reformed church in, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé thinks of going to, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Aumale approaches, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">resolve to attack, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">siege of, <a href="#Page_165">165-70</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Marshal Brissac at, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">objects to Edict of Amboise, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic association in Rouennais, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">port of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">opposition to Peace of Longjumeau in, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">commercial dispute of, with Paris, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rouergue, raid of viscounts in, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Milhaud">Milhaud</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Rouissillon" id="Rouissillon">Rouissillon</a>, Edict of, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Edict">Edict</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Roy, Jacques le, archbishop of Bourges, aids in establishment of Catholic league in Berry, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Roye, Eleanor de, princess of Condé, asks Elizabeth for aid, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">death, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">St. Aignan, Coligny at, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Ambroise, Alva at, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. André, marshal, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II writes to, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hostility of, to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">joins Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reprimanded by Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">charged with corrupt practice, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé demands retirement of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captures Poitiers, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">killed at battle of Dreux, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">succeeded by Marshal Vieilleville, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">daughter of, not permitted to marry young prince of Condé, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="St_Bartholomew" id="St_Bartholomew">St. Bartholomew</a>, massacre of, influence of Bayonne Conference upon, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot organization before and after, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre of, <a href="#Page_449">449-53</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">responsibility of Catherine de Medici for, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">causes fourth civil war, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">German resentment because of, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Catherine’s Mount, fortress of Rouen, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Rouen">Rouen</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Cloud, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">war in, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Denis, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">windmills in faubourg of, burned by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">battle of, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Florens, abbey of, Condé massacres garrison of, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ste. Gemme, La Noue wounded at battle of, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Germain, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Peace of, <a href="#Page_416">416-18</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">infractions of, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot to seize king at, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Honoré, faubourg of, windmills burned in, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Jean-d’Angély, arms secretly stored at, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">siege of, <a href="#Page_389">389-90</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">townsmen of, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">honorable treatment of garrison of, by Charles IX, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_631" id="Page_631">[631]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">revolts, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Jean de Maurienne, Alva at, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Lô, demolition of walls of, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenot forces in, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Louis (Louis IX), <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Marceau, Catholic camp in faubourg of, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Martin-des-champs, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Mathurin, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Maur-des-Fosses, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Omer, “Spanish Fury” at, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Ouen, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Palais, Catholic league at, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Pierre, abbey of, Condé imprisoned in, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Quentin, battle of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Roman, viscount of, made Huguenot governor in Languedoc, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Sulpice, French ambassador in Spain:</p>
<p class="pnii">Catherine de Medici’s correspondence with, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">discovers plot to kidnap Jeanne d’Albret and seize Béarn, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">succeeded by Fourquevaux, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Saintes, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">arms secretly stored at, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Saintonge, exempt from gabelle, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolt in, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Anjou in, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">La Noue in, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Salic Law, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Salzedo. <i>See</i> <a href="#Cardinals_War">Cardinal’s War</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sancerre, count of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sancerre, siege of, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Santa_Croce" id="Santa_Croce">Santa Croce</a>, cardinal of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sardinia, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offered to Antoine of Bourbon, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops from, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Saumur, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">garrison at, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Coligny plans to take, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Alençon demands, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sauveterre (in Béarn), captured by Terride, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Saverne, conference between dukes of Guise and Würtemburg at, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Savigny, lieutenant in Touraine, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Savoy, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">dowry of duchess of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Alva’s march through, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops of, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Savoy, Emanuel Philibert, duke of, marries sister of Henry II, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges extirpation of heresy, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mission of Don Juan de Acuna to, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">treaty of, with Bern, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interview, with Damville, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Saxony, John William, duke of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Schomberg, German colonel in service of France, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">missions of, to Germany, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Scotch Guard, history of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">reduced, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">meeting of, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">supplanted by Swiss Guard, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, n.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Montgomery">Montgomery</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Scotland, French troops sent to, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alliance with France, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip II and, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relations of, with England, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Lorraine_cardinal_of">Cardinal of Lorraine</a>; <a href="#Stuart_Mary">Mary Stuart</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sedan, duke of Bouillon at, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Seine River, guard of, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mouth of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">line of, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Coligny unable to cross, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé unable to cross, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Seize (Sixteen) nucleus of Holy League in Paris, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sens, archbishop of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">riot at, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">highroad to, held by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sevignac, viscount of, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sforza, Ludovico, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Shakerly, Thomas, an Englishman, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sicily, troops from, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Siena, Montluc at, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sigismund Augustus of Poland, death of, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Silly, Jacques de, representative of noblesse in States-General, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sipierre, lieutenant in Orléannais, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sluys, Spanish fleet in, dispersed, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Smith" id="Smith">Smith</a>, English ambassador in France, tries to dissuade Huguenots from making peace, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands restitution of Calais, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">description of plague at Lyons, <a href="#Page_236">236-38</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">saying of, about cardinal of Lorraine, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">writes to Burghley, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interest of, in marriage negotiations of Elizabeth and duke of Anjou, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Soissons (Soissonais), wheat dear in, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">captured by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">plot to seize, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Somarive, cruelties of, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sorbonne, hostility of, to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_632" id="Page_632">[632]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">students of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Spain, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catherine de Medici inclines toward, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">money from, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges extirpation of heresy, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">saying of Spain’s ambassador, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">commerce of, in Lombardy, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">impatient for fulfilment of promise at Bayonne, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Protestants of, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">policy of, in Switzerland, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fears French attack on Franche Comté, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">offers duke of Anjou command of fleet against Turks, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands that Charles IX suppress Huguenot activity in Netherlands, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">prospect of war with France, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">interest of, in Poland, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">alarm over possible cession of border fortress in Picardy to prince of Condé, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Alava">Alava</a>; <a href="#Alva">Alva</a>; <a href="#Chantonnay">Chantonnay</a>; <a href="#Philip_II">Philip II</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Spanish fury”, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Splügen Pass, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="States-General" id="States-General">States-General</a>, of Orleans, called, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relation of, to proposed National Council, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">transferred from Meaux to Orleans, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots hope to organize, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">opening of, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">debates in, <a href="#Page_75">75-80</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">legislation of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">financial policy of, <a href="#Page_87">87-89</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">factional rivalry in, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">resolution of, governing clergy, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">adjourned session of, at Pontoise, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106-9</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demands of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">demand for, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Stelvio Pass, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Strasburg, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Strozzi, cardinal, helps in formation of Catholic league at Toulouse, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Strozzi" id="Strozzi">Strozzi</a>, Italian artillery colonel, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">troops under command of, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">destroys bridge of boats across Seine, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">taken prisoner at battle of La Roche l’Abeille, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacres garrison of Marans, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">exchanged for La Noue, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Italians">Italians</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Stuart_Mary" id="Stuart_Mary">Stuart, Mary</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">proposed marriage of, to Don Carlos, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sought in marriage by King of Denmark, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">project to marry prince of Condé to, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Guises want to marry, to Charles IX, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Anjou put forward as husband of, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">marries Darnley, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Stuart, Robert, suspected of murder of president Minard, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">kills constable Montmorency at battle of St. Denis, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Superstition, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Nonio">Nonio</a>; <a href="#Nostradamus">Nostradamus</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sweden, relations of, with Poland, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Swiss" id="Swiss">Swiss</a>, payment of, by Francis I, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">join Tavannes, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to aid of duke of Aumale, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">enrolment of, to protect French frontier, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots try to break French alliance with, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sufferings of, in the army, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cannot come till September, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at siege of Poitiers, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuse to let France enroll mercenaries, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent into Languedoc and Dauphiné, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">licensed, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Froelich">Froelich</a>; <a href="#Meaux">Meaux</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Switzerland" id="Switzerland">Switzerland</a>, French exiles from, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cantonal system of, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">mentioned, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain’s ascendency in, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French interests in, <a href="#Page_240">240-43</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rivalry of France and Spain in, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">French enrolments in, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fears joint attack of Spain and Savoy, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">true policy of France in, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">policy of Spain in, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">debts of French crown in, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Basel">Basel</a>; <a href="#Bellievre">Bellièvre</a>; <a href="#Bern">Bern</a>; <a href="#Freiburg">Freiburg</a>; <a href="#Grisons">Grisons</a>; <a href="#Valois">Valois</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Taille, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Debts">Debt</a>; <a href="#Finances">Finances</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tarbes, Huguenots recover, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tarde, pastor of church at Ostabanès, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Tavannes" id="Tavannes">Tavannes</a>, marshal opposes extraordinary tribunals, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Dauphiné after conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">accuses Catherine de Medici of being privy to conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">foils attack on Dijon, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">saves Châlons-sur-Saône, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">forces of, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Swiss join, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Margaret of Parma sends aid to, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">forms Confrérie du St. Esprit in Burgundy, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to guard frontier against reiters, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">organizes Confrérie du St. Esprit in Burgundy, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">organizes Catholic league in Berry, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">vigilance of, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to seize Condé and Coligny by treachery, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at battle of Jarnac, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">protests against siege of St. Jean-d’Angély, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">bold reply of, to Spanish ambassador, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges marriage of duke of Anjou with Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_633" id="Page_633">[633]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">complicity of, in massacre of St. Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Taxes, new, by Henry III, <a href="#Page_509">509-11</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Teligny, sent to confer about peace, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to king in overtures for peace, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Templars, loans of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tende, count of, governor of Provence, blocks viscount of Rapin, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Termes, marshal, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Normandy after conspiracy of Amboise, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">governor of Guyenne, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">succeeded by marshal Bourdillon, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montluc ordered to report to, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Terride, implicated with Montluc in plot to deliver Guyenne to Spain, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">campaign in Béarn, <a href="#Page_398">398-400</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Thionville, Alva at, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Three_Bishoprics" id="Three_Bishoprics">Three Bishoprics</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuge of heretics from Lower Germany, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Emperor revives claim to, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">promise of restoration of, to Emperor if he will stop progress of reiters, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">counter-claims of France and Austria to, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">claims of Casimir, count palatine, to, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Metz">Metz</a>; <a href="#Toul">Toul</a>; <a href="#Verdun">Verdun</a>; <a href="#Vieilleville">Vieilleville</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Throckmorton" id="Throckmorton">Throckmorton</a>, Sir Nicholas, English ambassador in France, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges Elizabeth to give aid to Huguenots, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">confers with Coligny, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tries to dissuade Huguenots from making peace, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Thuringia, landgrave of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Tigre_Le" id="Tigre_Le"><i>Tigre, Le</i></a>, a pamphlet written by Hotman, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tithes, Huguenots refuse to pay, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Clergy">Clergy</a>; <a href="#Dime">Dîme</a>; <a href="#Finances">Finances</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tocsin, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Toledo, Don Ferdinand Alvarez de, Spanish commander, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Torcy, sent to interview Montgomery, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Toul" id="Toul">Toul</a>, riot at, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Metz">Metz</a>; <a href="#Three_Bishoprics">Three Bishoprics</a>; <a href="#Verdun">Verdun</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Toulon, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Toulouse, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">riot at, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots suffer heavily in, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">saved by Montluc, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">refuses to recognize peace of Amboise, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic league formed at, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">opposition to peace of Longjumeau at, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revival of Catholic league in, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">environs of, devastated by viscounts, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">parlement of, asserts jurisdiction over Béarn, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Montgomery near, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">invested by Coligny and Montgomery, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">parlement of, protests against Peace of St. Germain, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Touraine, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_95">95</a> and n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Montpensier mobbed by Huguenots in, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tournay, heresy at, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">revolt of, feared, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tournelles, Palais de, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tournon, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">writes to Philip II, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and Triumvirate, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catherine de Medici offended at, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tournon, taken by Huguenots-Politiques, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tours, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Du Plessis, Huguenot pastor at, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">riots at, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">drownings at, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Trent, Council of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cardinal of Lorraine collects money at, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">findings of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">conflict of Spanish and French ambassadors at, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tresques, taken by Joyeuse, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Trèves, archbishop of, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Triumvirate, pillars of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">formation of, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">appeals to Philip II, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">negotiations of, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">tries to influence Antoine of Bourbon, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">intends to compel court to go to Bois de Vincennes, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Antoine surrenders to, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catherine de Medici yields to, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">asks Margaret of Parma for aid, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Huguenots demand withdrawal of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures of, to Spain, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain’s slow reply to, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Trompette_Chateau" id="Trompette_Chateau">Trompette, Château</a>, Huguenots attempt to seize, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Bordeaux">Bordeaux</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Troyes, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">treaty of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Condé moves to, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Catholic league of Champagne formed at, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">massacre of St. Bartholomew at, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tulle, inhabitants of, refuse to pay taxes, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_634" id="Page_634">[634]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Tunis, “kingdom of”, promised to Antoine of Bourbon, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Turenne, viscount of, sent to Montgomery, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sides with Montmorency, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Turin, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Henry III at, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Damville at, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Turks, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">relations of, with Catherine de Medici, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">attack Malta, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">league proposed against, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">fleet against, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">league against, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">French relations with, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Spain demands discontinuance of French relations with, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">friendliness of, to France, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">make truce with Emperor, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Damville introduces, into Aigues Mortes, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Lepanto">Lepanto</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tuscany, money from, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">influence of, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tyrol, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Uloa, Alonzo de, Spanish commander, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Universities, Huguenots excluded from, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Utrecht, revolt in, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Uzes, duke of, resigns, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Valais, forms league with Bern and Freiburg, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Valenciennes" id="Valenciennes">Valenciennes</a>, heresy at, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rebellious spirit of, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis of Nassau takes, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Valéry, Synod of, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Valois" id="Valois">Valois</a>, wheat dear in, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Valteline, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vargas, member of Alva’s Council of Blood, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vassy, massacre of, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">does not dismay Huguenots, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">constable advises King to repudiate guilt of, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">duke of Guise to blame for, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Dieppe revolts after news of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">convinces Philip II it is time to act, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vendôme, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">rising in, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Venetian ambassador, quoted, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Venice, money from, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">in league against the Turks, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">Henry III at, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Verdun" id="Verdun">Verdun</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">France erects citadel at, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vergt, battle of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vernon, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Verre. <i>See</i> <a href="#Avignon">Avignon</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vesalius, physician of Philip II, attends Henry II, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Vieilleville" id="Vieilleville">Vieilleville</a>, marshal, governor of Metz, opposed to Guises, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">succeeds St. André, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Switzerland, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Metz, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">confers with Condé, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">moderation of, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vienna, cardinal of Lorraine sent to, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vienne River, duke of Anjou withdraws army across, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Villebonne, governor of Rouen, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">guards Pont de l’Arche, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Villefranche, Coligny at, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Villeroy, reports on condition of king’s army before La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sent to Languedoc, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Viscounts" id="Viscounts">Viscounts</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">strength of, in the south, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">early history of, <a href="#Page_394">394-97</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cross Loire River at Blois, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">cross Dordogne River to join prince of Condé, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">defeated in Périgord, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">destroy Gaillac, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">join Montgomery, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">helped by feud between Montluc and Damville, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Visières, lieutenant of Montgomery, pursued by Guises, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vivarais, viscount of Rapin in, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">Coligny in, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Voulton, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Wallachia, Poland hopes to recover, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Walloons, at siege of Poitiers, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Walsingham, urges marriage negotiations of Elizabeth to duke of Anjou, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Warwick. <i>See</i> <a href="#Havre">Havre-de-Grace</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Warwick" id="Warwick">Warwick</a>, earl of, instructions to, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">seizes Havre de Grace, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">hopes to compel towns of Seine to capitulate, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">urges Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">precarious position of, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">surrenders, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Westelburg, count of, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Wheat" id="Wheat">Wheat</a>, price of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="William_of_Orange" id="William_of_Orange">William of Orange</a>, sends assurance to Coligny, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">restoration of, demanded by Huguenots, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_635" id="Page_635">[635]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">urges alliance of France and England, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">issues proclamation from Dillenberg, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">at Frankfort Fair, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">overtures of France to, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">treaty with England, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, n.;</p>
<p class="pnii">plots in Franche Comté, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">possible marriage of daughter of, to duke of Alençon, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Windmills, burned by Huguenots in faubourgs of Paris, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Worcester, earl of, sent to France, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Würtemburg, conference of duke of Guise with duke of, at Saverne, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">sister of duke of, proposed as wife of Henry of Navarre, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>.</p>


<p class="pni">Zealanders, disperse Spanish fleet at Sluys, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Zurich, alarmed at approach of duke of Alva, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">neutrality of, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<div class="limit">

<h2 class="p4">FOOTNOTES:</h2>

<div class="footnotes">

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a></span>
<i>The Wars of Religion</i> (“The Cambridge Modern History,” Preface).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a></span>
In the appendix I have published the constitution of two of these provincial
leagues hitherto unknown.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de Tavannes</i>, 239.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a></span>
The constable Montmorency, in a letter to Queen Elizabeth dated June 30,
1559, says that the accident happened “yesterday,” i. e., June 29.&mdash;<i>C. S. P. Eng.
For.</i>, No. 698. Almost all the sources, however, give June 30. Cf. Castelnau,
Book I, chap. i. Throckmorton gives June 30. See p. 3, note 1.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a></span>
The origin of the Scotch Guard goes back to the Hundred Years’ War. In
1420, five years after the battle of Agincourt, when Henry V was in possession of
all of northern France, the dauphin, Charles VII, sent the count of Vendôme to
Scotland to ask for assistance in virtue of the ancient league between the two
nations. In 1421 a body of 1,000 Scots arrived in France under the earl of Buchan.
They fought at Baugé in Anjou in that year, but were almost all destroyed in 1424
in the furious battle of Verneuil. The remnant, in honor of their services, became
the king’s own guard. See Skene, <i>The Book of Pluscarden</i>, II, xix-xxi, xxvi-xxix;
Houston, <i>L’Escosse françois</i> (Discours des alliances commencées depuis l’an sept
cents septante, et continuées jusques à present, entre les couronnes de France et
d’Escosse), Paris, 1608; Forbes Leith, <i>The Scots Men-at-Arms and Life Guards
in France, from Their Formation until Their Final Dissolution</i>, 2 vols., 1882.
The Guard consisted of the principal captain, the lieutenant, and the ensign,
the maréchal-de-loges, three commis, eighty archers of the guard, twenty-four
archers of the corps; the pay of whom amounted annually to 51,800 francs, or
6,475 pounds sterling.&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 544, December, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, whose Catholic prejudice was strong, believed this reluctance
to be feigned (<i>Mémoires</i>, I, 107).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, Book II, chap, xiv, says the blow raised the King’s visor, and
that the end of the lance, which was bound with a <i>morne</i>, or ring, to dull the point,
crashed through the helmet like a bludgeon. Tavannes, chap, xiv, says that the
King had failed to take the precaution to fasten his visor down.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a></span>
Throckmorton to the Lords in Council, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, June 30, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, <i>loc. cit.</i> La Place, 20, says that the King spoke to the cardinal of
Lorraine. De Thou, Book II, 674, on the authority of Brantôme, doubts it.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a></span>
The Palais des Tournelles stood in the present Place Royale. It was torn
down in 1575.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a></span>
Throckmorton, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a></span>
The constable Montmorency to Queen Elizabeth, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 898,
June 30, 1559. Throckmorton, <i>ibid.</i>, No. 928, July 4, “doubted the King would
lose his eye.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 950, July 8, 1559. De Ruble, <i>Antoine de Bourbon et
Jeanne d’Albret</i>, I, 432, has published Vesalius’ official report. Henry II had a
body-physician who also enjoyed a European reputation. This was Fernal. He
was the author of a Latin work upon pathology which was translated into French
in 1660 under the title: <i>La pathologie de Jean Fernal, premier medicin de Henry II,
roy de France, ouvrage très-utile à tous ceux qui s’appliquent à la connoissance du
corps humain</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a></span>
There is an account of the funeral in <i>Arch. cur.</i>, III, 309-48. The MS
account of the funeral expenses is in the Phillipps Collection, 2,995. Compare
Galembert, <i>Funerailles du roy Henri II, Roole des parties et somme de deniers
pour le faict des dits obsèques et pompes funèbres</i>. Publié avec une introduction.
Paris, Fontaine, 1869.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a></span>
See the description of Throckmorton, written to Queen Elizabeth, <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 1,190, August 15, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,242, August 25, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 195. “De fort petit sens,” says La Planche, 202.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a></span>
Throckmorton to Cecil, June 30, 1559, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 899.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a></span>
And yet the evil nature of Henry II’s reign may be exaggerated. An extended
and critical history of his reign is still to be written. Claude Haton, no
mean observer of economic conditions says: “En ce temps et par tout le règne du
dit feu roy, faisoit bon vivre en France, et estoient toutes denrées et marchandises
à bon marché, excepté le grain et le vin, qui enchérissoient certaines années plus
que d’aultres, selon la stérilité, et toutesfois esdittes treize années de son règne
n’ont esté que trois ans de cherté de grain et de vin, et n’a valu le blé froment, en la
plus chère des dittes trois années, que 14 et 15. s. t. le bichet (à la mesure de Provins),
et les aultres grains au prix le prix, et ne duroit telle cherté que trois moys pour le
plus.” A valuable table of prices of food stuffs follows.&mdash;Claude Haton, I, 112, 113.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a></span>
See De Ruble, “Le traité de Cateau-Cambrésis,” <i>Revue d’hist. diplomatique</i>
(1887), 385, and the more extensive work (1889) with the same title by this author.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a></span>
On the general situation between the wounding and the death of Henry II
see <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 400.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap. i. He was sixteen on January 19, 1560. Cf.
Castan, “La naissance des enfans du roi Henri de Valois,” <i>Revue des savants</i>, 6<sup>me</sup>
sér., III.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a></span>
Throckmorton to the queen, July 18, 1559, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,009. This
information was given to the council and a deputation of the Parlement, but no
official proclamation was made.&mdash;D’Aubigné, I, 243, n. 1.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 106; Tavannes, 245. The deposed beauty surrendered
the keys of the royal cabinets and some bags of precious jewels to the new queen,
La Planche, 204; Baschet, 494, dispatch of the Venetian ambassador, July 12, 1559.
Cf. Guiffrey, <i>Lettres inédites de Diane de Poitiers</i>, 1866; Imbart de St. Amand,
<i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, August 15, 1866, p. 984. For light upon her extravagance
see Chevalier, <i>Archives royales de Chenonceau: Comptes des recettes et despences
faites en la Chastellenie de Chenonceau, par Diane de Poitiers, duchesse de Valentinois,
dame de Chenonceau et autres lieux</i> (Techener, 1864). Hay, <i>Diane de Poitiers,
la grande sénéschale de Normandie, duchesse de Valentinois</i>, is a sumptuously
illustrated history.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,024, July 19, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap, ii; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 972, July 11, 1559; No. 1,080,
July 27, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 208; Claude Haton, I, 108; Paulin Paris, <i>Négociations</i>, 108,
note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a></span>
Tavannes, 245; Paris, <i>Négociations relatives au règne de François II</i>, 61, 76,
80, 83, 86; La Planche, 207; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,121, August 4, 1559; <i>ibid.</i>, August
1, 1559, No. 1,101, Throckmorton to the Queen: “The French ... are in
fear because of the king of Spain, who has not as yet restored S. Quentin’s, Ham nor
Chastelet, the Spanish garrisons of which daily make courses into the country
as far as Noyon, about which the governor of Compegny has written to the King,
adding that it were as good to have war as such a peace.” <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, July 13,
1559, No. 985, Throckmorton to the Queen: “It is thought that the treaty already
made is void by the French King’s death; ... that the king of Spain,
seeing his advantage and knowing the state of France better than he did when he
made that peace, will either make new demands, or constrain France to do as he
will have them, who would be loath to break with him again.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a></span>
Tavannes, <i>op. cit.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a></span>
Jacques d’Alban de St. André, born in the Lyonnais, marshal 1547, favorite
of Henry II. He was taken prisoner at the battle of St. Quentin. After the death
of Henry II, fearing prosecution for his enormous stealings in office, he became the
tool of the Guises. See La Planche, 205, 206; <i>Livre des marchands</i>, 438, 439; and
especially Boyvin du Villars, 904 ff., on his administration in Provence.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a></span>
Brissac was governor of Piedmont under Henry II, where he sustained the
interests of France so energetically that Philip hated him. The Guises made
great efforts to attach him to their party, with the hope of playing him against the
Bourbons and Montmorencys (Paris, <i>Négociations</i>, 73, note). After the peace of
Cateau-Cambrésis, the fortresses of the duke of Savoy were dismantled, to the
intense anger of the latter. Cf. Fillon Collection, 2,654: Letter of July 16, 1560,
to the duchess of Mantua, complaining that the people of Caluz have revolted
against the authority of the marshal Brissac. This hard feeling probably explains
Brissac’s transfer to the government of Picardy, in January, 1560, to the chagrin
of the prince of Condé, who asked for the place (Varillas, <i>Hist. de François II</i>,
II, 35; De Thou, Book XXV, 518) after the marriage of Emanuel Philibert
to the sister of Henry II. See Marchand, <i>Charles I de Cossé, comte de Brissac</i>,
Paris, 1889, chap. xvi.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a></span>
La Place, 26.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 1,121, 1,149, August 4 and August 8, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 972, July 11, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a></span>
Tavannes, 244. In Spain it was the prevailing belief that France had been
compelled to make the peace of Cateau-Cambrésis more through the troubles
caused by the affairs of religion than from any other necessity; cf. <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>,
No. 57, 1559. This suspicion is confirmed by Tavannes, who says that the settlement
of matters still pending under the terms of the treaty was hastened by
the Guises through knowledge that the state of affairs in France was exceedingly
unsatisfactory to many of the nobles and fear that their power would be
openly rebelled against (Tavannes, 245; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 590, January 18, 1560,
and No. 26, October 5, 1559).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a></span>
The pretext was Montmorency’s complaint because his son Damville was
not given the government of Provence, which St. André had held (<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 435;
cf. <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 401).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a></span>
“Vieil routier.”&mdash;La Planche, 207.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a></span>
“Le connestable ... resigna bien d’estat de grand-maistre entre les
mains du roy, mais purement et simplement, et non en faveur du dict de Guyse,
déclarant assez qu’il ne cédoit en rien à son adversaire.”&mdash;La Planche, 216. Cf.
D’Aubigné, I, 245, Book II, chap. xiv; <i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 393; Tavannes, 245; Castlenau,
Book I, chap. ii; Baschet, <i>La diplomatie venétienne</i>, 495. La Place, 26, is
in error. An attempt was made to soften Montmorency’s fall by making his
eldest son a marshal of France; Tavannes, 245; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 376, December
5, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 203.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap. iii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a></span>
See the interesting analysis of public opinion by La Planche, 203. On
p. 208 he gives a highly drawn picture of the venality of the parlements, whose
“ancienne splendeur estoit desja esvannoye peu à peu,” while they were frequented
by “les soliciteurs des courtisans, et les advocats favoris des grands,”
in whose precincts justice was not possible for simple, honest folk. He is as bitter
in speaking of the <i>conseil des affaires</i> and the <i>conseil privé</i>, but it must be remembered
that the author was a Protestant and imbued with hatred against the government
because of its persecution of the Huguenots. See Tavannes’ (p. 243)
eulogy of the French bar which is nearer the truth.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a></span>
For Henry II’s policy toward Protestantism see De Crue, <i>Anne de Montmorency</i>,
244-48; Weiss, <i>La chambre ardente</i>, Introd.; Hauser, “De l’humanisme
et de la réforme en France,” <i>Rev. hist.</i>, LXIV (1897), 258, minimizes the intellectual
causes of the French Reformation.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a></span>
The origin of this word has been much discussed. In the early period of the
Reformation in France, all religious schismatics save the Vaudois, whose historical
identity was different and familiar, were called “Lutherans.” The Venetian
ambassador so characterized the French Protestants in a dispatch to the signory in
1558 (<i>Relazione de Giovanni Sorano</i>, ed. Alberi, I, 2, 409). Boyvin du Villars
(Book XII, 204) employs this same term in 1560.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The etymology of the word “Huguenot,” most commonly accepted is that which
derives it from the German word <i>Eidgenossen</i> (confederacy) which designated the
Swiss Confederates (see <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 660). The word
in Geneva was naturally not German but French or Savoyard. It is variously
spelled&mdash;Eydgenots, Eygenots, Eyguenots. But this derivation, though the best
supported, is opposed by the eminent philologist, Littré. Grandmaison, <i>Bulletin
Soc. hist. prot. franç.</i>, LI (January, 1902), argues against the German origin of
the word and gives examples of its appearance as a French surname from the
fourteenth century onward. But how it came to be applied to the French Protestants
he is unable to say. Cf. Weiss: “La dérivation du nom Huguenot,” <i>Bull. Soc.
hist. prot. franç.</i>, XLVIII, 12 (December, 1898). A note by A. Mazel states
that in Languedoc the word was pronounced “Duganau,” which he conjectures to
be a diminutive of “Fugou,” the great owl. If this is so, the origin of the word is
akin to that of “Chouan” in the French Revolution. The earliest use of the word
“Huguenot” in Languedoc is in Devic and Vaisette, <i>Histoire du Languedoc</i>, XI,
342. It undoubtedly was a term of reproach, <i>ibid.</i>, XI, 374, note; cf. Claude
Haton, I, 121. Without attempting to pronounce upon the origin of the word, I
subjoin some allusions which I have come upon. Castelnau, Book II, chap, vii,
says: “qui depuis s’appelèrent huguenots en France, dont l’étymologie
fut prise à la conjuration d’Amboise, lors que ceux qui devoient présenter la
requeste, comme éperdus de crainte, fuyoient de tous costés. Quelques femmes
des villages dirent que c’estoient pauvres gens, qui ne valloient pas des huguenots,
qui estoient une forte petite monnoye, encore pire que des mailles, du temps de
Hugues Capet d’où vint en usage que par moquerie l’on les appelloit huguenots.”
Henri Estienne and La Place, 34, say the word arose from the circumstance that
the Calvinists of Tours used to go outside of the Porte du roy Huguon to worship.
La Planche’s derivation is a study in folklore (p. 262, col. i).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The Venetian ambassador wrote in 1563: “In quel tempo medesimo fu tra
questi principalmente, che cercorno di seminar la false dottrina un predicator della
regina di Navarra, madre del presente re di Navarra, nominate Ugo, il quale alienò
prima l’animo di quella regina dalla religion cattolica, e poi cercò d’alienare e di
corromper, come fece, infiniti altri uomini e donne delli più grandi.”&mdash;<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II,
50. A unique explanation, which I have not found noticed elsewhere is preserved
by Jean de Gaufreton, <i>Chronique bordelaise</i> (1877), I, 92: “En cette année les
catholiques commencèrent d’appeller les Luthériens et protestants ‘Huguenots,’
et les autres nomèrent les catholicques papistes à cause, qu’ils tenoyent le parti du
pape, et qu’ils soustenoyent son authorité. Mais la raison pourquoy les Luthériens
furent appellées Huguenots procède de ce que les princes protestants d’Allemagne
et Luthériens ayant envoyé une solemnelle ambassade au roy, à la requête des
Luthériens et protestants de France pour demander libre exercice du Luthéranisme
en son royaume, en faveur des dits Luthériens français, comme le chef de cette
ambassade voulut en sa première audience parler latin devant le roy, assisté des
messieurs de son conseil, il ne put jamais dire que les deux mots à sçavait ‘hue nos’
et s’arresta tout court. Despuis les courtisans appellèrent les Luthériens françois
‘hue nos,’ et en suite ‘Huguenots.’”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a></span>
Isambert, XIII, 494.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a></span>
Weiss, <i>La chambre ardente</i>, Paris, 1889, a study of liberty of conscience under
Henry II, based upon about five hundred <i>arrêts</i> rendered by the Parlement of Paris
between May, 1547, and March, 1550. Before its creation heresy was dealt with by
the regular courts. In <i>Bulletin des comités historiques</i> (1850), 173 (“Inventaire des
lettres relatives à l’histoire de France aux archives de Bâle”), there is noted a letter
of the King written in 1552 to the effect that those who have been arrested for
heresy at Lyons shall not be dealt with unjustly; but the King reiterates his determination
not to permit any new religious doctrine to obtain. In the very month
before his death, in June, 1559, the edict of Ecouan prescribed the death penalty for
all heretics, without the least limitation or restriction, and with injunctions to the
judges not to mitigate the punishment, as they had done for some years (Castelnau,
Book I, chap. iii). The Huguenots regarded Henry II’s death as a judgment of
God.&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 899, June 30, 1559: “They let not openly to say the King’s
dissolute life and his tyranny to the professors of the gospel hath procured God’s
vengeance.” A letter of Diane de Poitiers in the <i>Catalogue de la collection Trémont</i>,
No. 424, proves that some of the property confiscated from the Huguenots was given
by the King to his favorite.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a></span>
Vargas, <i>Histoire de François II</i>, 314.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a></span>
Granvella to Philip II, June 14, 1561&mdash;<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>,
VI, 569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a></span>
Armstrong, <i>Wars of Religion in France</i>, 4, 5. Cf. De Crue, <i>Anne de Montmorency</i>,
246. The establishment of the Jesuits was not approved in France
until after the death of Henry II, owing to the resistance of the mendicant orders
and the Sorbonne.&mdash;Claude Haton, II, 636.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap. iii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 950, July 8, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, I, 264.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a></span>
He had been converted by Hotman, the famous Huguenot pamphleteer.&mdash;Weiss,
31.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a></span>
Weiss, <i>op. cit.</i>; Castelnau, Book I, chap. iii. La Planche, 209-12 and 235,
236, gives an account of his sufferings and death. The <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, I, 217 ff.,
contain part of the trial.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap. v, and especially La Planche, 220-22.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 237.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 226.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a></span>
La Place, 28.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a></span>
Upon the patriotism and loyalty of the French magistracy see the notable
extract from a letter of the Spanish ambassador, April 29, 1560, in <i>Rev. hist.</i>,
XIV, 78. Cf. the address of M. Alfred Levesque, “Le barreau et la liberté
sous les Valois: discours prononcé à la séance d’ouverture des conférences de
l’ordre des avocats,” November 28, 1846.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 451, December 21, 1559. Carriages came into use in
the sixteenth century, the practice being borrowed from Italy. Catherine de
Medici was the first queen who possessed one. For interesting information on
this subject see Burgon, <i>Life and Times of Sir Thomas Gresham</i>, I, 242, 305,
383, 486, 487; Ellis, <i>Letters</i>, Series II, I, 253; Strutt, <i>Dresses</i>, II, 90, and a paper
in <i>Archeologia</i>, XX, 426 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap. v; La Planche, 232-34.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a></span>
Robert Stuart, who claimed to be a relative of Mary Stuart, was suspected
of the murder. It was he who killed the constable Montmorency at the battle of
St. Denis in 1567.&mdash;D’Aubigné, I, 255. Another upon whom suspicion rested was
the natural son of the cardinal of Meudon, whom Minard had persuaded to leave
all his property to the poor.&mdash;<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 407.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, I, 255, II, chap. xvi. Two edicts were issued on December 17
from Chambord. See Isambert, XIV, 12.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a></span>
La Place, 28.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 209.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a></span>
La Place, 41; Tavannes, 241. “There be two kinds of the people whom
the Papists term Huguenots, viz., Huguenots of religion, and Huguenots of State.
The one of these perceiving that the cardinal works to ruin them, and their own
peculiar force not sufficient to withstand his malice, have shown appearance that
they will join with the other, who seeing themselves excluded from all government,
and those of Guise to usurp the whole authority, presently practise a firm faction
and league between themselves, either part promising to support the other.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 2,235, May 31, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 523-25; II, 57; Davila, VI, 359. Claude Haton emphatically
asserts the feudal purposes of the Huguenot noblesse: “Les grand seigneurs de la
ligue condéienne et cause huguenoticque s’atendoient d’estre haults eslevez, non
és offices royaux, mais au partage du royaume qu’ilz espéroient faire entre eux en le
contonnant par provinces, desquelles ilz prétendoient d’estre seigneurs souverains,
sans recognoistre roy ni aultre personne par dessus eux.”&mdash;I, 291. Tavannes
characterizes the Huguenot association in 1572 as “demi-democratique et demi-aristocratique”
(<i>Panth. lit.</i>, 413). The identification of Calvinism with the political
purposes of the nobles is shown in the following letter of the cardinal de Tournon
to King Henri II, written “De Bains de Lucques, 9 juillet 1559”: “L’une des
principal ruses de ces malheureux est de commencer, s’ils peuvent, à semer leur
venin et mauvaise doctrine par les plus Grands, les attirer et gaigner à eux, afin de
pouvoir après tout plus aisément &amp; sans punition, infecter &amp; gaster le reste &amp; s’aider
à un besoin de leur force &amp; authorité.”&mdash;Ribier, II, 807.</p>
<p class="pfc4">
The cardinal Tournon and the admiral Hennebault had been trusted with the
duties of affairs of state after the fall of the constable Montmorency in 1541. When
Henry II came to the throne Montmorency was restored to office and Tournon fell.
After the death of Henry II the queen mother proposed the return of Cardinal
Tournon. The Guises at first hesitated, but soon yielded, first because the cardinal
was the personal enemy of the constable, and second, because he was very hostile
to the reformed religion (<i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 72, 73).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a></span>
From an admirable article by E. Armstrong, “The Political Theory of the
Huguenots,” <i>Eng. Hist Rev.</i>, IV, 13 ff. Cf. Weill, <i>Les théories sur le pouvoir royal
en France pendant les guerres de religion</i>, Paris, 1891.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a></span>
See the observations of La Place, 41-45.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a></span>
It is true that De Thou so says: “et établir en France une république semblable
à celle des Suisses,” Book XXV, 501, but it is to be remembered that De Thou
was writing late in the reign of Henry IV, and read back into the past the republicanism
of 1572.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a></span>
See the eminently sane remarks of Tavannes, 260.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a></span>
Cf. Castelnau, Book I, chap. vi.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a></span>
The avarice and dishonesty of the cardinal, it is said, even went so far as to
force Catherine de Medici to divide with him the fees arising from the confirmation
of offices and the privileges accorded towns and municipal corporations in the
time of Henry II, which sums lawfully went to her; and even then he is said to
have fraudulently estimated them in <i>livres</i> instead of <i>écus d’or</i>.&mdash;La Planche, 208.
The <i>écu d’or</i> was worth two <i>livres tournois</i> in the reign of Francis I, so that the
cardinal’s little trick cut the sum in half.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a></span>
See the character sketch in <i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 437-39.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a></span>
Cf. La Place, 28.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a></span>
Baschet, 497, 498.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a></span>
See <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 1559-61, <i>passim</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 405, December 12, 1559. The duchess of Lorraine was a
daughter of Christian II, the exiled ruler of Denmark. On this question see the
long note (with references appended) in Poulet, I, 126. Cf. <i>Arch. de la maison
d’Orange-Nassau</i>, I, 132. There is little doubt that Philip II and the Guises
contemplated such a move (Languet, <i>Epist., secr.</i>, II, 22, 30, 34). The war going
on between Denmark and Sweden favored the project. This war lasted for seven
years (<i>Arch. de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, I, 103, 104; Raumer, II, 211).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 273.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 451, December 5, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a></span>
Tavannes, 245; La Place, 27, 51; La Planche, 216; <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 272,
1506.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 212. “Il Cardinale de Lorraine è quà Papa e re,” <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>,
III, 404, August 27, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 212; La Place, 28; <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 67, 68. On the economic
discontent due to the extravagance of Henry II, see <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 71. Claude
Haton, I, 110-12 gives a favorable contemporary judgment.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a></span>
The act revoking many of the alienations of the royal domain fell hardest
upon the followers of the constable and of Diane de Poitiers (<i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 71, 72).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 431. See the character-sketch by Suriano in <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 47;
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 272, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 212.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a></span>
Throckmorton to the Queen, <i>C. S. P. Eng. For.</i>, No. 1,244, August 25, 1559.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 216.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 212, 216.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a></span>
Weiss, <i>L’Espagne sous Philippe II</i>, I, 115, 16. The queen of Spain,
in company with Antoine of Navarre and Jeanne d’Albret, arrived at Pau on
December 21, having proceeded from Bordeaux. Great preparations were made
for her reception and she was nobly entertained. The king and queen of Navarre
did their part with great magnificence. The maître des postes of Spain arrived
at Pau the same day as Her Majesty did, with instructions how she was to conduct
herself toward the Spanish nobles by whom she was to be met on her arrival in
Spain.&mdash;“Extraict,” written in a French hand, indorsed “My Lord Ambassador,”
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, II, No. 469, December 21, 1559. The king and queen of
Navarre and the cardinal Bourbon conducted her to the frontiers and then returned;
the prince of Roche-sur-Yon went through with her to Guadalajara and carried
to Philip the order of St. Michael (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 337, November 29, 1559:
Killigrew and Jones to the Queen). Philip II planned to meet his spouse at
Guadalajara and thence go to Toledo, where the marriage festivities were to be
celebrated until Shrovetide (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 354: Challoner to Cecil from Brussels).
At the celebration, the duke of Infantado, whose guest the King was at
Guadalajara, had sixty shepherds clad in cloth-of-gold (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 540,
January 24, 1560). The marriage was accomplished on January 20, 1560 (<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 540, January 24, 1560: statement of Granvella to Challoner). The
French were offended because, at the receiving of the Queen-Catholic at Guadalajara,
the verse of the forty-fifth Psalm was sung, “Audi, filia, et vide, etc.,” which
the French disliked much, “concluding that they did not have altogether that which
they looked for at King Philip’s hands by means of his wife” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
591, January 18, 1560: Killigrew and Jones to Cecil).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a></span>
See a letter of Francis II to the bishop of Limoges, May 21, 1506, “De
l’ambassadeur espagnol, Perrenot de Chantonnay, et de ses intrigues,” in Paris,
<i>Négociations</i>, 584. Thomas Perrenot, sieur de Chantonnay, was a younger
brother of the cardinal Granvella and was a native of Besançon. He was named
Spanish ambassador in France after the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis (Paris, <i>Nég.
relatives au règne de François II</i>, 56-60). His official correspondence is in the <i>Archives
nationales</i> at Paris, K. 1,492 ff. Quite as valuable is the private correspondence
he maintained with his brother and Margaret of Parma, transcripts of which are
in the Brussels archives. The originals are divided between Besançon and Vienna.
M. Paris pertinently says of him: “On ne sait pas assez toutes des manœuvres de
ce personnage.”&mdash;<i>Négociations relatives au règne de François II</i>, 56, note. A history
of his public career would be a cross-section of the history of the times. He spoke
French and German fluently and had a knowledge of Spanish and Italian. Catherine
de Medici feared and hated him and in August, 1560, demanded his recall
in vain.&mdash;Paris, <i>Négociations</i>, etc., 873. In 1564 he was transferred to Vienna
(<i>R. Q. H.</i>, January, 1879, 19, 20) and was succeeded by Alava. All the official
correspondence of the epoch abounds with allusions to him. See <i>Papiers d’état
du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 393, 400, 402, 518, 592; VIII, 353, 383, 387, 457, 513,
523, 557, 568, 574, 594, 679; IX, 1, 36, 65, 94-102, 136, 154, 166, 169, 177, 182-98,
225, 421, 264, 345-52, 358, 361, 377-81, 394, 415, 430, 434-37, 446, 452, 461,
468, 482, 489, 510, 514, 522, 538, 540-43, 549-52, 556-58, 562-64, 567, 568, 581-89,
602-9, 615, 625, 628, 654, 668, 671; Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II</i>,
II, 27, 48, 89, 108, 121, 163, 171-74; Poulet, <i>Correspondance du cardinal de Granvelle</i>,
I, 565, note; <i>R. Q. H.</i>, January, 1879, 10-12. Some of his letters which
were intercepted by the Huguenots are published in the <i>Mémoires de Condé</i>. M.
Paillard has printed a portion of those relating to the conspiracy of Amboise in
the <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV; at pp. 64, 65 is a brief sketch of the ambassador’s life. See
also Weiss’s introduction to edition of <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, I.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 543.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 508, December 27. Throckmorton wrote to the council on
February 4, 1560: “At present the French have to bestir themselves for the good
and quiet of their own country, as factions in religion are springing up everywhere.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
No. 685. Indeed, the chancellor at this time for three days
refused to sign an order necessary for the prosecution of the war in Scotland, on
the ground of the dangers at home and the necessity of harboring the government’s
resources (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 292, November 18, 1559: Killigrew and Jones to
Cecil). Among the financial expedients resorted to at this time was an order in
December, 1559, that all posts and postmasters should henceforth be deprived
of the fees which they enjoyed which amounted to 100,000 crowns yearly, and for
compensation to them the price of letters was increased a fourth part (<i>ibid.</i>,
No. 508, December, 1559). On May 29, 1560, a royal ordinance abolished the
King’s support of the post entirely and some new ordinances of Parlement
were calculated to increase the revenue by 2,000,000 francs (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 550,
January 6, 1560). In February the King raised a loan of 7,000 francs at 8 per
cent. from the Parisians (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 750, February 20, 1560: Throckmorton to the
Queen).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a></span>
“Six score commissions are sent forth for the persecution for religion.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
No. 451: Killigrew and Jones to the Queen, December 18, 1559. This was
just after the murder of the president Minard. “The Cardinal of Lorraine lately
sent a bag full of commissions for persecution to be done about Poitiers
and certain letters which he carried apart in his bosom; the messenger was met and
the letters taken from him.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 590, January 18, 1560. One of these&mdash;“Lettre
de roi à tous les évêques de son royaume”&mdash;is preserved in K. 1,494, fol.
4. It is dated January 28, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 408, January 22, 1560. On January 29 a poor man, a
binder of books, was condemned to be burned for heresy at Rouen. While riding
in a cart between two friars to be burned, a quarrel was made with a sergeant who
convoyed him and he was unhorsed, the poor man was taken out of the cart, his
hands were loosed, and a cloak was thrown over him, and he was conveyed out of
the hands of his enemies. The justices and the governors, having knowledge of
this, commanded the gates to be shut, and, making a search that night, found him
again and burned him next day. And at his burning were three hundred men-at-arms,
for fear of the people (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 708, February 8, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 256, November 14, 1559; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 132, March
6, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a></span>
Baschet, I, 559; cf. <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 310, January, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a></span>
The fear of attempts being made to assassinate them or the King haunted
the cardinal and his brother. In November the French King, while out hunting
near Blois, became so terrified, that he returned to court, and orders were given to
the Scotch Guard to wear jack and mail and pistols (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 166, November
15, 1559); in December rumors reached the cardinal’s ears that his own
death and that of the duke of Guise was sworn (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 528); in January the use
of <i>tabourins</i> and masks in court pleasures was forbidden on account of the fear
which the cardinal of Lorraine had of being assassinated (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 658,
January 28, 1559). De Thou says the cardinal was “natura timidus.”&mdash;Book
XXV. The wearing of pistols and firearms was prohibited by two edicts, the one
of July 3, 1559, the other of December 17, 1559. The law also forbade the wearing
of long sleeves or cloaks or even top boots, in which a pistol or a poignard might
be concealed. Both measures were attributed with good reason to the timidity of
the cardinal of Lorraine.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a></span>
“Les protestans de France se mettans devant les yeux l’example de leurs
voisins.”&mdash;Castelnau, Book I, chap. vii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 237.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>; Castelnau, Book I, chap. viii. The Huguenots did not intend to take
up arms against the person of the King or to force Francis II to change the
religion of the state. The assertion that these were their purposes was an adroit
stroke of the Guises (<i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 85, 101).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 525.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a></span>
Volrad of Mansfeldt and Grumbach, counselor of the elector palatine, but
personal enemies of the cardinal of Lorraine, had been drawn by sympathy into
the plan, and on March 4, through their influence, Hotman was received by the
elector at Heidelberg, who gave Hotman a letter of credit to the king of Navarre
and the prince of Condé. See Dareste, “Extraits de la correspondance inédite
de François Hotman,” <i>Mém. de l’Académie des sciences morales et politiques</i>, CIV
(1897), 649.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a></span>
After the failure of the conspiracy, during the course of the investigation set
on foot by the government, the constable was accused of complicity in the affair
but vigorously denied it in a remonstrance laid before the Parlement (La Place,
37, gives a part of the text; Castelnau, Book II, chap, xi), and while condemning
the conspiracy artfully contrived to imply that the Guises were to be blamed for
much (La Planche, 269). De Thou, II, 778, perhaps reproduces the actual language of
the constable before the Parlement, his father having been president of the body at
this time. But in the early winter Montmorency had visited his lands in Poitou and
Angoumois, and his daughter, Madame de la Tremouille, having quitted his usual
place of residence at Chantilly, and traveled in those quarters of France which, it will
be observed, are identical with those wherein the conspiracy of Amboise was hatched
(La Place, 32). Is it reasonable to believe that a man of his political acumen and
state of feeling at the time toward the Guises could have been unaware of at least
something of what was in preparation? The strongest evidence in favor of the
innocence of the constable is the fact that his two nephews, the cardinal de Châtillon
and the admiral Coligny were undoubtedly without knowledge of the plot. See the
proofs in Delaborde, <i>Vie de Coligny</i>, I, 391-414; D’Aubigné, ed. De Ruble, I,
263, n. 6; Paillard, “Additions critiques à l’histoire de la conjuration d’Amboise,”
<i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV (1880), 70, 71. It is hard, however, to believe that the constable
had no information at all of what was on foot, considering his politics and his movements
during the winter.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a></span>
La Place, 33; Le Laboureur, I, 386, says his first name was Jean.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 137. He had been imprisoned for devising false evidence
in a process of law (D’Aubigné, ed. De Ruble, I, 258, n. 3). La Renaudie is said
even to have gone to England to see Queen Elizabeth (Haag, <i>La France protestante</i>,
I, 259). No reference is given, but from Hotman’s correspondence (<i>Acad. des
sc. moral. et polit.</i>, CIV [1877], 645) it is evident some one was so sent. The
further fact that Mundt was approached in Strasburg and French proclamations
printed in England were circulated in Normandy (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 954, April 6, 1560)
seems to sustain this view.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a></span>
La Place, 41; Castelnau, Book I, chap. viii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, Book II, chap, xvii; I, 259-61 gives the names of the provincial
captains.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 239.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a></span>
Mundt, Elizabeth’s agent in Strasburg (he was also agent of the landgrave
Philip of Hesse), was applied to and “thought that the Queen would not be wanting
in kind offices. Already it is whispered,” he wrote, “that there is a great agreement
among the nobility and others throughout France, who will no longer endure
the haughty and adulterous rule of the Guises, and that some of the first rank in
France are cognizant of the conspiracy who remain quiet; the rest will rise in arms
against the Guises.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 779, February 27, 1560. Cf. <i>Nég.
Tosc.</i>, III, 409.</p>
<p class="pfc4">An added element of adventure was the participation of a certain nobleman of
wealth who seems to have financially supported the conspiracy for self-advantage.
This man imagined that the movement might be converted into a movement for the
recovery of Metz from the French (letter of Hotman to Calvin, September 19, 1559).
In Hotman’s eyes, to restore Metz to Germany was to restore it to Protestantism,
but Calvin was cautious, for his sound policy distinguished between rebellion and
constitutional restriction of tyranny. He sent Beza to Strasburg to attempt to
prevent such an action. But the Senate of Strasburg seized upon the project,
demanded liberty for the Protestants of Metz and Trèves, abolished the Interim,
interdicted the Catholic religion, and even expelled the Anabaptists from the city,
to the jubilation of radical Protestants, who looked upon it as just reprisal for the
repressive policy of the Guises in France.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 238.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a></span>
La Place, 23; La Planche, 238. Some thirty captains were party to it who
were to be put in command of some companies of German lansquenets (La Place,
33). “Upward of sixty men, part foreigners and part native Frenchmen” came
to aid the plot (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 134, March 15, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 125, March 16, 1560. The correspondence of the Spanish
ambassador testifies to the fact that the Protestant soldiery was well paid, the
money having been procured by spoliation of the churches. They gave to each
footman 14 francs per month and to each horseman 16 sous per day.&mdash;<i>Rev. hist.</i>,
XIV, 104. The Venetian ambassador says the horsemen got 18 soldi, the footmen
10 daily (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, March 17, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a></span>
The Spanish Ambassador puts it upon the 6th. La Planche, Beza, Castelnau,
De Thou, D’Aubigné, La Popelinière, Le Laboureur make March 10 the day. The
discrepancy perhaps is to be accounted for by the circumstance that Avenelles
had said that March 6 was the day designated, but the unexpected removal of the
court from Blois to Amboise (La Place, 33; La Planche, 346) postponed the date
of action. Cf. <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 66, 85.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, <i>ibid.</i>; La Planche, 239, 246. The statement is confirmed by
La Place, 33, 34, and La Planche, 255 who say that the petition was written in
invisible ink and intrusted to one Bigne, a servant of La Renaudie, who having
been captured after the death of his master, in order to save his life, revealed the
secret of the document. The first article was couched in these terms: “Protestation
faicte par le chef et tous les ceux du conseil de n’attenter aucune autre chose
contre la Majestie du roy et les princes de son sang. Et estoit le but aussi de la
dicte entreprise de faire observer d’ancienne coustume de la France par une legitime
assemblée des estats.”&mdash;Tavannes, 247. Tavannes says Bigne directly said that
Condé and Coligny were implicated. Other incriminating papers were found in
the boots of the baron Castelnau (<i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 99, 100; La Planche, 254, 255).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap. xi. De Croze, <i>Les Guises, les Valois et Philippe
II</i>, I, 60-70 (2 vols., Paris, 1866), shows admirably that there is no doubt of the
formidable nature of the conspiracy of Amboise.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a></span>
It is said that the cardinal and his brother received intimations of danger
from Spain, Italy, Savoy, Germany, and Flanders (La Place 32; Castelnau, Book
I, chap, viii) and it is certain that the cardinal Granvella, Philip’s representative
in the Netherlands, warned them. De Thou says that warnings came from Germany,
Spain, Italy, and France. Paillard in <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 81, is dubious about
an Italian source, but it is confirmed by <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, 137, March 6, 1560. He
thinks that any Spanish source of information was impossible, for the reason that
Philip II learned everything from Chantonnay. Granvella’s warning is acknowledged
by Chantonnay in a letter of March 3, 1560, to his brother. He was expressly
told that the aim of the conspiracy was to make away with the cardinal
of Lorraine and all those of the house of Guise (<i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 80, 81). This is
supported by the testimony of the constable and the Venetian ambassador (D’Aubigné,
I, 263, n. 3). It seems certain that this information was conveyed to the
Guises by February 12 (<i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 83; <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, I, 387; D’Aubigné,
Book II, chap. xvii). Dareste, “François Hotman et la conspiration d’Amboise,”
<i>Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes</i>, sér. III, V, 361, thinks that Hotman’s own
indiscreet boasting at Strasburg was responsible, at least in part, for the discovery
of the plot.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The duke of Guise and his brother were in such fear that they wore shirts
of chain mail underneath their vestments, and at night were guarded by pistoleers
and men-at-arms. On the night of March 6, while at Blois, the alarm was so great
that the duke, the cardinal, the grand-prior, and all the knights of the order there,
watched all night long in the courtyard (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 837, March 7, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap, viii; La Planche, 246, 247. He received one
hundred écus and a judicial post in Lorraine (De Thou, II, 774, ed. 1740).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a></span>
“Among the prisoners was a Gascon gentleman, one baron de Castelnau,
who considering himself ill-used by the cardinal and the duke of Guise, with many
other captains and soldiers, dissatisfied on account of non-payment of their arrears
and because they had been dismissed from the Court, finding themselves without
salary or any other means, and being half desperate, joined the other insurgents about
religion and conspired against the cardinal and the duke of Guise.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P.
Ven.</i>, No. 135, March 16, 1560. Sancerre had known Castelnau during the late
war, and when he sought to arrest him and his companions, they resisted. Although
the city of Tours took up arms in the king’s name against them, they made their
escape into the château de Noizay (Indre-et-Loire), between three and four leagues
from Amboise, which belonged to the wife of Renay (La Place, 33. She had been
maid of honor to Jeanne d’Albret, <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 135, March 16, 1560). Cf.
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, March 21, 1560, and note, on p. 462&mdash;the account of Throckmorton.
The two versions substantially agree.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven. For.</i>, March 16, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 859, March 15, 1560; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 135, March 16.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a></span>
<i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 102; La Planche, 247; <i>Arch. de la Gironde</i>, XXIX, 8. Vieilleville
was sent to pacify the Beauce and M. de Vassey, another knight of the order,
to Maune, near Angers, to subdue a commotion there (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 902, March
26, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a></span>
His orders at this hour are printed in the <i>Mém.-journ. du duc de Guise</i>,
457; <i>Mem. de Condé</i>, I, 342; La Popelinière, I, 166; cf. La Planche, 225, who
gives the gist of them.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a></span>
Lettres-patentes du Roi Francois II au sénéschal de Lyon “concernans la
revelacion de grace que sa Ma<sup>te</sup> veult faire à ceulx qui avaient conspiré contre
l’estat de la religion et son royaume,” March 17, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a></span>
See the extended account in <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, March 20, 1560; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III
412-15.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a></span>
His corpse was hanged March 20, 1560, upon a gibbet before the court gate,
and left there for two whole days, with an inscription at his feet running: “C’est
La Renaudie dict la Forest, capitaine des rebelles, chef et autheur de la sédition”
(La Place, 35; D’Aubigné, I, 268, Book II, chap, xvii; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 463, note,
March 23, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a></span>
The sentencing to death of prisoners continued daily, several being sent for
execution to Blois, Tours, Orleans, and other places, “that these acts of justice
might be witnessed universally and be better known.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a></span>
The instructions of the King are a curious witness of the fury of the Guises:
“Je vous prye, y estant arrivé, faire si bonne dilligence que vous les puissiez chastier
comme ils méritent, sans avoir aucune pitié ny compassion d’eux.... Aussy
je vous envoye des lettres <i>dont le nom est en blanc</i> et lesquelles vous ferez remplir
à votre fantaisie, que j’escrips aux principaux seigneurs et gentilshommes dudit
païs à ce qu’ils ayent <i>à assembler leur voysins et vous accompaigner</i> en ceste entreprinse.”&mdash;<i>Négociations
relatives au règne de François II</i>, 342, 343.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a></span>
Throckmorton wrote on February 27, 1560: “It is reported that the idols
have been cast out of the churches throughout Aquitaine and that the same would
speedily be done in Provence.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 779. Later, on April 14, the
Venetian ambassador reports that the insurgents in Provence “have stripped the
churches, and mutilated the images.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 146. In Dauphiné the
achievements of Montbrun made him famous; see De Thou, Book XXV, 548 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a></span>
Chantonnay to the duke of Sessa, March 24, 1560, K. 1,493, No. 45. At
St. Malo the insurgents killed certain public officials and prevented an execution.
On March 25 the cardinal of Bourbon went to Rouen; and on the same day there
was a sermon in a wood without the town to above two thousand people. A priest
and a clerk called them Lutherans and cast stones at them, and a riot ensued.
Two days after the preacher was taken and burned (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 930, March 30,
1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 142, March 26, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 146, April 4, 1560; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, 952, April 6. The cardinal of Lorraine
justified the drastic policy of the government, saying: “It will be more
than necessary to apply violent remedies and proceed to fire and sword, as
otherwise, unless provision be made, the alienation of this kingdom, coupled with
that of Germany and England and Scotland, would by force draw Spain and
Italy and the rest of Christendom to the same result.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 142,
March 28, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a></span>
The court attended the spectacle of these executions “comme s’il eût été
question de voir jouer quelque momerie.”&mdash;La Planche, 263.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a></span>
Monod, “La jeunesse d’Agrippa d’Aubigné,” <i>Mém. de l’Acad. de
Caen</i>, 1884.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 1560, Introd. Hotman vented his disappointment at the failure
of the conspiracy and his wrath because of the cruel policy of the Guises in a
famous pamphlet directed against the cardinal of Lorraine. It bore the significant
title “Le Tigre.” See De Thou, Book XXV, 512; Weill, 40, 98, Asse, “Un pamphlet
en 1560,” <i>Revue de France</i>, January 1876, and Dareste, <i>Mém. de l’Acad. des sc. moral.
et polit.</i>, CIV (1877), 605. Hotman’s authorship of it remained undiscovered for
years. A counselor named Du Lyon, believed to be the author of it, a printer
named Martin, and a merchant of Rouen, who had sponsored it, were hanged in
the Place Maubert (Castelnau, Book I, chap, xi; La Planche, 312, 313; La Place,
76, 77).</p>
<p class="pfc4">In 1875 M. Charles Read published this famous pamphlet in facsimile from
the only existing copy which was rescued from the burning of the Hôtel-de-Ville
in 1871. The text is accompanied with historical, literary, and bibliographical
notes.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a></span>
The baggage of the prince of Condé was opened, it being expected to find
therein letters or other writings relating to the conspiracy, and although excuses
were made after the search, attributing it to thieves, yet as none of the contents
were missing, the belief greatly prevailed of the search having been made for that
purpose (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 178, 1560).</p>
<p class="pfc4">On March 22 the prince of Condé was confronted with one of the condemned
conspirators, but to the discomfiture of his enemies, no evidence against the prince
could be elicited (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 919, March 29 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 267.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap. xi.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 268.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a></span>
May 6, 1560, Navarre to Throckmorton: “Has received a letter
enclosing a proclamation of the Queen in which he sees it intimated that the princes
and estates of France are to call her to their aid. As first prince of the blood he
repudiates this, and hopes she will not mention him or the others in her
proclamations again, as it will only injure them with the King” (written from
Pau).&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 40.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, I, 398; La Popelinière, I, 170.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 992, April 12, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 954, April 6, 1560; Chantonnay wrote to the duchess of Parma
that Elizabeth was privy to the conspiracy (Ruble, <i>Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne
d’Albret</i>, II, 142).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 992, April 12, 1560. The unfortunate baron Castelnau,
in view of the fact that he was a knight of the order, was at first sentenced to the
galleys for three years, but later, at the instance of the Guises, was condemned to
die and was beheaded on March 29, along with the captain Mazères, the duke of
Nemours, the baron’s captor, being absolved from keeping his promise to spare
his life (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 952, April 6, 1560; La Planche, 264, 265; La Place, 34;
D’Aubigné, 268-70, Book II, chap. xvii). One of the most prominent of those
arrested was the Scotchman, Robert Stuart, who had already been suspected of the
murder of President Minard, and who claimed to be a relative of Mary Stuart.
He was imprisoned in the Conciergerie and put to torture, but would admit nothing.
It was he who shot the constable Montmorency on the battlefield of St. Denis.
Stuart had the reputation of being able to make bullets, called Stuardes, which
would pierce a cuirass. He himself was killed in turn at the battle of Jarnac by
the marquis of Villars, count of Tende, who stabbed him with a dagger (<i>Rev. hist.</i>,
XIV, 93; Forneron, <i>Histoire des ducs de Guise</i>, II, 92).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a></span>
“A conspiracy to kill them both and then to take the King and give him
masters and governors to bring him up in this wretched doctrine,” is the way the
cardinal of Lorraine and his brother described it to the dowager queen of Scotland
in a letter of March 20, 1560 (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 870).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The King’s circular letter to the Parlements, bailiffs, and seneschals of the
kingdom on March 30 declared that the conspirators “s’estoyent aidés de certains
predicans venus de Genève.”&mdash;<i>Mem. de Condé</i>, I, 398.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a></span>
“It had been well if the Guises had not been so particularly named as the
occasion of these unquietnesses, but that it had run in general terms,” wrote Throckmorton
to Cecil (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 954, April 6, 1560). Chantonnay advised the
queen mother that, in order to avoid further difficulty, it was expedient for the
Guises to retire from court for a season (La Place, 38).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 219, 20.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a></span>
Tavannes actually says she was privy to the conspiracy of Amboise, p. 247.
During the reign of Henry II, Catherine de Medici had had no political influence.
She was hated as an Italian (<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 105). On one occasion only did she assert
herself; “En 1557, à la nouvelle du désastre de Saint-Quentin, qui ouvrait à
l’Espagne les portes de la France, il y eut un moment d’indicible panique. Hommes
d’état, hommes de guerre, tous avaient perdu la tête. Par un hasard heureux,
Catherine se trouvait à Paris; seule elle conserva son sang-froid, et, de sa propre
initiative, courant en l’hôtel-de-ville et au parlement, et s’y montrant si éloquente
et énergetique, elle arracha aux échevins et aux membres du parlement un large
subside et rendit du cœur à la grande ville.”&mdash;La Ferrière “L’entrevue de
Bayonne,” <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 457.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a></span>
“Ut exorientes tumultus reprimeret,” Raynaldus, XXXIV, 72, col. 1;
Chantonnay to Philip II, August 31, 1560, K. 1,493, No. 76; D’Aubigné, I, 27;
La Planche, 269. Shortly before the death of Henry II, Coligny had sought to
resign his government, wishing to retain only his office of admiral but Henry
refused to accept the resignation (Delaborde, I, 362). Coligny then endeavored
to have his government of Picardy given to his nephew, the prince of Condé (<i>Rev.
hist.</i>, XIV, 74). Meanwhile he continued to hold the office of governor to prevent
the Guises getting control of it (La Planche, 216). Finally in January, 1560, the
admiral again went to court to present his resignation, and at the same time to
urge the appointment of his nephew. This time it was accepted, and the prince
of Condé was appointed to the post (La Planche, 217; <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 74, 75).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a></span>
La Place, 36; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 952.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a></span>
La Place, 38. On L’Hôpital see Dupré-Lasale, <i>Michel de l’Hôpital avant son
elévation au poste de chancellier de France</i>, 2 vols., 1875; Amphoux, <i>Michel de
l’Hôpital et la liberté de conscience au XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle</i>; Guer, <i>Die Kirchenpolitik d.
Kanzlers Michel de l’Hôpital</i>, 1877; Shaw, <i>Michel de l’Hôpital and His Policy</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a></span>
La Place, 37.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap, xi; <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 174, 1560; Raynaldus,
XXXIV, 66, col. 2; D’Aubigné, I, 274, n. 3; La Planche, 305; La Place, 468, gives
the text. The edict was not published, though, until July 17 (K. 1,494, folio 6).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 193, August 30, 1560. The term “interim” was technically
applied to a resolution of the sovereign, with or without the approbation of
the diet or the estates of the country. By such an edict religious affairs were regulated
provisionally, pending a final settlement by a general council of the church.
The practice first obtained in Germany, where Charles V issued such a decree in
favor of the Lutherans in 1548. See <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 76, 77. “In modo che,
restando ciascuno d’allora in dietro assicurato dalla paura che avea per innanzi,
di poter esser inquisito, questo si può dir che fosse uno tacito <i>interim</i>.”&mdash;<i>Rel.
vén.</i>, I, 414.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a></span>
“La reyne mère du roy, monstrant une bonne affection à l’admiral, le pria de
la conseiller et l’advertir par lettres, souvent, de tous les moyens qu’il sçauvoit et
pourroit apprendre d’appaiser les troubles et séditions du royaume.”&mdash;Castelnau,
Book I, chap. xi. Those of the Council who were unwilling to consent to such
changes absented themselves. The marshals Brissac and St. André did so, the
one alleging ill health as his excuse, the other hatred of the king of Navarre
(<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 549).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book I, chap, xi; <i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 415 and n. 2.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a></span>
Davila, I, 295; <i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 413. “In the rural portions of Normandy, for
unknown reasons, ‘Lutheranism’ had spread so much that to one district of that
province was given the name of ‘Little Germany.’”&mdash;Hauser, <i>American Hist.
Rev.</i>, January, 1899, 225.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a></span>
The Tuscan ambassador, as early as April, 1560, advised his government of
the likelihood of this feud (<i>Nég. dip. de la France avec la Toscane</i>, III, 415-17
<i>Rev. hist.</i>, XIV, 74).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a></span>
Nanteuil, near La Fère (Aisne).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a></span>
La Place, 38.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 232, June 24, 1560; D’Aubigné, I, 276; <i>Mém. de Condé</i>,
I, 151.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a></span>
La Place, 41; D’Aubigné, I, 277.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a></span>
La Place, 41.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 149, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 139; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 417. La Planche, 217, gives a sample
lampoon.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 151.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 992, April 12, 1560. On one occasion the police of Paris,
when pursuing a murderer, entered a house at a venture, into which they thought the
culprit had made his escape, where they found and arrested the man who printed
and placarded over the walls of Paris the writings against the Guise family and
against the cardinal (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 178, 1560; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 417, 418).
The offending printer was hanged and then quartered (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 186,
July, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 174; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 232, June, 1560; No. 234, June 24,
1560; La Planche, 261. Francis II, during the course of this investigation, stayed
at Maillebois, a house of D’O, the captain of the Scotch Guard, on the edge of
Normandy (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 233, June 24, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a></span>
D’Andelot and Coligny refused to make war upon the Scotch Calvinists
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 168, June 7, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a></span>
“Rapport indiquant les preparatifs faits pour l’enterprise sur l’Ecosse, à
Rouen, au Hâvre et à Dieppe,” K. 1,495, No. 2, 11 juillet 1560.</p>
<p class="pfc4">“The embarkment for Scotland hastens. Soldiers arrive daily from Dieppe
and New Haven. At Caudebec, Harfleur, and New Haven there is exceeding
great store of provision and munitions, sufficient for 25,000 men for six months.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 233, June 24, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a></span>
Mundt to Cecil, from Strasburg, <i>ibid.</i>, No. 52, May 7, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a></span>
Gresham to Cecil, <i>ibid.</i>, No. 617, January 22, 1560: “The French king
brings at least 20,000 footmen in Germany and he has taken up at Lyons as much
money at interest as he can get.”</p>
<p class="pfc4">The count of Mansfeldt to the Queen, <i>ibid.</i>, No. 33, May 5, 1560: “The
French continue to raise troops and to buy horses and ammunition. Possibly
these preparations are being made against the insurgents of France, but it is doubtful
whether under pretense of invading Scotland.”</p>
<p class="pfc4">After the conspiracy of Amboise the duke of Ferrara sent 1,000 harquebusiers
and the Pope 4,000 Italians (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 952, April 6, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Eng.</i>, No. 931. The clever Italian, in this case, had more discernment
than Cecil, who thought that the French would rather “yield in some part than
to lose their outward things by inward contentions.”&mdash;Cecil to Elizabeth, June 21,
1560; <i>ibid.</i>, 1560-61, No. 152, n.; Keith, 414; Wright, I, 30.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a></span>
See letter of the cardinal of Lorraine and duke of Guise, Appendix I.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 255, June 30, 1560. The news was concealed from Mary
Stuart for ten days.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a></span>
<i>Précis d’articles arrêtées conclus entre le commissionaire d’Angleterre et de
la France: Affaires d’Ecosse</i> (summary), K. 1493, No. 59, 6 juillet 1560.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Montluc, the bishop of Valence, the bishop of Amiens, and MM. de la Brose,
d’Oysel, and Randau were the French ambassadors who accepted the terms offered
by Cecil. Their commission was issued from Chenonceaux May 2, 1560. Montluc
and Randau signed the instrument, an abstract of which is in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
281, July 6, 1560. Castelnau, Book II, chaps, i-vi, gives an account of the Anglo-Scotch
war. See the memoir of Montluc upon his mission, in Paulin Paris,
<i>Négociations</i>, etc., 392; and Schickler, <i>Hist. de France dans les archives privées
de la Grande Bretagne</i>, 6. The treaty may be found in Rymer, XV, 593;
Keith, I, 291; Lesley, <i>Hist. of Scotland</i> (1828), 291.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a></span>
“The late peace was forced upon the French rather by necessity occasioned
by their internal discord than from their desire for concord.”&mdash;Mundt to Cecil from
Strasburg, August, 13, 1560, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 416.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a></span>
Chantonnay to Philip II, June 27, 1560, K. 1493, 68<i>c</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 419, 420, May, 1560. Biragues, king’s lieutenant in Saluzzo,
to the duke of Anjou, March 1, 1560, Collection Montigny, No. 298.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 386, August 3, 1560. Throckmorton was told that “all
in this country (Picardy) seem marvellously bent to the new religion.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No.
405, August 7, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 416, August 13, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 188, July 30, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 416, August 13, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 494, September 7, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a></span>
A pamphlet, issued in the nature of a petition and addressed to the king of
Navarre and the princes of the blood, abounded in invective against them.&mdash;Castelnau,
Book II, chap, vii; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 168, June 7, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 188, July 30, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a></span>
A vidame is a baron holding of a bishop. The vidame of Chartres was
cousin-german of Maligny, suspected in the Amboise conspiracy. The vidame
not having any children, Maligny and his brother were his sole heirs. The comte
de Bastard has written a biography of him, <i>Vie de Jean de Ferrières, vidame de
Chartres</i>, Auxerre, 1885.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 193, August 30, 1560.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The prince of Condé, during this summer, had repaired to Guyenne to see his
brother, the king of Navarre, at Bordeaux where he protested against the Catholic
policy of Antoine (La Planche, 276; La Place, 35). The brothers met on June 25
(Rochambeau, <i>Lettres d’Antoine de Bourbon et de Jeanne d’Albret</i>, 202). In his
journey he inveighed against the usurpation of the Guises, and found a hearing from
the noblesse and gentlemen of the south, who urged him and his brother to assume
the place to which their rank entitled them. The Guises were kept informed of
this journey of the prince by the marshal St. André, who, under pretense of visiting
his brothers, kept watch of Condé (La Planche, 314, 315; La Place, 53). The
discovery of the plot was owing to the suspicious vigilance of the duke of Guise, who
marked a Basque gentleman who appeared in Paris as a stranger bent on important
business, and surmised that he had been sent by the king of Navarre. It was
noticed that he had conferred with the vidame of Chartres, and so, “as he was
returning ... to ... Navarre, the duke of Guise had him and his valises,
with (his) letters and writings, seized at Etampes. In the valise many letters
were found, said to have been addressed both to the king of Navarre and to his
brother, the prince of Condé. Among them were letters of the constable and his
son, Montmorency, though they were merely letters of ceremony; but those of
importance were what the vidame wrote to the prince, part in cipher and part
without.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 193, Aug. 30, 1560. Cf. La Planche, 355-58; De
Thou, III, 357; <i>Négociations relatives au règne de François II</i>, 367; De Crue, 277, 278.
The vidame of Chartres was arrested on August 29, 1560, by the provost-marshal
and the lieutenant-criminal, at his lodgings in Paris, and carried through the streets
upon a mule, “with a great rout of armed men to the Bastille.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
483, September 3, 1560. Castelnau, Book II, chap, vii, says that the letters promised
to assist the prince of Condé against all persons whatsoever except the King and the
royal family. The Venetian ambassador says that there was enough in them
“clearly to indicate that for many months there had been an intrigue.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
<i>Ven.</i>, No. 193, August 30, 1560. On the other hand, Throckmorton asserts that
“the substance of the letter sent by the vidame to the king of Navarre is said to be so
wisely written that it is thought that nothing can be laid to his charge.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
<i>For.</i>, No. 502, September 8, 1560. He was examined by the archbishop of Vienne
and the president De Thou. Upon his arrest the vidame said “he was glad
of it, for now the King would know of his innocence.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 502; La
Place, 70.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a></span>
The treaty of Edinburgh between Scotland and England was signed on July 6,
1560 (<i>C. S. P. Scot.</i>, IV, 42).</p>
<p class="pfc4">On July 28, 1560, Francis II, writing to the bishop of Limoges, says it is unnecessary
to do more than inform the king of Spain that he has made peace with
Scotland, which will leave him leisure to attend to the internal affairs of the realm and
to thank him for his good offices (Teulet, I, 606); cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, July 28, 1560,
194, n.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 345, July 19, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book II, chap, vii; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 416, August 13, 1560, from
Strasburg.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 502, September 8, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 354, July 19, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 317, July 8, 1560; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 421-23, June, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a></span>
At the assembly at Fontainebleau the King proposed four points for deliberation:
(1) religion; (2) justice; (3) the debts of the crown; (4) means to relieve the
people (<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 424, August 25, 1560). <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 442, August 20,
1560; La Place, 53; La Planche, 351; Castelnau, Book II, chap, viii, give the names
of those present. The petitions are printed in <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, II, 645. Picot, <i>Hist.
des états généraux</i>, II, 14, erroneously gives the date as August 23.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 195, August 30, 1560; Castelnau, Book II, chap, viii, gives
an abstract of the speech, in the third person. Cf. La Place, 54, 55.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a></span>
“En termes prolixes.”&mdash;De Thou, Book XXV, 525. It is printed in
<i>Œuvres complètes de L’Hôpital</i>, ed. Dufey, I, 335.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a></span>
“They might see all states troubled and corrupted, religion, justice, and the
nobility, every one of them ill-content, the people impoverished and greatly waxed
cold in the zeal and good will they were wont to bear to their prince and his
ministers.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 442.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 352; Castelnau, Book II, chap. viii; the statement of the debt
given by La Planche agrees exactly with <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 442.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, <i>loc. cit.</i>; La Planche, 352.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a></span>
See Reynaud, <i>Jean de Montluc, evêque de Valence</i>, 1893.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a></span>
“Les derniers et plus jeunes conseillers opinent les premiers, afin que la
liberté des advis ne soit diminuée ou retranchée par l’authorité des princes ou
premiers conseillers et seigneurs.”&mdash;Castelnau, Book II, chap. viii. He made a
typically episcopal, not to say unctuous, address. Cf. La Place, 54; La Planche,
352; printed in <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, I, 555; La Popelinière, I, 192.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 352-61; La Place, 53-65.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a></span>
Reform in the collation of benefices was one of the important deliberations of
the Council of Trent (Baguenault de la Puchesse, “Le Concile de Trente,” <i>R. Q. H.</i>,
October, 1869, 339).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 424, August 29, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book II, chap, viii; La Planche, 361.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 193, August 30, 1560; Paris, <i>Négociations relatives au
règne de François II</i>, 481; <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 149, n.;
La Place, 68; La Planche, 363. “The government seems determined not to await
the meeting of a council general, the decision of which will be tardy, but to convene
a national one, assembling in a synod all bishops and other leading and intelligent
churchmen of the kingdom, to consult and provide for the urgent need of
France in matters of religion which admit of no delay.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No.
142, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a></span>
La Place, 70.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a></span>
In Tours as early as April, 1560, a letter was published to all the governors
and ministerial officials of the cities and provinces of the kingdom concerning the
reformation of the church by means of a congregation of the prelates of the Gallican
church to be assembled for a national council (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 151, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a></span>
The ultra-Catholic party at Trent accused the cardinal of wanting to create
an independent patriarchate out of the Gallican church. Desjardins. <i>Nég. de
la France dans le Levant</i>, II, 728.</p>
<p class="pfc4">As a matter of fact, at this season, the cardinal was disposed to favor the project
of a national council, as he hoped thereby to enlarge the power and dignity
of his office as primate of France. His ambition was to become a sort of French
pope, so that “he would not have thought it wrong had all obedience to the pontiff
ceased.”&mdash;<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), September 23, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a></span>
Maynier, <i>Etude historique sur le concile de Trente (1545-62)</i>, 1874; <i>Journal
du concile de Trente, redigé par un secrétaire vénitien présent aux sessions de 1562 à
1563, et publié par Armand Baschet, avec d’autres documents diplomatiques relatifs
à la mission des Ambassadeurs de France au concile</i>; Desjardins, <i>Le pouvoir civil au
concile de Trente</i>, Paris, 1869; Baguenault de la Puchesse, “Le concile de Trente,”
<i>R. Q. H.</i>, October, 1869.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 161, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 232, June 24, 1560. When the Pope showed anger at the
determination of France, the cardinal of Lorraine actually apologized for himself
by saying that it was neither by his orders nor with his consent, but that the printers
took the liberty to give the name of National Council to the “Congregation” which
the King intended to convoke! (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 174, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 569, September 8, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 615, October 8, 1560. The demands of the Protestants were
as follows: (1) That the Council be convened in a free city of Germany; (2) that
summons be not by a papal bull, but by the Emperor, who should provide them
with safe-conducts; (3) that the Pope be subordinated to the Council; (4) that those
of the Confession of Augsburg have a vote equally with the Catholics; (5) that the
judgment be according to the Holy Scriptures, and not according to the decrees of
the Pope; (6) that the prelates of the Council be absolved from the oath by which
they are bound to the Pope and the Church of Rome; (7) that the acts of the Council
of Trent be annulled (cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 782, sec. 14).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a></span>
“A general council is necessary for abolishing these heresies; but ... especial
care must be taken with the Emperor and the kings of France and Spain to
decide what shall be settled therein.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 416, August 13, 1560,
from Strasburg.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a></span>
The Vatican understanding was that the former Council of Trent was to be
<i>continued</i>; although in the bull the word continuation was not made use of, as in
that of the jubilee, a show of deference thereby being made to the Emperor and the
French King, who had demanded a new council. But the French government
although it allowed the place, did not allow the continuation of the former Council
of Trent convened by Paul III. For if it accepted the council as it was published
by the bull, it would have had to accept all the articles which had been concluded
in the former council. When it was argued that Philip II was satisfied with the
continuation, Francis II replied that although continuation might suffice for the
needs of his dominions, it would not do for France, the more so because Henry II
of France having caused protest to be made in Trent of the nullity of that council,
from its not having been free, his son could not think well of the continuation. (The
reply of Francis II to Philip II, October, 1560, is in Paris, <i>Négociations</i>, 615-22.
Cf. also the luminous accounts of Elizabeth’s agent in Venice, Guido Gianetti,
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 782, December 7, 1560; No. 815, December 21, 1560; and the
dispatch of Throckmorton to the queen, of December 31, 1560, giving an account
of a conversation with the king of Navarre, No. 832, §7.) In the reply made to
Philip in October, 1560, the French King declared that, by the advice of his council,
he had resolved upon an assembly of his prelates, from which nothing was to be
feared for the apostolic see, it being intended only to provide the necessary remedies,
and that it would not be a hindrance but rather an aid to the General Council, for
when it came to open, the French prelates would be already assembled and “well
informed as well of the evil as of the remedy,” and that when the Council at Trent
should have once begun, it would put an end to the lesser assembly. As to the place
of the council, the French at first preferred to have it meet in one of the Rhenish
towns between Constance and Cologne, or at Besançon in Burgundy, which belonged
to Philip II; later, in the answer to Don Antonio and in his letters to Rome,
Francis II agreed to accept whatever place the Emperor and the Pope decided
upon.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The new session of the Council of Trent was to be preceded by a general jubilee,
giving power to confessors to absolve from all sins, <i>even from that of having read
prohibited books</i>. The bull warmly exhorted the extirpation of heresy. This
jubilee was first celebrated at Rome, on Sunday, November 24, 1560, by a procession,
with the Pope walking at its head (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 782, §§ 15, 16).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a></span>
La Place, 114; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 630, October 12, 1560, from Venice.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a></span>
Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II</i>, I, 191, Granvella to Antonio Perez
from Brussels, August 9, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a></span>
Paris, <i>Négociations</i>, etc., 615-22; <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VI,
137, 149. Don Antonio arrived at the French court on September 23, and departed
four days later (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 619, Oct. 10, 1560). Philip II took the ground that
any discussion looking toward the reformation of religion would not only imperil the
faith, but prejudice his policy in Spain and the Netherlands; for if France should
alter anything, he feared it would cause a schism universally (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 619,
Oct. 10, 1560). The growth of the reformation in Spain alone was already quite
great enough to alarm him. In the early autumn of 1559, Miranda, the archbishop
of Toledo, the archbishop of Seville, and twelve of “the most famous and best-learned
religious men” in Spain had been arrested for heresy (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 133,
October 25, 1559), and at this time the inquisitors had just laid their hands on
the brother of the admiral of Spain (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 619, October 10, 1560). On this
whole subject see Weiss, <i>The Spanish Reformers</i>, and Wiffen, <i>Life and Writings of
Juan de Valdés</i>, 1865. Montluc accused Jeanne d’Albret of printing Calvinist
catechisms and the New Testament in Spanish, in Basque, and in Béarnais, and
of secretly distributing them in Spain by colporteurs (La Ferrière, <i>Blaise de
Montluc</i>, 61).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a></span>
Paris, <i>Négociations</i>, 495; Forneron, <i>Histoire de Philippe II</i>, I, 225. The
Venetian ambassador learned the news within less than a month (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>,
No. 199, September 28, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a></span>
This important offer was Philip’s answer to Francis II’s letter of August
31 and was made to L’Aubespine, the French ambassador in Spain, on September
13, 1560, as appears from the minutes of the Spanish chancellery in K. 1,493, No. 84.
After the departure of Don Antonio, Catherine wrote a letter to Philip II, thanking
him for the offer (<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 149).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The Venetian ambassador is particular and says he offered to put 3,500 troops
in Flanders at the disposal of France, to place 2,000 infantry near Narbonne, and
another 4,000 near Bayonne, besides “a large body of Spanish cavalry.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P.
Ven.</i>, No. 199, September 28, 1560. Throckmorton’s figures are 3,000 Spaniards
from the Low Countries; 500 men-at-arms and 2,000 footmen, who would enter
by way of Narbonne; and 3,000 through Navarre with 500 horses of that country
(<i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 619, § 13, October 10, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Eng.</i>, No. 620, October 10, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 411, August 9, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 502, September 8, 1560; Chantonnay of Philip II, same date, K.
1,493, No. 83.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 619, §§ 13, 15, October 10, 1560. The gendarmerie is appointed
to remain in divers countries according to an edict. Has been informed that
there is a league in hand between him (the king of France) and the king of
Spain. On the 16th there departed out of Paris ten cartloads of munitions and
artillery, but whither it is to be conveyed and how it is to be employed he cannot
learn (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 655, October 22, 1560). On the 30th Du Bois passed
bringing with him out of the places and forts in Picardy 1,000 footmen, who marched
between this town and Rouen toward Anjou; but where they shall go is only known
to himself and the duke of Guise. They keep together strong, as if they were in
an enemy’s country. After them come 500 more (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 692, Oct. 31, 1360).
The Tuscan ambassador notices the ardor of Paris to contribute blood and treasure
(<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 436).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a></span>
“From Strasburg: Frequent negotiations between the French King and the
German princes. The Rhinegrave has departed into Hesse ... with Count
John of Salm, who is also a French pensioner; where, by the landgrave’s permission
and the dissimulation of the Saxon duke of Weimar, they have levied 2,000 cavalry
to take into France, which they have partly collected in the territories of the abbot
of Fulda on the boundaries of Hesse. The prefect of the Rhenish Circle, the count
of Salm, being informed of this preparation of cavalry, assembled his captains at
Worms, where it was decided that they would not be permitted to transport their
cavalry into France. For a warning had been given in the Imperial Diet that no
assembling or travelling of soldiers would be allowed unless by the express permission
of the Emperor; for wherever they went they did great damage to the inhabitants.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
No. 736, November 26, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a></span>
For the organization of Paris at this time see <i>Livre des marchands</i>, 423, 440-43.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 665, October 22, 1560. The Venetian ambassador says
400,000 francs&mdash;twice the amount given by Throckmorton (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, 220,
October 15, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 726, November 18, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 619, October 10, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a></span>
“The goods of divers Protestants have been seized and divers men dispatched
by night and sent by water in sacks to seek heaven.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 726, November
18, 1560. Cf. La Planche, 226, 227, 233.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, Book II, chap, xx; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 424; for details see La
Planche, 366-73.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 200, October 15, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a></span>
On October 18 (La Planche, 378).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a></span>
“Very well armed and numbering more than 300 men in each company and
several pieces of cannon.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 665, October 25, 1560.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The people of Orleans were completely disarmed, even to knives, by an edict
which required all arms to be deposited in the Hôtel-de-Ville (<i>Despatches of Suriano</i>
[Huguenot Society], November 1, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a></span>
Paris, <i>Négociations</i>, etc., 486. Castelnau, Book II, chap. x, says the change
was made because the Huguenots were numerous around Meaux (but so were they
also around Orleans), and fear lest another conspiracy might be formed by having
the place known so long in advance. A rumor was current that the Huguenots
were planning to surprise it. I believe the real reason to be the more central
location of Orleans.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a></span>
“On his arrival with his brethren, the cardinal of Bourbon and the prince of
Condé, the prince was taken before the Council who committed him prisoner to
MM. de Bressey and Chauverey, two captains, with 200 archers. The king
of Navarre goes at liberty but is as it were a prisoner.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 716,
§ 18, November 17, 1560; La Place, 73; Castelnau, Book II, chap. x; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>,
III, 425. La Planche, 381, describes the method of his imprisonment.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 380; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 725, November 18, 1560; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>,
III, 425, 426.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a></span>
“Qu’il avoit faict et faisoit plusieurs entreprises contre luy (le roi) et l’estat
de bon royaume.”&mdash;La Planche, 380; <i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society),
November 10, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a></span>
La Place, 38; La Planche, 378; Castelnau, Book II, chap. x; <i>Rel. vén.</i>, I,
557; Brantôme, III, 278.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a></span>
Yet he was so carefully watched that he was practically a prisoner&mdash;“tanquam
captivus,” says Throckmorton to Lord Robert Dudley (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 721,
1560). Damville was also regarded with suspicion.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 716, § 18, November 17, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book II, chap. ix; La Planche, 318-38, gives the text of one,
which is significant because it is almost wholly a <i>political</i> indictment of the Guises;
next to nothing is said touching religion, conclusive evidence that the Huguenot
party was much more political than religious.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 375, 376.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 318.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a></span>
“Qu’il seroit meilleur pour elle d’entretenir les choses en l’estat qu’elles
estoyent, sans rien innover.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, 313.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 316, 317.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a></span>
Baschet, <i>La diplomatie vénitienne</i>, 499.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 65.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a></span>
The more one considers the arrest of the prince of Condé, the more certain it
seems that Catherine de Medici inspired it. The Venetian ambassador believed
Catherine was at the bottom of his arrest; see Baschet, 500, 501.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a></span>
“The bishop of Valence says ... that the meeting of Fontainebleau would
turn into a general assembly of the three estates of France.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
445, August 22, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 218.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a></span>
See the scathing comparison of the house of Guise with that of Montmorency:
“La plus ancienne yssue du premier chrestien du premier du royaume de la
chrestienté.”&mdash;<i>Livre des marchands</i>, 428-30.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a></span>
“Messieurs de Guyse vouloyent venir aux armes pour effacer ceste poursuite
des estats et réformation de l’église la poursuitte que nous avions si justement
commencée de leur faire rendre compte de leurs dons excessifs, c’est-à-dire de
leurs larcins, et de leur maniement des finances, ou plustost de leurs finesses.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
456.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The petition of the estates of Touraine, assembled at Tours on October 26,
1560, to the King, is a good example of this popular demand. The articles reflect the
state of the times (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 681). In connection with this authentic
petition compare the imaginary “discours du drapier” in a fancied meeting of the
estates-general, as given in <i>Livre des marchands</i>, 427-40, the satirical forerunner
of the greatest political satire of the sixteenth century, the <i>Satyre Menippée</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 260.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a></span>
Cf. La Place, 47-49, 110-13; La Planche, 342; and especially the indictment
in <i>Livre des marchands</i>, 436-58.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a></span>
To be exact, 43,700,000 livres (Isambert, XIV, 63). Part of it was held by the
Swiss cantons: “The French King is conferring with the Swiss about paying his
debts, and offers two-thirds with a quarter for interest, and to pay the whole within
three years; which conditions they refuse, and desire him either to stand to his
written promises or that the matter shall be discussed in some place appointed in
Switzerland.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 763, December 3, 1560, from Strasburg.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a></span>
“In so much as it was necessary for him to find the wherewithal to satisfy
some of these obligations, the late king had abolished certain of them and reduced
others; he had let 50,000 footmen be billeted upon the cities of the kingdom and
caused money to be raised by the imposition of subsidies, so much so that he had
found it necessary in some places to diminish the <i>taille</i>, the people having abandoned
the county of Normandy.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 658, January 28, 1560; cf. La
Place, 47; <i>Livre des marchands</i>, 447, 448; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 405 and 455.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a></span>
“The soldiers through necessity have begun to rob.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, <i>ibid.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a></span>
La Place, 48.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a></span>
La Place, 49.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a></span>
“Interrogatoire d’un des agens du prince de Condé,” <i>Arch. cur.</i>, sér. I,
IV, 35. Madame de Roye, Coligny’s sister and mother-in-law of Louis of
Condé, was also seized in the expectation of finding papers in her possession which
would incriminate Condé, Lattoy, the advocate, and Bouchart, the king of Navarre’s
chancellor (Castelnau, Book II, chap. ix; La Planche, 381; Frederick, count
palatine of the Rhine, to Elizabeth, from Heidelberg, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 721,
November 17, 1560; No. 737, §8, November 28, 1560; No. 781, December 7, 1560;
De Crue, <i>Anne de Montmorency</i>, 282 ff.).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a></span>
“MM. de Guise avoient asseuré le pape et le roi d’Espagne de chasser du
royaume les huguenots; desseignent (après le procès du prince de Condé et luy
executé) d’envoyer de la gendarmerie et de gens de pied sous la charge des sieurs
de Sainct André, Termes, Brissac et Sipierre, leurs amis, pour chasser les hérétiques
et faire obeyr le roy.”&mdash;Tavannes, 257 (1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, II, 379; Chantonnay to Philip II, November 28, K. 1,493,
No. 108; <i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), November 22; Claude Haton,
I, 130, 131.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a></span>
This action was a legal subterfuge, as Castelnau, Book II, chap. xii, no
friend of Condé, is honest enough to admit, citing several precedents in favor of
Condé. Cf. La Place, 73-75; La Planche, 400-2; D’Aubigné, I, 294, 295.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), November 25, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a></span>
Francis II, always had been of a frail constitution, and in his passion for
hunting seems to have over-exerted himself. “The constitution of his body is such
as the physicians do say he cannot be long lived, and thereunto he hath by this too
timely and inordinate exercise now in his youth added an evil accident.”&mdash;Throckmorton
to Elizabeth, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 738, November 28, 1560; Chantonnay
to Philip II, same date, K. 1,493, No. 108. He fell ill about November 20, seemingly
with a catarrh (Suriano, November 20, 25), accompanied by headache and
pain in the ear, of which he died on the night of December 5 at the eleventh hour,
although the physicians, on December 1, “mistrusted no danger of his life” (<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 758). Throckmorton elsewhere calls the King’s disease “an impostume
in the head.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 771, December 6, 1560; cf. La Planche, 413, 418;
D’Aubigné, I, 299. Very probably the disease was <i>mastoiditis</i>&mdash;an affection of
the mastoid bone back of the ear, induced by chronic catarrh which finally
affected the brain. Suriano says: “Il corpo del morto Re è stato aperto et hanno
trovato guasto tutto il cervello, in modo che per diligentia delli medici non si
haveria potuto risanarlo” (December 8, 1560.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, I, 300, and n. 2. The vidame of Chartres, who had been
confined in the Bastille, “though allowed to take the air” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
764, December 3, 1560), was released also, but died almost immediately (La
Place, 78-79, gives a eulogy of him). See Lemoisne, “François de Vendôme,
vidame de Chartes,” <i>Positions de thèses de l’Ecole des Chartes</i>, 1901, 89. His
death enriched the house of Montmorency, for he left the lordship of Milly-en-Gatinois,
worth 3,000 crowns yearly, to Damville, the constable’s second son
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 832, §10, December 31, 1560). The will is printed in <i>Bib.
de l’Ec. d. Chartes</i>, 1849, 342; it is dated December 23.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 543. On the situation after death of Francis II see Weill, chap. ii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 764, December 3, 1560, Edwards to Cecil from Rouen.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a></span>
“Lettres-patentes du roi Charles IX; pardon-général au sujet des affaires
de religion.” The Spanish ambassador had been summoned to the court that he
might write to Philip II to stand ready to offer assistance in case of need.&mdash;<i>Despatches
of Suriano</i> [Huguenot Society], December 3, 1560; K. 1,493, No. 113, December
3, 1560. Chantonnay’s correspondence shows that the Spanish King was fully
informed of the progress of events in France, which is confirmed by Throckmorton.
“The King of Spain has given order to stay the five thousand Spaniards in the
Low Countries who were to go to Sicily ... the posts run apace and often
between the kings of France and Spain.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 737, November
28, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a></span>
La Place, 76; Claude Haton, I, 116.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), December 3, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 773, December 6, 1560. “They have not only already
good forces in this town at their devotion, but have sent for more men-at-arms to
be here with all diligence ... so that if they cannot get it by good means, they
see none other surety for themselves but to get it by such means as they can best
devise ... if the Guise forces and party be best, they will not fail to betrap
them all and to stand for it whatever it costs them.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 771,
December 6, 1560. Catherine de Medici detested Mary Stuart. She called her
“notre petite reinette écossaise.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 118, 119. The Guises wanted, above all, to prevent the
<i>undivided</i> regency of Catherine de Medici and even cited the Salic law as a bar to
such result (Chantonnay to Philip II, December 28, 1560; K. 1,494, No. 12).
They favored the regency of the pliable Antoine of Bourbon, or a combination of
the king of Navarre and the queen mother. In either event a galaxy of the Guises
was to surround the throne, I. e., the cardinals of Tournon and Lorraine, the duke
of Guise, the chancellor and the two marshals Brissac and St. André; cf. <i>Nég.
Tosc.</i>, III, 434, and De Crue, <i>Anne de Montmorency</i>, 288-90, a good brief statement.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a></span>
Catherine sent the sieur de Lansac at once to the constable at Etampes
(cf. D’Aubigné, I, 299, and n. 2) who in turn went to consult with his son, Damville,
at Chantilly, where he was kept by his wife’s illness, those two in turn conferring
with the princess of Condé (La Place, 76).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), December 18, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a></span>
How much Antoine yielded to the temptation the following report of an
interview between Throckmorton and the king of Navarre shows: “Throckmorton
said that there was a <i>bruit</i> that the Spaniards had passage given them by
Bayonne and other forts of the French King. The king of Navarre said that it
was true, and that he was about to verify the letters that are yet denied.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 732, December 31, 1560, § 7.</p>
<p class="pfc4">On Sardinia see <i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 555. Even the prospect of becoming emperor
was held out to him (<i>ibid.</i>, I, 559; II, 76).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a></span>
“Although the duke of Guise is popular, above all with the nobility, yet
everybody so detests the cardinal of Lorraine that if the matter depended upon
universal suffrage, not only could he have no part in the government, but perhaps
not in the world! It is cynically reported that his Right Reverend and Lordship
took the precaution to send his favorite and precious effects early into Lorraine.”&mdash;<i>C.
S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 221, December 16, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), December 18, 1560; <i>Rel. vén.</i>,
I, 433. “I found the court very much altered ... not one of the house of
Guise.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 832, December 31, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 11.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a></span>
The law of France, by ordinance of Charles V, had for generations provided
that the king’s majority was attained when he was fourteen years of age; but the
King’s uncles claimed that the meaning of the law was that the King’s majority
was not reached <i>until the end</i> of his fourteenth year, i. e., upon his <i>fifteenth</i> birthday,
which, in the case of Charles IX, would not be until June 27, 1564. This ingenious
argument was sustained by various authors subsidized by the Guises, who went
farther and argued away the regency of the queen mother also, in spite of the precedents
of Blanche of Castille and Anne of Beaujeu, on the ground of the Salic
law (Chantonnay to Philip II, December 28, 1560; K. 1,494, No. 12).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, I, 302; <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 176; <i>Despatches
of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), March 29, 1561; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 77,
§ 3, March 31, 1560; La Place, 120, 121; De Crue, <i>Anne de Montmorency</i>, 299.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a></span>
Cf. Viollet, <i>Inst. polit. de la France</i>, II, 95.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a></span>
The arrangement of executive offices at this time was very different from
that of a modern government. Instead of there being a single secretary for foreign
affairs, there were individual secretaries <i>for each country</i>&mdash;one for Italy, one for
Spain, one for Flanders, one for Germany, etc., and each one attended to his own
business. This eliminated one more power in the government, exactly as Catherine
wanted.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), March 29, 1561. “The King
is young and the constable has now a great authority in the realm.... But
if they recover their authority, it is to be feared that they will use more extremity
than they did before, and that therefore the queen cannot but fear his danger in
this case.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,030, February 26, 1561, § 6.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a></span>
See the remarkable character-sketch of the Venetian ambassador in <i>Rel.
vén.</i>, I, 425-27.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), December 8, 1560. On the
efforts of the Guises to control the States-General of 1560 see Weill, 40.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, I, 304; Paris, <i>Négociations</i>, 789.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a></span>
La Place, 85, 87.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book III, chap. ii. In this connection the following observation
is of interest: “A disputation has lately been at Rome among the cardinals, and
the Pope has had the hearing of what is the cause that France is thus rebelled from
them. The Romans would conclude that the dissolute living of the French cardinals,
bishops and clergy, was the cause; but the French party and the bishop,
who is ambassador there, say that nothing has wrought so much in France as of
late the practice in Rome of divers of the nobility of France where they have seen
such dissolute living of the clergymen as returning into France they have persuaded
the rest that the clergy of Rome is of no religion.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 822, December
28, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a></span>
The address is printed <i>in extenso</i> in <i>Œuvres complètes de l’Hôpital</i>, I, 375 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a></span>
Suriano, December 20; D’Aubigné, I, 303, 304; La Place, 88, 109. “The
estates assembled on December 13, but have done little or nothing; divers of them
will not put forth such things as they were instructed in, now the king is dead.”&mdash;<i>C.
S. P. For.</i>, No. 832, December 31, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 389-96; D’Aubigné, I, 305, 306.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a></span>
Cf. <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 237, February 17, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a></span>
La Place, 93.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 93-109.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a></span>
La Place, 109; La Planche, 397; D’Aubigné, I, 307.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book III, chap. ii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 237, February 17, 1561. The action practically flouted
a papal bull of November 20, 1560, convening the Council at Trent, which was
intended to anticipate and <i>prevent</i> any such action as this at Orleans (La Planche,
403).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a></span>
There was also a technical argument based on the fact that in the bull of
the Council the words “<i>sublata suspensione</i>” were interpreted to mean that the
Pope intended to continue the Council already commenced, and that the decrees
already made were to be valid; which offended France. The cardinal of Lorraine
was the one who raised these difficulties, though he tried to give the opposite impression;
from him came the opposition to the words of the bull (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>,
No. 229, January 7, 1561; <i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), January
14, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 237, January 23, 1561; La Place, 124-26, practically
paraphrases the edicts.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 443.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), February 17, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book III, chap, ii, says 42,000,000; Throckmorton put the figures
at 43,000,000: <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,032, February 26, 1561; cf. No. 988, February
12, 1561; Suriano, the Venetian ambassador, also gives the amount as eighteen
million crowns (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 237, February 17, 1561). This would approximate
$75,000,000.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The debt of the King to the Genoese, Germans, Milanese, Florentines, and
Lucca amounted to 644,287 ducats (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 1,432, October 5, 1560).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a></span>
Dareste, <i>Histoire de France</i>, III, 456, 457.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a></span>
Lorenzo Contarini in 1550 speaks with satisfaction of the even balance of
the finances; Soranzo in 1556 speaks of their disorder (cf. Ranke, <i>Französische
Geschichte</i>, Book VII, chap, iv, n. 2).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a></span>
An ordinance of 1270 authorized a loan of 100,000 <i>livres tournois</i> for the
crusade that culminated in disaster before Tunis. Cf. G. Servois, “Emprunts
de St. Louis en Palestine et en Afrique,” <i>Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes</i>,
sér. IV, IV, 117. Philip III borrowed of his great vassals and from the Flemish
towns (Langlois, <i>Le règne de Philippe le Hardi</i>, chap. v).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a></span>
Boutaric, <i>La France sous Philippe le Bel</i>, 297.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a></span>
The preamble of the letters-patent of Francis I, bearing date of September
2, 1522, makes this fact clear; for in that document alienation is made by the
government of the “aids, gabelles and impositions” of Paris, the fees of the “grand
butchery of Beauvais,” the rates upon the sale of wine, both wholesale and retail,
and of fish, as security for the loan made. Cf. Vührer, <i>Histoire de la dette publique
en France</i>, I, 15-26; Lavisse, <i>Histoire de France</i>, V, Part I, 241, 242.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a></span>
Esmein, <i>Histoire du droit français</i>, 631-34.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a></span>
Vührer, <i>Histoire de la dette publique en France</i>, I, 22-25.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a></span>
Gold was at a premium, the payments for gold crowns and pistolets being
above their valuation. All foreign coins were rated high: English “rose” nobles =
6 francs, 12 sous; “angels” = 4 francs, 6 sous; imperials and Phillipes were current
at the same rate as “angels” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,076, February 20, 1561). The
gold crown was passable at 51 francs <i>tournois</i>; the pistolet gold and weight, 49
francs (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 886, January 17, 1561). Prices of commodities were also high.
The duke of Bedford, who came over in February 1561 as a special envoy of Elizabeth,
reports, February 26: “France is the dearest country I ever came in.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
No. 1,031. Cf. the confession of Richard Sweete, an English fugitive in
France, who was forced to return home on account of “hard times.” “Within one
month they came back from Paris, partly upon the death of the French king and
partly for that victuals were there so dear that they could not live.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, II,
No. 36, October 5, 1559.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Without attempting to go at length into the intricate subject of the various
kinds of money current in France in the sixteenth century, something yet is to be
said upon the subject in order to make clear the working of these and other economic
sources. In the sixteenth century, as during the Middle Ages, the standard of
value was the <i>livre tournois</i>, divided into <i>sous</i> and <i>deniers</i> (1 livre = 20 sous; 1
sou = 12 deniers). The <i>livre tournois</i> was really a hypothetical coin and was merely
used as a unit of calculation. The French gold coin was the <i>écu d’or</i> which varied
in value between 1 livre, 16 sous, and 2 livres, 5 sous. In 1561 it was equivalent
to 2 livres in round numbers. The <i>teston</i> was a silver coin of a value of 10 or 11
sous and was sometimes called a crown or a franc by the English. The sou originally
was made of an amalgam of silver and copper and the denier or penny of
red copper.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The English during their long occupation of Normandy in the fifteenth century,
and owing to their commercial communication with Flanders, introduced the
pound sterling or “estrelin” (easterling) (Du Cange, <i>Glossarium</i>, <i>s. v.</i> “Esterlingus;”
Ruding, <i>Annals of the Coinage</i>, I, 7; Le Blanc, <i>Traité historique des monnaies
de France</i>, 82). Though much more stable than other coinage&mdash;except the Venetian
ducat and the florin&mdash;it nevertheless slowly depreciated. Elizabeth in 1561
rechristened it the gold “sovereign.” It was worth about 8 <i>livres tournois</i> in 1561
(Avenel, “La fortune mobilière dans l’histoire,” <i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, July 15,
1892, 784, 785). The French peasantry still in certain parts of France estimate in
terms of ancient coinage. The <i>pistole</i>, by origin a Spanish coin current in Flanders
and the Milanais, was forbidden circulation as far back as Louis XIV. Yet the
peasants of Lower Normandy at the cattle fairs today will estimate the price of
their animals in ancient terms. Similarly the Breton peasantry talk of <i>réaux</i>
(<i>real</i>), the last vestige of Brittany’s commercial relations with Spain (Avenel,
<i>op. cit.</i>, 783).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The actual value of these coins in modern terms has been much debated.
M. de Wailly estimated the value of the <i>livre tournois</i> in 1561 at 3 francs, 78 centimes.
The vicomte d’Avenel thinks these figures too high and has adopted 3
francs, 11 centimes as a mean value for the years between 1561 and 1572. M.
Lavasseur prefers the round number of 3 francs. On the basis of the last estimate
one sou would be equivalent to 15 centimes and 1 denier to 1.2 centimes in terms
of modern French money. But these figures mean nothing until the purchasing
power of money at this time is established. In this particular, estimates have
varied all the way from 3 to 12 and even to 17 and 20. M. Lemmonier inclines to
the ratio of 5 for the middle of the sixteenth century. For an admirably clear and
succinct account of the value of French money in the sixteenth century, see Lavisse,
<i>Histoire de France</i>, Vol. V, Part I, pp. 266-69. Larger references will be found
in the bibliography appended to the chapter.</p>
<p class="pfc4">But whatever the ratio may have been, the decline in the purchasing power
of money was great. Between 1492 and 1544 Europe imported 279 millions worth
(in francs) of gold and silver. In the single year 1545, when the famous mines
of Potosi were opened, 492,000,000 francs’ worth were brought into Europe. The
purchasing power of money is estimated to have fallen one-quarter between 1520
and 1540 and one-half by the year 1600. After the peace of Cateau-Cambrésis
when peaceful relations were renewed between France and Spain, France particularly
felt the disturbing effect of the new conditions. According to the vicomte
d’Avenel (<i>op. cit.</i>), from 1541-61 the <i>livre tournois</i> was valued at 3 francs, 34
centimes; from 1561-72 at 3 francs, 11 centimes; from 1575-79 at 2 francs,
88 centimes. “Un capital de 1,000 livres qui valait 22,000 francs en 1200, n’en
valait plus intrinsèquement que 16,000 en 1300; 7,530 en 1400; 6,460 en 1500, et
était tombé en 1600 à 2,570 francs.”&mdash;<i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, July 15, 1892, 800.</p>
<p class="pfc4">One is astonished not to find greater complaints about the “hard times”
in the chronicles and other sources of the period. To be sure, the misery did not
reach its acutest stage until the time of the League, when the difference between
the price of food stuffs and daily wages was outrageous. For example, since 1500
the wage of the laboring man had increased but 30 per cent., whereas the price of
grain had increased 400 per cent. At the accession of Louis XII, wheat had cost
four francs per hectolitre and the peasant earned sixteen centimes a day; at the
accession of Henry IV (in 1590), wheat sold for twenty francs per hectolitre and the
daily wage of the peasant was but seventy-eight centimes (Avenel, “Le pouvoir de
l’argent,” <i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, April 15, 1892, 838).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book III, chap. ii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 112; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 990, February 12, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 113.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 889, January 16, 1561; No. 890, February 12, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 237, February 17, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a></span>
La Place, 121.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a></span>
“They mean to levy the greatest subsidy that was ever granted in France.
The chief burden rests with the clergy, who give eight-tenths; the lawyers, merchants,
and common people are highly rated also. They reckon to levy 18,000,000
francs.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 483, September 3, 1560.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a></span>
“The Pope has given faculty to the King to sell of the revenues of the church
by the year, and has granted the like to the French King, <i>meaning to serve them to
execute ... the order now to be taken at the General Council</i>.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 777,
December 7, 1560, from Toledo. A similar arrangement was made in Spain with
Philip II, in order to restore his depleted finances.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 850, January 1, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a></span>
The <i>ordonnance</i> of the King proroguing the estates did not appear until a
month later, March 25, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a></span>
La Place, III; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 938, February 12, 1561. In a letter dated
January 22, 1561, to Peter Martyr, Hotman gives an admirable account of the session
of the States-General at Orleans. See Dareste, “François Hotman,” <i>Mém. de
l’Acad. des sc. moral. et polit.</i>, CIV, 654-56.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), March 1, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 49, March 18, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 242, March 3, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a></span>
La Place, 129; La Popelinière, I, 244; De Thou, IV, 66, 67. The king of
Navarre, most of the princes of the blood, cardinals, and nobles being present,
chief among whom were the duke of Guise and the cardinal of Lorraine. The
prince was declared innocent, all the information brought against him was pronounced
false and the letters, forgeries. This rehabilitation was also extended
to the vidame of Chartres and Madame de Roye, Coligny’s sister and mother of
the princess of Condé, and the parlementary arrêt was ordered to be proclaimed in
all the courts of parlement of the realm (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 265, § 8, June 23, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 467, and note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a></span>
Ordonnance générale des états assemblés à Orléans, p. 5; Isambert,
XIV, 65. In pursuance of this legislation the cardinal of Lorraine resigned a few
of his pluralities. He gave the bishopric of Metz to his brother, the cardinal of
Guise, and retained for himself the archbishopric of Rheims, with the Abbeys of
St. Rémy and St. Denis (Claude Haton, I, 234). On April 1, 1561, the action of
the States-General was affirmed in a royal edict which commanded the bishops to
return to their dioceses and there reside under pain of seizure of their temporalities,
and in every bailiwick in France inventories were to be made of the whole revenues
of the priest (Isambert, XIV, 101). It was followed by an edict dealing with the
administration of the hospitals and support of the poor (<i>ibid.</i>, 105), designed to
put an end to corrupt practice on the part of unprincipled and avaricious priests
who did not wish to reside at home and so sold their cures to presbyters. Those
who had numerous benefices found means to excuse themselves from residence in
their cures, in virtue of an article of the edict, which provided that ecclesiastics who
had numerous cures, which they held <i>par dispense</i>, or other benefices or charges
requiring actual residence in some other church, and who could not by this means
reside in their parishes, by residing in one of the parishes or other churches in which
they had a benefice or office requiring residence, were exempt from residing in their
other cures, provided that they committed them to the care of capable vicars. In
virtue of this article they were permitted the enjoyment of their revenues after
having satisfied the king’s officers in each bailiwick. Cf. Claude Haton, I, 221,
222. The revenues of hospitals were assumed control of by the government, and
the administration thereof was committed to the care of special administrators.
Local judicial officers instead of the clergy, as formerly, were to supervise the
distribution of money, wood, wine, and provisions, to priors, monks, nuns, and
the poor.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The hospitals of various towns of France and in particular the hôtels-dieu
at Paris and Troyes, had already, even before this, been governed by lay commissioners.
For a complaint of bad administration of the Hôtel-Dieu at Provins
by the lay officers, who enriched themselves at the expense of the poor, and let the
house run down, for which reason the King was requested to restore the administration
to the clergy, see Claude Haton, I, 223.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a></span>
The letter which the bishop of Limoges, the French ambassador in Madrid,
wrote “après la mort de François II,” detailing the Spanish monarch’s fear, is
almost prophetic (Paris, <i>Négociations relatives au règne de François II</i>, 782-85).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a></span>
Philip II, to Charles IX, January 4, 1561, K. 1,495, No. 13; to Mary Stuart,
January 7, K. 1,495, No. 17; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 870, January 10, 1561. He arrived
on the evening of January 23. Cf. Don Juan de Manrique and Chantonnay to
Philip II, January 28, 1561, K. 1,494, No. 55, giving an account of his reception
at the French court. He left about February 10, 1561 (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 933,
January 23, 1561, and 984, February 11, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 11, March 4, 1561; <i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot
Society), February 19, 1651. A letter of December 26, 1560, to the King, published
in the <i>Revue d’hist. diplomatique</i>, XIII, No. 4 (1899), 604, “Dépêches de
Sebastien de l’Aubespine,” states the <i>real</i> mission of Don Juan de Manrique.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a></span>
The queen mother to the bishop of Rennes, April 11, 1561, <i>Correspondance
de. Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 186. The latter’s reply is in Paris, <i>Négociations</i>, etc.,
871, May 26, 1561. Cf. Castelnau, I, 555.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a></span>
Lacombe, <i>Catherine de Médicis entre Guise et Condé</i>, 108. The edict was
actually a confirmation of the edict of Romorantin. See <i>Mém. de Coudé</i>, II, 266;
text of the Edict of Romorantin in Isambert, XIV, 31.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a></span>
Letter of Charles IX, January 23, 1561, <i>Opera Calvini</i>, XVIII, 337. The
reply of the senate under date of January 28 is at 343-45.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, Nos. 250, 272, April, 1561. Coligny’s house was a favorite
rendezvous. He never went to mass, and when his wife gave birth to a child in
the spring of 1561 he had it baptized openly in the popular tongue, according to
the Calvinist form (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 933, 984, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a></span>
For the rise of Protestantism in Normandy see Le Hardy, <i>Histoire du protestantisme
en Normandie depuis son origine jusqu’ à la publication de l’Edit de
Nantes</i>, Caen, 1869; Lessens, <i>Naissance et progrès de l’hérésie de Dieppe, 1557-1609</i>:
Publication faite pour la I<sup>ére</sup> fois d’après le MS de la biblioth. publ. av.
une introd. et des notes, Rouen, 1877; Hauser, “The French Reformation and the
Popular Classes,” <i>American Historical Review</i>, January, 1899.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la Gironde</i>, XIII, 132; XVII, 256.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a></span>
“There is not one single province uncontaminated,” wrote Suriano, the
Venetian ambassador on April 17, 1561 (<i>C. S. P Ven.</i>, 272).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a></span>
See a. long letter of Hotman published by Dareste in <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XCVII,
March-April, 1908, p. 299.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 857, January 1, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 456.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 124, April 20, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 155, April 30; <i>C.S.P. Ven.</i>, No. 255, May 2, and No.
258, May 14, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a></span>
Suriano says this hostility of Paris toward Protestantism was greater, perhaps,
because it was favored by the nobles, who were naturally hated&mdash;“la plebe
di questa Città che per professione è nemica delle nove sette, forse perchè sono
favorite dalli nobili, li quali sono odiati per natura.”&mdash;<i>Op. cit.</i>, May 2, 1561. Cf.
May 16, <i>ab init.</i> (Huguenot Society of London).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a></span>
“Requête de la Sorbonne au roi,” K. 1,495, No. 74, without date but seemingly
of this time.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P., Ven.</i> No. 259, May 16, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 158, April, 1561; cf. No. 124, April 20, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 188, and n. 1.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 259, May 16, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a></span>
January 4, 1561; K. 1,495, No. 15.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 16.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a></span>
On the whole see De Crue, <i>Anne de Montmorency</i>, 294, 295.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a></span>
January 31, 1561; K. 1,494 No. 21.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a></span>
For an example of Chantonnay’s way of working see De Crue, 296, 297,
and the letters in K. 1,494, No. 54, January 15, 1561, and No. 56, February 1, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a></span>
This important document which has not been published by M. Louis Paris,
or elsewhere that I can find, is in K. 1,494, No. 70 (printed in Appendix II).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a></span>
La Place, 122, 123.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a></span>
This is the judgment of both Catholic and Huguenot historians; e.g., Castelnau,
Book III, chap. v, and Benoist, <i>Historie de l’édit de Nantes</i>, Book I, 29, who
says that the chief motive of St. André and the constable in forming the Triumvirate
was fear of being compelled to pay back the immense sums which they had
embezzled. Yet the constable in 1561 was a poor man as the result of the heavy
sums of ransom he and his house had been obliged to pay during the late war. See
De Crue, <i>Anne de Montmorency</i>, 236.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a></span>
La Place, 123; Ruble, III, 71; De Crue, 303; Chantonnay to Philip II,
April 7, K. 1,494, B. 12, 73; April 9, B. 12, 75. Cf. <i>Mémoires de Condé</i>, III,
210 ff.: “Sommaire des choses premièrement accordées entre les ducs de Montmorency,
Connestable et De Guyse, ... et le Mareschal Sainct André, pour
la Conspiration du Triumvirate, et depuis mises en délibération à l’entrée du
Sacré et Sainct Concile de Trente, et arrestée entre les Parties en leur privé Conseil
faict contre les Héréticques et contre le Roy de Navarre en tant qu’il gouverne et
conduit mal les affaires de Charles IX.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a></span>
La Planche, 454.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 448.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 534.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a></span>
The original letter is preserved in the Musée des Archives Nationales, No.
665. See the <i>Mémoires de Condé</i>, III, 395.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a></span>
Philip II to the constable, the cardinal of Lorraine, and Antoine of Navarre,
April 14 and June 12, 1561, Archives nat., K. 1,495, B. 13, 33, 44. Admission of
this step thus early is made in the <i>Mémoires du duc de Guise</i>, ed. Michaud et Poujoulat,
sér. I, V, 464. The Huguenots were early apprised of it by the interception
of a messenger of the Triumvirate near Orleans. Cf. <i>Bref discours et
véritable des principalles conjurations de la maison de Guyse</i>, Paris, 1565, 5, 6.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 259, May 16, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a></span>
Cf. De Ruble, <i>Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret</i>, III, 251 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a></span>
On Palm Sunday (1561) Antoine went to mass, for which Pius IV hastened
to congratulate him and the church (K. 1,494, No. 74, April 8, 1561), and for some
time after Easter he continued to go to mass, and refrained from eating flesh on the
days prohibited by the church (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 248, May 18, 1561). But within a
month, he is discovered having public preaching in his house by a Protestant minister,
and “daily service in the vulgar tongue” (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 265, §13, June 23, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a></span>
“Como todas actiones no se goviernan siempre con la razon.”&mdash;Granvella
to Philip II, May 13, 1561, <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VI, 541.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a></span>
Chantonnay’s letter of April 18, 1562, is almost entirely given up to a report
of a conversation between him and the marshal St. André upon this question. It
is very interesting (K. 1,497, No. 24).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a></span>
K. 1,497, No. 33.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a></span>
See Vargas to Philip II, from Rome, September 30, 1561, in <i>Papiers d’état
du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VI, 357, where he tells the king of one of Antoine’s speeches.
One of the minor duties of Don Juan de Manrique’s mission to France in January,
1561, had been to give Antoine hope in that quarter, in which policy Spain’s grand
master of artillery, and the papal nuncio worked together. The nuncio was
Hippolyte d’Este, the cardinal of Ferrara. His correspondence is published in
<i>Négociations ou lettres d’affaires ecclésiastiques et politiques escrites au Pape
Pie IV et au Cardinal Borromée, par Hippolyte d’Est, cardinal de Ferrare, legat
en France au commencement des guerres civiles</i>, Paris, 1658.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a></span>
K. 1,497, No. 28.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a></span>
“Sa principal espérance de ce costé-la [Sardinia], se fonde sur les bons et
vigoureux offices qu’il se promet de nostre Saint-Père.”&mdash;Letter II, from St. Germain,
January 10, 1561. <i>Négociations ... du cardinal de Ferrare</i>, Lettre
XXXIV, June 26, 1562.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Don Juan de Manrique suggested to Antoine&mdash;“Que s’il vouloit repudir
la reine sa femme, comme hérétique qu’elle estoit, les Seigneurs de Guise luy
feroient espouser leur Nièce, veuve de Francis II.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a></span>
Apparently the Sardinians were prepared to say something for themselves
in the matter. For St. Sulpice, the French ambassador in Spain, who succeeded
L’Aubespine, on October 8, 1562, writes to Antoine to this effect: “On lui a
rapporté ‘comme les galères d’Espagne, venant d’Italie à Barcelone, et passant
près de la Saidaigne, les habitans du pays, s’étaient mis en armes avec contenance
de vouloir défendre l’abordée de leurs portes ausd. galères, de quoi s’étant depuis
venus justifier par deça; ils avaient remontré qu’ils avaient entendu que ce roi les
voulait bailler à un autre prince et qu’ils craignaient que lesd. galères y vinssent
pour les contraindre de la recevoir à sgr., ce qu’ils ne voulaient permettre, le suppléant
de ne les aliéner de sa courrone,’” etc.&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 83.
His correspondence abounds with allusions to Sardinia, e. g., 17, 25, 35, 37, 79,
83, 84, 90, etc.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a></span>
In the presence of the king of Navarre, the constable, the dukes of Guise,
Nevers, Montpensier, and Aumale, and of spiritual lords, the cardinal of Lorraine,
who was archbishop of Rheims, and the bishops of Laon, Langres, Châlons,
Noyon, and Beauvais, the last being the cardinal Châtillon, the only prominent
Huguenot, who attended the coronation. The prince of Condé, the admiral, the
duke de Longueville, the marshal Montmorency, and his brother Damville, were
not present, because they would not assist at mass (“M. Damville is the constable’s
best-beloved son, a Knight of the Order, one of the paragons of the court
and a favourer of the reformed faith.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 395, §3, August 11, 1561).
For a detailed account of the particulars and party issues manifested at the ceremony
see De Crue, 309, 310, Catherine de Medici apparently took her time to
advise Philip II of the coronation, for her letter (without date) was not received
by the King until June 17, K. 1,494, No. 44.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a></span>
This mightily offended the Triumvirate, and the duke of Guise, the constable,
and the marshal St. André forthwith left the court in high dudgeon.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Rochambeau, <i>Lettres d’Antoine de Bourbon et de Jeanne d’Albret</i>, Inventaire
Sommaire, No. CXLIII, 27 juin 1561&mdash;“Attestation de Catherine de Médicis et
Antoine de Bourbon, pour affirmer que la retraite du duc du Guyse, de conestable
de Montmorency, et du mareschal de St. André n’est due qu’au seul respect
et affection qu’ils portent au service du roi et au repos de ses sujets.”&mdash;Bib. Nat.,
F. Fr., 3,194, fol. 5.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a></span>
“Procès-verbal de la reconcilation entre le prince de Condé et le duc de
Guise en presence du roi Charles IX,” in K. 1,494, No. 92; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 460;
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 449, August 24, 1561, 461, August 30, 1561; La Place, 139, 140.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a></span>
“Requeste présenté au roi par les Deputez des Eglises esparses parmi le
royaume de France.” A printed copy is to be found in K. 1,495, No. 42. It is
a really eloquent petition.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book III, chap, iii; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 304, §3, July 13, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a></span>
Suriano definitely says the edict of July was the work of the chancellor. He
gives a summary of the edict in a despatch of July 27, 1561 (Huguenot Society).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a></span>
Cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 1561, No. 237; <i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society),
June 25, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a></span>
Chantonnay to Philip II, July 24, 1561, K. 1,495, No. 52; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 321, §2, Paris, July 16, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a></span>
Isambert, <i>Anc. lois franç.</i>, XIV, 109 (Edit sur la religion, sur le moyen de
tenir le peuple en paix, et sur la répression des séditieux).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a></span>
Suriano, August 25; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 453-58; Castelnau, Book III; <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 357; Beza, <i>Hist. ecclés.</i>, I, 294 (ed. 1841); La Place, 130; D’Aubigné, I, 309.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book III, chap. iii; he admirably depicts the divided state of mind
of the Parlement which resulted in the edict taking this neutral form. Suriano
pithily observes: “Con questi dispareri le cose del Regno patiscono assai, et
non si può far niuna deliberatione d’importanza che sia ferma et rissoluta, et di
quà hanno havuto origine tanti editti nel fatto di Religione che sono stati publicati
li mesi passati, li quali non solamente sono ambigui, ma diversi l’uno dall’altro
et spesse volte contrarii, donde li heretici hanno preso tanto fomento che sono fatti
più indurati et più ostinati che mai” (June 26, 1561).</p>
<p class="pfc4">Charles IX sent the Sieur d’Ozances to Spain to soften Philip’s anger as much
as possible. In a letter of July 18, from St. Germain to his ambassador in Spain,
after stating the motives which have led him to dispatch D’Ozances, he adds:
“Au demeurant, je ne doubte point qu’on sème de beaulx bruictz par delà, touchant
le faict de la Religion, et qu’on ne nous face beaucoup plus malades que nous
ne sommes; et, pour ceste occasion il m’a semblé qu’il serait fort à propos que le
Sr. d’Auzances feist entendre au Roy, mon bon frère, les termes en quoy nous en
sommes.” Then follow details upon the edict of pacification. This letter was
sold at auction in 1877. It is catalogued in the <i>Inventaire des autographes et des
documents historiques composant la collection de M. Benjamin Fillon</i>, Paris,
Charavay, 1877 (Series I, 34, No. 132&mdash;“Lettre de Charles IX contre-sig.
Robertet, à l’évêque de limoges, ambassadeur en espagne; St. Germain, 18 juillet,
1561”).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 122.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, I, 129. In consequence of this state of things we find numerous
ordinances passed in the summer of 1561 in restraint of violence; cf. “Edit sur la
religion, sur le moyen de tenir le peuple en paix et sur la répression des séditieux,
July 1561,” Isambert, XIV, 109; “Edit pour remedier aux troubles, et sur la répression
des séditieux,” October 20, 1561, <i>ibid.</i>, XIV, 122; “Edit sur le port
d’armes à feu, la vente de ces armes et les formalités à suivre par les fabricants,”
October 21, 1561, <i>ibid.</i>, XIV, 123.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 237, February 17, 1561, says: “<i>one</i> representative with
absolute authority to treat and conclude what might be approved by the majority
of votes.” But La Place, III, 121, says two representatives were chosen from each
bailiwick. Cf. De Crue, <i>Anne de Montmorency</i>, 300.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a></span>
The estates of the Ile-de-France demanded that the council and government
of the King should be formed according to the ancient constitution of the realm;
that the accounts of the previous administration should be examined; that the queen
mother should be removed from the government and be content with being guardian
of the King’s person; that no stranger be admitted to be of the council; that no
cardinal, bishop, or other ecclesiastical person having made suit to the Pope, should
have any place in the Privy Council, not even the cardinal Bourbon, though he was
a prince of the blood, unless he resigned his hat; that the king of Navarre be regent
of the realm with the title of lieutenant-general, and that with him be joined a
council of the princes of the blood and others; that the admiral and M. de Rochefoucault
should have charge of the education of the King. On these conditions
the Estates offered to discharge the King’s debts in six years; but in the event of
refusal, they declared that the King must live upon the incomes of the royal domain,
much of which was mortgaged (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 77, sec. 3, March 31). Cf.
<i>Despatches of Michele Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), June 10, 1561; De Crue, <i>Anne
de Montmorency</i>, 300, 301; letter of Hotman to Bullinger, April 2, 1561 in <i>Mém.
de l’Acad. des sc. moral. et polit.</i>, CIV (1877), 656; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 455-58.
For other information, see “Remonstrances du tiers-état du baillage de Provins,”
in Claude Haton, II, 1137; “Remonstrance ... des villes de Champagne,”
<i>ibid.</i>, III, 1140, which shows the economic distress.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a></span>
La Place, 158 ff.; La Popelinière, I, 271 ff.; D’Aubigné, Book II, chap, xvi;
Beza, <i>Hist. ecclés.</i>, ed. 1840, I, 320 ff.; L’Hôpital, <i>Œuvres complètes</i>, I, 485 ff.
De Thou, Book XXVIII, 74-77; Claude Haton, I, 155. A test vote, however,
on religion was taken, resulting in 62 votes for liberty of worship in the case of the
Huguenots, and 80 against it (letter of Hotman in <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XCVII, March-April,
1908, 300).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 396, August 11, 1561; La Place, 146, 147, 150.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a></span>
La Place, 150-52; De Thou, IV, 74, 75. The full text, unpublished, of this
discourse is in F. Fr., 3970, a volume which contains much unused material for
the history of the estates of Pontoise. L’Hôpital’s address is one of the documents.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), August 24, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 538, §5, September 26, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a></span>
De Crue, 312, 313; De Thou, IV, 74; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 461; Ruble, <i>Antoine
de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret</i>, III, 160; <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 21; K. 1,494, fol. 94. Notwithstanding
this relief, the King demanded a further subsidy amounting to three
million gold crowns from the local Estates to be paid in the following January
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 682, §10, November 26, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>; cf. No. 750, §7, December 28, 1561. Most of this debt was held by
Paris. It amounted to 7,560,056 livres.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 409-11. Upon the whole question, see De Crue, <i>Anne
de Montmorency</i>, chap. xiv; Esmein, <i>Histoire du droit français</i>, 632-33.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a></span>
De Ruble, <i>Le colloque de Poissy</i> (1889); Klipfel, <i>Le colloque de Poissy</i> (1867).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 265, §9, June 23, 1561; La Place, 131.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a></span>
Paris, <i>Négociations relatives au règne de François II</i>, 550, 615-22; <i>Papiers
d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VI, 137; Klipfel, <i>Quis fuerit in Gallia factionum
status</i>, Paris 1863, 23.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a></span>
Theodore Beza, “the Huguenot pope,” did not reach the court until August
23, where he was cordially received by the prince of Condé, before whom he preached
“in open audience, whereat was a great press” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 461, August 30,
1561). For the active agency of Beza at court before the assembly at Poissy met,
see La Place, 155-57.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a></span>
The Sorbonne protested against the whole proceeding, but its request was
not granted (La Place, 154; cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 458, August 28, 1561, No. 485,
September 8, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 492, September 10, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a></span>
“Far diventar questo Regno cantoni di Svizzeri” ... (<i>Despatches of Suriano</i>
[Huguenot Society], Aug. 15, 1561; cf. <i>English Hist. Review</i>, VIII, 135).
Elsewhere the Venetian ambassador says: “E cosi si va alla via di redurre quella
provincia a stato populare, come Svizzeri; e distruggere la monarchia e il regno.”&mdash;<i>Rel.
vén.</i>, I, 538. De Thou, Book XXV, observes: “Qui primam, quam Deo
debebant, fidem irritam fecissent; qua semel violate, minime dubitaverint regem
ipsum petere quo regnum everterent, et confusis ordinibus, in rei publicae formam,
Helvetiorum exemplo, redigerent.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 421, August 19, 1561; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 280, September 8,
1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), September 18, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a></span>
“Demandes des ministres protestantes au roi,” K. 1,494, No. 95.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a></span>
Upon the personnel of the assembly, see the references in D’Aubigné, I,
315, n. 4.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 516, §7, September 20, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a></span>
“Paroles prononcées par Theodore de Beza touchant le sacrement.”&mdash;K.
1,495, No. 77. 1, “Profession de foi concerté par les prélats de France;”
2, “Première proposition des Catholiques; première proposition des hérétiques.”&mdash;Latin,
K. 1,495, No. 78; cf. <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 75.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a></span>
The cardinal’s definition of the church was, “the company of Christians
in which is comprised both reprobates and heretics, and which has been recognized
always, everywhere, and by all, and which alone had the right of interpreting
Scripture.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 507, September 17, 1561; cf. Suriano (Huguenot
Society), September 22. His address is given at length in La Place, 179 ff. It
was published at the time. Suriano, August 23, 1561, says all the delegates
“made very long speeches.” Upon the doctrinal tactics of the cardinal of
Lorraine at the colloquy of Poissy, see the letters of Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, II, 139,
September 20, 1561; 159, November 26, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a></span>
The first president of the Parlement of Paris was committed to keeping his
house because of offensive agitation (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 461, August 30, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a></span>
Proposition de Théodore de Bèze, K. 1,494, No. 96.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 280, September 8, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 511, September 19, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a></span>
Not being a Frenchman, but an Italian&mdash;his name was Pietro Martire Vermigli&mdash;he
received a separate safe-conduct (Suriano [Huguenot Society], August
23; <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XCVII, March-April, 1908, p. 302).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a></span>
La Place, 199.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 602, October 1, 2 1561. For a description of the last days
of the Colloquy, see <i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), October 16, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 624, October 18, 1561. In K. 1,495, No. 66, is a résumé
by the Spanish chancellery of Chantonnay’s dispatches dealing with the colloquy.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 753, from Strasburg, December 30, 1561. Writing just
a week earlier, on December 23, to his sovereign, Chantonnay strongly condemned
the course of Catherine at Poissy because it had militated against the authority of
Trent, and had given courage to the heretics to continue their synods.&mdash;K. 1,494,
No. 104. Other references to the Colloquy of Poissy are De Thou, IV, 84 ff.;
De Ruble, <i>Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret</i>, 76 ff.; <i>Corresp. de Catherine de
Médicis</i>, I, Introd., ci, 239. Chantonnay’s correspondence, covering both the
colloquy and the meeting of the estates at Pontoise, is in K. 1,494, No. 89, August
5; No. 90, August 20; No. 101, September 12 (especially valuable for the financial
settlement); No. 102, September 15.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 659, §10, November 14, 1561. Of these the chancellor
was the more aggressive, opposing the efforts of the clerical party to delay and obstruct
action (D’Aubigné, I, 311).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 248; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 225 and
245, June 6-13, 1561; No. 273, June 23, 1561. The choice was a tactless one on the
part of the Pope and one certain to antagonize Catherine de Medici as well as the
political Huguenots, for the cardinal was a relative of the Guises by marriage. Don
Luigo d’Este, the duke of Ferrara’s brother, was the son of Alphonso d’Este and
Lucretia Borgia. He resigned his place in the church and married the duchess
of Estouteville, a marriage indicating the Guise policy of aggrandisement (<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 904, March 27, 1560). The marriage made bitter feeling between the
House of Ferrara and the Guises. “There is a breach between the Dukes of
Ferrara and Guise touching the former’s mother, who, being very rich, and lately
fallen out with her son, had secretly sent to the Duke of Guise, a gentleman with a
message that she would come to France and end her life there and be as his mother.
Word was sent her that she would be welcome; and if her son would not permit her
to come with her substance, he would take into his hands the assignation made by
the late king upon certain lands for the payment of 100,000 crowns yearly to the
Duke till such time as 600,000 crowns, borrowed from him at the Duke of Guise’s
last voyage to Rome, were paid off. The Duke keeps his mother with good watch
for fear of her escaping to France.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 446, August 22, 1561.
The cardinal traveled with great pomp, having no less than four hundred horses in
his train.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 538, §1, September 26, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, I, 311; <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 87; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 602, October 12, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), September 23, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, October 22, 1561. For further details of the negotiations, see <i>ibid.</i>,
November 3, 1561; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 682, §9, November 26; Baschet, <i>Journal
du Concile de Trente</i>, 89.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a></span>
Philip II to Catherine, September 29, 1561; to Charles, <i>ibid.</i>, K. 1,495, No.
72. To Chantonnay he wrote three days later: “También hazed entender á la
Reyna como por este camino perdera su hijo, esse reyno y la obediencia de sus
vassalos.”&mdash;K. 1,495, No. 80. The words were not merely urgent advice&mdash;they
implied a threat.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a></span>
Weiss, <i>L’Espagne sous Phillippe II</i>, I, 114, 115; cf. Forneron, <i>Histoire
de Philippe II</i>, I, 253, n. 3. See also the remarkable “Rapport sur une conférence
entre l’ambassadeur de France et le duc d’Albe, au sujet des affaires du roi de
Navarre et des troubles pour cause de la religion” (French transcript, apparently
of a report of the Spanish chancellery), in K. 1,496, No. 136, December 20, 1561.
The Pope indorsed the proposition of Spanish intervention in France (Vargas to
Philippe II, November 7, 1561, in <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VI,
398, 404).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a></span>
“Aux villes et pays où ils sont là declaires leur bailler quelques lieux prochaine
hors des dictes villes”&mdash;Résumé des points principaux traités par l’ambassadeur
de France auprès du roi Philippe II (Communications du duc d’Alba),
November 9, 1561, K. 1,495, No. 58; “Propositions faites par M. d’Ozance et
l’ambassadeur ordinaire en Espagne, l’évêque de Limoges, dans deux audiences
à eux données par le roi Philippe II” (Résumé avec annotations), Minute, Notes
de chancellerie, K. 1,495, No. 69, Madrid, September 17, 1561; “Points principaux
d’une négociation spéciale de M. d’Ozance, envoyé de Catherine de Médici avec
réponses notées à la marge, point par point: Communications au duc d’Albe après
une déliberation du Conseil d’état, prise lui absent,” November 12, 1561, K. 1,495
No. 89; “Précis des points traités par M. d’Ozance et de l’Aubespine, ambassadeur
de France,” K. 1,495, No. 94, December 10, 1561; “Réponses à faire par ordre de
Philippe II à M. d’Ozance, sur les nouvelles propositions de cet ambassadeur,”
K. 1,495, No. 98, December 15, 1561; “Memento addressé par l’évêque de Limoges
au duc d’Albe” (Note à communiquer au roi Philippe II), K. 1,495 No. 100,
December 20, 1561; Philip II to Chantonnay: “Avis de ce qu’on a répondu à
M. d’Ozance,” December 21, 1561, K. 1,495, No. 102; “Rapport sur une conférence
entre l’ambassadeur du France et le duc d’Albe, au sujet des affaires du roi
de Navarre et des troubles pour cause de la religion” (copié en Français), K. 1,496,
folio 136, Madrid, December 20, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a></span>
Summary of Philip II’s letter to Chantonnay of January 18, 1562, in K.
1,496, No. 34.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), November 4, 1561. The <i>Journal
du Concile de Trente</i> (ed. Baschet), 89, says the intention was to carry him into
Lorraine, to prevent his becoming tainted with heresy. Lignerolles, an intimate
of the duke of Nemours, later confessed the latter’s complicity in the plot to kidnap
the young prince and spirit him away to Savoy, but the affair was hushed up and
Lignerolles was shortly afterward released. The prince de Joinville, Guise’s son,
seems to have been more actively interested than his father. The correspondence
between Chantonnay and Philip leaves no room for doubt of the fact that Nemours
was acting as the agent of Spain (K. 1,494, No. 106, October 31, from St. Cloud;
No. 114, November 28, 1561), although Philip repudiated complicity in a letter to
Catherine (K. 1,495, No. 90, November 27, 1561), and Chantonnay declared the
whole story was a trick of the Huguenots.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, 321. Chantonnay seems to have been apprehensive lest the
circumstances might precipitate the civil war which every one feared (Letter to
Philip II, November 28, 1561, K. 1,494, No. 114), and seized the opportunity
afforded by it to read the queen mother a lecture. The ambassador “used great
threatenings toward the queen mother and the king of Navarre for their proceedings
in religion.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 659, §§1, 2.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Ruble, <i>Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret</i>, III, 245-50; De Crue, <i>Anne
de Montmorency</i>, 315, 316. The official inquiry entitled, “Enquête sur l’enlèvement
du duc d’Orleans,” is in F. Fr. 6,608.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 715, §1, December 12, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Michele Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), November 3, 1561;
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 659, §5, November 14, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 717, §7, December 13, 1561. For some of the famous
Catholic preachers of Paris in 1561, see Claude Haton, I, 213, 214, and notes.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 177, 178.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 617, October 15, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 304, §4, July 23, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a></span>
K. 1,495, No.47, June 19, 1561. Cf. <i>Despatches of Suriano</i> (Huguenot
Society), October 1. Upon these insurrections in the south, see D’Aubigné, I,
322-26; De Thou, II, 235 ff. (ed. 1740); <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 636; Long,
<i>La réforme et les guerres de religion en Dauphiné</i>; Pierre Gilles, <i>Hist. ecclés. des
églises réformées vaudoises</i>, chap. xxii; <i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, V, 211.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a></span>
“Aulx petites villes, elles se sont ralliez les unes avec les autres en ung faict,
ung monopole et une ligue ensemble.”&mdash;<i>Mémoires-journaux du duc de Guise</i>
(M. &amp; P., sér. I, VI, 467, col. 2); Letter of Joyeuse to the constable; duplicate
to the duke of Guise (September 16, 1561). For the work of this league see pp.
468-71. Guillaume, vicomte de Joyeuse; was lieutenant to the governor of
Languedoc and later a marshal of France.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a></span>
These princes were Wolfgang William, duke of Deuxponts; William, landgrave
of Hesse; Frederick the Pious, count palatine of the Rhine (D’Aubigné, I,
333, 334; Le Laboureur, I, 673). The leading Protestant princes of Germany
were Augustus, elector of Saxony; Joachim II, margrave of Brandenburg, John
Frederick duke of Saxony; Christopher, duke of Württemberg; Wolfgang William,
duke of Deuxponts (Zweibrücken); John Albert, duke of Mecklenberg; John the
Elder, duke of Holstein; Joachim Ernest, prince of Anhalt, and Charles, margrave
of Baden. These are enumerated in a letter of Hotman, December 31, 1560. See
<i>Mém. de l’Acad. des sc. moral. et polit.</i>, CIV, 653, and <i>Bulletin de la soc. prot. franç.</i>,
1860.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de l’Acad. des sc. moral. et polit.</i>, CIV (1877), 66; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
399, August 12, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 319, July 15, 1561, from Strasburg. Hotman visited the
elector palatine at Germersheim; the landgrave of Hesse at Cassel; the elector
of Saxony at Leipsic, whence he went to Stuttgart. He did not see the duke of
Württemberg in person, and was compelled to write to him instead. (See his
letter, September 27, 1561, in <i>Mém. de l’Acad des sc. moral. et polit.</i>, CIV, 660.)
Thence he went to Heidelberg, from which point he wrote a second letter to the
duke of Württemberg, and one to the duke of Deuxponts.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a></span>
La Place, 121, 122; <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 249; Arch. nat., K. 1,495, folio 47,
Chantonnay to Philip II, June 19, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 736, November 26, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a></span>
Chantonnay’s correspondence shows that agents of the duke of Guise were
busy in Germany as early as October, 1561, K. 1,494, No. 105, October 28, 1561.
Cf. Hubert Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, II, 142, 159, 202; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
I, 216-18, 226-52; <i>Bulletin de la soc. de l’histoire du prot. français</i>, XXIV.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 724, §2, December 14, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 602, October 11, 1561, from Rome.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VI, 432-43: “Rapport secret du
secretaire Courtville,” December, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a></span>
Cf. Montluc, bishop of Valence, “Discours sur le bruit qui court que nous
aurons la guerre à cause de la religion,” <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, ed. London, III, 73-82.
A note adds: “Ce discours se trouve aussi au fol. 61 recto du MS R et il est à la
suite d’une lettre de M. de Chantonnay, du 24 mars 1561. Il dit à la fin de cette
lettre, que l’on disoit communement que ce Discours étoit de l’évêque de Valence
(Montluc). Ce Discours a été copié dans ce MS sur l’édition qui en fut faite dans
le tems.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a></span>
On November 23, 1561, Charles IX wrote to the bishop of Limoges in regard
to Philip II: “Dites-lui que je le prie si l’on luy a donné quelques doubtes et soupçons
de mes déportements, qu’il vous en dye quelcun et ce qu’il la mys en doubte, affin
que s’il veult prendre tant de paynes d’envoyer ung homme fidelle en lieux où il
aura oppinion qu’on fera quelques préparatifs, je luy face cognoistre que c’est une
pure menterie.”&mdash;<i>Catalogue ... de lettres autographes de feu M. de Lajariette</i>,
Charavay, Paris, 1860, No. 667. Five days later, on November 28, 1561, Catherine
de Medici wrote to the same ambassador: “Je me défie tent de seux qui sont mal
contens ... car je ne veos ni ne suys conselliée de venir aus armes.”&mdash;<i>Collection
de lettres autographes ayant appartenu à M. Fossé-Darcosse</i>, Paris, Techener, 1861,
No. 193.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, V, 211. Philip II was reputed to have spent 350,000
crowns of his wife’s dowry in Germany (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 659, §18, November 14,
1561). Catherine sent a special agent, Rambouillet, into Germany to assist Hotman
in discovering information about Spain’s intrigues there (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
713, December, 1561; <i>Mém. de l’Acad. des sc. moral. et polit.</i>, CIV [1877], 661).
D’Ozances in Spain received special instructions to decipher Philip II’s conduct if
possible.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 265, §11, June 23, 1561. This was in consequence of the
apprehension aroused early in May by the appearance of a large body of Spanish
infantry and cavalry to survey Abbeville whence they returned toward Guisnes
(<i>ibid.</i>, No. 248, from Paris, May 18, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 712, December 9, 1561, from Strasburg; No. 717, §6, December
13, 1561, from Paris. There had been some anxiety lest the Emperor might avail
himself of the distraction in France to seize the Three Bishoprics. But at this
moment, on account of the activity of both the Turk and the Muscovite, and
because he was angry with the Pope over the Council of Trent, Ferdinand, was
friendly to France and cordially received Marillac, the bishop of Vienne
(D’Aubigné, I, 332, 333).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a></span>
“Le conseil du roi, voyant que les mouvements les plus divers agitaient le
royaume, décide que chaque gouverneur, lieutenant, sénéschal et autres ministres,
se rendissent à leurs gouvernements.”&mdash;Baschet, <i>Journal du Concile de Trente</i>, 89.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 595, October 9, 1561; No. 602, October 12, 1561; No.
624, October 18, 1561; No. 659, §20, November 14, 1561. The appointments of
Coligny and Condé never became operative, owing to the outbreak of civil war early
in the next year. They are important only as they reflect Catherine’s policy of
caution and craft.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 729. Thomas Shakerley was an Englishman by birth, who had
once been a page to Edward VI, while the latter was prince. He had left England
nine years before and had spent most of his time in Rome, where, becoming an
organist, he “obtained the estimation of a cunning player for the substance and
solemnity of music.” He came to France in the suite of the cardinal of Ferrara.
The Spanish ambassador approached him with an offer to enter the secret service
of Spain, which Shakerley patriotically communicated to Throckmorton (<i>ibid.</i>,
No. 730, §5, December 18; No. 750, §10, December 28, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a></span>
On December 27, the Protestants congregated in the Faubourg St. Marceau,
whereupon the priests and Papists assembled at St. Medard and determined to
attack them. One of the Protestant soldiers going to remonstrate was run through.
The Protestants who were appointed to guard the assembly, seeing this, ran to
his succor, but were driven back by the numbers. Other Protestants coming up
put their attackers to rout and forced their way into the church, when the prince de
la Roche-sur-Yon, the King’s lieutenant, arrived with a strong force of horse and
foot and carried off several to the Châtelet (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 783, January 4, 1561; <i>Mém.
de Condé</i>, II, 541 ff.; Claude Haton, 179, and note; <i>Arch. cur.</i>, IV, 63 ff.; and
an article in <i>Mém. de la soc. de l’hist. de Paris</i>, 1886).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 758, §13, December 31, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 789, §2, January 8, 1562. The prince de la Roche-sur-Yon
passed for a Calvinist, while the marshal Montmorency was a liberal Catholic.
The queen mother hoped the change would be acceptable to both parties. Another
reason for this change was that the constable and the prince de la Roche-sur-Yon
were the principals in a law-suit involving 10,000 ducats income. It was
possible for the lieutenant of Paris to use influence with the Parlement of Paris
before which the case was to be tried, and this more obviously favored the constable’s
side of the suit. Cf. details in Chantonnay’s letter to Philip II, January
5, 1562, K. 1,497, B. 15.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 925; cf. Castelnau’s description of the bandits in the
Faubourg St. Marcel, Book III, chap. v.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 789, §2, January 6, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la Gironde</i>, VIII, 207. The King sent a special officer to put the
offenders to death and destroy the village, but it is significant that this commission
was not intrusted to Villars, who was sublieutenant in Languedoc and notorious for
his treatment of the Huguenots (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 750, §10, December 28, 1561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 195-98, 236, 237. His spleen is evidenced, though, in
saying that: “à cause de la grande liberté à mal faire et dire qui leur estoit permise
sans aulcune punition de justice ... si le plus grand larron et voleur du pays
eust esté prins prisonnier il eust eschappé à tout danger voire à la mort, moyennant
qu’il se feust déclaré Huguenot et de la nouvelle prétendue religion.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, I,
124. This is one of the earliest characterizations of the Huguenot faith. It was
afterward currently referred to as the “R. P. R.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la Gironde</i>, XV, 57.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 194, 195, and note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a></span>
Chantonnay to Philip II, January 5, 1562, K. 1,497, B. 15. The Spanish
ambassador violently expostulated with Catherine de Medici, Antoine of Bourbon,
and others after this address was over (K. 1,497, January 11, 1562), for which
Philip II commended him (K. 1,496, No. 34, 3 <i>verso</i>).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a></span>
Isambert, XIV, 124-29; Raynaldus, XXXIV, 292, 293. The original document
is on exhibition in the Musée des Archives at Paris. It is catalogued
K. 674, No. 4. Although authorized on January 17, the edict was not printed
until March 13, 1562 (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 930, §11; 934, §1). The Edict of
July had been only negative in its character, simply forbidding judges and the
magistrates from pursuing the Huguenots, but not in any sense recognizing their
religion. Castelnau, Book I, chap. ii, makes this very clear. The Edict encountered
strong opposition in the Parlement, which twice rejected it by a plurality
vote (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 849, January 28, 1562; Claude Haton, I, 185, 186). Benoist,
<i>Histoire de l’Edit de Nantes</i>, I, Appendix, gives the text together with the
first and second mandamus of the King, February 14 and March 11, 1562, expressly
enjoining the Parlement “to proceed to the reading, publishing, and registering
of the said ordinance, laying aside all delays and difficulties.” The first
mandamus, “Déclaration et interprétation du roy sur certains mots et articles
contenus dans l’edict du XVII de janvier 1561,” declared that magistrates were not
officers within the meaning of the edict (Isambert, XIV, 129, n. 2). Klipfel,
<i>Le colloque de Poissy</i>, chap. iii, makes the point that the Parlement of Paris was
criminally wrong in arraigning itself upon the side of violence and encouraging the
intolerance of the populace. The Parlement of Rouen was more complacent, and
seems promptly to have registered it (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 891, §10, February 16, 1562).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The Edict of January is sometimes wrongly dated January 17, <i>1561</i>. The
error arises from the confusion of the calendar in the sixteenth century. In 1561
the year in France legally began at Easter, which, of course threw January 17, into
the year 1561. But in 1564 a royal <i>ordonnance</i> abolished this usage and established
January 1 as the beginning of the year, which brought forward January 17
into its proper year, 1562. The reform of the calendar by Gregory XIII would
alter the <i>date of the month</i> also, according to modern reckoning. But it is simpler
to let established dates stand. Henry III authorized the use of the Gregorian
calendar in France in 1582. For a lucid account of these changes see <i>Commentaires
et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, Introd., x-xi by the baron de Ruble.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a></span>
Baschet, <i>Journal du Concile de Trente</i>, 71.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 177, and n. 1. For other details see Castelnau, Book III,
chap. i; <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 71.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a></span>
<i>Lettres de Pasquier</i>, II, 96. Mignet characterizes the provisions of the Edict
of January as “généréuses, simples, et sages.” Mignet, “Les lettres de Calvin”
(<i>Journal des savants</i>, 1859, p. 762), and Haag, <i>La France protestante</i>, Introd., xix,
as “le plus libéral édit qui ait été obtenu par les réformés jusqu’à celui de
Nantes.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 789, §1, January 8, 1562, and cf. No. 750, §3, December
28, 1561. The importation of money from Germany into Lorraine was no secret.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 729, §3, December 16, 1561. Catherine de Medici, however,
could speak the language (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,155, December 3, 1571).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 729, §3, December 16, 1561. Chantonnay was morally the
leader of the Triumvirate, beyond a doubt, and guided its policy. “The king
of Navarre, the duke of Guise, the constable, the cardinal of Ferrara, the marshals
St. André, Brissac, and Termes, the cardinal Tournon, have joined together to
overthrow the Protestant religion and exterminate the favorers thereof&mdash;<i>which
enterprise is pushed forward by the Spanish ambassador here and Spanish threatenings</i>.”&mdash;<i>C.
S. P. For.</i>, No. 934, §1, March 14, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 758, §12, December 1; No. 531, §4, September 23, 1561.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a></span>
Antoine de Bourbon to Philip II December 7, 1561, K. 1,494, No. 116
(not in Rochambeau).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a></span>
<i>Despatches of Michele Suriano</i> (Huguenot Society), October 18, 1561. The
whole letter is exceedingly interesting.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a></span>
The Jesuits had long tried to get a legal status in France. Henry II, was
favorable to them, but the Parlement of Paris, the secular clergy, and the Sorbonne
were bitterly opposed. The Act of Poissy recognized the Jesuits as a college but
not as a religious order, to the anger of the Sorbonne. See Douarche, <i>L’Université
de Paris et les Jesuites</i>, Paris, 1888, chap. iv. At the time of the expulsion of the
Jesuits from France in 1761, in reply to the question of the crown as to their legal
status, the cardinal de Choiseul made the following answer: “Lorsqu’ils ont été
reçus en France l’an 1561, par le concours des deux puissances, ils se sont soumis
et ont été astreints par la loi publique de leur établissement à toute superintendance,
jurisdiction et correction de l’évêque diocésain et à se conformer entièrement
à la disposition du droit commun, avec la renonciation la plus formelle aux privilèges
contraires portés dans les quatre bulles par eux présentées ou autres qu’ils
pourraient obtenir à l’avenir.” ... “<i>Le véritable état des Jésuites en France
parâit donc être, suivant les lois canoniques reçues dans le royaume, l’état des
réguliers soumis à la juridiction des ordinaires conformement au droit com
mun.</i>” Cf. Eugene Sol, <i>Les rapports de la France avec l’Italie, d’après la série K.
des Arch. Nat.</i>, Paris, 1905, 119, 120. The original document is in the Archives
nationales, K. 1,361, N. 1, C.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 934, §2, March 14, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 931, March 9, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 924, §8, March 6, 1562; cf. <i>ibid.</i>, No. 715, §4, December 12,
1561: “The Spanish ambassador was wondrous hot with the queen.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a></span>
<i>Lettres du cardinal de Ferrare</i>, No. 14, March 3, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 891, February 16, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a></span>
<i>Corresp. de Chantonnay</i>, K. 1,497, No. 17, March 25, 1562. This circumstance
is noticed by almost all the chroniclers: D’Aubigné, Book V, chap, iii, 1;
<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, I, 76, 77; <i>Arch. cur.</i>, VI, 59.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 189.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a></span>
Beza, <i>Histoire ecclés.</i>, I, 416.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a></span>
Collection Godefroy (Bibliothèque de l’Institut), Vol. XCVII, folio 19, March
6, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a></span>
<i>Inventaire des archives communales d’Agen</i>, BB., “Inventaire sommaire,”
XXX, 28 (April 17, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, II, 7, gives a long list of cities where disturbances occurred.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a></span>
Vassy was a little town in the diocese of Châlons-sur-Marne, in a dependency
of Joinville belonging to the Guises.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a></span>
In the <i>Mémoires de Condé</i>, III, 124, there is an elaborate Protestant version
of the massacre, preceded by a letter of the duke of Guise. The Guise account is
in the <i>Mémoires du duc de Guise</i>, 471-88. Cf. D’Aubigné, 131; <i>Arch. cur.</i>, IV, 103.
The Spanish ambassador’s long letter of March 16 is in K. 1,497, No. 14. The
quotation from Ranke is in his <i>Civil Wars and Monarchy in France</i>, 211.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, March 20, 1562, K. 1,497, No. 16. Accounts
of this event abound. See La Popelinière, I, 287; Claude Haton, I, 208;
D’Aubigné, II, 10; a letter of Santa Croce in <i>Arch. cur.</i>, VI, 55; La Noue, <i>Mém.
milit.</i>, ed. Petitot, 128&mdash;very interesting; and a letter of an eye-witness in <i>Bull.
de la Soc. de l’hist. du prot. franç.</i>, XIII, 5.</p>
<p class="pfc4">On March 16, 1562, an ordinance of the king of Navarre enjoined the captains
and lieutenants of each quarter of Paris who were elected by the bourgeoisie to
appoint ensigns, corporals, and sergeants, and to enlist all the men capable of
bearing arms in their divisions, both masters and servants (Capefigue, 234, 235).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a></span>
L’Aubespine to his brother, the bishop of Limoges, French ambassador at
Madrid (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 22; <i>C. S. P. Eng. For.</i>, No. 987, §7;
manifesto of the prince of Condé to Elizabeth, April 7, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a></span>
This is D’Aubigné’s comparison, II, 14, and n. 2.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a></span>
Delaborde, II, 48; <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 285, n.; <i>C. S.
P. For.</i>, No. 987, §12, March 31, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a></span>
“La mala reputacion que el chancellerio ne quanto à la fé.”&mdash;<i>Correspondance
de Chantonnay</i>, K. 1,497, No. 16, March 20, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a></span>
Tavannes, 271; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 943, March 20, 1652.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a></span>
Paris, <i>Négociations relatives au règne de François II</i>, 880.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a></span>
“Monsieur le conestable ayst d’opinion que l’on (fasse) une lètre patente par
laquelle le roy mon fils déclère qu’i ne voult poynt ronpre l’édist dernier.... Ne
distes rien deset que je vous dis de l’ambassadeur (Chantonnay) qui ayst yci, mès
au contrère distes qu’i comense à se governer mieulx et plus dousement qu’i ne
solet en mon endroyt.”&mdash;Catherine de Medici to St. Sulpice, <i>circa</i> April 11, 1562,
in <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 15, 16. This is a characteristic example of the
queen’s eccentric spelling.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, II, 15.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 22; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 967, March 31, 1562.
Elizabeth wrote to Condé to “remember that in all affairs second attempts be even
more dangerous than the first.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 965, March 31, 1562. On the
political theory of the Huguenots that the King was a captive and that they were
struggling for his relief, see Weill, 66.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 969, March 31, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, March 25, 1562, K. 1,497, No. 17. He
reports also that a boat was captured coming down the Seine loaded with 4,000
arquebuses and other ammunition, all of which was taken to the Hôtel-de-Ville.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, K. 1,497, No. 17, March 25, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 967, §12, March 31, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, April 2-4, K. 1,497, No. 18; April 11, <i>ibid.</i>,
No. 22.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a></span>
La Noue, <i>Mémoires</i>, chap. ii, has described this march.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, April 8 and 11, 1562, K. 1,497, Nos.
21, 22.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 283.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a></span>
According to Hotman who had left Orleans on May 29, the Huguenot forces
consisted of 15,000 foot and 5,000 horse.&mdash;Letter to the landgrave, June 7, 1562,
in <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XCVII March-April, 1908, p. 304.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a></span>
Condé had entered Orleans on April 2. On the 7th he wrote to the Reformed
churches of France, requiring men and money in the interest of the deliverance of
the King and the queen mother and the freedom of the Christian religion (<i>Mémoires
de Condé</i>, II, 212).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, April 11 1562, K. 1,497, No. 22.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 21, April 8, 1562; De Ruble’s edition of D’Aubigné, II, 18-20;
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 997, April 10, 1562; No. 1,043, §2, April 24, 1562. Cf. Boulanger,
“La réforme dans la province du Maine,” <i>Revue des Soc. savant. des départ.</i>,
2<sup>e</sup> sér., VII (1862), 548.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a></span>
“Leurs desseins cachés ont autre racine que celle de la religion, encores qu’ils
le veuillant couvrir de ce manteau.”&mdash;Catherine de Medici to St. Sulpice, <i>L’Ambassade
de St. Sulpice</i>, 59, August 9, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a></span>
“Déclaration faicte par monsieur le prince de Condé, pour monstrer les
raisons qui l’ont contrainct d’entreprendre la défense de l’authorité du roy, du
gouvernement de la royne, et du repos de çe royaume” (Orleans, 1562); cf. <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 1,003, Orleans, April 1, 1562.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The prince of Condé is said to have issued a coinage of his own at this time
with the superscription, “Louis XIII.” Chantonnay, however, says that they were
medals (K. 1,497, No. 27, May 2, 1562). See the memoir of Secousse: “Dissertation
où l’on examine s’il est vrai qu’il ait été frappé, pendant la vie de Louis
I<sup>er</sup>, prince de Condé, une monnie sur laquelle on lui ait donné le titre de roi de
France,” <i>Mém. de l’Acad. roy. des inscrip. et bell. lettres</i>, XVII (1751); Poulet,
<i>Correspondance du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, III, 85. Whitehead, <i>Gaspard de Coligny</i>,
303, is convinced the story is a fabrication.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, April 11, 1562, K. 1,497, No. 22.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a></span>
K. 1,497, No. 21, April 8, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,013, §12, April 17, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives curieuses</i>, sér. I, IV, 175.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a></span>
Rouen was taken in the night of April 15. Floquet, <i>Histoire du parlement
de Normandie</i>, II, 380.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a></span>
Raynal, <i>Histoire du Berry</i>, IV, 35.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a></span>
The stopping of the couriers in the service of Spain by the Huguenots was a
source of great anxiety to Chantonnay. April 8 he wrote to Philip advising that
the couriers be sent via Perpignan and Lyons in order to avoid being intercepted,
as the Huguenots commanded the whole line of the Loire. Cf. Letters to Philip
II, April 24, 1562, K. 1,497, No. 25; K. 1,497, No. 21; K. 1,497, No. 28.</p>
<p class="pfc4">His letter of May 5 (K. 1,497, No. 28) describes the adventure of a courier
bearing a dispatch of the bishop of Limoges. He was given twenty blows with a
knife, but managed to escape. St. Sulpice reports a similar experience of “le
chevaucher de Bayonne” in a letter to Catherine, June 30, 1562. D’Andelot
intercepted a letter from the duke of Alva (K. 1,497, No. 26, April 28, 1562) and
the prince of Condé one from the bishop of Limoges to Catherine de Medici (K.
1,497, No. 33). The activity of the Huguenots in Gascony gave the French and
Spanish governments special disquietude because they continually overhauled the
couriers bearing official dispatches between Paris and Madrid. The letters of
St. Sulpice contain many complaints because of the rifling of his correspondence
(see pp. 30, 35, 37, 38, 41, 59). But the Huguenots were not the only ones who
scrutinized letters unduly. Philip II frequently asked to be shown the letters of
Charles IX and his mother to his wife, so that St. Sulpice advised Catherine always
to send two letters, one of which was to be a “dummy” to be shown to the King
(<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 136). The Spanish ambassador told Philip he would
have to come out into the open and declare war to protect his own interests (K.
1,497, No. 26, April 25, 1562). He anticipated as early as this the probable combination
of the French Huguenots and the Dutch rebels, and warned Margaret of
Parma to be on her guard (<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, K. 1,497, Nos. 30, 33,
to Philip II).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,043, §2, April 24, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a></span>
On April 24 the cardinal of Lorraine came to Paris with 1,000 horse (<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 1,043, §11, April 24, 1562; <i>Corresp. de Chantonnay</i>, April 28, K. 1,497,
No. 2).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a></span>
This famous document, which is dated April 21, 1562, is in K. 1,496, B, 14,
No. 61, and is on exhibition in the Musée des Archives. Chantonnay’s letter to
Philip II on April 24 sheds an interesting light on the situation. In it the ambassador
advises the King to write personally to the queen mother, but not to write
individually to the others, but rather a single letter, because if Antoine of Navarre
were not addressed as <i>King of Navarre</i> he would refuse to receive it, whereas if the
letter were written to all in common, this complication might be avoided (K. 1,497,
No. 25).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a></span>
The Spanish King acceded to this request on June 8, 1562 (Philip II to
Margaret of Parma; Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, II,
218-23.)</p>
<p class="pfc4">He promised to send 10,000 foot and 3,000 cavalry, chiefly Italians and Germans;
cf. De Ruble, <i>Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret</i>, IV, 214. At about the
same time the constable appealed to Rome through Santa Croce, for a loan of
200,000 écus and a body of soldiers (<i>Arch. cur.</i>, VI, 86).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a></span>
The Swiss Diet, which met at Soleure on May 22, offered 6,000 infantry to
be commanded by the captain Froelich (Letter of Hotman in <i>Revue hist.</i>, XCVII,
March-April, 1908, 305).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 6, §1, May 2, 1562. The Spanish ambassador was deeply
incensed at Catherine for making this new overture. The intermediary was the
Rhinegrave, but Chantonnay persuaded the leaders not to recognize him (<i>Corresp.
de Chantonnay</i>, April 28, 1562; K. 1,497, No. 26). The duke of Savoy
offered to furnish 10,000 footmen and 600 horse, 3,000 of the former and 200 of
the latter to be at his expense. This was the fruit of Chantonnay’s interview with
Moreta, the Savoyard ambassador, early in April, when he discussed with him a
possible restoration of the fortresses in Piedmont (K. 1,497, No. 21, April 8, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a></span>
The Pope offered to give 50,000 crowns per month.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a></span>
“Suisses, lansquenetz et reystres, seront en ce pays devant la fin de ce moys,
sans vostre secours d’Espagne.”&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 24, June 12, 1562.
It must be understood that in many European states, especially those of Germany,
the maintenance of regular troops did not yet obtain as a practice. Instead, the
princes depended upon mercenary forces recruited by some distinguished captain.
These troops, which answered to the <i>condottieri</i> of Italy were called <i>Lanzknechts</i>
or <i>Reiters</i>. Languet stigmatizes this practice in <i>Epist. ad Camerariam</i>, 28; cf. <i>Arch.
d’Orange-Nassau</i>, I, 104. In Protestant Germany there was a feeling that the policy
of France threatened to extinguish the gospel in other regions besides France and
therefore should be opposed by common consent. The elector palatine, the
landgrave, and Charles, margrave of Baden, planned to send an embassy into
France in the name of the Protestant princes to allay the dissensions there, and to
ask that the same liberty of religion might be granted as was allowed by the edict
of January 17. Many advocated an open league between all the Protestant states
for mutual protection, in the hope that the mere knowledge of such a league would
restrain their adversaries (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 11, May 2, 1562). Opinion was
divided in Germany as to whether Condé also should make foreign enrolments, or
whether the territories of those who had suffered these levies to be made should
be invaded by the Lutherans. Agents of the Guises circulated a printed apology
for the massacre at Vassy (D’Aubigné, II, 16, and n. 2; La Popelinière, I, 327).</p>
<p class="pfc4">Rambouillet and D’Oysel, the agents of France in these countries (St. Sulpice,
77; <i>Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 364) made much of the King of Spain’s
aid and carried credentials from Chantonnay. The duke of Guise even sent an
agent, the count of Roussy, to England, to discover Elizabeth’s intentions, and to
ascertain the military state of her kingdom (cf. Beza, <i>Hist. des églises réformées</i>,
ed. of Toulouse, I, 373; De Ruble, IV, 103 ff.; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 13; <i>C.
S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,037, April 21, 1562).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The argument of the Catholics with the German Protestant princes and
imperial cities was that the Huguenots were political dissidents and rebels, and
that religion was a pretext with them (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 65). In order
to counteract this teaching the Huguenots circulated a pamphlet written by Hotman
throughout the Rhine provinces which attempted to neutralize the differences
between Calvinism and Lutheranism. (This curious pamphlet is printed in
<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, II, 524; La Popelinière, I, 325. In this capacity Hotman was
invaluable. Some of his letters at this time are in <i>Mém. de l’Acad.</i>, CIV, 662-65.)</p>
<p class="pfc4">The German princes as a whole tried to prevent soldiers from going out of
Germany. The landgrave Philip of Hesse arrested an officer of cavalry who was
secretly enlisting horsemen in Hesse and who said he was doing so for Roggendorf,
tore up the officer’s commission before his face, and made him swear to leave
his castle without a passport. The duke of Württemberg also took care that
no volunteers should march through Montbéliard into France, and Strasburg
forbade anyone to enlist under severe penalties. The bishops of the Rhine kept
quiet; only in Lorraine and the Three Bishoprics was Catholic enlisting unimpeded.
The recruiting-sergeant of the Guises in Germany was the famous Roggendorf,
a Frisian by birth who had been driven out of his native land in 1548 and since then
had lived the life of an adventurer, part of the time in Turkey. (See an interesting
note in Poulet, I, 542, with references.) On April 8 the king of Navarre in the
name of Charles IX, signed a convention with him engaging the services of 1,200
German mounted pistoleers and four cornettes of footmen of 300 men each
(D’Aubigné, II, 33, n.). These forces entered France late in July and reached the
camp at Blois on August 7 (D’Aubigné, II, 76, n. 3).</p>
<p class="pfc4">One reason why the Protestant princes of Germany were unable immediately
to make strong protest to the French crown was that the envoys of the elector
palatine, the dukes of Deuxponts and Württemberg, the landgrave of Hesse and
the margrave of Baden, were unprovided for a month with letters of safe conduct,
by the precaution of the Guises, with the result that Roggendorf led 1,200 cavalry
in the first week in May across the Rhine and through Trèves into France for the
Guises, though the Protestant princes did all they could to hinder the passage and
expostulated with the bishops of Trèves and Cologne for allowing them to be
levied in their territories. Failing greater things, the Protestant princes of Germany,
in July, 1562, put Roggendorf under the ban in their respective states (cf. <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, Nos. 244 and 269, June 13 and July, 1562). In the end, despite the enterprise
of the Guises, the French Catholics may be said to have been unsuccessful beyond
the Rhine, that is in Germany proper, but not in Switzerland or the episcopal states.
D’Oysel, who was sent by Charles IX in July to Heidelberg (D’Aubigné, II, 97,
and n. 1; Le Laboureur, I, 430) received a short and definite answer “which showed
him how groundless were his hopes of aid from that quarter, a document to which
so much importance was attributed that it was forthwith printed for wider circulation”
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 414, August 3, 1562, and the Introduction, xi).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The king of Spain’s captains had money and were ordered that as soon as
soldiers were taken from Germany into France they should enlist men for the defense
of his territories (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 11, May 2, 1562). In the bishopric of
Trèves soldiers were enrolled easily, as the passage from thence to France was
short (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 74, May 19, 1562).</p>
<p class="pfc4">In Switzerland the Huguenots endeavored to prevail upon the Protestant
cantons to prevent the Catholic cantons from lending support to Guise (<i>C. S. P.
Ven.</i>, No. 285, April 29, 1562). The Guises asked for a levy of foot from the papist
cantons of Switzerland in the King’s name (<i>Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis</i>, I,
289, April 8, 1562). The cantons promised to send 15 ensigns; but the Protestant
cantons especially Bern, told the prince of Condé that they would not suffer any
soldiers to be levied against him in their territory, on pain of confiscation of goods.
Nevertheless the Catholic Swiss managed to make some enrolments, the men
quitting home on July 8. On August 7 these mercenaries arrived at Blois, having
come by way of Franche Comté (De Thou, Book XXX). They were commanded
by Captain Froelich (see D’Aubigné, II, 148; Zurlauben, <i>Hist. milit. des Suisses</i>,
IV, 287 ff.; Letter of Hotman in <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XCVII, March-April, 1908, 307).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, K. 1,497, No. 22.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a></span>
“La fleur du monde.”&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 41. For details see
<i>ibid.</i>, 24, 26-29, 36-38, 41, 50-54; <i>Correspondance du cardinal de Ferrare</i>,
Letter 40, July 3, 1562; D’Aubigné, II, 91, and n. 2; Ruble, <i>Antoine de Bourbon
et Jeanne d’Albret</i>, 220.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a></span>
St. Sulpice was dubious of Philip II’s purpose and suspected political designs
“sous le titre de notre secours” (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 39). Nevertheless
he believed in Philip’s methods of repression&mdash;even the Inquisition. See his
letter to the French ambassador at Trent on p. 28.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 46, §3, May 11; No. 86, §1, May 23, 1562. Cf. No. 248&mdash;Challoner
to Elizabeth from Bilboa, June 24, 1562. Spain established a naval
base at La Réole to help Noailles, lieutenant of the King in Guyenne (<i>L’Ambassade
de St. Sulpice</i>, 61).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, K. 1,497, No. 21, April 8, 1562; <i>C. S. P.
Eng. For.</i>, No. 1,058, April 27, 1562; <i>ibid.</i>, No. 6, §2, May 2, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, K. 1,497, No. 33, May 2, 1562. Philip has
commented on the margin to the effect that if the Catholics were as active as the
Huguenots they would be better off.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a></span>
Chantonnay particularly notices this in a dispatch of April 18, 1562, K. 1,497.
So also does the Tuscan ambassador (<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 481, June, 1562). Traveling
in France was dangerous (Windebank to Cecil, <i>C. S. P. Dom.</i>, XXII, 53,
April 8, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Dom.</i>, XXII, 60, April 17, 1562. Paris wore red and yellow
ribbons&mdash;the Guise colors. “Ceux de Paris disent publiquement qu’on doit
renvoyer la reine en Italie et qu’ils ne veulent plus avoir de roi qui ne soit catholique.
Ils en ont d’ailleurs un que Dieu leur a donné, c’est le grand ‘roi de Guise.’”
Letter of Hotman in <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XCVII, March-April, 1908, 305.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, Book II, chap. iv.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, K. 1,497, No. 36, May 28, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a></span>
The importance of Lyons so near the cantons of Switzerland and Geneva
is emphasized in <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 488, July 6, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Chantonnay</i>, April 24, 1562, K. 1,497, No. 25. On the
situation in Rouen, see <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 302 ff.; and the diary of a citizen in
<i>Revue retrospective</i>, V, 97. Montgomery who was in western Normandy about
Vire sent the King’s letter back to him after polluting it with filth, at least so says
Chantonnay, K. 1,497, No. 27, May 2, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a></span>
See Carel, <i>Histoire de la ville de Caen sous Charles IX, Henri III et Henri
IV</i>, Caen, 1886.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a></span>
The duke of Bouillon, commandant of Caen Castle, made an attempt to
restrain the populace (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 303, §7, July 12, 1562). He posed as a
neutral, but ultimately became a Huguenot.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 101, May 27, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 68, May 18, 1562; cf. No. 69, §10.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 69, §16, May 18, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a></span>
Forbes, II, 8; cf. Planche, <i>Histoire de Bourgogne</i>, IV, 556.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a></span>
Upon these negotiations see <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 384, 388, 392, 393, 395.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 106, §2, May 28, 1562. The King’s army had but twenty-two
pieces of artillery at the beginning of the first civil war (<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 101).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 107, May 28, 1562; No. 174, June 9; <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III,
462. Another edict of the King put the military government of Paris in the hands
of the provost of the merchants and the <i>échevins</i> of the city (“Déclaration portant
permission au Prévost des Marchands et aux Echevins de la Ville de Paris, d’établir
ès Quartiers d’icelle, des Capitaines, Caporaux, Sergents des Bandes, et
autres Officiers Catholiques. A Monceaux, le 17 May 1562;” also in <i>Ordonnances
de Charles IX</i>, par Robert Estienne, fol. 187; <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 447), in compliance
with a popular request made a week earlier; “Ordonnance du Roy, donnée
<i>en conséquence de la Requête</i> des Habitans de Paris, par laquelle il leur est permis
de faire armes ceux que dans cette Ville sont en état de porter les armes, et d’en
former des Compagnies, sous des Capitaines qui seront par eux choisesr,” May
10, 1562 (<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 422, 423). The Venetian ambassador wisely observed
“Perciochè dar liberamente l’armi in mano ad un populo cosi grande e cosi
furiosi, benchè fosse cattolico, non era farse cosa molto prudente.”&mdash;<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II,
98; cf. <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 280.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a></span>
See Chantonnay’s letter to Philip II of May 28, inclosing the edict and giving
these and other details, K. 1,497, No. 36.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a></span>
“Cependant tout se ruyne et se font tous les jours infiniz meurdres et saccagemens
de part et d’autre vous verrez par les chemyn’s une partye de la
pitié qui y est, et ce royaume au plus callamiteux estat qu’il est possible.”&mdash;L’Aubespine
à l’Evêque de Limoges, June 10, 1562; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 22.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a></span>
Chaumet, “Procès-verbal des titres et ornements brûlés par les protestants,”
<i>Les protestants et le Cathédrale d’Angoulême en 1562</i>, in <i>Bull. de la Soc. arch., etc.</i>
4<sup>e</sup> sér., VI, 1868-69 (Angoulême, 1870), 497.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Gellibert des Seguins, <i>Aubeterre en 1562</i>; “Enquête sur le passage des protestants
en cette ville, le pillage de l’église Saint-Jacques et la destruction des titres
et papiers du chapitre,” <i>Bull. de la Soc. arch., etc.</i>, 1862, 3<sup>e</sup> sér., IV (Angoulême,
1864).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a></span>
The strife in Toulouse was occasioned by an edict of the parlement of Toulouse
(May 2) forbidding Calvinist worship and the wearing of arms by the Huguenots
(K. 1,495, No. 35; a printed copy of the edict). Both parties fought for three
days for possession of the Hôtel-de-Ville where arms were stored. Nearly 5,000
Protestants, it is said, were killed (<i>Corresp. de Chantonnay</i>, 1497, No. 36, May 28,
1562; <i>Commentaires de Montluc</i>, Book V, 234-37,) La Popelinière (who saw it), I,
311 ff.; D’Aubigné, Book II, chap. iv; <i>Lettres du cardinal de Ferrare</i>, No. 30,
June 23, 1562; cf. <i>Histoire véritable de la mutinerie, tumulte et sedition faite par les
prestres de St. Medard contre les Fideles, le Samedy XXVII juin de 1562</i>; Bosquet,
<i>Histoire sur les troubles advenus en la ville de Tolose, l’an 1562, le dix-septiesme may</i>,
Nouv. édition, avec notes, Paris, 1862; <i>Histoire de la délivrance de la ville de
Toulouse</i>, 1862.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a></span>
Stanclift, <i>Queen Elizabeth and the French Protestants</i> (1559-60), Leipzig,
1892.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a></span>
<i>Coll. des lettres autographes</i>, Hotel Drouot, March 18, 1899, No. 19; Cardinal
Châtillon to the queen mother, May 28, 1562, protesting that peace is impossible
without the banishment of the Guises from court. Cf. <i>R. Q. H.</i>, January 1879,
14, 15.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a></span>
“Tous jours sur le point que messieurs de Guise, conestable et mareschal
de St. André se retirent de la cour.”&mdash;L’Aubespine, sécretaire d’état à son frère M.
de Limoges, ambassadeur en Espagne, June 10, 1562; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
22; cf. the same to the same, June 12, p 24. On these unsuccessful negotiations,
see D’Aubigné, II, 33-35; La Popelinière, I, 323; <i>Mém. de. Condé</i>, 489; La Noue,
<i>Mém.</i>, Book I, chap, ii; Ruble, <i>Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret</i>, IV,
chap. xix.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Condé further justified the revolt of the Huguenots on the ground that the
King and his mother were “prisoners” in the hands of the Triumvirate, but the
statement was too transparent to be believed. Catherine herself, in order to disprove
it, took the King to Monceaux with her (<i>Corresp. de Chantonnay</i>, May 28,
1562, K. 1,497, No. 36), whence she wrote to the Parlement of Paris explaining the
reason of her action. The Parlement promptly approved her course. <i>Mém.&mdash;journaux
du duc de Guise</i>, 495, col. 2: “Acte par lequel la Reinemère et le Roy
de Navarre declarent que la retraite voluntaire que font de la cour du duc de
Guise, le Connestable et le mareschal de St. André, ne pourra porter préjudice à
leur honneur” (May 28, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a></span>
“Nostre camps et à douse lyeu d’Orleans et byentot nous voyront set que
en sera.”&mdash;Catherine de Medici to Elizabeth of Spain, June 13 or 14, 1562, in
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 31.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a></span>
A parley was held with the usual lack of success on June 21 between the
prince of Condé and his brother at Beaugency, which was neutralized for the
purpose (D’Aubigné, II, 37, and n. 4). The baron de Ruble discovered the
correspondence of the principals in the interview. The king of Navarre exhorted
his brother to accept the conditions offered by the King, i. e., to let the Huguenots
dwell peaceably in their houses until a council settled the matters in dispute. He
promised in any event that the Protestants should have liberty of conscience. But
when the prince insisted on having the edict enforced in Paris even, Antoine
replied that the crown would never consent to such terms (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 329,
§§1, 2, July 17, 1562). Even while the truce existed straggling prisoners were taken
daily by either side. (For other military details, see <i>Mém. de La Noue</i> [ed.
Panthéon litt.], 284; D’Aubigné, II, 39, 40; Beza, <i>Histoire des églises
réformées</i>, I, 540, 541; and the “Discours ou récit des opérations des deux armées
catholique et protestante dans les premiers jours de juillet,” in De Ruble, <i>Antoine
de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret</i>, IV, 414).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a></span>
Not so the royal troops, which were quartered upon the towns of the region
and nearly consumed the people by their exactions (Claude Haton, I, 279).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a></span>
The Catholics, in derision, called the Huguenot gentry “millers.” During
the interview on June 9 between the prince and the queen mother, the latter said:
“Vos gens sont meusniers, mon cousin,” a fling which the prince of Condé more
than matched by the rejoinder: “C’est pour toucher vous asnes, madame!”
This anecdote is related by D’Aubigné, II, 35.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a></span>
Cf. Guise’s letter to the cardinal of Lorraine, Appendix III; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 238; No. 264, §3, June 29.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 425, August 5, 1562; <i>Archives de la Gironde</i>, XVII, 270. The
constable seized Tours and Villars Châtellerault (D’Aubigné, II, 41-44). For
the operations of Burie in Périgord, see <i>Archives de la Gironde</i>, XVII, 271. At
Bazas a local judge, with the aid of Spanish troops actually crucified some Calvinists
(<i>ibid.</i>, XV, 57).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a></span>
La Noue admits that the boasted discipline of the Huguenots was disgraced
by their atrocities here (<i>Mém. milit.</i>, chap. xvi; cf. <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 288, July
16, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a></span>
On the war in Lyonnais, Dauphiné, Provence, and Languedoc, see D’Aubigné,
Book III, chap. vii. The notes are valuable. Des Adresse proclaimed
all Catholics in Lyonnais, Burgundy, Dauphiné, and Limousin rebels to the King
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 340). He was not a Huguenot in the proper sense, but rebelled
against the King, and sided with the Huguenots because he was jealous of La
Mothe Gondrin, who was made <i>lieutenant du roi</i> instead of himself in Dauphiné
(see D’Aubigné, II, 49, n. 5).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, II, 48. He recovered Châlons-sur-Marne in June and Macon
in August (Tavannes, 339, 343).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a></span>
It was at this moment that D’Andelot was sent to Germany for succor (<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 374, §7, July 27, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a></span>
At Pont Audemer the duke caused a preacher to be hanged, and afterward
some of the best citizens and even boys (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, 355, July 23, 1562). There
was also fear lest the English would land troops in Guyenne (<i>Archives de la Gironde</i>,
XVII, 284).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 354, July 23, 1562; Claude Haton, I, 301; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
185, June 13, 1562; cf. 246, §24; but see the duke of Aumale’s disclaimer to the
queen mother, of July 9, asserting that those of Rouen, Dieppe, and Havre were
plundering indiscriminately (Appendix IV).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">[573]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, II, 52-73. The prince of Orange found himself in a very
difficult position. His principality was continually exposed to the attacks of the
king of France and those of the Pope from Avignon. Moreover, the conduct of
the Huguenots compromised him on account of their violence toward the priests
in the sanctuaries (<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, I, 71, 72; Raumer,
II, 2111561).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a></span>
Forneron, <i>Histoire de Philippe II</i>, I, 294. Montluc is unequaled in the
keenness of his political penetration. The baron de Ruble says with truth that the
old soldier rivals Hotman and Bodin in this respect. Witness the paragraph written
in December, 1563, to be found in the memoir he sent to Damville justifying
his resignation of the lieutenancy of Guyenne (<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>,
IV, 297, 298 and note).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a></span>
There are few more interesting annals in the history of war than the racy,
egotistical, garrulous, yet sometimes pithy narrative of this veteran leader. The
fifth book of Montluc’s <i>Commentaires</i> is wholly taken up with the war in Guyenne
in 1562-63. His correspondence during the same period is in IV, 111-225;
add Beza, <i>Histoire des églises réformées</i>, which is remarkably accurate and impartial.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a></span>
Coll. Trémont, No. 51.&mdash;Antoine de Bourbon to M. de Jarnac, from the camp
at Gien, September 12, 1562, relative to sending forces into the south to join those
of Burie and Montluc.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_577_577" id="Footnote_577_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577_577"><span class="label">[577]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, II, 345, and note. His title was “conservateur
de la Guyenne” (O’Reilly, <i>Histoire de Bordeaux</i>, 221).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_578_578" id="Footnote_578_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578_578"><span class="label">[578]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, II, 357.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_579_579" id="Footnote_579_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579_579"><span class="label">[579]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 416, 421.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_580_580" id="Footnote_580_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a></span>
“The French spared the women there, but the Spaniards killed them, saying
they were Lutherans disguised. These ruffians slew some 300 prisoners in cold
blood&mdash;not a man escaped saving two that I saved.”&mdash;Montluc, II, 457, 458.
When these Spaniards later mutinied and deserted in the summer of 1563, not even
the Catholics regretted their departure (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 144, 152).
For the terms on which they came, see Montluc, IV, 452, 453; D’Aubigné, II,
91, n. 2; 94, n. 4.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_581_581" id="Footnote_581_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581_581"><span class="label">[581]</span></a></span>
See <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 37 ff.; De Thou, Book XXXIII;
D’Aubigné, II, 95; <i>Bull. de la Soc. de l’hist., du prot. franç.</i>, II (1854), 230; <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, 837 and 415, §12 (1562). I have purposely built this account upon Montluc’s
narration in Book V of his <i>Commentaires</i>. An additional source for Lectoure
and the battle of Vergt is his long letter to Philip II, published in <i>L’Ambassade
de St. Sulpice</i>, 84-86; add also De Ruble, <i>Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret</i>,
244-56.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_582_582" id="Footnote_582_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582_582"><span class="label">[582]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 756: “Fragment d’une lettre de l’ambassadeur du duc
de Savoye, à la Cour de France. De Paris du dernier de juillet, 1562;” cf. <i>Nég.
Tosc.</i>, III, 492, 493.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_583_583" id="Footnote_583_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a></span>
See an article by De Crue, “Un emprunt des Huguenots français en Allemagne
et en Suisse (1562). Pleins pouvoirs données à M. d’Andelot par le prince
de Condé&mdash;Orleans, 7 juillet, 1562,” <i>Rev. d’hist. dip.</i>, 1889, 195.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_584_584" id="Footnote_584_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 77; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 884, October 9, 1562. His
instructions are in <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 630. See a letter of Hotman, July 27,
1562, to the elector palatine, <i>Mém. de l’Acad. des inscrip. et belles-lettres</i>, CIV, 668.
The original is in the archives at Stuttgart. This letter was communicated to the
duke of Württemberg by the count palatine and was sufficient temptation to lead
the first of the famous hordes of German reiters across the border into France.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_585_585" id="Footnote_585_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, 267. See in the <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, some letters relating to
the coming of the reiters in this year.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_586_586" id="Footnote_586_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586_586"><span class="label">[586]</span></a></span>
“Ceux-ci [reiters] sont toujours prêts à se battre, mais en tout le reste, ils
n’obéissent à personne et montrent la plus grande cruauté. Ils pillent tout, et cela
ne leur suffit pas. Ils dévastent tout et détruisent les vins et les récoltes.”&mdash;Letter
of Hotman in <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XCVII, March-April, 1908, 311.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_587_587" id="Footnote_587_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587_587"><span class="label">[587]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 294.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_588_588" id="Footnote_588_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i> From an account in the Record Office, indorsed by Cecil, we know
what the wages of these hireling troops were: “The pay of every reiter is 15
florins the month. The entertainment of the ritmeisters is a florin for every
horse, and each cornet contains 300 men. The lieutenants have, besides the pay
of one reiter, 80 florins. The ensign, besides the pay of one reiter, has 60 florins,
eight officers having, besides a reiter’s pay, 15 florins apiece. The wage and appointment
of 4,000 reiters with their officers <i>per mensem</i> equals 122,048 livres
<i>tournois</i>, equals 81,532 florins. The colonel 3,000 florins; 15 officers equals 300
florins. To every ten reiters there must be allowed a carriage with four horses,
at 30 florins per month. Total (not counting the money rebated) 127,448 livres
<i>tournois</i>, or 84,966 florins. Total expense for four months, counting the levy,
569,792 livres <i>tournois</i> equals 379,861 florins.</p>
<p class="pfc4">“For levying 6,000 lansknechts: for their levying, a crown per month.
The pay of every ensign of 300 men per month, 3,500 <i>livres tournois</i>. The
whole expense for four months 395,000 livres <i>tournois</i> equals 263,337 florins.
Sum total with other expenses, 1,759,792 livres <i>tournois</i> equals 211,174,175,
2d.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_589_589" id="Footnote_589_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a></span>
D’Andelot passed the Rhine on September 22, too late to relieve Bourges.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_590_590" id="Footnote_590_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a></span>
See Claude Haton’s vivid description of this recruiting. The new levies
did great damage to the country of Brie and Champagne, for they were kept in
villages for more than five weeks before going to camp, and all this time the reiters
were approaching closely (I, 295).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_591_591" id="Footnote_591_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591_591"><span class="label">[591]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 295. He adds that Catherine de Medici sent him secret
orders to do so. But there is no evidence of this in her correspondence, and
D’Aumale’s subsequent blunder in 1569 by which the Huguenots were able to get
possession of La Charité justifies the inference that his action was due to incapacity
as a general.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_592_592" id="Footnote_592_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a></span>
The long presence of the reiters in France during the civil wars introduced
many German words into the French language, for example <i>bière</i> (<i>Bier</i>); <i>blocus</i>
(<i>Blockhaus</i>); <i>boulevard</i> (<i>Bollwerk</i>); <i>bourgmestre</i> (<i>Burgmeister</i>); <i>canapsa</i> (<i>Knapsack</i>);
<i>carousser</i> (<i>Garaus machen</i>); <i>castine</i> (<i>Kalkstein</i>); <i>halte</i> (<i>halt</i>); <i>trinquer</i> (<i>trinken</i>)
and of course <i>reitre</i> (<i>Reiter</i>) and <i>lansquenet</i> (<i>Lanzknecht</i>). See Nyrop, <i>Grammaire
historique de la langue française</i>, I, 51. Rabelais abounds with such words, e. g.,
“Je ne suis de cas importuns <i>lifrelofres</i> qui, par force, poultraige et violence,
contraignent les lans et compaignons <i>trinquer</i>, voire <i>carous</i> et alluz qui pis est.”
Rabelais, Book IV, prologue. So also in Book IV, prol.: “Je n’y ay entendu que
le <i>hault allemant</i>.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_593_593" id="Footnote_593_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593_593"><span class="label">[593]</span></a></span>
In Provins, on their own initiative, the townspeople taxed their town, bailiwick,
and <i>réssort</i> (<i>sénéchausée</i>) to the amount of 7,000 livres <i>tournois</i>, the sum being
imposed upon persons of every class, those who had gone to the war in the King’s
service alone being exempted. This levy created great discontent, especially
among the clergy, who appealed against the bailiff and the <i>gens du roi</i> to the Court
of Aids, alleging that the levy was made without royal commission and without
the consent of those interested. The bailiff compromised by promising the clergy
to restore the money paid by them and not to demand more of them, and so the
process was dropped (Claude Haton, I, 296, 297).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_594_594" id="Footnote_594_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594_594"><span class="label">[594]</span></a></span>
On the siege of Bourges see D’Aubigné, II, 77 ff.; Raynal, <i>Hist. du Berry</i>,
IV; <i>Mém. des antiq. de France</i>, sér. III (1855), II, 191 ff.; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 494,
495; Boyer, <i>Doc. relat. au régime de l’artillerie de la ville de Bourges dans le XVI<sup>e</sup>
siècle</i>, 641; in <i>Bull. du Comité de la langue, de l’hist. et des arts de la France</i>, III,
1855-56. The capitulation of Bourges is in <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 634. See also
the “Journal of Jean Glaumeau,” edited by M. Bourquelot in <i>Mém. de la Soc.
des antiq. de France</i>, XXII. Philip II expressed his displeasure at the terms to
St. Sulpice, saying, “que aulcunes des conditions semblaient du tout assez convenables
des sujetz à leur roi” (<i>L’ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 70, 75. Alva’s opinion
is given at p. 78).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_595_595" id="Footnote_595_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595_595"><span class="label">[595]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 285. Philip II told St. Sulpice “quant un voyage de Normandie,
bien qu’il l’estimait être bien entrepris, qu’il semblait qu’il eut été meilleur
de s’adresser à Orleans, où étaient les chefs, afin qu’ils ne se grossissent d’avantage.”&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade
de St. Sulpice</i>, 75.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_596_596" id="Footnote_596_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596_596"><span class="label">[596]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 374, §7, July 27, 1562; No. 510, §1, August 10, 1562.
For the operations of the reiters around Paris in the summer of 1562 see D’Aubigné,
Book III, chap. xii; De Ruble’s notes are valuable.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_597_597" id="Footnote_597_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597_597"><span class="label">[597]</span></a></span>
Daval, <i>Histoire de la réformation à Dieppe, 1557-1657</i>. Publ. pour la I<sup>re</sup>
fois avec introd. et notes par E. Lesens (Société rouennaise de bibliophiles.
2 vols., 1879).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_598_598" id="Footnote_598_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 975, 976, 1,002. This solicitation was in the nature of
an acknowledgment of an expression of interest in them made by the English queen.
For as far back as March she had sent assurances of her interest to Condé and the
admiral (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 965, March 3, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_599_599" id="Footnote_599_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599_599"><span class="label">[599]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 973, April 1, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_600_600" id="Footnote_600_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600_600"><span class="label">[600]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,013, §13, April 17, 1562. Elizabeth considered the suggestion
of her ambassador so favorable that she sent Sir Henry Sidney to France in
the spring to aid Throckmorton. See the instructions in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 1,063,
1,064, April 28, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_601_601" id="Footnote_601_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601_601"><span class="label">[601]</span></a></span>
“Et il assure que bien qu’elle prenne à dépit de voir que les catholiques
soient secourus de deça, elle est persuadée que son meilleur est de se contenir et
regarder de loin ce qui adviendra.”&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 55, July, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_602_602" id="Footnote_602_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602_602"><span class="label">[602]</span></a></span>
“Réponses du duc d’Albe à St. Sulpice, October 8, 1562,” <i>L’Ambassade de
St. Sulpice</i>, 79; cf. 92, 93, 103.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_603_603" id="Footnote_603_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603_603"><span class="label">[603]</span></a></span>
Throckmorton, English ambassador in France, urgently pressed such a
policy, “even though it cost a million crowns” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 418, August 4,
1562). It was in the form of alternative offers to the Huguenots. Upon receipt of
Havre-de-Grace, England was to deliver three hostages in guaranty of the compact,
to the count palatine of the Rhine, and to pay in Strasburg 70,000 crowns; also to
deliver at Dieppe 40,000 crowns within twenty days after the receipt of Havre-de-Grace,
and 30,000 crowns within twenty days following, to be employed by Condé
upon the defenses of Rouen and Dieppe and in the rest of Normandy, with the
understanding that Havre-de-Grace was to be delivered to France upon the restoration
of Calais, and the repayment of the 140,000 crowns advanced. The
second offer was to this effect: Upon receipt of Havre-de-Grace, England was to
deliver three hostages and deposit 70,000 crowns in Germany, and to send 6,000
men into Normandy to serve at Rouen and Dieppe (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 268, July,
1562; cf. Nos. 662, 663). After prolonged negotiations which were conducted by the
vidame of Chartres, the treaty of Hampton Court was framed on these lines, on
September 10, 1562 (<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 689; <i>Mém. du duc de Nevers</i>, I, 131;
D’Aubigné, II, 79, 80). Elizabeth’s proclamation and justification of her action
is at p. 693 of <i>Mém. de Condé</i>.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The alliance between the prince of Condé and the English, with the implied
loss of Calais to France, more than any other fact, reconciled Catherine de Medici
to Spanish assistance. After August she personally urged this aid (<i>L’Ambassade
de St. Sulpice</i>, 58, 59). Still Philip emphatically gave her to understand that
“si l’ambassadeur de Espagne avait fait espérer que son maître déclarerait la guerre
aux Anglais il avait dépassé ses instructions, car les Espagnols étaient
depuis si longtemps liés avec ces peuples qu’il était impossible de rompre cette
alliance.”&mdash;St. Sulpice to Charles IX, November 12, 1562 (<i>L’Ambassade de St.
Sulpice</i>, 93).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The constable was at Yvetot in October, 1562, at the time of the descent of the
English upon Havre and wrote to Charles IX that he was unable to take the field.
At a later season he complains to Catherine of the calumnies heaped upon him, and
bluntly says “that he is not in the humor to endure such things.”&mdash;<i>Coll. de St.
Pétersbourg</i>, CIII, letters pertaining to the house of Montmorency; La Ferrière,
<i>Rapport</i>, 46.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_604_604" id="Footnote_604_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604_604"><span class="label">[604]</span></a></span>
Archambault to St. Sulpice, <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 71; Charles IX
to St. Sulpice, September 15, <i>ibid.</i>, 74. The camps on the Loire were broken up
on September 14, only sufficient forces being left to invest Orleans. The soldiers
were sent to Normandy via Montargis, Angerville-la-Rivière, and Etampes, leaving
posts at Gien, Beaugency, and Pithiviers to keep the lines open between north and
south and to prevent D’Andelot from getting to Orleans.</p>
<p class="pfc4">On the siege of Rouen, see Claude Haton, I, 286-89. The city was taken
October 26 (Floquet, <i>Hist. du Parlement de Normandie</i>, II, 435).</p>
<p class="pfc4">On Huguenot excesses in Rouen, see an arrêt of the Parlement of Rouen,
August 26, 1562, in <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 613, and another ordering prayers for the
capture of Fort St. Catherine, October 7 (<i>ibid.</i>, IV, 41).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_605_605" id="Footnote_605_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605_605"><span class="label">[605]</span></a></span>
See his singular letter to Cecil of July 29, 1562, in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 389.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_606_606" id="Footnote_606_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606_606"><span class="label">[606]</span></a></span>
Cf. articles for the English agent Vaughan, of August 30, in Cecil’s handwriting
(<i>ibid.</i>, No. 550).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_607_607" id="Footnote_607_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607_607"><span class="label">[607]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 763, Vaughan to Cecil, October 4, 1562; Forbes, II, 89.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_608_608" id="Footnote_608_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608_608"><span class="label">[608]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 790, October 7, 1562; Forbes, II, 93.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_609_609" id="Footnote_609_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609_609"><span class="label">[609]</span></a></span>
Cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 803, October 8, 1562; Forbes, II, 101; report of a
military expert to Cecil.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_610_610" id="Footnote_610_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a></span>
It was taken by assault by the duke of Guise (<i>Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis</i>,
I, 414, note; Claude Haton, I, 285; <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, IV, 41).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_611_611" id="Footnote_611_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611_611"><span class="label">[611]</span></a></span>
The English aid had been divided into three bodies, that portion which
entered Rouen being only the vanguard. It was the middle portion which followed
in ships up the river and was captured by Damville. The third body was
of the rear guard and returned to Havre-de-Grace (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 302, October
14, 1562). In the fight off Caudebec 200 English were killed, and 80 made prisoners,
all of whom were hanged by the French&mdash;a more rigorous punishment than
even sixteenth-century war nominally allowed (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, Nos. 870, 872, October 17,
18, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_612_612" id="Footnote_612_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612_612"><span class="label">[612]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 901, October 23, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_613_613" id="Footnote_613_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613_613"><span class="label">[613]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, October 27, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_614_614" id="Footnote_614_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614_614"><span class="label">[614]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, 932, §4, October 30, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_615_615" id="Footnote_615_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615_615"><span class="label">[615]</span></a></span>
For details see <i>Corresp. de Catherine de Méd.</i>, I, 420, note; Claude Haton,
I, 287-91; and a relation in <i>Arch. cur.</i>, IV, sér. 1, 67. Also in <i>Mém. de Condé</i>,
IV, 116. The same volume has some letters addressed to the queen of Navarre
upon his death. Cf. Le Laboureur, III, 887. Claude Haton, I, 292, 293, has an
interesting eulogy of him.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_616_616" id="Footnote_616_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616_616"><span class="label">[616]</span></a></span>
Charles IX and his mother were eye-witnesses of this struggle, viewing it
from a window of the convent of St. Catherine “from which they could see all that
took place within and without the city.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, October 18, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_617_617" id="Footnote_617_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a></span>
It had been the queen’s hope that Rouen might be saved from sack, and
with this object she had offered 70,000 francs to the French troops if they would
refrain from pillage. But such a hope was slight, for Rouen was the second city
of the realm and one of great wealth (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, October 17, 1562). Moreover,
“Guise proclaimed before the assault that none should fall to any spoil before
execution of man, woman, and child” (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 920, Vaughan to Cecil,
October 28, 1562). Catherine de Medici also throws the responsibility upon the
duke of Guise (<i>Corresp.</i>, I, 430). For other details of the sack, see Castelnau,
Book III, chap. xii. “Le ravage de ceste ville fut à la mesure de sa grandeur et à
sa richesse,” is D’Aubigné’s laconic statement (II, 88). Fortunately, for the
sake of humanity, the sack was stayed after the first day. The German troopers
committed the worst outrages. The marshal Montmorency is to be given credit
for mitigating the horrors. Montgomery, though at first reported captured,
escaped to Havre, having disguised himself by shaving off his beard (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 939, October 30, 1562), and abandoned his wife and children, to the indignation
of Vaughan, who vented his outraged sentiments to Cecil: “A man of that
courage to steal away, leaving his wife and children behind him” (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 920,
October 28, 1562).</p>
<p class="pfc4">Among those in Rouen who were officially executed were a Huguenot pastor
by the name of Marlorat, with two elders of the church, a merchant and burgess
of the city, named Jean Bigot, and one Coton; Montreville, chief president of Rouen,
De Cros, some time governor of Havre-de-Grace, eight Scotchmen who had passports
of Mary Stuart to serve under Guise, and some French priests (D’Aubigné,
II, 88; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 950, §14, October 31, 1562; No. 984, §2, November 4,
1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_618_618" id="Footnote_618_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 307, October 31, 1562; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 91;
“Montgoméry qui les faisait tenir s’est sauvé, laissant le peuple livré à la boucherie.”&mdash;Letter
of Catherine de Medici to St. Sulpice.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_619_619" id="Footnote_619_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619_619"><span class="label">[619]</span></a></span>
Orleans had 1,200 horsemen and 5,000 footmen in it, besides the inhabitants,
with provisions to last six months. Almost all the weak places had been fortified
with platforms, ravelins, and parapets. The counterscarp was roughly finished.
There were nine or ten cannon and culverins with a good store of powder. The
greatest menace was the plague which daily diminished the number of the Protestants
(<i>C. S. P. Eng.</i>, 596, §6, September 9, 1562&mdash;report of Throckmorton who
was on the ground).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_620_620" id="Footnote_620_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, October 17, 1562. The Spanish ambassador had foreseen the
possibility of such a contingency and early in April had cautioned Philip II not to
play upon Antoine’s expectations to the point of exasperation (K. 1,497, No. 17).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_621_621" id="Footnote_621_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621_621"><span class="label">[621]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Eng.</i>, 1,050, November 14, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_622_622" id="Footnote_622_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622_622"><span class="label">[622]</span></a></span>
“His arm is rotten and they have mangled him in the breast and other parts
so pitifully”&mdash;in the endeavor to cut out the mortified flesh.&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 1,040,
Smith to Cecil, November 12, 1562. Cf. No. 932, October 30; for other details see
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, November 8, 9, 10, 13, 1562; <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, IV, 116; D’Aubigné,
II, 85. The knowledge of his death was kept a secret for two days (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
1,079, November 20, 1562). The Spanish court wore mourning for four days in
honor of his memory (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 103). He was a “trimmer”
to the last, on his deathbed professing the confession of Augsburg, as a doctrine
intermediate between Catholicism and Calvinism (<i>Despatch of Barbaro</i> [Huguenot
Society], November 25, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_623_623" id="Footnote_623_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623_623"><span class="label">[623]</span></a></span>
“Le roi catholique est content que la reine mère ait l’entier gouvernement
des affaires, tout en ayant près d’elle le cardinal de Bourbon.”&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade de
St. Sulpice</i>, 109, January 19, 1562 (1563).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_624_624" id="Footnote_624_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624_624"><span class="label">[624]</span></a></span>
“Il y eut toujours dans la ville quatre corps de garde, Charles IX ordonna
d’établir à Etampes un magasin de vivre pour fournir son armée.”&mdash;<i>Annales du
Gâtinais</i>, XIX, 105.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_625_625" id="Footnote_625_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625_625"><span class="label">[625]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Eng.</i>, No. 1,070, November 20, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_626_626" id="Footnote_626_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626_626"><span class="label">[626]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 305.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_627_627" id="Footnote_627_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627_627"><span class="label">[627]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 193, December 5, 1562; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, December 3; Forbes II,
27. La Noue gives a motive which led Condé to besiege Paris: “Non en
intention de forcer la ville, mais pour faire les Parisiens, qu’il estimoit les soufflets
de la guerre et la cuisine dont elle se nourissoit.”&mdash;<i>Mém. milit. de la Noue</i>,
chap. ix.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_628_628" id="Footnote_628_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628_628"><span class="label">[628]</span></a></span>
Charles IX to St. Sulpice December 11, 1562; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
98; <i>Despatch of Barbaro</i> (Huguenot Society), December 7, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_629_629" id="Footnote_629_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629_629"><span class="label">[629]</span></a></span>
Yet although the negotiations of the prince of Condé at this time were tentative
and the statements of the crown not intended by it to obtain, nevertheless
the claims advanced are to be observed, because the lines along which religious
toleration was to develop in France and the outlines of subsequent edicts of toleration,
like those of Amboise, Longjumeau, and Bergerac, are foreshadowed in the
articles proposed now.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Condé first proposed the following three articles: (1) liberty of conscience
with free exercise of religion where demanded; (2) security of life and property
unto all; (3) the summons of a free council within six months, or, if that were impossible,
then a general assembly of the realm. To these proposals the government
replied that Calvinist preaching would not be permitted under any circumstances
in Lyons and other frontier towns, which were defined, nor near those
with a governor and garrison, nor in those towns which were seats of the parlements.
Condé then modified the Huguenot demands, as follows: (1) That Calvinist
preaching be permitted in the suburbs of frontier towns, or in certain ones so
appointed; (2) that it should obtain only in those other places where it was practiced
before the war began; (3) except that it should be lawful for all gentlemen and all
nobles to have private service in their own houses; (4) all persons residing in places
where preaching was not permitted should be suffered to go to the nearest towns
or other places for the exercise of their religion, without molestation. In reply,
the government excepted Paris and the <i>banlieue</i> from these stipulations. All these
conditions the government and Condé accepted on December 3, 1562, Lyons being
declared <i>not</i> to be a frontier city within the construction of the articles. Certain
minor stipulations followed as to amnesty, recovery of property, etc. Cf. <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 1,219, December 9, 1562; Beza, <i>Hist. des églises réformées</i>, II, 121 ff.,
ed. 1841.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_630_630" id="Footnote_630_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630_630"><span class="label">[630]</span></a></span>
“M. de Nevers has already here from 800 to 1,000 horse. They look for
600 foot and horsemen, Spaniards and Gascons and Piedmontese, to arrive shortly.
All this while they had driven the prince off with talk.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 1,168,
December 1, 1562&mdash;Smith to Throckmorton. These reinforcements reached Paris
on the night of December 7, 1562; there were 10 ensigns of Gascons (40 or 50 in an
ensign), in all about 500 or 600 men; of the Spaniards, 14 ensigns, “better filled,”
about 2,500-3,000, all footmen, and few armed. Their weapons were arquebuses
and pikes, and some bills and halberds. “With them a marvellous number of
rascals, women and baggage” (Smith to Cecil, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,205, December
7, 1562; cf. Barbaro [Huguenot Society], December 7, 1562. The Venetian
ambassador went out to view them). These reinforcements are much exaggerated
in the <i>Mém. de Condé</i> (V, 103, 104, ed. London), which rates the Gascons as 3,000
and the Spaniards as 4,000.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_631_631" id="Footnote_631_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631_631"><span class="label">[631]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, December 3 and 14, 1562. For an extreme example of Chantonnay’s
overbearing policy, see Barbaro’s account of a conversation with the
Spanish ambassador in the letter of January 25, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_632_632" id="Footnote_632_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632_632"><span class="label">[632]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, 1,183, December 3, 1562; No. 1,238, §7, December 13, 1562.
It is fair to say, though, that Condé was almost without artillery, having but eight
guns, so that there was no possibility of breaking the wall. The only way to take
the city would have been by an assault with scaling-ladders (letter of Hotman in
<i>Rev. hist.</i>, XCVII, March-April, 1908, 311).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_633_633" id="Footnote_633_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633_633"><span class="label">[633]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 307; <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 314, December 11, 1562. See
Throckmorton’s earnest plea in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 1,195, December 6, 1562, for sending
financial assistance to him. The English intervention in Normandy was demonstrated
to be a safe and profitable venture; besides other advantages which they
might draw from Rouen, Havre, and Dieppe (which could safely be recovered)
the archbishopric of Rouen was worth 50,000 francs; the two abbeys inside the town
10,000; the abbey of Fécamp 40,000 francs; the benefices within the town valuable;
the <i>gabelle</i> in salt and other royal rights in Rouen and Dieppe worth 50,000
crowns, which would double when the English merchants came, so that the military
occupation of Normandy would cost less than the profits therefrom. But arguments
were in vain to persuade Elizabeth’s double policy of caution and parsimony. Sir
Nicholas drove Smith’s warning of December 7 home by another one to Elizabeth,
urging her “to deal substantially” with Condé, “for wanting the queen’s force of men
it is not likely he will be strong enough to accomplish his intents.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_634_634" id="Footnote_634_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634_634"><span class="label">[634]</span></a></span>
Too late the English government was alive to the danger of its losing
all, owing to the narrow policy hitherto pursued, and Cecil hurried Richard Worseley,
captain of the Isle of Wight, off to Portsmouth on December 7 to secure 5,000
pounds, as earnest of more money to be sent into France in aid of the Huguenots,
whence he was to hasten to Havre, warn the earl of Warwick not to give credit to
any reports of peace unless so informed by Throckmorton or Smith, and see that
the town was speedily fortified and guarded (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,033, December
7, 1562; Forbes, II, 124, 125).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_635_635" id="Footnote_635_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635_635"><span class="label">[635]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 307; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,240, December 13, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_636_636" id="Footnote_636_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636_636"><span class="label">[636]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,238, December 13, 1562. On December 14, 1562,
Condé wrote anxiously from his camp at St. Arneuil asking for succor, especially
that Montgomery, who had gone to England for assistance, might be sent to him.
(See Appendix V.) Montgomery was in Portsmouth with Sir Hugh Poulet, who
was commissioned to bring over the balance of 15,000 pounds to Havre (<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 1,270, December 16, 1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_637_637" id="Footnote_637_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637_637"><span class="label">[637]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,276, December 18, 1562; No. 1,278, December 19, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_638_638" id="Footnote_638_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638_638"><span class="label">[638]</span></a></span>
Guise had 22 cannon; Condé’s artillery consisted of 4 field-pieces, 2 cannon,
and a culverin, which “never shot a shot” (Throckmorton to the Queen, <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, January 3, 1563. He was an eye-witness of the battle. Forbes, II, 251).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_639_639" id="Footnote_639_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639_639"><span class="label">[639]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 308, 309. Cf. note for other references.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_640_640" id="Footnote_640_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640_640"><span class="label">[640]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Eng.</i>, No. 228, 229, January 3, 1562; the admiral to Montgomery
(Delaborde, <i>Gaspard de Coligny</i>, II, 180), December 28, 1562, from the camp
at Avarot; cf. <i>C. S. P. Eng.</i>, No. 181, January 2, 1563&mdash;the admiral to Queen
Elizabeth; Forbes, II, 247.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_641_641" id="Footnote_641_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641_641"><span class="label">[641]</span></a></span>
De Thou, Book XXXIV, and Le Laboureur’s additions to Castelnau, II, 81.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_642_642" id="Footnote_642_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642_642"><span class="label">[642]</span></a></span>
“They did not strike a stroke” and “were defeated in running away.”&mdash;<i>C.
S. P. For.</i>, January 3, 1563; Forbes, II, 251.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_643_643" id="Footnote_643_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643_643"><span class="label">[643]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 311.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_644_644" id="Footnote_644_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644_644"><span class="label">[644]</span></a></span>
For contemporary accounts of the battle of Dreux, see: “Discours de la
bataille,” in <i>Mém. du duc de Guise</i>, ed. Michaud, 497 ff.; Beza, <i>Histoire des églises
réformées</i>, I, 605 ff.; D’Aubigné, Book III, chaps. xiii, xiv; Tavannes, 392 ff.;
La Noue, <i>Mém. milit.</i>, chap. x; De Thou, Book XXXIV; <i>C. S. P. Eng.</i>, No. 1,282,
abstract of a printed pamphlet; No. 1,316, December 21; No. 1,323, December
22, 1562&mdash;letter of the admiral to the earl of Warwick; to Queen Elizabeth, Delaborde,
II, 178, 179. For details as to the number of prisoners, etc., see <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, Nos. 1,286-88, 1,316, 1,317, 1,335, §§4-6; 1,334, 1,353, §6; 1,563, Nos. 12,
22, 28, narrative of Spanish troops. Excellent accounts of the battle are to be
consulted in De Ruble, <i>Antoine de Bourbon et Jeanne d’Albret</i>, II, 366 ff.;
Whitehead, <i>Gaspard de Coligny</i>, 140-45; and the duke of Aumale’s <i>History of
the Princes of Condé</i> (Eng. trans.), I, 150-68. The standard treatment of the subject
is Coynart, <i>L’Année 1562 et la bataille de Dreux: étude historique et militaire;
extraits divers, correspondance officielles du temps</i> (1894).</p>
<p class="pfc4">Montaigne has an interesting essay upon some peculiar incidents of the battle.
Two curious occurrences happened. The duke of Guise was the first to alight
from his horse and courteously receive the prince of Condé (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
1,326, December 26, 1562); the two slept in the same bed that night (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>,
December 21, 1562). The duke of Aumale was unhorsed and nearly the whole
army rode and trampled over him, yet he was unhurt, owing to the heavy suit of
armor he wore (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 375, §3, 1563; cf. No. 400, §2).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_645_645" id="Footnote_645_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645_645"><span class="label">[645]</span></a></span>
The Parlement ordered the bishops of France to declare that in all parishes
those who knew who were Huguenots should denounce them within nine days to
their priests under pain of excommunication. This practice led to a large exodus
of the Huguenots in many of the towns (Claude Haton, I, 312, 316, 317, and
note, 318).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_646_646" id="Footnote_646_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646_646"><span class="label">[646]</span></a></span>
The German form of the name was Bessenstein.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_647_647" id="Footnote_647_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647_647"><span class="label">[647]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 14, §2, January 3, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_648_648" id="Footnote_648_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648_648"><span class="label">[648]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 16, §2, January 3, 1563, and No. 32&mdash;D’Andelot to Elizabeth from
Orleans, January 5, 1563; cf. Forbes, II, 263.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_649_649" id="Footnote_649_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649_649"><span class="label">[649]</span></a></span>
Sarpi, <i>Histoire du Concile de Trent</i>, Book VII, chap. xlviii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_650_650" id="Footnote_650_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650_650"><span class="label">[650]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 15, §1, January 3, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_651_651" id="Footnote_651_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651_651"><span class="label">[651]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Eng. For.</i>, No. 35, January 6, 1563; Forbes, II, 270; No. 54, §2,
January 7; No. 69, §1, January 11, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_652_652" id="Footnote_652_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652_652"><span class="label">[652]</span></a></span>
La Mothe Fénélon to St. Sulpice, December 17, 1562; <i>L’Ambassade de
St. Sulpice</i>, 103, 104.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_653_653" id="Footnote_653_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653_653"><span class="label">[653]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, December 27, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_654_654" id="Footnote_654_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654_654"><span class="label">[654]</span></a></span>
Randolph wrote to Cecil on January 5, 1563: “We thought ourselves happy
till we heard of the prince’s taking, but despair not as longe as the admiral
kepethe the feeldes.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. Scot.</i>, I, 1, 160.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_655_655" id="Footnote_655_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655_655"><span class="label">[655]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 83, January 13, 1563; No. 84, §3, same date; No. 109, §6,
January 17; No. 137, §5, January 23, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_656_656" id="Footnote_656_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656_656"><span class="label">[656]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 83, §3, January 13, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_657_657" id="Footnote_657_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657_657"><span class="label">[657]</span></a></span>
“Coll. d’un ancien amateur,” Hôtel Drouot, February 10, 1877, No. 34:
Eleanor de Roye to Catherine de Medici from Orleans, December 22, 1562, asking
that pity be taken upon the prince of Condé; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 35, January 6, 1563;
Forbes, II, 270; No. 146, §3: “This night (January 24) Condé was brought into
this town with a strong guard. He came on horseback, and was brought through
the town in a coach covered with black velvet, by torch-light, and the windows of
the coach open; but the torch was so carried that none could see him.” The government
had good reason to fear an attempt would be made to rescue him while he
was at Chartres.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_658_658" id="Footnote_658_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658_658"><span class="label">[658]</span></a></span>
“A ce soir bien tard j’ay receu la lettre qu’il vous a pleu m’escripre par la
poste et vous puis asseurer Madame qu’il y a deux jours que Madame la Princesse
et mon nepveu Dandelot veullent vous envoyer la response et advis de mon nepveu
monsieur l’admiral et de toute leur compaigne. Mais je les en ay engarder sur la
tente qu’auyons au retour du Plessis qui devoit estre samedy au matin pour estre
rendu certain de vostre volonté, à quoy les voys tous fort affectionnés pour
faire une bonne paix,” etc., etc.&mdash;Montmorency to Catherine de Médicis, Orléans,
12 janvier 1563 (Fillon Collection, No. 2652).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_659_659" id="Footnote_659_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659_659"><span class="label">[659]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 35, §2, January 6, 1563; Forbes, II, 270.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_660_660" id="Footnote_660_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660_660"><span class="label">[660]</span></a></span>
Catherine expressed this determination as far back as October 20 in a letter
to St. Sulpice (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 87; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 37, January 6,
1563).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_661_661" id="Footnote_661_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661_661"><span class="label">[661]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, February 2, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_662_662" id="Footnote_662_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662_662"><span class="label">[662]</span></a></span>
Cf. <i>L’Ambassade St. Sulpice</i>, 93, 108, 114, 116, and <i>Corresp. de Cath.
de Méd.</i>, I, 508, 548. This was the real mission of Don Fernando de Toledo, a
bastard son of the duke of Alva and grand prior of the order of St. John in Castile,
who was sent to France to congratulate Charles IX on the victory of Dreux (cf.
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 187, January 29, 1563, from Madrid; No. 190, January 30, from
Madrid; No. 234, February 3, from Madrid). St. Sulpice this early surmised that
Alva, at any rate, though he did not yet so suspect the political designs of Philip II,
desired the continuation of civil war in France in order that Spain might profit by
her distress, and so wrote to Catherine de Medici.&mdash;<i>L’ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 93,
November 12, 1562. In consequence of this attitude, religious and political, the
arguments of France fell upon deaf ears (see <i>ibid.</i>, 122, and note).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_663_663" id="Footnote_663_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663_663"><span class="label">[663]</span></a></span>
Cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 35, §2, January 6, 1563; No. 109, § 4, January 17;
No. 182, §9, January 28; Forbes, II, 270, 287.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_664_664" id="Footnote_664_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664_664"><span class="label">[664]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, February 6, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_665_665" id="Footnote_665_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665_665"><span class="label">[665]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 234, February 3, 1563, from Madrid. No. 194, January 30,
1563. The money was used to purchase the services of 3,000 reiters and some
new levies of Swiss. Pending their arrival, Charles IX called out the <i>arrière-ban</i>&mdash;cavalry
of the nobility obliged to serve upon call&mdash;to prosecute the war (<i>C. S. P.
Ven.</i>, February 17, 1563). See the interesting account of the interception of 13,000
écus d’or probably by the Huguenots, though it may have been by robbers, sent
from Flanders in February, 1563 (Paillard, “De tournement au profit des Huguenots
d’un subsidé envoyé par Philippe II à Catherine de Médicis,” <i>Rev. hist.</i>,
II, 490).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_666_666" id="Footnote_666_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666_666"><span class="label">[666]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 145, January 24, 1563; Forbes, II, 300.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_667_667" id="Footnote_667_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667_667"><span class="label">[667]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Eng. For.</i>, No. 289, February 12, 1562. “If the admiral,” wrote the
earl, “should, for want of present aid, be discomfited and driven to make composition,
they may reckon not only upon the whole power of France being bent against
this place (Harfleur), but that the same will, with the assistance of Spain and Scotland
and their confederates, be also undoubtedly extended against England. But if
he be now aided with 10,000 men and 200,000 crowns, further inconvenience will
be stayed and may serve a better purpose than the employment at another time of
a far greater number at larger charges. It would be better for the queen to convert
a good part of her plate into coin than slack her aid.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Eng.</i>, No. 290,
February 12, 1563; add Nos. 285, 287. Warwick in seconding Coligny’s appeal
(<i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 294, February 12, 1563) urged haste in the matter of the money,
as “if it is not sent in time it will be the ruin of the cause through mutiny of the
reiters, who may even kill the admiral;” moreover, as the admiral’s forces were all
cavalry, English infantry was wanted.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_668_668" id="Footnote_668_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668_668"><span class="label">[668]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 265, 276, 280, 282, 289, February, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_669_669" id="Footnote_669_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669_669"><span class="label">[669]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Eng.</i>, No. 291. Throckmorton’s report of his conference with Admiral
Coligny, February 12, 1563. It is astonishing, after this display of selfishness
and greed, that Coligny should still have retained patience with, and faith in,
Elizabeth.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_670_670" id="Footnote_670_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670_670"><span class="label">[670]</span></a></span>
The duke was short of heavy guns and had to send to Paris for them to come
to Corbeil by water, from thence to Montargis, and so after by land to the river.
The defenders had improvised a mill on the island into a fortress but after the arrival
of the heavy guns, so hot a fire was poured upon them that they were compelled
to retire across the bridge, “leaving many to the mercy of the fish” (Claude Haton,
I, 319).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_671_671" id="Footnote_671_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671_671"><span class="label">[671]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 323, February 17, 1563. Both D’Aubigné, Book III,
chap. xvi, and La Noue, <i>Mém. milit.</i>, chap. x, have vivid accounts of this siege;
cf. also De Thou, Book XXXIV.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_672_672" id="Footnote_672_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672_672"><span class="label">[672]</span></a></span>
Barbaro gives details of the havoc wrought by this explosion (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>,
January 28, 1563); cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 239, § 3, No. 323, § 18, February 17, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_673_673" id="Footnote_673_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673_673"><span class="label">[673]</span></a></span>
Throckmorton wrote to Cecil on February 21: “He is to be pitied, for
every hour he is in danger of his life and of being betrayed by his reiters.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 333, §§1, 5, 9, February 20, 1563; No. 339, February 21, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_674_674" id="Footnote_674_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674_674"><span class="label">[674]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 374, March 1, 1563; Forbes, II, 332.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_675_675" id="Footnote_675_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675_675"><span class="label">[675]</span></a></span>
Montgomery to the Rhinegrave, Dieppe, 8 fevrier, 1563: “Les habitans du
plat pays m’ont faict entendre qu’ils seroient prestz de se joindre à moy si je me
vouloys metre en campagne pour les deffendre des oppressions, pilleries et sacagementz
qu’ilz disent estre exercés par ceux qui vous suivent. Monsieur
l’admiral [Coligny] n’est [pas] au pays [l’Orléannais] que me mandez ou à tout
le moings qu’il a faict une extrème diligence et est plus près de nous qu’on ne
cuyde, en delliberation de metre bientost une fin à ces troubles, pour nous faire tous
jouyr du rang que nous debrons tenir prez la personne du Roi comme ses vrays
subjets et loyaulx serviteurs.”&mdash;Fillon Collection.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_676_676" id="Footnote_676_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676_676"><span class="label">[676]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 352, Warwick to the council, February 25, 1563; cf.
Forbes, II, 336; <i>C. S. P. Eng. For.</i>, No. 327, §3, February 18, 1563; Forbes, II,
334, 380, March 1, 1563; cf. Nos. 333, 344.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_677_677" id="Footnote_677_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677_677"><span class="label">[677]</span></a></span>
The money reached Havre on February 25 and was brought by Beauvoir,
Briquemault, and Throckmorton under guard of eight pieces of artillery to Caen
at once (Delaborde, II, 226, 227). The reiters received their pay at once. For
some curious information about the avarice of the reiters and the pay given them,
see <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 129, note; VII, 407.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_678_678" id="Footnote_678_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678_678"><span class="label">[678]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 391; Forbes, II, 346.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_679_679" id="Footnote_679_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679_679"><span class="label">[679]</span></a></span>
Catherine wrote with truth: “Ce royaume est réduit en telle extrémité que
la necessité veut que l’on ne perde l’occasion de faire pacifier, principalement pour
jeter hors les étrangers, mêmement les Anglais.”&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
101.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_680_680" id="Footnote_680_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680_680"><span class="label">[680]</span></a></span>
“La guerre,” said Catherine with words of simple dignity, which were repeated
in the instructions of the special envoys sent to notify the court of Vienna
and Madrid, the Vatican and the Council of Trent, “a tellement appauvri le royaume
qu’il est réduit à un état digne de commisération. La voie des armes était
impossible; le remède propre à un tel mal, l’expérience a démontré, c’est un libre et
général concile.”&mdash;<i>Corresp. de Cath. de Méd.</i>, II, Introd., v. Philip II, reproached
the regent of Parma for not lending assistance to France. See her letter justifying
her conduct in Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, I, 266,
August 12, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_681_681" id="Footnote_681_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681_681"><span class="label">[681]</span></a></span>
The marshal Brissac succeeded to the command (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
120). For the influence of the death of the duke of Guise in France, see Forneron,
<i>Hist. des ducs de Guise</i>, II, 80; upon Flanders, <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal
de Granvelle</i>, VII, 52, 61, 65; Gachard, <i>Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, I, 245. For
interesting details see D’Aubigné, Book III, chap. xx; <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, IV, 243;
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 332, February 20, 1563; No. 354, §§2-5, February 26, 1562, both
from Smith to Queen Elizabeth, written from Blois. Cf. Forbes, II, 159; 361,
§§1-8, 17, February 26, 424, §10 March 8, 1563; <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, letters of February
23, 27, and March 2, 23, 1563. It is said the duke received warning from Montluc
and Madame de St. André, but that the word arrived too late. The news of his
death was kept from Mary Stuart for some time. See <i>C. S. P. Scotland</i>, VI, No.
1,173, March 10, 1563; VIII, No. 17, March 18, 1563; No. 30, April 1, 1563; No.
31, April 10, 1563. On the political theory of assassination, see Weill, 69.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Poltrot was put to death on March 18; for the trial, see <i>Mém.-journ. de François,
de Lorraine</i> (Michaud Coll.), 506, 537 ff.; Paulin Paris, <i>Cabinet hist.</i>, I<sup>ère</sup> part.,
III, 49 ff. A conspicuous instance of the high-mindedness of Jeanne d’Albret is
the letter of consolation she wrote to the duchess of Guise after the assassination
of the duke (La Ferrière, <i>Rapport</i>, 39).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_682_682" id="Footnote_682_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682_682"><span class="label">[682]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 422, March 8, 1562; Forbes, II, 350, 354, 356; <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 437, March 12, 1563; <i>ibid.</i>, No. 424, §§25-27; No. 435, March 11, 1562,
Condé to Smith.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_683_683" id="Footnote_683_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683_683"><span class="label">[683]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 473; 481, March 20, the Rhinegrave to Warwick on the basis
of a letter of the queen mother (Beza, II, 17, ed. 1841).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_684_684" id="Footnote_684_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 395, §2, March 3, 1563; 419, §5, March 7; 424, §§3, 4;
Forbes, II. “La retarder d’un jour,” said De Losses in one of the sessions of the
King’s council, “c’était exposer la ville de Paris au sac et au pillage, laisser le roi
et la reine à la merci des protestants encore aux armes.” M. Gonnor, later the marshal
Matignon, dwelt upon the miserable state of the country and concluded: “Je
parle sans passion. Je ne suis pas huguenot et je supplie la cour de ne pas différer
l’enrégistrement de l’édit.”&mdash;<i>Corresp. de Cath. de Méd.</i>, II, Introd., iii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_685_685" id="Footnote_685_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685_685"><span class="label">[685]</span></a></span>
“Traité politique par lequel en quelque sorte la gentilhommerie provinciale
s’isolait du puritanisme de Génève.”&mdash;Capefigue, 260.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_686_686" id="Footnote_686_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686_686"><span class="label">[686]</span></a></span>
“C’est trop grand pitié que de limiter ainssy certains lieux pour servir à
Dieu, comme s’il ne vouloit estre en tous endroicts.”&mdash;Fillon Collection, 2,657, the
admiral to the landgrave from Caen, March 16, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_687_687" id="Footnote_687_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687_687"><span class="label">[687]</span></a></span>
“Edict et déclaration faite par le roy Charles IX sur la pacification des
troubles de ce Royaume: le 19 mars 1563,” Par., <i>Rob. Estienne</i>, 1563; Isambert,
XIV, 135. The various pieces showing the evolution of the edict are to be found
in <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, IV, 305, 333, 356, 498, 504. Cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 428, 430,
431 (March 10, 1563).</p>
<p class="pfc4">Biron was sent into Provence in 1563 with instructions to give an account to the
King of the manner in which justice was administered there and how the edict was
executed. He was also to find the count of Tendes and Sommerive and express the
King’s displeasure of their conduct. The royal instructions are evidence of the
sincerity with which the government started to execute the edict (La Ferrière,
<i>Rapport</i>, 46; cf. <i>Collection Trémont</i>, sér. 3, p. 124).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_688_688" id="Footnote_688_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688_688"><span class="label">[688]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 424, §16; No. 590, April 8, 1563; Forbes, II, 379.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_689_689" id="Footnote_689_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689_689"><span class="label">[689]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, March 23, 1563. “Response faicte par le Roy (Charles IX)
et son Conseil, aux Presidens et Conseillers de sa Cour de Parlement de Paris:
Sur la remonstrance faicte à sa dicte maiesté, concernant la déclaration de sa
Maiorité, et ordonnance faicte pour le bien, et repos publique de son Royaume”
(Lyons, Rigaud, 1563).</p>
<p class="pfc4">
In the first week of May the King summoned the members of the Parlement
of Paris and the authorities of the city to St. Germain, commanding them before
the week was out to obey the Edict of Toleration, to release those imprisoned for
religion, and to lay down their arms (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 703, §3, May 4, 1563).
Paris finally published the edict, but observed it slightly, the Parlement admitting
the “graces” of the edict, but saying it could not in its conscience allow two religions
(<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1190, 835, June 2, 1563). For an example of the violence of the
capital see No. 895, June 15, 1562. The public criers and the very horses which
they used in the crying of the edict in the city of Paris were in danger of being killed
by the populace, which poured out of the mouths of the streets (Claude Haton, I,
328).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_690_690" id="Footnote_690_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690_690"><span class="label">[690]</span></a></span>
“Le peuple y est fort sedicieux.”&mdash;Fourquevaux to St. Sulpice, October 13,
1563, <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 165.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_691_691" id="Footnote_691_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691_691"><span class="label">[691]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., iv.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_692_692" id="Footnote_692_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692_692"><span class="label">[692]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, March 29, April 10 and 20, 1563. On the prince de
Porcien, see Le Laboureur, I, 389; also an article by Delaborde in <i>Bulletin de
la Soc. prot. franç.</i>, XVIII, 2. Claude Haton gives some vivid details about this
retirement of the reiters (Vol. I, p. 355). Cf. <i>Correspondance de Catherine de
Médicis</i>, II, 15, 16, 42. On the case of the Three Bishoprics see St. Sulpice, <i>ibid.</i>;
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, March 29, April 10, 1563; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 323, §8, and 419, §5,
420, 455; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 403.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_693_693" id="Footnote_693_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693_693"><span class="label">[693]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 279, 280.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_694_694" id="Footnote_694_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694_694"><span class="label">[694]</span></a></span>
See the interesting account of an unsuccessful attempt by the reiters to
storm a château (Claude Haton, I, 347-49).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_695_695" id="Footnote_695_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695_695"><span class="label">[695]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 354.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_696_696" id="Footnote_696_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696_696"><span class="label">[696]</span></a></span>
Quoted by Forneron, I, 277, note 1.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_697_697" id="Footnote_697_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697_697"><span class="label">[697]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, April 21, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_698_698" id="Footnote_698_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698_698"><span class="label">[698]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspund de Cath. de Méd.</i> Introd., cxlv-vi; cf. <i>R. Q. H.</i>, October 1869,
349-51. Charles IX was firmly resolved to enforce the national traditions of
the French monarchy with reference to the papacy. The fearless speech of Du
Ferrier occasioned a sensation in the council. France was accused of wishing,
like England, to secede from Rome and found a national church and it was even
proposed to hand the ambassador over to the Inquisition (Frémy, <i>Un ambassadeur
libéral sous Charles IX et Henri III</i>, 1880, p. 49). So energetic were the
remonstrances of Lansac that he was derisively called the “ambassador of the
Huguenots” (Frémy, 21).</p>
<p class="pfc4">On April 15, 1563, the King wrote to the cardinal of Lorraine to inform him
that, having grown impatient at the slowness of the Council of Trent, he was sending
the president Biragues to Trent and then to the Emperor with a mission to have
the council transferred to a freer place if possible. The King declared that if the
reforms demanded by Christianity were not accorded and confirmed by the council,
France would not hesitate to convoke a national council. (See the instruction
to D’Oysel in <i>Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 1-3, note.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_699_699" id="Footnote_699_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699_699"><span class="label">[699]</span></a></span>
“Articles de l’alégation de messieurs les ambassadeurs, estant de present à
la cour; envoyez, l’un par nostre saint père le Pape, l’autre par l’Empereur, Roy des
Romains, l’autre par le Roy d’Espaigne, et le Prince de Piedmont. Au Roy de
France et princes de son sang, au mois de Fevrier, 1563,” <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, V, 406-8;
cf. <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 135 and 167.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_700_700" id="Footnote_700_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700_700"><span class="label">[700]</span></a></span>
Lansac and Du Ferrier were the ambassadors of France at Trent. Lansac’s
instructions, which outline the policy of France, are in Baschet, <i>Journal du Concile
de Trente</i>, etc., 251-65; add D’Aubigné, Book III, chap. xxi; St. Sulpice,
28, 64, 102, 114, 130, 141, 160-63. On Lansac, see <i>Correspondance de Catherine
de Médicis</i>, Index; upon Du Ferrier, consult Frémy, <i>Un ambassadeur libéral
sous Charles IX et Henri III</i>, 1880.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The cardinal of Lorraine, while agreeing with Philip II, as to religion and
heresy, looked with resentment upon the King’s attempt to appropriate the political
destiny of Mary Stuart to his own ends (St. Sulpice to Lansac, December 15, 1562,
p. 103). The whole council was filled with disaffection; 150 out of the 230 members
present were Italians, most of these pensioners of Rome, so that the others resented
their preponderance (Lansac to St. Sulpice, February 10, 1563, <i>L’Ambassade
de St. Sulpice</i>, 115).</p>
<p class="pfc4">There were conflicts as to precedence; some of the ambassadors like Lansac and
Du Ferrier believed in qualified toleration of Protestants (St. Sulpice, 115); many
of the members, while believing in the enlargement of the Pope’s prerogatives in
religious affairs, were opposed to a reduction of governmental rights of control over
ecclesiastical temporalities. Philip II’s attitude in this respect was identical with
that of Charles IX&mdash;each wanted to exercise political control over the church within
his kingdom (St. Sulpice, 198). Even the cardinal of Lorraine was an advocate of
temporal independence (St. Sulpice, 161). See Baschet, <i>Journal du Concile de
Trente</i>; the Appendix has a valuable bibliography of the history of the Council of
Trent. M. Baguenault de la Puchesse’ article in <i>R. Q. H.</i>, 1869, may be added.
The cardinal of Lorraine left Trent on March 23. M. Baschet questions (p. 214):
“Que sont devenues toutes les dépêches qu’il a du écrire à la Reine mère, tant sur
sa négociation avec l’Empereur, que sur sa visite à la Republique de Venise et son
voyage en Cour de Rome, pour l’accomplissement desquels il s’était deplacé de sa
résidence au Concile?” He was not aware of the fact, when he wrote in 1870, that
Count Hector de la Ferrière had shortly before discovered them in the archives
at St. Petersburg (La Ferrière, <i>Deux années de mission à Saint Petersbourg</i>, 51).
For the cardinal’s mission to Venice see <i>R. Q. H.</i>, October 1869, 349, 350, and 385,
note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_701_701" id="Footnote_701_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701_701"><span class="label">[701]</span></a></span>
Forbes, II, 271; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,193, §5, December 5, 1562. Granvella
to the King, March 10, 1563; Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les
Pays-Bas</i>, I, 239; cf. Philip to Margaret of Parma, May 16, <i>ibid.</i>, I, 249.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_702_702" id="Footnote_702_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702_702"><span class="label">[702]</span></a></span>
The fear was amply justified. Granvella wrote to his sovereign on December
22, 1563: “Le situation actuelle de la France est plus fâcheuse qui j’aie vue depuis
la mort du roi François.”&mdash;<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 284. Gachard,
<i>Rapport sur les archives de Lille</i>, 218, cites a remark made in 1562:
“Messieurs, acoustez bien ce qui adviendra en France entre les catholicques et les
Huguenots; cas, au son flageolet de Franche il vous faudra danser par dechà.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_703_703" id="Footnote_703_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703_703"><span class="label">[703]</span></a></span>
On this subject see La Ferrière, <i>La Normandie à l’étranger</i>, and his article
entitled, “La paix de Troyes avec l’Angleterre,” <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIII, 36 ff.
Much of the article is reprinted from the introduction to <i>Correspondance de Catherine
de Médicis</i>, II.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_704_704" id="Footnote_704_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704_704"><span class="label">[704]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 443, March 13, 1563, Smith to D’Andelot; cf. 511, the
Privy Council to Warwick, March 23, 1563; Forbes, II, 363.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_705_705" id="Footnote_705_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705_705"><span class="label">[705]</span></a></span>
The prince of Eboli and the duke of Alva proposed that Havre-de-Grace
be put temporarily into the hands of Philip II, he to mediate between England and
France! (St. Sulpice to Charles IX, July 11, 1563, and to Catherine, August 27;
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 137, 151.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_706_706" id="Footnote_706_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706_706"><span class="label">[706]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 498, March 22, 1563, Elizabeth to Smith.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_707_707" id="Footnote_707_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707_707"><span class="label">[707]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, Ven., No. 319, January 24, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_708_708" id="Footnote_708_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708_708"><span class="label">[708]</span></a></span>
Charles IX to St. Sulpice, June 20, 1563; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 122, 123.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_709_709" id="Footnote_709_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709_709"><span class="label">[709]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 136.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_710_710" id="Footnote_710_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710_710"><span class="label">[710]</span></a></span>
Neither Coligny nor D’Andelot could be prevailed upon to serve in the war
against England, although believing they had been shabbily treated by Elizabeth.
The admiral openly refused; D’Andelot feigned illness; Condé alone, of the Huguenot
leaders, bore arms against his former ally&mdash;“l’honneur de la France couvrait
son ingratitude.”&mdash;<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., xii,
xiii, xvii; cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 498, 511, 541, and especially 548, March, 1563.
Elizabeth had replied to the envoy sent to her by the prince of Condé to notify her
of the peace made by the prince with the King and to treat for the restitution of
Havre-de-Grace, that as the envoy had neither power nor commission from the
King, she would not negotiate with him, and that nothing must be said about Havre-de-Grace
unless the affairs of Calais were first adjusted (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, May 18,
1563).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_711_711" id="Footnote_711_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711_711"><span class="label">[711]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 936, April 17, 1563. Warwick in a letter to Lord Robert
Dudley and Cecil of April 23, 1563, estimates the French force around Havre at
10,000 French and 6,000 Swiss (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 659; Forbes, II, 398).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_712_712" id="Footnote_712_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712_712"><span class="label">[712]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 652, Mundt to Cecil, April 20, 1563, from Strasburg; cf.
No. 659, Warwick to the Privy Council on the authority of the Rhinegrave, April 23,
1563; Forbes, II, 398. Nevertheless, the French continued to fortify Metz against
the future (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 705, May 4, 1563).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_713_713" id="Footnote_713_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713_713"><span class="label">[713]</span></a></span>
The church complied by mortgaging its possessions to this amount (Claude
Haton, I, 330). They were redeemed in the March following (Catherine de Medici
to St. Sulpice, December 22, 1563; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 203); <i>Journal de
Bruslart</i>, 141. The transaction cost the church 3,230,000 livres. Some of the
clergy claimed that the King had no right to do this without papal authorization
(Claude Haton, <i>loc. cit.</i>).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_714_714" id="Footnote_714_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714_714"><span class="label">[714]</span></a></span>
The rate was fixed at five <i>livres</i> for each measure of wine, and at 6 <i>sous</i>, 8
<i>deniers</i>, for each <i>queue</i> (Claude Haton, I, 330, 331). The farm of this <i>gabelle</i> was
sold at Provins for the sum of 600 livres.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_715_715" id="Footnote_715_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715_715"><span class="label">[715]</span></a></span>
“ ... Led. prince dit avoir moyen de faire sortir ... les Allemans
qu’il a en grand nombre.”&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 101; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
Nos. 688; 748, §§13, 20; 753, §§5, 10; No. 764 (<i>anno</i> 1563); <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 326,
May 18, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_716_716" id="Footnote_716_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716_716"><span class="label">[716]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Eng. For.</i>, No. 750, §§6, 7, May 16, 1563; No. 753, §5, May 17;
No. 770, May 20, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_717_717" id="Footnote_717_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717_717"><span class="label">[717]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 584, April 5, 1563; Forbes, II, 573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_718_718" id="Footnote_718_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718_718"><span class="label">[718]</span></a></span>
Warwick had barely 5,000 men of all sorts to defend the town (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 680, Muster of April 29-30, 1563). There was much sickness. Food was scarce.
“The estate of victuals here,” wrote the earl to the Privy Council on April 30,
“rests now upon a scarce proportion of one month in bread and corn (of beer we
can make no further account than as long as we are masters of water, to brew),
having neither flesh, fish, butter, nor cheese, nor any meat of the queen’s store but
bacon for two days. The clerk of the store here is as bare in money as victuals....
The enemy’s chief hope for taking this town rests upon famine.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 676; Forbes, II, 402. Warwick pointed out, however, that if the queen
“would put forth a power upon the sea” and keep the mouth of the Seine open, as
well as prevent relief from being brought from Flanders and Brittany, Havre might
be saved. “Their whole relief must come to them by Picardy side, which
will not suffice long; neither can they be victualled by land any way, if the commodities
of the seas be by this means taken away.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. Dom.</i>, XXVII, 15,
January 12, 1563. Cf. XXVIII, 48, May 8, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_719_719" id="Footnote_719_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719_719"><span class="label">[719]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 786; Forbes, II, 427.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_720_720" id="Footnote_720_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720_720"><span class="label">[720]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 328, May 28, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_721_721" id="Footnote_721_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721_721"><span class="label">[721]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 375.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_722_722" id="Footnote_722_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722_722"><span class="label">[722]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, I, 429.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_723_723" id="Footnote_723_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723_723"><span class="label">[723]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 338, July 27, 1563; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 141, 142.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_724_724" id="Footnote_724_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724_724"><span class="label">[724]</span></a></span>
I have come upon an interesting item in the history of the art of war in connection
with this siege of Havre. In January, 1563, a Corsican, resident in Spain,
by the name of Pietro Paolo del Delfino offered his services to St. Sulpice. “Il
va dans l’eau,” wrote the ambassador to Catherine, “et m’a assuré qu’avec certains
engins il empéchera que nul navire venant d’Angleterre puisse aborder aud. Havre
sans grand danger.” In June Delfino arrived at Bois de Vincennes, where he was
well received, according to his own statement (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 112, and
n. 4). But I do not find any further mention of him. Was this invention a sort
of torpedo? We know that shells were first used in the siege of Orleans in this
year.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_725_725" id="Footnote_725_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725_725"><span class="label">[725]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 341, August 6, 1563; on the progress of the siege and the
condition of Havre cf. <i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, 1563, Nos. 754, §6; 762, 806, §§4, 5; 828, 835,
852, §4; 853, §4; 857, §8; 871, 881, 894, 907, §2; 941, 967, 973, §2; 977, §4; 982,
§9; 998, 1007, 1021, 1024, 1026, §7; 1044, §4; 1049, 1081, 1086, 1100, 1208,
1296. In Appendix VI is a letter of Admiral Clinton to Lord Burghley, July 31,
1563, in which he says that the plague, not the arms of France, has conquered
them.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_726_726" id="Footnote_726_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726_726"><span class="label">[726]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 343, August 14, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_727_727" id="Footnote_727_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727_727"><span class="label">[727]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., xxvi-xxviii; <i>L’Ambassade
de St. Sulpice</i>, 177, 194, 195.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_728_728" id="Footnote_728_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728_728"><span class="label">[728]</span></a></span>
“Adieu le droit de Calais,” wrote Robertet, Charles IX’s secretary, on
July 4, 1561, to St. Sulpice (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 142).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_729_729" id="Footnote_729_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729_729"><span class="label">[729]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, 347, November 11, 1563; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 6, January 4, 1564;
No. 47, January 15.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_730_730" id="Footnote_730_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730_730"><span class="label">[730]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 348, November 18, 1563; <i>Archives de la Gironde</i>, XVII,
293.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_731_731" id="Footnote_731_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731_731"><span class="label">[731]</span></a></span>
The text of the treaty is in Rymer’s <i>Foedera</i>, XV, 640. La Ferrière has an
extended account of the negotiations in <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>,
II, Introd., xxxiv-xliv. For other details see <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 1564, Nos. 6, 47, 250-53,
297, 307-10, 314, 347, 363, 364. On the great commercial importance of the
treaty of Troyes, see De Ruble, <i>Le traité de Cateau-Cambrésis</i>, 193, 194.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_732_732" id="Footnote_732_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732_732"><span class="label">[732]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, 1564, No. 388.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_733_733" id="Footnote_733_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733_733"><span class="label">[733]</span></a></span>
“A Paris arriva toute la maison de Lorraine vestue de deuil, pour faire une
solemnelle demande de justice exemplaire sur la mort du duc de Guise.”&mdash;D’Aubigné,
II, 204; the request bearing date September 26, 1563, is in <i>Mém. de Condé</i>,
IV, 667.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Coligny was so fearful of suffering violence in Paris from the bigotry of the
populace or at the instigation of the Guises, that he would not enter the city.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_734_734" id="Footnote_734_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734_734"><span class="label">[734]</span></a></span>
On these feuds see <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, <i>anno</i> 1563, No. 748, §§1-6, 15; No. 753,
§1; No. 770; No. 896, §3; No. 912, §4; No. 1,003, §3; No. 1,212; No. 1,233, §4;
No. 1,249; No. 1,287: No. 1,337, §3; No. 1431; No. 1,445, §8; <i>Proceedings of
the Huguenot Society</i>, letters of April 20, 30, May 1, 21, 27, 31.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_735_735" id="Footnote_735_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735_735"><span class="label">[735]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,558, December 29, 1563. “Le connétable lui même,
tout en étant homme de bien catholique, était cependant carnale, et voulait avoir
appui des deux cotés.”&mdash;Baschet, <i>Journal du Concile de Trente</i>, 240.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_736_736" id="Footnote_736_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736_736"><span class="label">[736]</span></a></span>
For examples see <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 982, §§1, 2, an episode of the last week
of June, 1563; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 333; <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II,
Introd., xxix.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_737_737" id="Footnote_737_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737_737"><span class="label">[737]</span></a></span>
A law was made in August forbidding the wearing of any weapon but sword
and dagger; concealment of firearms was an offense punishable by confiscation of
lands and goods (Edict of Caen, August 24, <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 147;
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,394, October 1563; <i>ibid.</i>, No. 912).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_738_738" id="Footnote_738_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738_738"><span class="label">[738]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,003, July 14, 1563; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 330, June 10.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_739_739" id="Footnote_739_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739_739"><span class="label">[739]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., xxxii, xxxiii (many
examples).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_740_740" id="Footnote_740_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740_740"><span class="label">[740]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 896, §§3, 17; 912 §4.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_741_741" id="Footnote_741_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741_741"><span class="label">[741]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, Nos. 1,155, 1,387, 1,394, 1,431, 1,445, <i>anno</i> 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_742_742" id="Footnote_742_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742_742"><span class="label">[742]</span></a></span>
The fisheries of France, however, were profitable. “They quietly make
their herring fishery ... without impeachment.... Their fish-markets were
never better furnished.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,356, Throckmorton to the queen
November 1, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_743_743" id="Footnote_743_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743_743"><span class="label">[743]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book V, chaps. vii-ix.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_744_744" id="Footnote_744_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744_744"><span class="label">[744]</span></a></span>
“Instructions pour le Sieur de Lansac, envoyé en Espagne, janvier 1564,”
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 223.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_745_745" id="Footnote_745_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745_745"><span class="label">[745]</span></a></span>
August 18, 1563. The officiai promulgation is in <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, IV, 574.
<i>Déclaration faicte par le Roy en sa majorité tenant son lict de justice en sa cour de
Parlement de Rouen</i>, Robert Estienne, Paris, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_746_746" id="Footnote_746_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746_746"><span class="label">[746]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 101, 102; <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXIV, 459; Claude Haton,
I, 363, and n. 2; <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., xxiii; <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 1,190, September, 1563.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The declaration, by a technicality, contravened the testament of Charles V
(1374), which for centuries had been the law regulating the King’s majority. Charles
IX was born on June 17, 1550, so that he was <i>in his fourteenth year</i>, though not yet
fourteen years old. The Parlement of Paris for more than a month refused to
register the edict, not on political, but on religious grounds. It objected to “la
mention de l’édit de pacification d’Amboise, introduite sans motif dans la déclaration
de l’édit de la majorité, ce <i>que semblait reconnaître deux religions</i>.”&mdash;<i>Correspondance
de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., xxiv. The Venetian ambassador gives
an interesting character-sketch of Charles IX at this time (<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 419).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_747_747" id="Footnote_747_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747_747"><span class="label">[747]</span></a></span>
The estates of Burgundy declared in a memorial that it was impossible to
maintain double worship in France and petitioned that Protestant worship might
be abolished in that province, May 18, 1563 (D’Aubigné, II, 205; <i>Mém. de Condé</i>,
IV, 413; Castelnau, Book V, chap. vi.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_748_748" id="Footnote_748_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748_748"><span class="label">[748]</span></a></span>
“S’étaient tous départis avec une hâte extrème causée sur la disposition du
pape.”&mdash;Testu to Catherine de Medici, <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 207. “Les
évêques français se déclarent obligés de partir, se voyant privés de ressources.”&mdash;Baschet,
<i>Journal du Concile de Trente</i>, 239.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_749_749" id="Footnote_749_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749_749"><span class="label">[749]</span></a></span>
The Pope sent the bishop of Vintimilla to Spain to persuade Philip II to
enforce the Tridentine decrees in favor of the counter-Reformation (<i>L’Ambassade
de St. Sulpice</i>, 174, 200, 217, 218). See also a letter of Luna, Philip II’s ambassador
at Trent, of November 17, 1563, in <i>Correspondencia de los principes de
Alemania con Felipe II, y de los Embajadores de Este en la Corti di Vienna (1556-98)</i>
in “Documentos inéditos,” CI, 24.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_750_750" id="Footnote_750_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750_750"><span class="label">[750]</span></a></span>
<i>Annales Raynaldi</i>, 1564, No. 1; Labbé, XIV, 939; cf. <i>R. Q. H.</i>, October,
(1869), 402.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_751_751" id="Footnote_751_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751_751"><span class="label">[751]</span></a></span>
For the grounds of objection see <i>R. Q. H.</i> (October, 1869), 365, 366, and
401-8; Frémy, <i>Diplomates du temps de la Ligue</i>, 45. In Vol. LXXXVI, <i>Coll.
de St. Pétersbourg</i>, is a collection of letters, many of them from Lansac and the
cardinal of Lorraine while at the Council of Trent. These are the letters whose
disappearance Baschet wondered at and deplored (La Ferrière, <i>Rapport</i>, 58).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_752_752" id="Footnote_752_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752_752"><span class="label">[752]</span></a></span>
Charles IX to St. Sulpice, February 26,1564, <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
229; D’Aubigné. II, 223; L’Estoile, I, 19; <i>Bulletin de la Soc. prot. franç.</i>, XXIV,
412. Catherine makes no allusion to this scene in her letter to Elizabeth of Spain
at this season (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 237). But on a subsequent occasion,
when the cardinal of Lorraine dropped the remark that the Council of Trent ought
to be called <i>Spanish</i>, the queen mother replied “qu’il avait raison, et que aussi
lui même s’était montré tel et plus de ce parti que de tout autre.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, 383.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_753_753" id="Footnote_753_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753_753"><span class="label">[753]</span></a></span>
<i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 462; Frémy, <i>Diplomates de la ligue</i>, chap. i.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_754_754" id="Footnote_754_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754_754"><span class="label">[754]</span></a></span>
Tavannes, 291.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_755_755" id="Footnote_755_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755_755"><span class="label">[755]</span></a></span>
Vargas, Spanish ambassador in Rome, to the cardinal Granvella, February
22, 1561 (<i>Papiers d’état du card. de Granvelle</i>, VI, 512, 513; <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 460).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_756_756" id="Footnote_756_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756_756"><span class="label">[756]</span></a></span>
On January 16, 1562, Granvella wrote to Perez from Brussels that it was
already impossible to prevent this (Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur
les Pays-Bas</i>, I, 198).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_757_757" id="Footnote_757_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757_757"><span class="label">[757]</span></a></span>
Philip II to Quadra, Spanish ambassador in England, August 4, 1562
(<i>Papiers d’etat du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VI, 606).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_758_758" id="Footnote_758_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758_758"><span class="label">[758]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, Book VIII, 591, 634, gives the text of these appeals.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_759_759" id="Footnote_759_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759_759"><span class="label">[759]</span></a></span>
“Les états ne payeraient un maravédis aux bandes d’ordonnance si on
voulait envoyer celles-ci en France.”&mdash;Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur
les Pays-Bas</i>, I, 206.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_760_760" id="Footnote_760_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760_760"><span class="label">[760]</span></a></span>
“Pour coupper la racine du mal, il ny puisse avoir de plus courte voye, ny
de meilleur expédient que alluy d’armes.”&mdash;<i>Lettres du cardinal de Ferrare</i>, Letter
xxx, 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_761_761" id="Footnote_761_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761_761"><span class="label">[761]</span></a></span>
“Après la déclaration que seigneurs ont envoyée en Espagne des deniers
qu’ils y ont demandez, ils ne voyant pas qu’on se haste beaucoup de leur respondre.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_762_762" id="Footnote_762_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762_762"><span class="label">[762]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 492.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_763_763" id="Footnote_763_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763_763"><span class="label">[763]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VI, 620, September 13, 1563. It is
interesting to observe the objections of Margaret of Parma and Granvella. According
to the former, “l’impossibilité de donner secours au roi de France était
notoire, à moins qu’on ne voulût la perte et la ruine totale des Pays-Bas.”&mdash;Gachard,
<i>Philippe II et les Pays-Bas</i>, I, 211; Margaret to Philip, August 6, from
Brussels. The latter deplores the reduction of the forces of the country because
“les ligues et confédérations (c’est ainsi qu’on les appelle) formées contre lui, continuent.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
August 6, 1562. Three future patriots of the Netherlands were
in this session of the Council of State&mdash;William of Orange, Egmont and Hoorne.
Cf. Gachard’s note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_764_764" id="Footnote_764_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764_764"><span class="label">[764]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, Book viii, 499; <i>Rel. vén.</i> II, 99.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_765_765" id="Footnote_765_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765_765"><span class="label">[765]</span></a></span>
“Cependant la ligue ne s’est pas renfermée dans l’enceinte de Paris. Paris,
qui l’avait incertaine et hesitante encore, la renvoya aux provinces, toute brûlante
et toute armée. Elle s’associa à leur intérêts, réfléta leur passions et leur caractère,
feroce en Languedoc, durement obstinée en Bretagne, partout modifiée dans sa
nature et sa durée par la politique locale des municipalités.”&mdash;Ouvré, <i>Essai sur
l’histoire de la ligue à Poitiers</i> (1855), 6.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_766_766" id="Footnote_766_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766_766"><span class="label">[766]</span></a></span>
Ranke, <i>Civil Wars and Monarchy in France</i>, 226, notices this contrast
between the north and the south.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_767_767" id="Footnote_767_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767_767"><span class="label">[767]</span></a></span>
This local organization did not seem strong enough for Montluc, whose
activity against the Protestants in 1562 was already notable and who was suspicious
lest some Huguenots might creep into the body and betray it; so the power
was taken out of the hands of the <i>jurats</i> of the city at his suggestion and vested in
the hands of Tilladet, governor of Bordeaux, who also had possession of the keys
of the city. This proceeding was destined to be revolutionary in the development
of the municipality. The <i>jurats</i> pleaded their ancient privileges, which were as
old as the English domination, which Louis XI had confirmed after the wars of the
English in France were over. But the parlement of Bordeaux approved the change
and thus the form of government of the greatest city of the Gironde was altered by
stress of circumstances (O’Reilly, <i>Hist. de Bordeaux</i>, II, 241-44; Montluc,
<i>Lettres et commentaires</i>, IV, 214, note). Cf. Gaullieur, <i>Histoire de la réformation à
Bordeaux et dans le ressort du parlement de Guyenne</i>. Tome I, “Les origines et
la première guerre de religion jusqu’à la paix d’Amboise” (1523-63), Paris, 1848.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_768_768" id="Footnote_768_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768_768"><span class="label">[768]</span></a></span>
“Tellement que les pauvres fidèles trembloyent dans Aix et plusieurs firent
constraints de s’enfuyr.”&mdash;<i>Mém. de. Condé</i>, IV, 240. At p. 278 is an account of
the formation of this league. Cf. <i>Discours véritable des guerre et troubles advenus
au Pays de Provence en l’an 1562.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_769_769" id="Footnote_769_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769_769"><span class="label">[769]</span></a></span>
This was Henri Damville, the second son of the constable Montmorency.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_770_770" id="Footnote_770_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770_770"><span class="label">[770]</span></a></span>
This association, in the words of D’Aubigné, was the “prototype et premier
example de toutes les ligues qui ont despuis paru en France.”&mdash;Vol. II, 137. Extended
accounts of its origin may be found in the <i>Annales de Toulouse</i>, II, 62 ff.;
De Thou, IV, Book XXXIV, 496, 497; La Popelinière, Book VIII, 602, gives the
text of the compact, which shows the financial measures adopted in the support of
the league; <i>Lettres et commentaires de Montluc</i>, ed. De Ruble, II, 398; <i>Hist. du
Languedoc</i>, V, 249 ff. Protestant accounts are in Beza, Book X; D’Aubigné,
III, chap, xviii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_771_771" id="Footnote_771_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771_771"><span class="label">[771]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires</i> (Eng. trans.), Book V, 232.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_772_772" id="Footnote_772_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772_772"><span class="label">[772]</span></a></span>
“Ordonnance de Blaise de Montluc, chevalier de l’ordre et lieutenant du
roi en Guyenne, sur l’opinion qui devoit estres les sujets fidèles à sa Majesté en
la séné-chaussée d’Agenois, et sur l’ordre qu’ils devoient tenir pour résister aux
entreprises des sujets rebelles.”&mdash;Ruble, <i>Comment. et Lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, 190;
La Faille, <i>Annales de Toulouse</i>, II, 62. The preamble is a recital of Catholic
grievances and Huguenot violence.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_773_773" id="Footnote_773_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773_773"><span class="label">[773]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, II, 213, and n. 6; <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, 214.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_774_774" id="Footnote_774_774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_774_774"><span class="label">[774]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,000, <i>anno</i> 1563.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_775_775" id="Footnote_775_775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_775_775"><span class="label">[775]</span></a></span>
Mourin, <i>La réforme et la ligue en Anjou</i>, 21, 22.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_776_776" id="Footnote_776_776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_776_776"><span class="label">[776]</span></a></span>
It is interesting to observe how history is repeating itself in the formation of
these local associations or confraternities against the Huguenots. In 1212 in the
course of the war against the Albigenses the “Confraternitas ad ecclesiae defensionem
Massiliae instituta” was formed at Marseilles by Arnaud, the papal legate.
See Martène, <i>Thesaurus anecdotorum</i>, <i>sub anno</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_777_777" id="Footnote_777_777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_777_777"><span class="label">[777]</span></a></span>
Martin, <i>Histoire de France</i>, IX, 201; Anquetil, I, 213.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_778_778" id="Footnote_778_778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_778_778"><span class="label">[778]</span></a></span>
“Si la Réforme acquit une si grande importance, au point que les esprits
superficiels y virent l’origine des libertés actuelles, c’est qu’auparavant avait
éclaté une révolution sociale et économique, dont les luttes religieuses ne furent
que les arrière-maux. Tant que les historiens, dans leurs études sur la Réforme,
ne tiendront pas compte de ce dernier point de vue, ils n’écriront à son sujet que
les romans ou des pamphlets.”&mdash;Funck-Brentano, Introd. to new ed. of Montchrétien’s
<i>L’Œconomie politique</i>, LXXI.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_779_779" id="Footnote_779_779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_779_779"><span class="label">[779]</span></a></span>
Hauser, “The Reformation and the Popular Classes in France in the Sixteenth
Century,” <i>American Historical Review</i>, January, 1899, 220.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_780_780" id="Footnote_780_780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_780_780"><span class="label">[780]</span></a></span>
See Hauser, <i>Ouvriers du temps passé</i>; Pariset, <i>Histoire de la fabrique lyonnaise</i>,
1901; Roussel, “Un livre de main au XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle,” <i>Revue internationale de sociologie</i>,
XIII (1905), 102, 521, 825.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_781_781" id="Footnote_781_781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_781_781"><span class="label">[781]</span></a></span>
Eberstadt, “Der französische Gewerberecht und die Schaffung staatlicher
Gesetzgebung und Verwaltung in Frankreich vom dreizehnten Jahrhundert bis
1581,” <i>Schmoller’s Forschungen</i>, XVII, Pt. II, 270. This is a pioneer work in the
economic subject here briefly outlined. The reader will find Unwin’s <i>Industrial
Development in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries</i>, London, 1905, an admirable
survey of the same subject, dealing chiefly with England, but with frequent reference
to the continent, where the conditions were much the same. There is a copious
bibliography prefixed to the work. The article by M. Hauser referred to in the
<i>American Historical Review</i>, January, 1899, should also be examined.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_782_782" id="Footnote_782_782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_782_782"><span class="label">[782]</span></a></span>
Weiss, <i>La chambre ardente</i>, cxlv. The early identification of the French
nobility with Calvinism has been exaggerated. One must be cautious in the use
of the term “nobility,” for it is to be remembered that the eldest son received the
largest share of the inheritance and that younger sons and small nobles, in many
instances, had much in common with the small farmers in the provinces. As
Mr. Armstrong aptly says: “All that separated them from their neighbors was
‘privilege,’ and to this they clung all the more desperately.”&mdash;Armstrong, <i>The
French Wars of Religion</i>, 4. In the decade between 1550 and 1560 there is an
increase in the number of aristocratic names identified with French Protestantism,
but it was not till 1557 that the first great noble espoused its cause and that
covertly. This was Antoine of Bourbon. In the same year Coligny and D’Andelot
also inclined to it (Whitehead, <i>Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France</i>, 63-66).
On the whole matter, see Lavisse, <i>Histoire de France</i>, V, Pt. II, 238-42.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_783_783" id="Footnote_783_783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_783_783"><span class="label">[783]</span></a></span>
Relazione IV, 242. The great store-house of information on this head is
M. Noel Weiss, <i>La chambre ardente</i>, 1889&mdash;the trials for heresy during the years
1547-49 of the reign of Henry II&mdash;a book which has revolutionized the point of
view of the history of the French Reformation (see a review of this work in <i>English
Hist. Review</i>, VI, 770).</p>
<p class="pfc4">In the town of Provins there were but a few Huguenots. Among them were
1 doctor; 2 lawyers; a notary; 1 barber and surgeon; 1 dyer; 3 apothecaries; 1
draper; 1 fuller; 1 salt dealer.&mdash;Claude Haton, I, 124, 125.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_784_784" id="Footnote_784_784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_784_784"><span class="label">[784]</span></a></span>
It would be a narrow view of the history of France at this time to infer that
religious and economic changes were the only sort. The truth is, the reigns of
Francis I and of Henry II, were an age of transition in religion, in institutions, even
in manners.</p>
<p class="pfc4">“La corruption des bonnes mœurs a continué en tous estatz, tant ecclesiastique
que aultres, depuis les cardinaux jusques aux simples prebstres, et depuis le roy
jusques aux simples villagloix. Chascun a voulu suyvre son plaisir; on a délaissé
mesme l’ancienne coustume de s’habiller. De temps immémorial, nul homme de
France n’avoit esté tondu ni porté longue barbe avant le régne dudit feu roy; ains
tous les hommes, garçons et campagnons portoient longs cheveux et la barbe rasée
au menton.... Les prebstres et évesques se sont faict tondre des derniers;
et ont porté longue barbe, ce qui a esté trouve fort estranger depuis le commencement
du règne dudit feu roy, ont commencé les nouvelles façons aux habillemens
toutes contraires à l’antiquité, et a semblé la France estre ung nouveau peuple ou
ung monde renouvelé.”&mdash;Claude Haton, I, 112.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_785_785" id="Footnote_785_785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_785_785"><span class="label">[785]</span></a></span>
The <i>cahier</i> of the estates of Orleans was published at the eve of the French
Revolution (<i>Recueil des cahiers généraux des trois ordres</i>, chap. i).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_786_786" id="Footnote_786_786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_786_786"><span class="label">[786]</span></a></span>
Isambert, XIV, 63 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_787_787" id="Footnote_787_787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_787_787"><span class="label">[787]</span></a></span>
I am indebted for much of this information to M. Henri Hauser, “Les
questions industrielles et commercielles aux Etats de 1560,” <i>Revue des cours</i>,
XIII, No. 6, December 15, 1904. Cf. Funck-Brentano, Introd. to Montchrétien,
<i>Traicté de l’œconomie politique</i>, LXXIV-VI.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_788_788" id="Footnote_788_788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_788_788"><span class="label">[788]</span></a></span>
Hauser, “The Reformation and the Popular Classes in France in the Sixteenth
Century,” <i>American Historical Review</i>, January 1899, p. 223. “The trade-unions
fell under the sway of the religious brotherhoods, which excluded the non-Catholics
and were soon to lead the revolutionary movement of the League.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
227.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_789_789" id="Footnote_789_789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_789_789"><span class="label">[789]</span></a></span>
“L’origine des ligues en ce royaume vient des Huguenots.”&mdash;Tavannes,
222; Martin, <i>Histoire de France</i>, IX, 125.</p>
<p class="pfc4">“En face des Protestants, qui s’associaient et s’organisaient contre les catholiques,
ceux-ci avaient de bonne heure formé des unions locales pour résister aux
entreprises des hérétiques. Ces premières ligues ont seulement un but religieux.
Elles sont généralement composées de bourgeois dévoué à la royauté et sincèrement
émus des dangers auxquels est exposé la catholicisme.”&mdash;<i>La grande encyc.</i>, XXII,
234, <i>s. v.</i> “Ligue,” article by M. de Vaissière.</p>
<p class="pfc4">“La jalousie entre les deux Religions ne se borna pas l’émulation d’une plus
grande régularité; elles cherchèrent s’appuyer l’une contre l’autre de la force des
confédérations et des serments. Depuis longtemps la Romaine entretenoit dans
son sein des associations connues sous le nom de confréries. Elles avoient des
lieux et des jours d’assemblée fixés, une police, des repas, des exercices, des deniers
communs. Il ne fut question que d’ajouter à ce la un serment d’employer ses
biens et sa vie pour la défense de la Foi attaquée. Avec cette formule, les confréries
devinrent comme d’elles-mêmes, dans chaque ville, des corps de troupes
prêtes à agir au gré des chefs, et leur bannières, des étendarts militaires.”&mdash;Anquetil,
I, 213.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_790_790" id="Footnote_790_790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_790_790"><span class="label">[790]</span></a></span>
Coligny expressly denied having made any promise to return Calais to
England, and as to the occupation of Havre, he said: “J’en ignorais les termes
jusqu’à la venue de Throckmorton en Normandie, et lorsque j’en ai signé la confirmation,
je n’ai jamais pu croire qu’il y eut autre clause que l’assurance donnée
à la reine du remboursement des sommes qu’elle nous avançait.”&mdash;<i>Correspondance de
Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., xiii. See the extended discussion of this controverted
subject in Whitehead, <i>Gaspard de Coligny</i>, Appendix I, where he shows
that the admiral is to be exonerated from the odium of having sought to betray
Havre-de-Grace into the hands of the English and puts the blame for this article of
the treaty of Hampton Court upon the vidame de Chartres.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_791_791" id="Footnote_791_791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_791_791"><span class="label">[791]</span></a></span>
The conduct of La Rochelle in the fourth civil war is the most pronounced
instance of Huguenot willingness to subordinate French territory to a foreign
domination and this action was of the municipality, not of a single Huguenot
leader, nor did it, of course, imply the subjection of the government of France to
English rule as the Triumvirate contemplated in the case of Spain.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_792_792" id="Footnote_792_792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_792_792"><span class="label">[792]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, IV, 93: “Traicté d’Association faicte par Monseigneur
le Prince de Condé avec les Princes, Chevaliers de l’Ordre, Seigneurs, Capitaines,
Gentilhommes et autres de tous estats, qui sont entrez, ou entreront cy-apres, en la
dicte association, pour maintenir l’honneur de Dieu, le repos de ce royaume, et
l’estat et liberté du Roy sous le gouvernement de la Roy sa mere.”</p>
<p class="pfc4">The third article provides for implicit obedience to the prince of Condé, “chef
et conducteur de toute la Compagnie,” i. e., the army; <i>there was no league</i>. Minute
regulations follow for the government of the camp, for services of prayer both
morning and evening, etc. The fourth article, which has to do with the ways and
means of raising revenue, is the nearest approach to <i>political</i> organization:
“ ... nous jurons and promettons devant Dieu et ses Anges nous tenir prests de
tout ce qui fait en nostre pouvoir, comme d’argent; d’armes, chevaux de service,
et toutes les autres choses requises, pour nous trouver au premier Mandement du
dict Seigneur Prince.”&mdash;<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, III, 210-15. Cf. La Popelinière, Book
VIII, 582 ff., upon the same subject.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_793_793" id="Footnote_793_793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_793_793"><span class="label">[793]</span></a></span>
In 1567 when the Huguenot chiefs tried to seize Charles IX by surprise at
Meaux, thus precipitating the second civil war, the Venetian ambassador, Correro,
expressed astonishment at the perfection of the Huguenot organization (<i>Rel. vén.</i>,
II, 115).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_794_794" id="Footnote_794_794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_794_794"><span class="label">[794]</span></a></span>
Edit de confirmation de l’édit de pacification du 19 Mars 1562, sec. 6: “Nous
... prohibons et défendons, sur peine de crime de leze-majesté à tous nos dits
sujets, quels qu’ils soient, qu’ils n’ayent à faire practique, avoir intelligence, envoyer
ne recevoir lettres ne messages, escrire en chiffre n’autre escriture feincte,
ne desguisée, à princes estrangers, ne aucuns de leur subjects et serviteurs, pour
chose concernant nostre estat sans nostre sceu et exprès congé et permission.”&mdash;Isambert,
<i>Recueil des lois</i>, XIV, 145; the “Ordonnance explicative” of April 7
is on p. 333; cf. <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, IV, 311; La Popelinière, Book X, 724.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_795_795" id="Footnote_795_795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_795_795"><span class="label">[795]</span></a></span>
We find repeated orders for their dissolution, e. g., F. Fr. 15,876, fol. 201.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_796_796" id="Footnote_796_796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_796_796"><span class="label">[796]</span></a></span>
Lettres-patentes of Charles IX extended the right of Protestant worship to
Condom, St. Sevère, and Dax, towns which did not figure in the edict of March 19
(Ruble, <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, 257, 272, and notes). A royal
ordinance was later issued giving a list of those towns where Calvinist worship was
permitted, specifying that it must be conducted in the faubourgs, however (<i>Mém.
de Condé</i>, IV, 338).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_797_797" id="Footnote_797_797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_797_797"><span class="label">[797]</span></a></span>
Within a month the government received anonymous information of Candalle’s
activity (<i>Archives de la Gironde</i>, XXI, 14 [April 16, 1563]). Cf. “Lettre
de Candalle à la reine, du mai 20, 1563” (F. Fr. 15,875, fol. 495). In the same
volume, fol. 491, is a joint declaration of the gentlemen of Guyenne upon the purposes
of this association.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_798_798" id="Footnote_798_798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_798_798"><span class="label">[798]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, 214.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_799_799" id="Footnote_799_799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_799_799"><span class="label">[799]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 552, col. 2. At the same time
Catherine wrote to certain members of the Parlement of Bordeaux. Montluc’s
reply, both the personal letter he wrote to the queen mother (April 11), and the
more official remonstrance he forwarded to the King, is a palpable lie. He wrote
to the queen “Je vous puis asseurer ... que despuis la nouvelle de la paix, il
n’y a eu traicté d’association aucune; que, au moindre mot que j’en ay dict, tout ne
soit cessé comme s’il n’en avoit jamais esté parle.”&mdash;<i>Commentaires et lettres</i>, IV,
206. Cf. his similar declaration to Charles IX, on p. 214. The clergy of Bordeaux
sustained Montluc in this deception, and when the queen’s suspicion continued,
justified the association on the ground of religion. <i>Corresp. de Catherine de Méd.</i>,
I, 552, note. Candalle in a letter of May 20, 1563, still evaded the truth in writing
to the queen (F. Fr., 15,876, fol. 495), and Catherine, upon more suspicious information
from d’Escars, determined to satisfy herself of certain facts, and sent two
commissioners to Guyenne to secure better information (<i>Commentaires et lettres
de Montluc</i>, IV, 270, note). Unfortunately for the government, the Parlement of
Bordeaux resented their coming as an invasion of their jurisdiction, and the inquiry
degenerated into a quarrel between the Parlement and the commissioners (<i>ibid.</i>,
IV, 292, n. 1; <i>Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 114, 115).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_800_800" id="Footnote_800_800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_800_800"><span class="label">[800]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 266.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_801_801" id="Footnote_801_801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_801_801"><span class="label">[801]</span></a></span>
“A Lyon, les catholiques y sont pour le jour d’huy en plus grand nombre
des troiz partz pour une que les huguenotz; mais les dits huguenotz sont les principaulx
et ceulx qui ont les forces en mains.”&mdash;Granvella to the emperor Ferdinand
I, April 12, 1564, <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 467.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_802_802" id="Footnote_802_802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_802_802"><span class="label">[802]</span></a></span>
The coast trade with England and Holland probably explains the prevalence
of Protestantism in Lower Normandy, at least in part. But the reasons of the
prevalence of rural Huguenotism on an extensive scale in Normandy are quite
obscure. On this subject see La Ferrière, <i>Normandie à l’étranger</i>, 2-5, 82; Hauser,
“The French Reformation and the French People in the Sixteenth Century,”
<i>American Historical Review</i>, January 1899, 225, 226.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_803_803" id="Footnote_803_803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_803_803"><span class="label">[803]</span></a></span>
Hauser, <i>op. cit.</i>, 226, 227. I find in Montluc an interesting allusion to the
prevalence of the Reformed belief among the peasantry of Guyenne, which M.
Hauser has not noticed. It occurs in a letter of “Instruction au cappitaine Monluc
[Pierre-Bertrand, called captain Peyrot] de ce qu’il dira à la royne et au roy de
Navarre, de la part du sieur de Monluc, touchant l’état de Guyenne,” March 25,
1561, and is as follows: “Et ce, à cause des insollences, scandalles et contemnements
que <i>les paisans</i> dudit païs leur ont faict depuis ung an en cà,” etc.&mdash;<i>Commentaires
et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, 115.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_804_804" id="Footnote_804_804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_804_804"><span class="label">[804]</span></a></span>
Hauser, “The French Reformation and the French People in the Sixteenth
Century,” <i>American Hist. Review</i>, January 1899, 224. For further information
upon this change in the condition of the lower and middle classes in France in the
sixteenth century see Avenel, “La fortune mobilière dans l’histoire,” <i>Revue des
deux mondes</i>, August 1, 1892, pp. 605, 606; <i>idem</i>, “La propriété foncière de Philippe-Auguste
à Napoléon,” <i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, February 1, 1893, pp. 128, 129;
April 15, 1893, pp. 796, 797, 801-3, 812, 813; August 15, 1893, pp. 853-55; Lavisse,
<i>Histoire de France</i>, V, Pt. I, 262-65.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_805_805" id="Footnote_805_805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_805_805"><span class="label">[805]</span></a></span>
Remonstrance sent to the Pope out of France, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1453 (1562).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_806_806" id="Footnote_806_806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_806_806"><span class="label">[806]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_807_807" id="Footnote_807_807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_807_807"><span class="label">[807]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 121.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_808_808" id="Footnote_808_808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_808_808"><span class="label">[808]</span></a></span>
Du Bois, <i>La ligue: documents relatifs à la Picardie d’après les registres de
l’échevinage d’Amiens</i> (1859), 5.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_809_809" id="Footnote_809_809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_809_809"><span class="label">[809]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, II, 812.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_810_810" id="Footnote_810_810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_810_810"><span class="label">[810]</span></a></span>
Montluc, Letter 48, March 25, 1561, <i>Comment. et lettres</i>, IV, 115. “Cette
appréciation de Montluc est digne d’être signalée à cause de sa conformité absolue
avec les conclusions de l’érudition actuelle. On admit généralement que le parti
protestant, à l’époque même de sa plus grande force, n’a jamais compté plus de
dixième de la population en France.”&mdash;Note appended by M. de Ruble.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_811_811" id="Footnote_811_811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_811_811"><span class="label">[811]</span></a></span>
<i>Synodicon in Gallia</i>, I, lix.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_812_812" id="Footnote_812_812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_812_812"><span class="label">[812]</span></a></span>
A Venetian syndicate interested in France in 1566 estimated the population
to be between fifteen and sixteen millions (<i>Rel. vén.</i>, III, 149). I assume this
estimate to be more reliable than most. According to Levasseur, economically
France could support a population of 20,000,000 in the sixteenth century (Foville,
“La population française,” <i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, November 15, 1891, 306).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_813_813" id="Footnote_813_813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_813_813"><span class="label">[813]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 935, §4, March 14, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_814_814" id="Footnote_814_814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_814_814"><span class="label">[814]</span></a></span>
Upon the details of this famous tour see <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>,
II, Introd., xlv ff.; D’Aubigné, Book IV, chap iv; Jouan, <i>Voyage du roi Charles IX</i>,
new ed.; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 243, 254, 255, 270, 272, 274-76, 287, 300, 319.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_815_815" id="Footnote_815_815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_815_815"><span class="label">[815]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 108.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_816_816" id="Footnote_816_816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_816_816"><span class="label">[816]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 43, March 7, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_817_817" id="Footnote_817_817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_817_817"><span class="label">[817]</span></a></span>
“Entrée du roy Charles IX et de la reyne-mère Catherine de Médicis en la
ville de Sens, le 15 mars 1563,” Relation extraite du MSS d’Eracle Cartault, chanoine,
et des déliberations de l’Hôtel-de-Ville. Préface de M. H. Monceaux, 1882.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_818_818" id="Footnote_818_818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_818_818"><span class="label">[818]</span></a></span>
Coutant, “Dépenses du roi Charles IX à Troyes le mercredi 5 avril 1564
après Pâques,” Annuaire admin., etc., pour 1860 (Troyes); “Depenses du
roi Charles IX à Troyes le samedi 8 avril 1564,” Annuaire admin., etc., pour
1859 (Troyes).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_819_819" id="Footnote_819_819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_819_819"><span class="label">[819]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 364.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_820_820" id="Footnote_820_820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_820_820"><span class="label">[820]</span></a></span>
The visit of the King to Bar-le-Duc (to attend the baptism of the child-prince
Henry of Lorraine) profoundly stirred the Calvinists of France and Switzerland.
Charles IX in person, Ernest of Mansfeldt, governor of Luxembourg, representing
Philip II, and the dowager-duchess of Lorraine, Christine of Denmark,
acted as god-parents.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_821_821" id="Footnote_821_821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_821_821"><span class="label">[821]</span></a></span>
Fourquevaux to St. Sulpice, May 19, 1564, <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
266.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_822_822" id="Footnote_822_822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_822_822"><span class="label">[822]</span></a></span>
Armstrong, <i>French Wars of Religion</i>, 22, admirably observes: “Geneva
was practically a French republic, constantly recruited by raw refugee material,
and circulating in return trained ministers and money, giving unity to measures
which local separation was likely to dissolve. Hence came the propagandism,
the organization for victory, the reorganization after defeat, the <i>esprit de corps</i>,
the religious zeal which whipped up flagging political or military energies.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_823_823" id="Footnote_823_823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_823_823"><span class="label">[823]</span></a></span>
See a letter of Alva in K. 1,502. Montluc later informed Philip II of it
(<i>Commentaires et lettres</i>, V, 25, letter of June, 1565). The rumor seems not to
have passed unheeded, for the marshal Vieilleville cautioned the King and his
mother to be moderate in their course, saying that the Huguenots were many and
the soldiers few (<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 632). On the state
of Geneva at this time see Roget, <i>L’église et l’état à Genève du vivant de Calvin;
étude d’histoire politico-ecclésiastique</i>, 1867.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_824_824" id="Footnote_824_824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_824_824"><span class="label">[824]</span></a></span>
The constable to St. Sulpice, June 21, 1564, in <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
273.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_825_825" id="Footnote_825_825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_825_825"><span class="label">[825]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 275, 276; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 515, 516; Nyd (l’abbé)
“Notes écrites en 1566, à la fin d’un missel de l’abbaye de Malgrivier (evénements
rel. à Lyon, 1562-66),” <i>Bull. du Com. de la langue, de l’hist. et des arts de la
France</i>, IV, 300 (1857). The copper and lead mines of the Lyonnais had been
profitable in the Middle Ages, but the wars of the English in France and the Black
Death ruined the industry. See Jars, “Notice historique des mines du Lyonnais,
Forez et Beaujolais,” MS, Bibliothéque de Lyons, No. 1,470.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_826_826" id="Footnote_826_826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_826_826"><span class="label">[826]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 35-37.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_827_827" id="Footnote_827_827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_827_827"><span class="label">[827]</span></a></span>
A letter of his published by La Ferrière, <i>Deux années de mission à St. Pétersbourg</i>,
Paris (1867), 56, 57, casts an interesting light upon the state of the city
at this time.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_828_828" id="Footnote_828_828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_828_828"><span class="label">[828]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 266.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_829_829" id="Footnote_829_829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_829_829"><span class="label">[829]</span></a></span>
La Cuisine, <i>Histoire du parlement de Bourgogne</i>, I, 60; Castelnau, Book V,
chap. vi, says the petition was printed. The bishop of Orleans, Jean de Morvilliers,
in a letter dated August 21, 1563, called the queen mother’s attention to this
growing prejudice (Frémy, <i>Les diplomates de la Ligue</i>, 30-32).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_830_830" id="Footnote_830_830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_830_830"><span class="label">[830]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 129-31. Philip II, as has been observed, expressed
his disapproval of this practice (<i>ibid.</i>, 152), and when the French government
endeavored to make it apply to the property of the French church in the Low
Countries, he set his foot down hard (<i>ibid.</i>, 188). An endeavor was made to restrain
speculation in church property by law.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_831_831" id="Footnote_831_831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_831_831"><span class="label">[831]</span></a></span>
For details see <i>ibid.</i>, 152, 156, 165, 185, 186, 226.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_832_832" id="Footnote_832_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832_832"><span class="label">[832]</span></a></span>
<i>Castelnau</i>, Book V, chaps. vi and x is very clear in the statement of various
motives.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_833_833" id="Footnote_833_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833_833"><span class="label">[833]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 368.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_834_834" id="Footnote_834_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834_834"><span class="label">[834]</span></a></span>
See the wonderful word-picture drawn by Castelnau at the beginning of
Book V, and Montluc, Books V, VI, <i>passim</i>. For the brigandage that prevailed
see Montluc, IV, 343 (letter to the King from Agen, March 26, 1564).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_835_835" id="Footnote_835_835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_835_835"><span class="label">[835]</span></a></span>
Franklin, “La vie d’autrefois,” <i>Hygiene</i>, chap. ii, especially pp. 67-75.
For the plague of 1563-64 in Languedoc see <i>Hist. de Languedoc</i>, XI, 447 (Toulouse),
464 (Montpellier, Nîmes, Castres, etc.). It was at its height in July, 1564.
It seems to have come into Languedoc from Spain. See also <i>Papiers d’état du
card. de Granvelle</i> (March 11, 1564), VII, 387, 401; VIII, 36, 382, 470; <i>C. S. P.
For.</i> (1564), Introd., xi-xii, and Nos. 544-53, §2; No. 592; Claude Haton I, 332.
Those exposed to the infection were required to carry white wands as a sign (<i>C. S. P.
Ven.</i>, No. 824, November 20, 1580).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_836_836" id="Footnote_836_836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_836_836"><span class="label">[836]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 332.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_837_837" id="Footnote_837_837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_837_837"><span class="label">[837]</span></a></span>
Vingtrinier, <i>La peste à Lyon</i>, 1901.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_838_838" id="Footnote_838_838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_838_838"><span class="label">[838]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 553 (1564).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_839_839" id="Footnote_839_839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_839_839"><span class="label">[839]</span></a></span>
On the state of medical science at this time see Franklin, “La vie d’autrefois,”
<i>Hygiene</i>, chap. ii; cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 544, July 1, 1564 (summary of a pamphlet
printed by the city authorities).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_840_840" id="Footnote_840_840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_840_840"><span class="label">[840]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 224-28.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_841_841" id="Footnote_841_841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_841_841"><span class="label">[841]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 332.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_842_842" id="Footnote_842_842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_842_842"><span class="label">[842]</span></a></span>
“Non-seulement la France fut agitée en ceste année de guerres, diminution
des biens de la terre et de peste, mais aussi fut remplie et fort tormentée des voleurs,
larrons et sacrilèges, qui de nuict et de jour tenoient les champs et forcoient les
églises et maisons, pour voller et piller les biens d’icelles pour vivre et s’entretenir.”&mdash;<i>Mémoires
de Claude Haton</i>, I, 332 (1562).</p>
<p class="pfc4">Smith declared that Lyons was the “most fearful and inhuman town he had
ever seen. Men show themselves more fearful and inhuman than pagans.”&mdash;<i>C.
S. P. For.</i>, No. 553, July 12, 1564.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_843_843" id="Footnote_843_843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_843_843"><span class="label">[843]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book V, chap. x.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_844_844" id="Footnote_844_844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_844_844"><span class="label">[844]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 378.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_845_845" id="Footnote_845_845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_845_845"><span class="label">[845]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 327, §11, April 14, 1564; No. 389, §12, May 12, 1564.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_846_846" id="Footnote_846_846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_846_846"><span class="label">[846]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 755, October 21, 1565.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_847_847" id="Footnote_847_847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_847_847"><span class="label">[847]</span></a></span>
Jeanne d’Albret had an interview with Catherine after the court left Macon;
she demanded possession of Henry of Béarn, and leave to return to her estates.
But the queen mother, feeling that to grant either of these requests might injure
her cause with Philip II, sought to satisfy her with the gift of 150,000 livres and the
assignment of Vendôme as the place of her residence (<i>Corresp. de Catherine de
Médicis</i>, Introd., II, l).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_848_848" id="Footnote_848_848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_848_848"><span class="label">[848]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 384, §7; <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 529.
His opinion of the synod is expressed in Vol. VIII, 17; <i>Correspondance de Catherine
de Médicis</i>, II, 179, note; Claude Haton, I, 384.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_849_849" id="Footnote_849_849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_849_849"><span class="label">[849]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 358.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_850_850" id="Footnote_850_850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_850_850"><span class="label">[850]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book V, chap. x, p. 284, attests this miscarriage of justice.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_851_851" id="Footnote_851_851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_851_851"><span class="label">[851]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 755, October 21, 1564.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_852_852" id="Footnote_852_852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_852_852"><span class="label">[852]</span></a></span>
No one can read the Huguenot historian, La Popelinière, Vol. II, Book XI,
without prejudice, and not be convinced of the fact that the French Protestants
infringed both the letter and the spirit of the Edict of Amboise. The fact that
Damville, who had succeeded his father the constable as governor of Languedoc
in 1562, and who was a moderate Catholic, was required to be so drastic in his
measures of repression that the Protestants complained of him to Charles IX,
supports this view. Cf. <i>Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., l and li.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_853_853" id="Footnote_853_853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_853_853"><span class="label">[853]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book V, chap. x; La Popelinière, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_854_854" id="Footnote_854_854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_854_854"><span class="label">[854]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 328; <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>,
VIII, 398.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_855_855" id="Footnote_855_855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_855_855"><span class="label">[855]</span></a></span>
It was rumored also that the queen mother was ready to sacrifice the Italian
protégés of France to curry favor with Spain (<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>,
VIII, 395-400, note; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 300, 335).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_856_856" id="Footnote_856_856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_856_856"><span class="label">[856]</span></a></span>
“Traité et renouvellement d’alliance entre Charles IX, roi de France, et
Messieurs les Ligues de Suisse, faite et conclué en la ville de Fribourg, le 7 jour
de Déc., 1564” (Dumont, <i>Corps dip.</i>, V, Pt. I, 129).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_857_857" id="Footnote_857_857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_857_857"><span class="label">[857]</span></a></span>
Abridged from Rott, “Les missions diplomatiques de Pomponne de Bellièvre
en Suisse et aux Grisons (1560-74),” <i>Rev. d’histoire diplomatique</i>, XIV, 26-41
(1900); cf. <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 630, 631; D’Aubigné, II,
210. M. Rott admirably observes (p. 42): “Ainsi donc, cinquante ans et plus
avant Richelieu, la politique confessionnelle de la France s’inspirait déjà dans
les rapports avec l’étranger, de principes fort différents de ceux qui dirigeaient son
action à l’interieur du royaume.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_858_858" id="Footnote_858_858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_858_858"><span class="label">[858]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 72. The prince of Condé had
secured leave to leave the court in order to visit her at Vitry in May, where she then
lay ill. Her mother was Madeleine de Mailly, sister of the admiral and granddaughter
of Louise de Montmorency, sister of the old constable (<i>ibid.</i>, VII, 630,
and note; cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 592, August 4, 1564).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_859_859" id="Footnote_859_859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_859_859"><span class="label">[859]</span></a></span>
“All go and come by the cardinal of Lorraine, for without him nothing is
done.”&mdash;Smith to Cecil, November 13, 1564, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 793, §2.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_860_860" id="Footnote_860_860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_860_860"><span class="label">[860]</span></a></span>
Granvella to Mary Stuart, November, 1564, <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de
Granvelle</i>, VIII, 570; cf. 550, 591, 599.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Randolph to the earl of Leicester: “The prince of Condé is become a suitor
here, supported by the cardinal.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. Scotland</i>, IX, 67, November 7, 1564.
Mary Stuart expressed her repugnance at such a prospect by saying: “Trewlye
I am beholding to my uncle: so that yt be well with hym, he careth not what becommethe
of me.”&mdash;Randolph to Cecil, <i>C. S. P. Scot.</i>, II, 117, November 9, 1564.
Another match, proposed simply for the purpose of leading Condé along, was between
the young duke of Guise and the prince’s daughter, Margaret, who was a
little child.&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 642, §3; Smith to Cecil from Valence, September 1,
1564; No. 650, <i>ibid.</i>, September 3, 1564; No. 784, November 7, 1564. Smith to
Cecil: “News is that the prince of Condé and the cardinal of Lorraine have intervisited
each other.” Cf. <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 127. Bolwiller
who disapproved of these plans in the interest of Philip II (<i>ibid.</i>, VIII, 381,
note) evidently believed the prince won over to Catholicism (<i>ibid.</i>, VIII, 156). A
propos of Condé’s relapse he sarcastically wrote to Granvella on July 8, 1564:
“Ce que l’on est en oppinion que L’Admiral et D’Andelot se doibvent renger et
hanger leur robbe, si le font, lors me semblera-il veoir une vraye farce, et pourront
les femmes dire lors estre dadvantaige constante que les hommes, mesme
madame de Vandosme et duchesse de Ferrare demeurans en l’oppinion où l’on les
void.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, VIII, 129.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_861_861" id="Footnote_861_861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_861_861"><span class="label">[861]</span></a></span>
<i>Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 106, note; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
164; <i>C. S. P. Scot.</i>, II, 153, Randolph to Cecil, March 1-3, 1565. Mary Stuart in
1564 was twenty-two years of age, Charles IX barely fourteen (<i>Papiers d’état du
card. de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 347, note).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_862_862" id="Footnote_862_862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_862_862"><span class="label">[862]</span></a></span>
Cf. the luminous letter of Philip to Granvella, August 6, 1564, in <i>Papiers
d’état du card. de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 215, 216.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_863_863" id="Footnote_863_863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_863_863"><span class="label">[863]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, November 6, 1575.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_864_864" id="Footnote_864_864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_864_864"><span class="label">[864]</span></a></span>
Fortunately for Philip, a whim of passion helped the Spanish King’s purposes,
and Catherine and the Guises failing to carry the match between Mary Stuart and
the prince were content to keep the prince alienated from his party. The prince
of Condé had become enamored of one of the queen mother’s maids-of-honor,
Isabel Limeuil, while the court was at Roussillon, and had seduced her.</p>
<p class="pfc4">On this liaison see <i>Corresp. de Cath. de Méd.</i>, II, 189, note; Louis Paris,
<i>Négociations</i>, Introd. XXVI, XXVII; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 572, and especially La
Ferrière, “Isabel de Limeuil,” <i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, December 1, 1883, 636
and the duc d’Aumale, <i>Histoire des princes de Condé</i>, I, Appendix, xix. A suggestion
of the manners prevailing at court is found in the following information:
“Orders are taken in the court that no gentleman shall talk with the queen’s maids,
except it is in the queen’s presence, or in that of Madame la Princesse de la
Roche-sur-Yon, <i>except he be married</i>; and if they sit upon a form or stool, he may
sit by her, and if she sits in the form, he may kneel by her, <i>but not lie long</i>, as the
fashion was in this court.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 1091, April 11, 1565.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_865_865" id="Footnote_865_865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_865_865"><span class="label">[865]</span></a></span>
Unknown to Charles IX, the Spanish ambassador Chantonnay, whose recall
Catherine had insisted upon for months past and who was finally replaced late in
1564 by Alava, traversed the provinces of France in disguise, in the interest of his
master, journeying through Auvergne, Rouergue, Toulouse, Agen and Bordeaux,
before he reported at Madrid for new duty.</p>
<p class="pfc4">St. Sulpice to Catherine de Medici, June 12, 1564; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
711; <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 592. For some correspondence
between Philip II and Granvella, and Granvella and Antonio Perez regarding
Chantonnay’s recall see Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>,
I, 251-53. Upon Chantonnay’s successor, Alava, see <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
227, 228, 236; <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 393; <i>Correspondance
de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 359, 534; Poulet, I, 570, n. 1; Forneron, <i>Histoire de
Philippe II</i>, II, 256.</p>
<p class="pfc4">On the secret service of Philip II, see Forneron, I, 218, 290, 334; II, 304, 305;
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 498, 499; VIII, 128, 182.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Alava exceeded his instructions in threatening France with war. Philip II,
far from wishing war with France, repudiated his ambassador’s statements
(<i>R. Q. H.</i>, January, 1879, p. 23).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_866_866" id="Footnote_866_866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_866_866"><span class="label">[866]</span></a></span>
Upon one of the fits of madness of Don Carlos see letter of the Bishop of
Limoges to Catherine de Medici in La Ferrière, <i>Rapport</i>, 48, 49. The Raumer
Letters from Paris, Vol. I, chap. xv, contain an interesting account of Don Carlos,
with long extracts from the sources. The editor rightly says that Ranke in his
treatise on the affair of Don Carlos, as acute as it is circumstantial, has adopted the
only right conclusion for the solution of this mysterious episode of history. See
also <i>Wiener Jahrbücher</i>, XLVI; Forneron, <i>Hist. de Philippe II</i>, II, 103 ff.; Louis
Paris, <i>Négociations</i>, etc., 888; <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 317,
note; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 17, 29, 101, 597; Lea, in <i>Amer. Hist. Rev.</i>,
January, 1905; <i>English Hist. Rev.</i>, XIV, 335.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_867_867" id="Footnote_867_867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_867_867"><span class="label">[867]</span></a></span>
Cf. <i>Papiers d’état du card. de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 334 and note; cf. 215,
343, 344, 595, 596. Philip found a new prospective husband for Mary Stuart in the
person of the archduke Charles. He had abandoned the idea of marrying
Mary Stuart to his son even before the death of Don Carlos.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_868_868" id="Footnote_868_868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_868_868"><span class="label">[868]</span></a></span>
See <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 461.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_869_869" id="Footnote_869_869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_869_869"><span class="label">[869]</span></a></span>
Catherine turned to her own advantage an almost forgotten wish of
Philip II that he might see her, expressed in July, 1560, when his anxiety
was great because of her lenient policy toward the French Protestants (<i>R. Q. H.</i>,
XXXIV, 458).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_870_870" id="Footnote_870_870"></a><a href="#FNanchor_870_870"><span class="label">[870]</span></a></span>
Challoner, English ambassador to Spain, to the queen: “Hardly shall a
stranger by his countenance or words gather at any great alteration of mind, either
to anger, or rejoicement, but after the fashion of a certain still flood;” quoted by
Forneron, I, 319, n. 2, from Record Office MSS No. 466.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_871_871" id="Footnote_871_871"></a><a href="#FNanchor_871_871"><span class="label">[871]</span></a></span>
See the extremely interesting account of the passing of the Turkish embassy
through Provins, in Claude Haton, I, 342-44.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_872_872" id="Footnote_872_872"></a><a href="#FNanchor_872_872"><span class="label">[872]</span></a></span>
On the conspiracy of Bajazet and his flight to Persia see D’Aubigné, Book
III, chap. xxviii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_873_873" id="Footnote_873_873"></a><a href="#FNanchor_873_873"><span class="label">[873]</span></a></span>
<i>Négociations dans le Levant</i>, II, 729.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_874_874" id="Footnote_874_874"></a><a href="#FNanchor_874_874"><span class="label">[874]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 730.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_875_875" id="Footnote_875_875"></a><a href="#FNanchor_875_875"><span class="label">[875]</span></a></span>
Spain suspected the Sultan was desirous of securing a French roadstead
for his fleet during the siege of Malta. See <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>,
V, 38, note; D’Aubigné, 221, and n. 1; <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>,
VIII, 162; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 398; <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 473-78.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_876_876" id="Footnote_876_876"></a><a href="#FNanchor_876_876"><span class="label">[876]</span></a></span>
<i>Corresp. de Cath. de Méd.</i>, II, Introd., lxxxvi, lxxxvii; <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 470.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_877_877" id="Footnote_877_877"></a><a href="#FNanchor_877_877"><span class="label">[877]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 14, Letter of March 27, 1562.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_878_878" id="Footnote_878_878"></a><a href="#FNanchor_878_878"><span class="label">[878]</span></a></span>
Perez writes to Granvella on November 15, 1563: “La reine mère de France
tourmente sa majesté catholique pour la déterminer à une entrevue.”&mdash;<i>Papiers
d’état du card, de Granvelle</i>, VII, 256; and two weeks later (December 4, 1563)
we find Philip II writing to Alva, saying that “L’ambassadeur de St. Sulpice lui
a proposé une entrevue avec la reine de France,” and desiring the duke’s opinion
in the matter (Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, I, 277).
The actual text is in Philip’s correspondence, No. XXVI.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_879_879" id="Footnote_879_879"></a><a href="#FNanchor_879_879"><span class="label">[879]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 226.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_880_880" id="Footnote_880_880"></a><a href="#FNanchor_880_880"><span class="label">[880]</span></a></span>
“Ne se passoit jour sans nouvelle sorte de combatz, passe-temps et plaizirs....
L’on dréçoit joustes, tournoy, commédies et tragoedies.”&mdash;Fourquevaux to
St. Sulpice, <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 266; cf. <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de
Granvelle</i>, VIII, 466. For an account of one of these entertainments, see Castelnau,
Book V, chap. vi.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_881_881" id="Footnote_881_881"></a><a href="#FNanchor_881_881"><span class="label">[881]</span></a></span>
“Le pays est tel que vous avez entendu, pleins de montagnes et bandoliers.”&mdash;Catherine
to St. Sulpice, January 9, 1564, <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 331.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_882_882" id="Footnote_882_882"></a><a href="#FNanchor_882_882"><span class="label">[882]</span></a></span>
Charles III had been educated in France and was a French pensioner to the
amount of 250,000 francs annually (<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 451). On this Spanish pressure to
revoke the Edict of Amboise see <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 461,
468; Poulet, I, 576, note; Castelnau, Book V, chap. ix; <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 462, 463.
The Huguenots quickly divined it (Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, II, 268, November 18,
1563; <i>Arch. d’Orange-Nassau</i>, I, 136).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The anxiety of the French Protestants over the King’s visit of Lorraine is well
expressed in the letter of Lazarus Schwendi to the Prince of Orange, August 22,
1564, in <i>Arch. d’Orange-Nassau</i>, I, 191.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_883_883" id="Footnote_883_883"></a><a href="#FNanchor_883_883"><span class="label">[883]</span></a></span>
Ranke, <i>Civil Wars and Monarchy in France</i>, 226.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_884_884" id="Footnote_884_884"></a><a href="#FNanchor_884_884"><span class="label">[884]</span></a></span>
Davila, <i>Guerre civile di Francia</i>, III, 144. On September 27, 1564, the
prévôt Morillon wrote to the cardinal Granvella: “L’édit de France contre les
apostatz me faict espérer que la royne mère passera plus avant, puisque la saison
est à propos; et si elle ne le faict, je crains qu’elle et les siens le paieront.”&mdash;<i>Papiers
d’état du card. de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 361.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_885_885" id="Footnote_885_885"></a><a href="#FNanchor_885_885"><span class="label">[885]</span></a></span>
Castelnau Book V, chap. x. Granvella expressed impatience at Catherine’s
slowness in repressing the Huguenots. See his letters to vice-chancellor Seld and
Philip II at this time in <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 598, 599,
632, 633.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_886_886" id="Footnote_886_886"></a><a href="#FNanchor_886_886"><span class="label">[886]</span></a></span>
Unless the order forbidding Renée of Ferrara to hold Protestant service even
in private while at the court, be taken as the first; see <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 467.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_887_887" id="Footnote_887_887"></a><a href="#FNanchor_887_887"><span class="label">[887]</span></a></span>
Near Lyons, where on account of the plague the court was stopping July 17
to August 15; it belonged to the cardinal Tournon, who held it in apanage.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_888_888" id="Footnote_888_888"></a><a href="#FNanchor_888_888"><span class="label">[888]</span></a></span>
Isambert, XIV, 166; Castelnau, Book V, chap. x; La Popelinière, II, Book
XI, 5, 6; Chéruel, <i>Histoire de l’administration monarchique de la France</i>, I, 196.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_889_889" id="Footnote_889_889"></a><a href="#FNanchor_889_889"><span class="label">[889]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, II, 211. On the last complaint see <i>Correspondance de Catherine
de Médicis</i>, II, 195, 203, and notes. These Catholic associations generally at this
time went by the name of “Confréries du St. Esprit,” as D’Aubigné’s allusion
shows.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_890_890" id="Footnote_890_890"></a><a href="#FNanchor_890_890"><span class="label">[890]</span></a></span>
For an episode showing at once the manners of some in the court, and the
Catholic intensity of the people of Marseilles, see <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de
Granvelle</i>, VIII, 475.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_891_891" id="Footnote_891_891"></a><a href="#FNanchor_891_891"><span class="label">[891]</span></a></span>
Lamathe, “Délibération des consuls de Nismes au sujet de l’entrée de
Charles IX dans ladite ville (1564),” <i>Rev. des Soc. savant des départ.</i>, 5<sup>e</sup>
série, III (1872), 781.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_892_892" id="Footnote_892_892"></a><a href="#FNanchor_892_892"><span class="label">[892]</span></a></span>
While here, Catherine dispatched the marshal Bourdillon into Guyenne
for the purpose of dissolving the league formed at Cadillac on March 13, 1563
(D’Aubigné, II, 213). As we shall see, the mission was fruitless.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_893_893" id="Footnote_893_893"></a><a href="#FNanchor_893_893"><span class="label">[893]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., lviii. The editor adds:
“De toutes les villes du Midi, c’était [Beziers] celle qui comptait le plus de Protestants.”
On account of the alarm evinced by the Huguenots of the south&mdash;300
gentlemen of Beziers visited the King in a body&mdash;Charles IX, when at Marseilles on
November 4, “confirmed” the Edict of Amboise. Yet so apprehensive was the
court that whenever it stopped an effort was made to disarm the local populace
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 788-1564).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_894_894" id="Footnote_894_894"></a><a href="#FNanchor_894_894"><span class="label">[894]</span></a></span>
On the incident of Catherine reading a MS chronicle about Blanche of
Castile, see the extract of the Venetian ambassador in Baschet (<i>La diplomatie
vénetienne</i>, 521, 522).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_895_895" id="Footnote_895_895"></a><a href="#FNanchor_895_895"><span class="label">[895]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., lix.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_896_896" id="Footnote_896_896"></a><a href="#FNanchor_896_896"><span class="label">[896]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 378.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_897_897" id="Footnote_897_897"></a><a href="#FNanchor_897_897"><span class="label">[897]</span></a></span>
The order of the King of December 13, 1564, prohibiting any nobles whoever
they might be, unless princes of the house of France, from entering the government
of the Ile-de-France is still unpublished. It is preserved in a report of the Spanish
ambassador, Arch. nat., K. 1,505, No. 31. It is to be distinguished from the
general <i>ordonnance</i> of the year before&mdash;“Lettres du roy contenans defenses à
toutes personnes de ne porter harquebuzes, pistoles, ni pistolets, ni autres bastons
à feu, sur peine de confiscation de leurs armes et chevaulx,” Paris, 1564. Cf.
Isambert, XIV, 142.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_898_898" id="Footnote_898_898"></a><a href="#FNanchor_898_898"><span class="label">[898]</span></a></span>
All the historians notice this episode. See D’Aubigné, Book IV, chap, v;
<i>Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., lix, lx, and 253-56 where the letters
of the marshal and the queen mother on the subject are given. The editor, in a
long note, sifts the evidence. Other accounts are in Claude Haton, I, 381-83
(other references in note); <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 942, January 24, 1564; <i>Mém. du duc de
Nevers</i>, V, 12, 13; Castelnau, Book VI, chap. ii.</p>
<p class="pfc4">In <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 600-2, is an account from the
pen of Don Louis del Rio, an attaché of the Spanish embassy at Paris; and on
pp. 655, 656 is the “Harangue de l’admiral de France à MM. de la court du parlement
de Paris du 27 janvier 1565 avec la réponse.” The baron de Ruble has written
the history of this incident in <i>Mém. de la Soc. de l’hist. de Paris de l’Ile-de-France</i>,
Vol. VI.</p>
<p class="pfc4">According to a letter of Mary Stuart to Queen Elizabeth, February 12, 1565,
the resentment due to the old law-suit over Dammartin flashed out at this time.
But it must have been a conjecture on her part, for she adds: “I have heard no
word of the duke of Guise or monsieur d’Aumale.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. Scot.</i>, II, 146. The
prince of Condé’s Catholic leanings at this critical moment are manifested in a
letter to his sister, the abbess of Chelles, in which he states that he is annoyed at the
outrage committed on the cardinal of Lorraine by the marshal Montmorency;
that the union of these two houses is more than necessary; that if he had been with
the cardinal, he would have given proof of his good-will by deeds. See Appendix
VII.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_899_899" id="Footnote_899_899"></a><a href="#FNanchor_899_899"><span class="label">[899]</span></a></span>
“Les confraires du Sainct-Esprit et autres reprenoient plus de viguer, et les
provinces ne pouvoient plus souffrir les ministres ny les presches publics et particulièrs,
et se séparoient entièrement des huguenots; qui estoient argumens certains
qu’en peu de temps il se verroit quelque grand changement.”&mdash;Castelnau, Book
VI, chap. ii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_900_900" id="Footnote_900_900"></a><a href="#FNanchor_900_900"><span class="label">[900]</span></a></span>
Ardent Catholics, like Cardinal Granvella, believed both the marshal Montmorency
and Damville to be Protestants at heart (<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de
Granvelle</i>, VIII, 278).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_901_901" id="Footnote_901_901"></a><a href="#FNanchor_901_901"><span class="label">[901]</span></a></span>
“Des catholiques formèrent des ‘unions’ pour défendre l’honneur de Dieu
et de la Sainte Eglise, et ces unions, en se rapprochant constituèrent la Ligue.”&mdash;Beulier,
“Pourquoi la France est-elle restée catholique au XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle,” <i>Revue
anglo-romaine</i>, January 11, 1896, 257. The Jesuits worked hard in France for
Philip II. Forneron, II, 304, quotes an interesting letter to this effect from a
Jesuit working in France.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_902_902" id="Footnote_902_902"></a><a href="#FNanchor_902_902"><span class="label">[902]</span></a></span>
The procès-verbal of this league is in <i>Mémoires de Condé</i>, ed. London,
VI, 290-306. For the court’s sojourn at Agen see Barrère (l’abbé), “Entrée et
séjour de Charles IX à Agen (1565),” <i>Bull. du Com. de la langue, de l’hist. et des
arts de la France</i> I (1854), 472.</p>
<p class="pfc4">For the King’s sojourn at Condom (1565) see Barrère (l’abbé), <i>ibid.</i>, 476.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_903_903" id="Footnote_903_903"></a><a href="#FNanchor_903_903"><span class="label">[903]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 80, 81; De Thou, V, Book XXXVII,
32; Anquetil, I, 213.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_904_904" id="Footnote_904_904"></a><a href="#FNanchor_904_904"><span class="label">[904]</span></a></span>
Collection Godefroy, CCLVII, No. 7, July 18, 1564.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_905_905" id="Footnote_905_905"></a><a href="#FNanchor_905_905"><span class="label">[905]</span></a></span>
De Thou, IV, Book XXXVII, 32.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_906_906" id="Footnote_906_906"></a><a href="#FNanchor_906_906"><span class="label">[906]</span></a></span>
A printed copy of this important dispatch, entitled “Coppie d’une lettre
du sieur d’Aumale au sieur marquis d’Elbœuf son frère, sur l’association qu’ils
delibèrent faire contre la maison de Montmorency” (February 27, 1565), is to be
found in the Bib. Nat., L <i>b.</i> 33: 172. It evidently was circulated as
a political pamphlet by the Huguenots. But where is the original? Portions
of it are as follows: “Mon frère ... j’ay receu de vostre homme la
lettre que m’avez escripte.... J’en ay par plusieurs fois cy devant escript
à Messieurs de Montpensier, d’Estampes, Cehavigny: par où ils auroyent bien
peu juger la volonté que j’ay tousjours lue de nous venger, et combien je desirerois
l’association que vous dites (<i>verso</i>) prevoyant assez combien elle estoit necessaire
non seulement pour nous, mais aussi pour tous les gens de bien à qui l’on en veult
plus que jamais.</p>
<p class="pfc4">“Et pour ceste cause, mon frere, je trouverais merveilleusement bon que les
dicts Sieurs y voulsissent entendre, laissant les villes, d’autant qu’il n’y a nulle
asseurance en peuple, comme je l’ay dernièrement encore cogneut. Mais avec la
Noblesse, de ma part je suis tout resolu et prest, et n’y veux espargner aucune
chose, et le plustost sera le meilleur. Qui me fait vous prier, de regarder et en bien
adviser tous parensemble, et mesmes avec le seigneur de Montpensier, et de m’en
mander ce que vous aurez deliberé, à fin que par là je resolue avec les Seigneurs et
Noblesse qui sont de deça et mes Gouverneurs, qui feront tout ce que je vouldray.</p>
<p class="pfc4">
“Au demeurant, vous avez bien entendu le nombre de Chevaliers de l’Ordre
qui ont esté faicts, qui sont bien pres de trente ou plus, dont monsieur de Brion en
est des premiers. Aussi des preparatifs que lon fuit à la Court pour aller à Bayonne
recevoir festoyer la Roine d’Espaigne.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_907_907" id="Footnote_907_907"></a><a href="#FNanchor_907_907"><span class="label">[907]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 80-86. I have used the seventeenth-century
translation of Cotton, 274, 275, which preserves something of the spirit of
the original. De Thou, never having seen the document in question, expresses
his doubt of Montluc’s veracity in the matter, and argues the improbability of the
King’s having followed Montluc’s advice on the ground that the crown had condemned
all secret associations as destructive of domestic tranquillity. “Why
should the King make a league with his subjects?” asks De Thou. “Far from
deriving any advantage from it, would it not diminish his authority? Would the
King not incite his subjects to do exactly what he wanted to avoid, and by his own
example accustom them to town factions; to foment and support parties in the
kingdom?”&mdash;De Thou, IV, Book XXXVII, 33. Unfortunately for the truth of
De Thou’s hypothesis, the facts are the other way, for there is documentary proof
that Charles IX followed out Montluc’s suggestion, and sent the declaration to all
his officers requesting their adherence to it. The baron de Ruble discovered the
proof in F. Fr. 20,461, fol. 58. See his edition of Montluc, III, 86, note; cf. D’Aubigné,
II, 218, and n. 6.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_908_908" id="Footnote_908_908"></a><a href="#FNanchor_908_908"><span class="label">[908]</span></a></span>
The credit of having made this important discovery is due to the baron de
Ruble, <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, 317-26, 329, 330, 346, 347, 362,
363. But it was Forneron who showed the world the magnitude of Montluc’s
treason (<i>Hist. de Philippe II</i>, I, 293-330). Suspicion of Montluc’s course,
however, prevailed in his own day. He was charged with having agreed to deliver
over the province of Guyenne to Philip II in 1570 and issued a cartel against his
adversaries denying that he had any intelligence with Spain. See Appendix VIII.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_909_909" id="Footnote_909_909"></a><a href="#FNanchor_909_909"><span class="label">[909]</span></a></span>
D’Andelot’s appointment to this post created intense feeling among the
Catholic officers. Strozzi, Brissac, and Charry openly refused to obey him
(D’Aubigné, II, 207; Brantôme, V, 341).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_910_910" id="Footnote_910_910"></a><a href="#FNanchor_910_910"><span class="label">[910]</span></a></span>
Forneron, I, 294, n. 3.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_911_911" id="Footnote_911_911"></a><a href="#FNanchor_911_911"><span class="label">[911]</span></a></span>
Montluc, ed. De Ruble, IV, Introd., ix.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_912_912" id="Footnote_912_912"></a><a href="#FNanchor_912_912"><span class="label">[912]</span></a></span>
It will be observed that Montluc independently had come to the same conclusion
as Granvella.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_913_913" id="Footnote_913_913"></a><a href="#FNanchor_913_913"><span class="label">[913]</span></a></span>
Montluc, ed. De Ruble, IV, 317-26, February 8, 1564.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_914_914" id="Footnote_914_914"></a><a href="#FNanchor_914_914"><span class="label">[914]</span></a></span>
Forneron, I, 330. D’Aubigné, II, 294, wrongly ascribes this plot to the
Jesuits. The traditional Protestant account, attributed to Calignon, chancellor of
Navarre, is printed in <i>Mém. du duc de Nevers</i>, II, 579; also in <i>Mém. de Villeroy</i>.
The account in <i>Arch. cur.</i>, VI, 281, is much colored. Catholic historians have
denied the existence of such a plot, e. g., the abbé Garnier in <i>Mém. de l’Acad.
des inscrip.</i> (1787), Vol. L, 722. But since the publication of Montluc’s <i>Correspondance</i>
there is no doubt of it.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_915_915" id="Footnote_915_915"></a><a href="#FNanchor_915_915"><span class="label">[915]</span></a></span>
Forneron, I, 303-6. Cabie, <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 483, gives the text
of the ambassador’s letter to Catherine, and his note of thanks to the queen’s
embroiderer who divulged the plot.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_916_916" id="Footnote_916_916"></a><a href="#FNanchor_916_916"><span class="label">[916]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, II, 204, 205; <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, IV, 669. Charles IX’s letter of
November 30, 1563, to St. Sulpice gives some details of the process (<i>L’Ambassade
de St. Sulpice</i>, 186, 187).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_917_917" id="Footnote_917_917"></a><a href="#FNanchor_917_917"><span class="label">[917]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 119, 120. Her letter to her
daughter in Spain, not in the correspondence, which M. Cabie cites in <i>L’Ambassade
de St. Sulpice</i>, 208, displays real courage. Charles IX said he could not abandon
Jeanne d’Albret “sans être vu déserter de ses plus proches parents” (<i>ibid.</i>, 247).
The instructions to Lansac, who was sent to Spain to protest in the name of France
against the papal action, show fine scorn (<i>ibid.</i>, 224).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_918_918" id="Footnote_918_918"></a><a href="#FNanchor_918_918"><span class="label">[918]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, 327, note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_919_919" id="Footnote_919_919"></a><a href="#FNanchor_919_919"><span class="label">[919]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 228: “Réponse de Philippe II au sr. de Lansac
en sa première audience, 18 fev. 1565.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_920_920" id="Footnote_920_920"></a><a href="#FNanchor_920_920"><span class="label">[920]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 247.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_921_921" id="Footnote_921_921"></a><a href="#FNanchor_921_921"><span class="label">[921]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 5.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_922_922" id="Footnote_922_922"></a><a href="#FNanchor_922_922"><span class="label">[922]</span></a></span>
Letter to St. Sulpice, February 10, 1563, <i>ibid.</i>, 115.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_923_923" id="Footnote_923_923"></a><a href="#FNanchor_923_923"><span class="label">[923]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 135.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_924_924" id="Footnote_924_924"></a><a href="#FNanchor_924_924"><span class="label">[924]</span></a></span>
Pius IV was so perplexed that he tried to avoid pronouncing in the matter.
“On avait décidé, à la dernière fête de St. Pierre, de supprimer cette cérémonie,
afin de n’offenser personne.”&mdash;Charles IX to St. Sulpice, July 24, 1563, <i>ibid.</i>, 141.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_925_925" id="Footnote_925_925"></a><a href="#FNanchor_925_925"><span class="label">[925]</span></a></span>
Du Ferrier, French ambassador at Venice to St. Sulpice, April 12, 1564,
<i>ibid.</i>, 252.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_926_926" id="Footnote_926_926"></a><a href="#FNanchor_926_926"><span class="label">[926]</span></a></span>
Cf. the report of the conversation between Archbishop Cispontin, the papal
secretary, and D’Oysel (<i>ibid.</i>, 273, July, 1564).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_927_927" id="Footnote_927_927"></a><a href="#FNanchor_927_927"><span class="label">[927]</span></a></span>
“Instructions données par Charles IX à L’Aubespine le jeune, envoyé en
Espagne,” <i>ibid.</i>, 277, June 24, 1564.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_928_928" id="Footnote_928_928"></a><a href="#FNanchor_928_928"><span class="label">[928]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 279, 281, 282, 299. “It is an error to regard, as most historians
do, the course of the relations of Philip II to the see of Rome as a
single consistent development, for the earlier part of his reign was dominated by
a principle utterly different from that which inspired the latter. In the sixties and
early seventies the Spanish king devoted himself primarily to the maintenance of
the principles of the counter-Reformation; he abandoned political advantage in the
interest of the faith, united with the ancient foes of his house for the suppression
of heresy, dedicated himself and his people to the cause of Catholicism.... But
in the later seventies there came a change. The spirit of the counter-Reformation
was waning in France: the old political lines of cleavage had begun to reappear;
Philip began to discover that he was draining his land to the dregs in the interests
of a foreign power who offered him no reciprocal advantages, and reluctantly
exchanged his earlier attitude of abject devotion to the interests of the church for
the more patriotic one of solicitude for the welfare of Spain.... Viewed from
the Spanish standpoint, the story of this long development is a tragic but familiar
one&mdash;reckless national sacrifice for the sake of an antiquated ideal, exhaustion in
the interests of a foreign power, which uses and casts aside but never reciprocates.
But it adds one more to the already long list of favorable revisions of the older and
more hostile verdicts on the Spanish monarch. Philip’s attitude toward the papacy,
though not always wise or statesmanlike, was at least far more honorable and loyal
to the church than it is usually represented (as, for instance, by Philippson): the
first part of his reign is marked by his single-hearted devotion to the cause of Rome,
and even at the last that devotion does not falter, though the interests of his country
forced him to adopt a more national policy toward the papacy than that with which
he had begun.”&mdash;R. B. Merriman, Review of Herre, <i>Papsttum und Papstwahl im
Zeitalter Philipps II</i> (Leipzig, 1907), in <i>American Historical Review</i>, October,
1908, pp. 117, 118.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_929_929" id="Footnote_929_929"></a><a href="#FNanchor_929_929"><span class="label">[929]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 177, July 30, 1564; <i>R. Q. H.</i>,
1869, p. 403.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_930_930" id="Footnote_930_930"></a><a href="#FNanchor_930_930"><span class="label">[930]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 669.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_931_931" id="Footnote_931_931"></a><a href="#FNanchor_931_931"><span class="label">[931]</span></a></span>
Granvella said as much to Philip II, July 14, 1563. See <i>Papiers d’état du
card. de Granvelle</i>, VII, 124; cf. Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les
Pays-Bas</i>, I, 277 (Philip II to Alva, December 14, 1563).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_932_932" id="Footnote_932_932"></a><a href="#FNanchor_932_932"><span class="label">[932]</span></a></span>
Granvella to Perez, August 6, 1563, <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>,
VII, 177.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_933_933" id="Footnote_933_933"></a><a href="#FNanchor_933_933"><span class="label">[933]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 231.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_934_934" id="Footnote_934_934"></a><a href="#FNanchor_934_934"><span class="label">[934]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 262.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_935_935" id="Footnote_935_935"></a><a href="#FNanchor_935_935"><span class="label">[935]</span></a></span>
See Paillard, <i>Histoire des troubles de Valenciennes</i>, 1560-67.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_936_936" id="Footnote_936_936"></a><a href="#FNanchor_936_936"><span class="label">[936]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 270.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_937_937" id="Footnote_937_937"></a><a href="#FNanchor_937_937"><span class="label">[937]</span></a></span>
For proof see <i>ibid.</i>, 55, 56, and note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_938_938" id="Footnote_938_938"></a><a href="#FNanchor_938_938"><span class="label">[938]</span></a></span>
“Les Huguenots de France sollicitent continuellement ceulx des Pays-Bas
pour se révolter,” writes Granvella to the Emperor on June 3, 1564 (<i>ibid.</i>, 18).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_939_939" id="Footnote_939_939"></a><a href="#FNanchor_939_939"><span class="label">[939]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 99; cf. 104, note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_940_940" id="Footnote_940_940"></a><a href="#FNanchor_940_940"><span class="label">[940]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 23, 393; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 5, 275, 280, 284, 300, 305; <i>Correspondance
de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 197<i>s</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_941_941" id="Footnote_941_941"></a><a href="#FNanchor_941_941"><span class="label">[941]</span></a></span>
“Si cela de la religion succède bien en France, les affaires vauldront de
mieulx.”&mdash;<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 152, July 15, 1564.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_942_942" id="Footnote_942_942"></a><a href="#FNanchor_942_942"><span class="label">[942]</span></a></span>
The presence of many Belgian students at the French universities undoubtedly
contributed to this sympathy. See Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur
les Pays-Bas</i>, I, 372.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_943_943" id="Footnote_943_943"></a><a href="#FNanchor_943_943"><span class="label">[943]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 390, 527, 550, 556, 593.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_944_944" id="Footnote_944_944"></a><a href="#FNanchor_944_944"><span class="label">[944]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, VII, 281.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_945_945" id="Footnote_945_945"></a><a href="#FNanchor_945_945"><span class="label">[945]</span></a></span>
The counselor d’Assonleville wrote to Cardinal Granvella after the peace of
Troyes, “Adieu, Callais! combien qu’elle nous duiroit bien hors de mains des
François!”&mdash;Poulet, I, 570.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_946_946" id="Footnote_946_946"></a><a href="#FNanchor_946_946"><span class="label">[946]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 191, 194, 209, 221. Each state appointed a
commission in 1563 to adjust this difficulty and other border complications on the
edge of Artois and Luxembourg (for instances, see <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
224, 227, 228, 240, 254), whose conferences were prolonged through the
years 1564-65. See the long note in Gachard, <i>Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>,
I, 270.</p>
<p class="pfc4">In Collection Godefroy, XCIV, No. 16, will be found a “sommaire de la
négociation de Calais, entre le président Séguier et le conseiller du Faur, députés
de Charles IX, et les ambassadeurs de Philippe II;” original, signed by Séguier and
Du Faur. In the same collection, XCVI, No. 6, is a delimitation treaty pertaining
to the Picard frontier, signed by Harlay and Du Drac, at Gravelines, December
29, 1565. Charles IX refused to ratify it.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_947_947" id="Footnote_947_947"></a><a href="#FNanchor_947_947"><span class="label">[947]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 18.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_948_948" id="Footnote_948_948"></a><a href="#FNanchor_948_948"><span class="label">[948]</span></a></span>
“Un eslavon tan importante desta cadena.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, VII, 215.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_949_949" id="Footnote_949_949"></a><a href="#FNanchor_949_949"><span class="label">[949]</span></a></span>
For Granvella’s opinion of the demand for the Estates-General, see his
letter to Philip II, April 18, 1564 (<i>ibid.</i>, 492-94).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_950_950" id="Footnote_950_950"></a><a href="#FNanchor_950_950"><span class="label">[950]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 294, note, and especially 495-97; cf. <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
188, 193.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_951_951" id="Footnote_951_951"></a><a href="#FNanchor_951_951"><span class="label">[951]</span></a></span>
“Non admettre à couleur de la peste.”&mdash;Granvella to the duchess of Parma,
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 411.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_952_952" id="Footnote_952_952"></a><a href="#FNanchor_952_952"><span class="label">[952]</span></a></span>
This was a mere threat, however, as such a course would have injured France
as much as the Netherlands.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_953_953" id="Footnote_953_953"></a><a href="#FNanchor_953_953"><span class="label">[953]</span></a></span>
See the letter of the president Viglius to Granvella, April 17, 1564, in <i>Papiers
d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 476; cf. 481. On this whole question, so far
as England is concerned see Brugmans, <i>England en de Nederland in de eerste
Jaren von Elizabeth’s regeering (1558-67)</i>, Groningen, 1892; cf. <i>English Historical
Review</i>, VIII, 358-60.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_954_954" id="Footnote_954_954"></a><a href="#FNanchor_954_954"><span class="label">[954]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 496, 497. Cf. the observation
of Assonleville in a letter to Granvella, Poulet, I, 570. The cardinal’s prophecy
was partially fulfilled (<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 40, 41).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_955_955" id="Footnote_955_955"></a><a href="#FNanchor_955_955"><span class="label">[955]</span></a></span>
“Qui est autant que couper la gorge aux marchands.”&mdash;“Mémoire envoyé
pour le roi de France à St. Sulpice,” January, 1564, in <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>,
210.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_956_956" id="Footnote_956_956"></a><a href="#FNanchor_956_956"><span class="label">[956]</span></a></span>
See “Note du Ministère de France en réponse aux griefs presentés par
l’ambassadeur d’Espagne” in <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 584-86.
Other references to this commercial matter are in VII, 62, 164, 375, 411, 476, 481,
495-97, 584, 668; <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 175, 181, 188, 191, 193, 194, 200,
206, 209, 210, 213, 217, 221, 224, 304, 350, 351; <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de
Granvelle</i>, VIII, 6-15, 514, 515; Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les
Pays-Bas</i>, I, 244, 246, 247; Poulet, I, 567, and n. 2. There is a memoir on the
mission of Assonleville to England, April-June 6, 1563, in the <i>Bulletin de la
commission royale d’histoire</i>, sér. III, I, 456 ff.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Undoubtedly Spain’s harsh commercial policy toward France was also influenced
in part by jealousy of the commercial relations of France and England, for
the treaty of Troyes established freedom of trade between the two nations. For
the great importance of this treaty in the history of commerce see De Ruble,
<i>Le traité de Cateau-Cambrésis</i>, 193-95.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_957_957" id="Footnote_957_957"></a><a href="#FNanchor_957_957"><span class="label">[957]</span></a></span>
St. Sulpice sent this important information in a letter of January 22, 1565
(<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 338).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_958_958" id="Footnote_958_958"></a><a href="#FNanchor_958_958"><span class="label">[958]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 366. Catherine de Medici pushed her insistence perilously far, asserting
that Alava, the Spanish ambassador in France, had intimated that objection
would not be made to the presence of the prince of Condé, since his exclusion might
endanger the peace. Philip II promptly declared that if Alava had made Catherine
believe so, he had acted in violation of instructions. “Mémoire envoyé à Catherine
sur les réponses du roi catholique,” May 7, 1564, in <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 375.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_959_959" id="Footnote_959_959"></a><a href="#FNanchor_959_959"><span class="label">[959]</span></a></span>
Egmont passed through Bordeaux on his way to Spain while the court was
there (<i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXIV, 479).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_960_960" id="Footnote_960_960"></a><a href="#FNanchor_960_960"><span class="label">[960]</span></a></span>
The reasons for the selection of Bayonne are set forth in <i>R. Q. H.</i>,
XXXIV, 472.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_961_961" id="Footnote_961_961"></a><a href="#FNanchor_961_961"><span class="label">[961]</span></a></span>
“Les lenteurs ... qui sont habituelles en Espagne.”&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade de
St. Sulpice</i>, 363.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_962_962" id="Footnote_962_962"></a><a href="#FNanchor_962_962"><span class="label">[962]</span></a></span>
F. Fr. 20,647, fol. 11. For other details of the preliminaries of Bayonne,
see <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 335-38, 347, 350, 351, 353, 354, 357-60, 362, 363,
366, 374-78, 382.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_963_963" id="Footnote_963_963"></a><a href="#FNanchor_963_963"><span class="label">[963]</span></a></span>
Cf. <i>Recueil des choses notables qui ont esté faites à Bayonne Paris</i>, 1566; and
the <i>Mémoires de Marguerite de Navarre</i>, Book I.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_964_964" id="Footnote_964_964"></a><a href="#FNanchor_964_964"><span class="label">[964]</span></a></span>
See De Thou, Book XXVII; Mathieu, <i>Histoire de France</i>, I, 283; La Popelinière,
Book XI, 8. The prince of Orange and William of Hesse both believed
that the massacre of St. Bartholomew was concerted at Bayonne (<i>Archives de
la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 507; IV, 108).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_965_965" id="Footnote_965_965"></a><a href="#FNanchor_965_965"><span class="label">[965]</span></a></span>
Some of the literature upon this famous interview is as follows: E. Marcks,
<i>Die Zusammenkunft von Bayonne: Das französ. Staatsleben u. Spanien in d. J.
1563-67</i>, Strassburg, 1889; Combes, <i>L’entrevue de Bayonne de 1565</i>, Paris, 1882;
Maury, in <i>Journal des savants</i>, 1871; Loiseleur <i>La St. Barthelémy</i>, Paris, 1883;
Lettenhove, <i>La conférence de Bayonne</i>, 1883; La Ferrière, <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 457,
and the same in <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd.; Philippson,
<i>L’Athénæum belge</i>, July 1, 1882; De Croze, <i>Les Guises, les Valois et Philippe II</i>;
Boutaric, <i>La Saint Barthélemy, d’après les archives du Vatican</i> (<i>Bib. de l’Ecole des
Chartes</i>, sér. V, III, 1); Raumer, <i>Frankreich und die Bartholomäusnacht</i>, Leipzig,
1854; Wuttke, <i>Zur Vorgeschichte der Bartholomäusnacht</i>; Soldan, <i>La Saint Barthélemy</i>
(French trans.), 1854.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_966_966" id="Footnote_966_966"></a><a href="#FNanchor_966_966"><span class="label">[966]</span></a></span>
<i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 483, and n. 2.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_967_967" id="Footnote_967_967"></a><a href="#FNanchor_967_967"><span class="label">[967]</span></a></span>
For Alva’s judgment on the government of France see <i>Papiers d’état du
cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 276; cf. <i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 341-43.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_968_968" id="Footnote_968_968"></a><a href="#FNanchor_968_968"><span class="label">[968]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 523; <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 492-512, n. 4. Alva frankly said
that he wished the constable were gone with the rest&mdash;“el condestable que valierá
mas que faltára como los otros.”&mdash;<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 277.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_969_969" id="Footnote_969_969"></a><a href="#FNanchor_969_969"><span class="label">[969]</span></a></span>
The duke of Montpensier was a notoriously bigoted Catholic. The Venetian
ambassador said of him: “Il quale è tenuto più atto a governare un monasterio
di frati che a comandare ad eserciti.”&mdash;<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 155.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_970_970" id="Footnote_970_970"></a><a href="#FNanchor_970_970"><span class="label">[970]</span></a></span>
<i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 485. Montluc put a memoir in Alva’s hands which
proposed an alliance between the crowns of France and Spain for the purpose of
crushing the Protestants in France. In event of the French king’s refusal to become
a party to this alliance, Montluc outlined the means of defense which Philip II
would have to resort to. This memoir is published by the baron de Ruble in
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, V, 23 ff. In this striking document the veteran
soldier, after setting forth his favorite thesis that French Calvinism was antimonarchical
in its nature, makes a survey of the religious state of the provinces.
He concludes that while Protestantism was rampant everywhere in France, in
five-sixths of the country the Catholics were superior. The place of great danger
is Guyenne. The mutual safety of France and Spain requires the subjugation
of this province. France cannot or will not do this alone (cf. <i>Correspondance de
Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 342, n. 3; 343, n. 4). It remains, therefore, for the king of
Spain to do so. This is the historical argument for all of Montluc’s subsequent
course of treason with Philip II.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_971_971" id="Footnote_971_971"></a><a href="#FNanchor_971_971"><span class="label">[971]</span></a></span>
This has been triumphantly proved by Count Hector de la Ferrière, who
has shown that M. Combes, <i>L’Entrevue de Bayonne de 1565 et la question de St.
Barthélemy d’après les archives de Simancas</i>, Paris, 1881, has mistranslated the
very documents upon which he relied (<i>R. Q. H.</i>, <i>XXXIV</i>, 511 ff.).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_972_972" id="Footnote_972_972"></a><a href="#FNanchor_972_972"><span class="label">[972]</span></a></span>
Pius V was elected pope January 17, 1566 (see Hilliger, <i>Die Wahl Pius V
zum Päpste</i>, 1907). He had been grand inquisitor before his elevation, and imparted
a ferocious zeal to the holy office (see Bertelotti, <i>Martiri di Libero Pensero e Vittime
della Sta. Inquisizione nei Secoli, XVI, XVII, e XVIII</i>, Rome, 1892). The violence
of his character and his bigotry led to his committing several acts injurious to the
Catholic cause, but it was due to him that the Spanish, Venetian, and papal fleets
defeated the Turks at Lepanto. He wrote on March 28, 1569 to Catherine de
Medici: “Si Votre Majesté continue, comme elle a fait constamment, dans la
rectitude de son âme? et dans la simplicité de son cœur, à ne chercher que l’honneur
de Dieu toutpuissent, et à combattre ouvertement et ardemment les ennemis de la
religion catholique, <i>jusqu’à ce qu’ils soient tous massacrés</i> (ad internecionem usque),
qu’elle soit assurée que le secours divin ne lui manquera jamais, et que Dieu lui
préparera, ainsi qu’au roi, son fils, de plus grandes victoires: ce n’est que par <i>l’extermination
entière</i> des hérétiques (deletis omnibus haeritics) que le roi pourra rendre
à ce noble royaume l’ancien culte de la religion catholique.”&mdash;Potter, <i>Pie V</i>, 35; letter
of the Pope to Catherine de Medici, March 28, 1569. The original Latin version
of this letter, the salient words of which are in parentheses above, is in <i>Epistola
SS. Pii V</i>, ed. Gouban, III, 154, Antwerp, 1640. The editor was secretary to
the marquis de Castel-Rodrigio, ambassador of Philip IV to the Holy See. An
abridged edition was published by Potter, <i>Lettres de St. Pie V sur les affaires
religieuses de son temps en France</i>, Paris, 1826. The letter is one of congratulation
written to Catherine de Medici upon the Catholic victory of Jarnac and the death
of the prince of Condé. (Cf. the letter of April 13, 1569, on p. 156 to the same
effect.) Nevertheless, even the Pope regarded the total destruction of the French
Protestants as a result more devoutly to be wished for than practicable. Pope Pius
V, however, was not the first advocate of destruction, for as early as 1556 François
Lepicart gave the same advice to Henry II: “Le roy devroit pour un temps contrefaire
le luthérien parmi eux [the Protestants], afin que, prenant de là occasion de
s’assembler hautement partout, on pût faire main-basse sur eux tous, et en purger
une bonne fois le royaume.”&mdash;<i>Bayle’s Dictionary</i>, art. “Rose.”</p>
<p class="pfc4">The doctrine of assassination for heresy originally proceeded from the mediaeval
church, in which it can be traced back as far as the beginning of the Crusades.
Urban II asserted that it was not murder to kill an excommunicated person, provided
it was done from religious zeal. (“Non enim eos homicidas arbitramur quod
adversus excommunicatos zelo catholicae matris ardentes, eorum quoslibet trucidasse
contigerit.”&mdash;Migne, <i>Epistolae Urbani</i>, CLI, No. 122; Mansi, XX, 713; the same
words are used by Ivo of Chartres, X, 331, and by Gratian in the <i>Decretum</i> [causa
32, quaestio 2, canon: <i>De neptis</i>].) The passage stands in the revised edition, to
which Gregory XIII prefixed the injunction that nothing should be omitted, and
the gloss gives the following paraphrase: “Non putamus eos esse homicidas qui
zelo justitiae eos occiderunt.”</p>
<p class="pfc4">In 1208 Innocent III proscribed the count of Toulouse (Teulet, <i>Trésor des
Chartes</i>, I, 316), and in the same pontificate the Fourth Lateran Council declared
that the Pope might depose anyone who neglected the duty of exterminating heresy
and might bestow his state on others (Harduin, <i>Concilia</i>, VII, 19). The same
canon reappears in the <i>Decreta</i> of Gregory IX (Lib. iv, tit. 7. cap. 13). St. Thomas
Aquinas declared that the loss of political rights was incurred by excommunication
(<i>Summa</i> [ed. 1853], III, 51). The teaching that faith need not be kept with a
heretic was well established by the church in the thirteenth century. It was pleaded
by the Emperor in the case of Huss&mdash;“quoniam non est frangere fidem ei qui Deo
fidem frangit.”&mdash;Palacky, <i>Documenta Joannis Hussi</i>, I, 540.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The spirit of this teaching survived in the sixteenth century. In 1561 some
citizens of Lucca, having embraced the Protestant belief, were obliged to flee from
the city. The government of the republic, under suggestion from Rome, passed a
law on January 9, 1562, that whoever killed one of these refugees, though he had
been outlawed, yet would his outlawry be reversed; and that if he himself needed
not this privilege, it could be transferred to another (<i>Archivio storico italiano</i>, X,
app. 176, 177). On January 20, Pope Pius IV wrote to congratulate the city on this
pious legislation: “Legimus pia laudabiliaque decretaque civitatis istius Generale
Consilium nuper fecit ad civitatem ipsam ab omni heresum labe integram conservandam....
Nec vero quicquam fieri potuisse judicamus, vel ad tuendum
Dei honorem sanctius, vel ad conservandam vestre patrie salutem prudentius.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
178, 179.</p>
<p class="pfc4">When Henry of Valois made oath to respect liberty of conscience in Poland
he was informed that it would be sin to observe the oath, but that if he broke it,
the sin of making it would be regarded as a venial offense: “Minor fuit offensio,
ubi mens ea praestandi quae pelebatur, defuit.”&mdash;Hosii, <i>Opera</i>, II, 367.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The Ridolfi plot, it may be added, casts a very clear light upon the teaching
and conduct of Pius V.</p>
<p class="pfc4">[I owe some of the information given above to a curious accident. In 1899,
among a number of books which I purchased in London, I found a number of
fragmentary notes dealing with this question. There is nothing to indicate their
authorship, but in recognition of the assistance of some scholar to me unknown
this acknowledgment is made. It may be added that the books purchased dealt
with France in the fourteenth century].</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_973_973" id="Footnote_973_973"></a><a href="#FNanchor_973_973"><span class="label">[973]</span></a></span>
This was Montluc’s idea, which he broached both to the cardinal of Lorraine
and Philip II, in the form of an edict which he himself improvised, and which we
know that the king of Spain actually read (<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV,
359-62). There are two Spanish translations of the first document in the Archives
nationales. Philip indorsed the letter to Bardaxi in his own handwriting: “la
carta para el cardinal de Lorena.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, IV, 362, note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_974_974" id="Footnote_974_974"></a><a href="#FNanchor_974_974"><span class="label">[974]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, IX, 306; Gachard, <i>Correspondance
de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, I, 368; letter of Margaret of Parma to Antonio
Perez, September 27, 1565.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_975_975" id="Footnote_975_975"></a><a href="#FNanchor_975_975"><span class="label">[975]</span></a></span>
The monotony of life and the tyranny of Spanish etiquette must have borne
hard upon the little queen of Spain. But in the midst of the miseries of this “royal
slavery,” as M. le comte de la Ferrière calls it, it was a crowning humiliation to be
condemned to be the instrument of Philip’s political intrigues. That her young
spirit rebelled, though hopelessly, against the situationis evident, from a pitiful
letter written by her to her brother’s ambassador in Spain (La Ferrière, <i>Rapport</i>,
28).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_976_976" id="Footnote_976_976"></a><a href="#FNanchor_976_976"><span class="label">[976]</span></a></span>
On Cardinal Pacheco see Poulet, I, 7, note and Index.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_977_977" id="Footnote_977_977"></a><a href="#FNanchor_977_977"><span class="label">[977]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., lxxxiii, lxxxiv.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_978_978" id="Footnote_978_978"></a><a href="#FNanchor_978_978"><span class="label">[978]</span></a></span>
The key to it was discovered in 1885. Suriano had been Venetian envoy at
Trent. He was not the regular ambassador of the senate in France and his
dispatches seem to have been in another key from that of Marc Antonio Barbaro
the accredited ambassador.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_979_979" id="Footnote_979_979"></a><a href="#FNanchor_979_979"><span class="label">[979]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., lxxxv.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_980_980" id="Footnote_980_980"></a><a href="#FNanchor_980_980"><span class="label">[980]</span></a></span>
Combes, 47.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_981_981" id="Footnote_981_981"></a><a href="#FNanchor_981_981"><span class="label">[981]</span></a></span>
“For a whole fortnight Catherine resisted the pressure of her daughter and
the Spanish envoys, who found support in the drastic proposals of the leaders of
the French Catholics. Within the last three days of the interview, however, concessions
were made which satisfied Alva and his master, though Granvella and
Alva exhibited some skepticism. The queen was prompted, ... not by Alva’s
alleged threat that the King must lose his crown, or his brother Henry his head, but
merely by her fear that the total failure of the interview would hinder the attainment
of her ends. These concessions consisted in the engagement to accept the
decrees of the Council of Trent and in an enigmatical promise of punishment or
remedial measures. The latter, however, probably did not refer to the judicial
murder or assassination of the Huguenot leaders&mdash;a scheme suggested by Montpensier’s
confessor and welcomed by Alva&mdash;but to the expulsion of the ministers and
subsequent enforcement of orthodoxy. The execution of these measures was
postponed until the conclusion of the journey, but it seems probable that Catherine
never seriously intended an act which would have been the inevitable sign of civil
war.”&mdash;Armstrong in <i>English Historical Review</i>, VI, 578, 579 (review of Marcks,
<i>Die Zusammenkunft von Bayonne</i>, Strasburg, 1889).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_982_982" id="Footnote_982_982"></a><a href="#FNanchor_982_982"><span class="label">[982]</span></a></span>
For example La Noue, chap. xii (1567).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_983_983" id="Footnote_983_983"></a><a href="#FNanchor_983_983"><span class="label">[983]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 509, 510; <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_984_984" id="Footnote_984_984"></a><a href="#FNanchor_984_984"><span class="label">[984]</span></a></span>
“Tous les bruis que l’on fayst courer ne sont pas vray.... Et y a tent de
noblèse au demeurant que tou les souir à la sale du bal je panserès aystre à Baionne
si j’y voyais reine ma fille,” writes Catherine to the duke of Guise (<i>Correspondance
de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 315).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_985_985" id="Footnote_985_985"></a><a href="#FNanchor_985_985"><span class="label">[985]</span></a></span>
Fourquevaux, I, 6, November 3, 1565. Cf. <i>Correspondance de Catherine
de Médicis</i>, II, 326&mdash;Catherine to Fourquevaux, November 28, 1565.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_986_986" id="Footnote_986_986"></a><a href="#FNanchor_986_986"><span class="label">[986]</span></a></span>
For the beginnings of Catherine’s negotiations in Poland see <i>Correspondance
de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., cv, 404; Capefigue, 412 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_987_987" id="Footnote_987_987"></a><a href="#FNanchor_987_987"><span class="label">[987]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 320.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_988_988" id="Footnote_988_988"></a><a href="#FNanchor_988_988"><span class="label">[988]</span></a></span>
“C’est la rareté et la cherté des vivres qui nous chasse,” said Catherine to the
Venetian ambassador (cited by La Ferrière, <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>,
II, Introd., cii).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_989_989" id="Footnote_989_989"></a><a href="#FNanchor_989_989"><span class="label">[989]</span></a></span>
See the rhyme upon it in L’Estoile, ed. Michaud, series 2, Vol. I, p. 17.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_990_990" id="Footnote_990_990"></a><a href="#FNanchor_990_990"><span class="label">[990]</span></a></span>
Cf. Babinet de Rencogne, “Sur un débordement de la Charente et la cherté des
vivres en 1481,” <i>Bull. de la Soc. art.</i>, etc., 1860, 3<sup>e</sup> sér., II, 3 (Angoulême, 1862).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_991_991" id="Footnote_991_991"></a><a href="#FNanchor_991_991"><span class="label">[991]</span></a></span>
Cf. Boutiot. “Notes sur les inondations de la rivière de Seine à Troyes
depuis les temps les plus reculès jusqu’ à nos jours,” <i>Annuaire admin. pour 1864</i>
(Troyes), p. 17.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_992_992" id="Footnote_992_992"></a><a href="#FNanchor_992_992"><span class="label">[992]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 395-98. This statement, even if there were no other
evidence, is confirmed for the south of France by the court’s experience in the
foothills of the Pyrenees in January, 1565 (cf. <i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, V, 465). For
the west of France see <i>Chroniques Fontenaisiennes</i> (Paris, 1841), 84, 85, and the
“Journal de Louvet,” published in the <i>Revue d’Anjou</i> in 1854. One quotation
may suffice: “Au mois de febvrier, il tomba sy grande quantité de neige au païs
d’Anjou et fust l’hyver si froid, que les rivières furent glacées et qu’on marchoit
et passont par-dessus, et que tous les lauriers et romarins gelèrent, et qu’au dégel
les eaux crurent et furent si grandes qu’elles rompirent des arches, ponts et chaussées,
et fust ceste année appelée l’année du grand hyver.” I know of no article
upon this subject as a whole. M. Joubert, <i>Etude sur les misères de l’Anjou aux
XV<sup>e</sup> et XVI<sup>e</sup> siècles</i>, 1886, pp. 35 and 161, has a little to say. The subject
deserves treatment. The sources of course are almost wholly local.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_993_993" id="Footnote_993_993"></a><a href="#FNanchor_993_993"><span class="label">[993]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 331.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_994_994" id="Footnote_994_994"></a><a href="#FNanchor_994_994"><span class="label">[994]</span></a></span>
<i>Idem</i>, I, 409.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_995_995" id="Footnote_995_995"></a><a href="#FNanchor_995_995"><span class="label">[995]</span></a></span>
Catherine’s order to the marshal Montmorency, as governor of Paris, dated
November 19, 1565, is in <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 325.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_996_996" id="Footnote_996_996"></a><a href="#FNanchor_996_996"><span class="label">[996]</span></a></span>
The authorities of Provins made requisition of the grain possessed by private
persons and appropriated all save that which was necessary for the owners, which
was sold to the townspeople at the maximum price of 20 sous per <i>boisseau</i>. The
abbot of St. Jacques and the prior of St. Ayoul baked bread to be distributed to the
poor. One of the wealthy citizens from Easter till harvest made daily distribution
of bread to more than three hundred poor, besides furnishing them with work
(Claude Haton, I, 409).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The <i>boisseau</i> (Med. Latin, <i>boissellus</i> [Du Cange, <i>s. v.</i>]) was an ancient measure
of capacity equivalent to 13.01 litres, approximately 12 quarts. In remote parts of
France the term is still sometimes used to indicate a décalitre. The <i>boisseau</i> was
used for both dry and liquid measure. On the other hand the <i>bichet</i> (Med. Latin,
<i>bisselus</i> and <i>busellus</i>, whence the English bushel) was a dry measure, representing
from one-fifth to two-fifths of a hectolitre (from 4.4 to 8.8 gallons) according to
the province. The <i>setier</i>, was a larger dry measure of 6 pecks (Paris measure).
The <i>muid</i> (Latin <i>modius</i>) also was of variable capacity. That of Paris equaled
36 gallons. The <i>queue du creu</i> was a large wooden cask, about equivalent to a
hogshead and a half, and was used only for wine. The calculations of terms of
American money are on the theory that the <i>livre tournois</i> in 1565 was equivalent
to 3.11 francs, according to the estimate of the vicomte d’Avenel in <i>Revue des
deux mondes</i>, June 15, 1892, p. 795.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_997_997" id="Footnote_997_997"></a><a href="#FNanchor_997_997"><span class="label">[997]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 418. For information on this subject see Reuss, <i>La sorcellerie
au 16<sup>e</sup> et au 17 siècle, particulièrement en Alsace d’après des documents en
partie inédits</i>; Jarrin, <i>La sorcellerie en Bresse et en Bugey</i> (Bourges, 1877); Pfister,
“Nicolas Rémy et la sorcellerie en Lorraine à la fin du XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle,” <i>Revue hist.</i>,
XCVII, 225.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_998_998" id="Footnote_998_998"></a><a href="#FNanchor_998_998"><span class="label">[998]</span></a></span>
“Molins è città, ed à posta vicina all’ Alier, sopra il quale ha un ponte; è
la principale del ducato di Borbon. Vi è un bellissimo palazzo, fabbricato già dai
duchi di Borbon, posto in fortezza, con bellissimi giardini e boschi e fontane, e
ogni delicatezze conveniente a principe. Tra le altre cose vi è una parte dove vi
si teniano de infinite sorte animali e ucelli, delli quali buona parte è andata de male;
pur vi restano ancora molti francollini, molte galline d’India, molte starne, è altre
simil cose; è vi son molti papagalli vi diverse sorte.”&mdash;<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 32, 34.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_999_999" id="Footnote_999_999"></a><a href="#FNanchor_999_999"><span class="label">[999]</span></a></span>
When the court was at Blois so great was the number of strangers that the
Knights of the Order made a house-to-house canvass.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1000_1000" id="Footnote_1000_1000"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1000_1000"><span class="label">[1000]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, <i>anno</i> 1565, p. 524; cf. <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 523. For details upon
the history of the six months between July and January, see <i>Correspondance de
Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, lxxxvii-cv.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1001_1001" id="Footnote_1001_1001"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1001_1001"><span class="label">[1001]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, <i>anno</i> 1566, No. 17. Before the end of the month the old scores
were officially “shelved” by decrees of the King in council (January 29 and 31,
1566). Many of the sources allude to this hypocritical reconciliation: De Thou,
V, Book XXIX, 184; Poulet I, 125&mdash;letter of Granvella from Rome; D’Aubigné,
II, 223-25; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 57, January 29, 1566; Castelnau, Book VI, chap. ii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1002_1002" id="Footnote_1002_1002"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1002_1002"><span class="label">[1002]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 41, January 23, 1566.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1003_1003" id="Footnote_1003_1003"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1003_1003"><span class="label">[1003]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 120, February 22, 1566.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1004_1004" id="Footnote_1004_1004"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1004_1004"><span class="label">[1004]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 150, March 6, 1566.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1005_1005" id="Footnote_1005_1005"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1005_1005"><span class="label">[1005]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 136, February 25, 1566. “The constable lies at Chantilly
ill at ease.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 406, May 21, 1566. Poulet, I, 190, Morillon to Granvella,
March 5.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1006_1006" id="Footnote_1006_1006"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1006_1006"><span class="label">[1006]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, <i>anno</i> 1566, Introd. The text of the <i>ordonnance</i> is in Isambert,
XIV, 189; De Thou, Book XXXIX, 178-84, has much upon it. It is he who
records the speeches of the King and the chancellor. It is interesting to observe
that very similar conditions prevailed in Germany at this time. See the account
of the Diet of Spires (1570) in Janssen, <i>History of the German People</i>, VIII, 75 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1007_1007" id="Footnote_1007_1007"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1007_1007"><span class="label">[1007]</span></a></span>
Cf. Cheruel, <i>Histoire de l’administration monarchique de la France</i>, I, 196-203;
Glasson, <i>Histoire du droit et des institutions de la France</i>, VIII, 170 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1008_1008" id="Footnote_1008_1008"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1008_1008"><span class="label">[1008]</span></a></span>
The clergy of Guyenne were so incensed at this prohibition that they threatened
to leave the country (<i>Archives de la Gironde</i>, XIII, 183).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1009_1009" id="Footnote_1009_1009"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1009_1009"><span class="label">[1009]</span></a></span>
See the case of the magnificence of the house of a Parisian shoemaker, who
had purchased the estate of a king’s treasurer and enormously enriched himself
with gold and silver. Under a pretext the queen mother secured entrance to the
house. Claude Haton, I, 412, gives a detailed description of its magnificence.</p>
<p class="pfc4">According to an estimate of January 15, 1572, the income from the “Parties
Casuelles,” that is to say, from offices vacated by the death of particular possessors
thereof, and from the “Paulette,” was two million francs and yet the corruption
in the administration was so great that the King received but a quarter of this
amount (Cheruel, I, 208).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1010_1010" id="Footnote_1010_1010"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1010_1010"><span class="label">[1010]</span></a></span>
De Thou, V, Book XXXVII, 185; D’Aubigné, II, 224; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos.
343, 344, 347, 387, April 28; May 3-4, 16, 1566; Forneron, <i>Hist. des ducs de Guise</i>,
II, 59.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1011_1011" id="Footnote_1011_1011"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1011_1011"><span class="label">[1011]</span></a></span>
“On ne sait encore quant on délogera d’icy, combien que les laboureurs des
champs ayent ja faict présenter deux requestes au Roy pour se retirer et sa suite
à Paris jusques à ce que la récolte soit faict.”&mdash;Tronchon to M. de Cordes, July 4,
1567; quoted by the duc d’Aumale, <i>Histoire des princes de Condé</i>, I, Appendix XVI.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1012_1012" id="Footnote_1012_1012"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1012_1012"><span class="label">[1012]</span></a></span>
“Politique de bascule,” <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXVII, 274.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1013_1013" id="Footnote_1013_1013"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1013_1013"><span class="label">[1013]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 275, April 12, 1566.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1014_1014" id="Footnote_1014_1014"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1014_1014"><span class="label">[1014]</span></a></span>
It was estimated that, beside footmen, captains, men-at-arms, there were
20,000 horsemen attached to the various factions (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 470, May-June,
1566).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1015_1015" id="Footnote_1015_1015"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1015_1015"><span class="label">[1015]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 667, August 21, 1566.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1016_1016" id="Footnote_1016_1016"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1016_1016"><span class="label">[1016]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 715, September 14, 1566.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1017_1017" id="Footnote_1017_1017"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1017_1017"><span class="label">[1017]</span></a></span>
Hugh Fitzwilliam to Cecil: “The constable is of great authority with the
king and the queen mother; and being mortal enemy to the house of Guise is with
his nephews and the Protestants for his life.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 741, October
3, 1566.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1018_1018" id="Footnote_1018_1018"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1018_1018"><span class="label">[1018]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 515. “A man might easily perceive by the sour countenance
the queen made that she liked not all that he had said. After he had saluted
divers persons the king made him somewhat too short an answer for so long a
demand.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 444, June 1, 1566.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1019_1019" id="Footnote_1019_1019"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1019_1019"><span class="label">[1019]</span></a></span>
“The king has made peace with his treasurers for a certain sum by the
constable’s means, whereof something cleaves to his fingers.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
733, §2, September 28, 1566.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1020_1020" id="Footnote_1020_1020"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1020_1020"><span class="label">[1020]</span></a></span>
According to the estimate of this syndicate France had a population of from
fifteen to sixteen millions (<i>Rel. vén.</i>, III, 149).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1021_1021" id="Footnote_1021_1021"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1021_1021"><span class="label">[1021]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 1,111-15, April 18-19, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1022_1022" id="Footnote_1022_1022"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1022_1022"><span class="label">[1022]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, IX, 594, 595; Poulet, I, Introd.,
l-lii, n. 2; Gachard, <i>Don Carlos et Philippe II</i>, I, 303; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 641,
August 13, 1566. Coussemaker, <i>Les troubles religieux du XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle dans la
Flandre maritime 1560-70</i>; Van Velthoven, <i>Documents pour servir à l’hist. des
troubles religieux du XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle dans le Brabant</i>; Verly, <i>La furie espagnole, 1565-95</i>;
Kervyn de Lettenhove, <i>Les Huguenots et les Gueux: Etude hist. sur vingt-cinq
annels du XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle (1560-1585)</i>, Bruges, 1883-85, 6 vols.; Poulet, <i>Correspondance
du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, I, Introd., lvii-lxxvi; II, Introd., iv-vii; De Thou,
V, 204-37; D’Aubigné, Book IV, chap. xxi.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1023_1023" id="Footnote_1023_1023"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1023_1023"><span class="label">[1023]</span></a></span>
The most notable of these was Francis Junius, who was driven out of Antwerp.
The Spanish ambassador demanded his arrest but the prévôt de l’hôtel refused,
alleging with right that Junius was the ambassador of the count palatine and
entitled to immunity (<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., cviii).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1024_1024" id="Footnote_1024_1024"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1024_1024"><span class="label">[1024]</span></a></span>
On this famous siege of Malta see D’Aubigné, Book IV, chap. xix; De Thou,
Book XXXVIII. It was begun on May 17, 1565.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Mingled with this fear was apprehension lest even the Turk might become
an ally of the Flemings and the Protestant French (Poulet, I, 357, Morillon to
Granvelle). That it was not an utterly fantastic notion of him alone, see the letter
of Margaret of Parma to Philip II, in <i>Corresp. de Philippe II</i>, I, No. 411, and
Gachard, <i>Corresp. de Guillaume le Taciturne</i>, VI, 408.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1025_1025" id="Footnote_1025_1025"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1025_1025"><span class="label">[1025]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, I, 259-89; Poulet, I, 207; Gachard,
<i>La Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris</i>, I, 88. “Avec la liberté des consciences, que
aulcungs prétendent, nous ne nous trouverions pas mal si, suyvant l’exemple des
François, nous tumbions aux mesmes inconvenientz.”&mdash;Letter of Granvella,
April 9, 1566, in Poulet, I, 209.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1026_1026" id="Footnote_1026_1026"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1026_1026"><span class="label">[1026]</span></a></span>
Sir Francis Berty to Cecil: “The Prince of Orange since Wednesday shows
himself openly to take the Gueux part, and divers of his men wear their badge.
This town is marvellously desolated; great riches are conveyed out, chiefly by
strangers.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 582, July 20, 1566, from Antwerp.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1027_1027" id="Footnote_1027_1027"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1027_1027"><span class="label">[1027]</span></a></span>
Poulet, I, 307.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1028_1028" id="Footnote_1028_1028"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1028_1028"><span class="label">[1028]</span></a></span>
We know of Montigny’s treason from a dispatch of Granvella to Philip II,
July 18, 1565, in which the cardinal tells the King that Montigny is still successfully
pretending to be a Calvinist and is in correspondence with the Châtillons and
Montmorency. He had already been at least nine months in the pay of Spain.
He got 20 écus per diem for one job (<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, IX,
404, 595). Montigny came to Paris ostensibly to attend the wedding of the duke
of Nemours’ son to the admiral’s niece at Easter time. We get a line on Philip II’s
methods at this point, for the Guises themselves were having secret and treasonable
dealings with Spain, yet did not know of Montigny’s relation to Philip II and
treated him with scorn and contempt (<i>ibid.</i>; Poulet, I, 329; cf. Finot, <i>L’espionnage
militaire dans les Pays-Bas entre la France et l’Espagne aux XVI<sup>e</sup> et XVII<sup>e</sup> siècles</i>).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1029_1029" id="Footnote_1029_1029"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1029_1029"><span class="label">[1029]</span></a></span>
Poulet, I, 304; Edward Cook to Cecil: “Montgomery has told him that
the French Protestants are resolved to succour those of Flanders.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 661, August 18, 1566. This letter is analyzed in the <i>Bull. de la comm. roy.
d’histoire</i>, 3<sup>e</sup> sér., I, 129. Granvella’s confidant in Brussels, the prevost Morillon,
wrote with truth on July 7: “Je croy que si avons mal cest année ce ne sera
du costel de France.”&mdash;Poulet, I, 350. Cf. Reiffenberg, <i>Corresp. de Marguerite
de Parme</i>, 88; Gachard, <i>Corresp. de Philippe II</i>, I, 429, 431, 436; at p. 473 is a
letter dated October 15 in Italian from the duchess of Parma to Philip expressing
fear of Huguenot projects.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1030_1030" id="Footnote_1030_1030"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1030_1030"><span class="label">[1030]</span></a></span>
Louis of Nassau without doubt was in close connection with the leading
French Protestants. See <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, I, 229; II, 196,
403. It was extremely difficult to repress the ardor of the Protestants at Valenciennes,
owing to its nearness of the French border and the number of Calvinist
preachers whom the Huguenots sent into the country in June, 1566 (<i>ibid.</i>, II, 135).
For the influx of Calvinist preachers into the country as early as 1561 see Languet,
<i>Epist. secr.</i>, II, 155. The prince of Condé was reputed to have sold a tapestry
for 9,000 florins, which he gave to the cause there (Poulet, I, 439).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1031_1031" id="Footnote_1031_1031"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1031_1031"><span class="label">[1031]</span></a></span>
Montluc to Bardaxi, October 27, 1564: <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>,
IV, 368.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1032_1032" id="Footnote_1032_1032"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1032_1032"><span class="label">[1032]</span></a></span>
Poulet, I, 64; Reiffenberg, 91; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
II, 175, 178.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1033_1033" id="Footnote_1033_1033"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1033_1033"><span class="label">[1033]</span></a></span>
<i>Corresp. de Philippe II</i>, I, 433.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1034_1034" id="Footnote_1034_1034"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1034_1034"><span class="label">[1034]</span></a></span>
The government of Charles IX even winked at the secret levies made by
the prince of Condé for the benefit of Louis of Nassau, from behind the mask of an
official repudiation of the complicity of any French in Flanders, denying that the
prince of Condé was ever in Antwerp in disguise (Poulet, I, 521, 3; Gachard,
<i>La Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris</i>, II, 206). The last assertion, of course, was true.
On July 24 a royal proclamation was issued at Alva’s instance, forbidding French
subjects to go into the Low Countries “pour négotiation ou autrement.”&mdash;Poulet,
I, 364; Gachard, <i>op. cit.</i>, II, 27.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1035_1035" id="Footnote_1035_1035"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1035_1035"><span class="label">[1035]</span></a></span>
“Hinc illae lachrymae et ille metus,” wrote the provost to Granvella (Poulet,
I, 405). It was the wish of the Emperor that the King of Spain would go in person
and without an army to the Low Countries in order to pacify it by kindness and not
by force (<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, II, 505; Raumer, I, 173, December,
1566). But Philip II could not make up his mind to come in person to the
Netherlands, although advised to do so by all. For years he continued to entertain
the thought and continually put it off. See a letter of the Duchess of Parma to
Duke Henry of Brunswick upon the coming of the duke of Alva, January 1567,
in <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 21 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1036_1036" id="Footnote_1036_1036"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1036_1036"><span class="label">[1036]</span></a></span>
On April 3, 1565, St. Sulpice sent word to Charles IX that Philip II had sent
Menendez to Florida “avec une bonne flotte et 600 hommes pour combattre <i>les
Français et les passer au fil de l’épée</i>.”&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 364. When
Fourquevaux succeeded him the French government had not yet learned of the
massacre. St. Sulpice’s fragmentary information is to be found at pp. 400, 401, 404,
414. The abortive efforts of France to secure redress are spread at length in
<i>Corresp. de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 209, 330, 337, 338, 341, 342, 360; and in Fourquevaux,
I, Nos. 4-7, 9, 15, 21, 28, 43, 47, 55, 66. The editor’s account in the
Introd., xv-xxi is admirable. In the <i>Correspondencia española</i>, II, 126-28, is to
be found Philip II’s letter to Chantonnay, February 28, 1566, in reply to the ambassador’s
letter of advice about Coligny’s enterprise. The blood of French colonists
who had been massacred in Florida cried out for vengeance, and from the hour of
its knowledge the subject of reprisal was a matter of common talk in the Norman
ports (<i>C.S.P. Dom.</i>, Add., XIII, 227). On September 24, 1566, Sir Amyas Paulet,
the English ambassador informed his government that he had information that a
squadron was about to sail for this purpose, although it was “late for so long a
voyage” (<i>ibid.</i>, 31). On the whole history of this ill-fated colony see Gaillard,
“La reprise de la Floride faite par le capit. Gourgues (1568),” <i>Notices et extr.
des manuscr. de la Biblioth. Nat.</i>, IV, and VII (1799); Gourgues, <i>La reprise de la
Floride</i>, publiée avec les variantes, sur les MSS de la Bibl. Nat. par Ph. Tamizey
de Larroque, 1867; Gafferel, <i>Histoire de la Floride française</i>, 1875; Parkman,
<i>The French in North America</i>. The newest literature upon the subject is Woodbury
Lowery, “Jean Ribaut and Queen Elizabeth,” <i>American Historical Review</i>,
April, 1904, and the same author’s <i>The Spanish Settlements within the Present
Limits of the United States: Florida, 1562-74</i> (New York, 1905).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1037_1037" id="Footnote_1037_1037"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1037_1037"><span class="label">[1037]</span></a></span>
De Thou, V, 37-40.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1038_1038" id="Footnote_1038_1038"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1038_1038"><span class="label">[1038]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 381, note. In 1558 Bolwiller
made an inroad into France (<i>Bulletin des comités historiques</i>, 1850, p. 774; a summary
of a letter concerning this episode to be found in the archives of Basel). On
Bolwiller see <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, IX, 36, note. The new plan
was occasioned by the issue of letters-patent of Charles IX on October 9, 1564, forbidding
sale or alienation of any regalian rights of the Three Bishoprics without his
consent (text in <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 394).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1039_1039" id="Footnote_1039_1039"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1039_1039"><span class="label">[1039]</span></a></span>
Bolwiller to Granvella, October 16, 1564, on the written authority of Philip
II (<i>ibid.</i>, VIII, 429).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1040_1040" id="Footnote_1040_1040"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1040_1040"><span class="label">[1040]</span></a></span>
“Je tiens que les François, par voye de faict, y (Toul) mectront la main,
comme ilz ont jà commencé, et le mesmes à Metz et Verdung.”&mdash;<i>Papiers d’état
du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VII, 465; Granvella to the Emperor, April 12, 1564.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1041_1041" id="Footnote_1041_1041"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1041_1041"><span class="label">[1041]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, VIII, 504-6.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1042_1042" id="Footnote_1042_1042"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1042_1042"><span class="label">[1042]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, IX, 44. Granvella to Perez, February 26, 1565; p. 111, Philip II to
Chantonnay, then stationed at Vienna, April 2, 1565. Bolwiller intrusted the
action to Egelolf, seigneur de Ribeauspierre (the German form is Rapolstein),
a noble of Upper Alsace. His mother was a Fürstenburg. (See <i>ibid.</i>, IX, 24,
note.) Strange vicissitude, that a descendant of that house in the next century
should have been Louis XIV’s right-hand agent in his seizures on the Rhine through
the Chambers of Réunion, playing an identically opposite part from that of his
ancestors.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1043_1043" id="Footnote_1043_1043"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1043_1043"><span class="label">[1043]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, IX, 71&mdash;Bolwiller to the cardinal
March 20, 1565.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Metz was early famous for its interest in the Reformation. The laxness of the
episcopal discipline in the first part of the sixteenth century contributed to the
growth of this spirit, and finally led to a Catholic reaction. The city was more
inclined, however, to Calvinism than to Lutheranism. Charles V prohibited the
exercise of the Lutheran faith, but nevertheless, the Protestants of Metz made an
alliance with the Smalkald League. Under the French domination the city passed
definitely from Lutheranism to Calvinism. The French governor, Vieilleville,
was a moderate in policy and granted the Huguenots a church in the interior of the
town. During the first civil war the Protestants in Metz remained tranquil, but
soon afterward Farel visited the city for the third time, and thereafter the city’s
religious activity was considerable. The cardinal of Lorraine suppressed Protestant
preaching in the diocese and closed the church. When Charles IX visited Metz
in 1564 the edifice was destroyed and Protestant worship was forbidden. After the
death of the Marshal Vieilleville, the count de Retz was made governor. One of
the motives of the support of the Huguenot cause by John Casimir, the prince
palatine, was a promise made by the Huguenots that he would be given the governorship
of Metz. On the subject as a whole see Thirion, <i>Etude sur l’histoire du
protestantisme à Metz et dans le pays Messin</i>, Nancy, 1885; Le Coullon, <i>Journal
(1537-87) d’après le manuscrit original</i>, publié pour la première fois et annoté par
E. de Bouteiller, Paris, Dumoulin, 1881.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1044_1044" id="Footnote_1044_1044"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1044_1044"><span class="label">[1044]</span></a></span>
<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, IX, 462, 463.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1045_1045" id="Footnote_1045_1045"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1045_1045"><span class="label">[1045]</span></a></span>
Granvella to Perez, October 15, 1565; <i>ibid.</i>, IX, 594, 595.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1046_1046" id="Footnote_1046_1046"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1046_1046"><span class="label">[1046]</span></a></span>
See Philip II’s letter to Chantonnay, October 22, 1565; <i>ibid.</i>, IX 609 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1047_1047" id="Footnote_1047_1047"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1047_1047"><span class="label">[1047]</span></a></span>
He had served in Italy in 1555 and became the cardinal’s bailiff and revenue-collector
in the bishopric of Metz after the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis (<i>Commentaire
et lettres de Montluc</i>, I, 228).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1048_1048" id="Footnote_1048_1048"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1048_1048"><span class="label">[1048]</span></a></span>
For an account of the “Cardinal’s War” see De Thou, V, Book XXXVII,
37-40. There is another account in the <i>Mém. de Condé</i>, V, 27, supposed to have
been written by Salzedo himself. In F. Fr. 3, 197, folio 92, there is an unpublished
letter of Salzedo’s (see Appendix IX), and another of the duke of Aumale upon
this incident. Chantonnay comforted Philip for the disappointment over Metz by
telling him, that while the restoration of the Three Bishoprics was indeed important,
because of their bearing upon the situation in Flanders, the trouble had averted a
marriage alliance between France and Austria which would have been more
calamitous (Letter to Philip II, October 30, 1565, in <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal
de Granvelle</i>, IX, 625).</p>
<p class="pfc4">Two years later we find the tricky cardinal of Lorraine still protesting his
innocence to Catherine and praying her not to be suspicious of him (Letter of
December 6, 1567, Fillon Collection, No. 316).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1049_1049" id="Footnote_1049_1049"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1049_1049"><span class="label">[1049]</span></a></span>
Forneron, I, 346, on the basis of Alva’s letter to Philip on May 19, 1566, and
the cardinal’s own letter, written at the same time (both preserved in K. 1,505,
No. 99, and K. 1,509), assumes that the secret intercourse between Philip II and
the Guises began in the year 1566 and ascribes the immediate occasion of it to the
troubles in the Low Countries. He missed the inception of it by a year. Granvella’s
letter conclusively shows that it began in July, 1565. Every word of this
letter is of weight. It is to be found in <i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, IX,
399-402.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1050_1050" id="Footnote_1050_1050"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1050_1050"><span class="label">[1050]</span></a></span>
Johnson, <i>Europe in the Sixteenth Century</i>, 328. For interesting details
by an eye-witness, see Bourgon, <i>Life and Times of Sir Thomas Gresham</i>, II, 121 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1051_1051" id="Footnote_1051_1051"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1051_1051"><span class="label">[1051]</span></a></span>
Poulet, I, 509; Gachard, <i>Don Carlos et Philippe II</i>, 354; <i>La Bibliothèque
Nationale à Paris</i>, II, 213. The disastrous news reached the King on September
5. For ten days he was ill with a high fever in consequence. Fourquevaux,
writing from Segovia on September 11, to Charles IX, gives some details of Philip’s
illness and how he was treated by the physicians and then adds: “Les Espagnols
sont bien marriez d’entendre que les Lutheriens dud. pais (Flanders) ont commencé
s’empoigner aux eglises et reliques, et à fere marier les prebtres et nonnains, avec
infiniz autres maulx qu’ilz font, qui est le semblable commencement des doleurs
qui advindrent en votre Royaume du temps des troubles.”&mdash;<i>Dépêches de M. Fourquevaux</i>,
I, 124, 125.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1052_1052" id="Footnote_1052_1052"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1052_1052"><span class="label">[1052]</span></a></span>
The Austrian lands were invaded by the Turks in the autumn of 1566 (<i>Négociations
dans le Levant</i>, II, 721; Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 15).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1053_1053" id="Footnote_1053_1053"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1053_1053"><span class="label">[1053]</span></a></span>
It was a pose of Philip’s that the expedition was purely political; cf. Gachard,
<i>Les bibliothèques de Madrid et de l’Escurial</i>, 94 ff., based on the correspondence
of the archbishop of Rossano.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1054_1054" id="Footnote_1054_1054"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1054_1054"><span class="label">[1054]</span></a></span>
Dispatch to Charles IX, December 9, 1566 (Fourquevaux, I, 147-52). He
waited in great anxiety for instructions from Paris, daily growing more suspicious
because the Spanish King said not a word to him on the subject, although he
sent for him in audience on January 14, 1567 (<i>ibid.</i>, 167-72; dispatches of
Jan. 5 and 18, 1567). The tremendous financial operations of the Spanish government
(consult Gachard, <i>Don Carlos et Philippe II</i>, II, 369, 370) filled him with
alarm, and he made an unsuccessful effort to bribe the secretary of one of Philip
II’s ministers. He gathered that the Spanish forces would likely sail for Barcelona
and disembark at Nice or Genoa (<i>ibid.</i>, 176, 177, February 13, 1567).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1055_1055" id="Footnote_1055_1055"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1055_1055"><span class="label">[1055]</span></a></span>
Forneron, I, 347, on authority of Alva’s dispatch in K. 1,507, No. 2; cf.
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 527.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1056_1056" id="Footnote_1056_1056"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1056_1056"><span class="label">[1056]</span></a></span>
Gachard, <i>La Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris</i>, II, 228. The dispatch was
delayed on account of the illness of the courier and the heavy snows he encountered
in the Pyrenees, and did not reach the ambassador until January 15, 1567 (Fourquevaux,
I, 168). The correspondence of Bernardo d’Aspremont, viscount of
Orthez, governor of Bayonne&mdash;unfortunately much scattered in the volumes of the
Bibliothèque Nationale&mdash;shows the standing danger the southern provinces of
France were in from Spanish invasion (<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 400,
note).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1057_1057" id="Footnote_1057_1057"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1057_1057"><span class="label">[1057]</span></a></span>
Poulet, II, 183.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1058_1058" id="Footnote_1058_1058"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1058_1058"><span class="label">[1058]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, II, 229, note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1059_1059" id="Footnote_1059_1059"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1059_1059"><span class="label">[1059]</span></a></span>
Poulet, II, 495.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1060_1060" id="Footnote_1060_1060"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1060_1060"><span class="label">[1060]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, II, 228; Zurlauben, <i>Hist. milit. des Suisses</i>, IV, 335.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1061_1061" id="Footnote_1061_1061"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1061_1061"><span class="label">[1061]</span></a></span>
We learn this from a letter of George Paulet. See Appendix X.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1062_1062" id="Footnote_1062_1062"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1062_1062"><span class="label">[1062]</span></a></span>
Poulet, II, 183; <i>Dépêches de M. Fourquevaux</i>, I, 173.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1063_1063" id="Footnote_1063_1063"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1063_1063"><span class="label">[1063]</span></a></span>
<i>Dépêches de M. Fourquevaux</i>, I, 174, February 4, 1567. Philip II took these
military preparations of the French with remarkable equanimity&mdash;even Charles
IX’s positive refusal to allow the Spanish army to traverse France (March 24,
1567). He seemed to be sincerely anxious to avoid friction with France (see his
letter to Granvella, February 17, 1567, in Poulet, II, 255, 256). The danger in the
Low Countries was too great to allow any outside controversy. The clandestine
operation of Protestant preachers in Spain itself and the smuggling of heretical
books into the land, concealed in casks of wine, disquieted him more than France did
at this season. (For information on this head see Poulet, II, 126, 142, 199; <i>Nég.
Tosc.</i>, III, 506; Weiss, <i>Spanish Protestants in the Sixteenth Century</i>.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1064_1064" id="Footnote_1064_1064"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1064_1064"><span class="label">[1064]</span></a></span>
Fourquevaux (February 15, 1567), I, 180, 181. Granvella apparently,
immediately after learning of the image breaking, and anticipating that either the
King himself or the duke of Alva, would have to go to Brussels, sent a remarkable
memoir to Philip II, in which he discusses all the various routes by which he might
go, and the advantages and disadvantages of each of them. The physical difficulties
of governing the Low Countries from Madrid are very evident (see Poulet, I,
469-80).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1065_1065" id="Footnote_1065_1065"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1065_1065"><span class="label">[1065]</span></a></span>
The Pope’s nuncio had pointed out to Philip II what a splendid achievement
the overcoming of Geneva would be for Christendom. The scheme was an old
one. See a letter of Pius IV to Francis II, June 14, 1560, in Raynaldus, XXXIV,
64, col. 2. The King, after some weeks of consideration, declared that he could
not think of it; that even the duke of Savoy was against the project. (See Gachard,
<i>Corresp. de Philippe II</i>, II, 552, and his <i>Les bibliothèques de Madrid et de l’Escurial</i>,
100.) On the political ambition of the duke of Savoy see <i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 453. He had
made a treaty with Bern in 1565 (Collection Godefroy, XCIV, fol. 21). There are
three excellent German monographs on Switzerland in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries: Planta, <i>Die Geschichte von Graubunden in ihren Hauptzügen</i>,
Bern, 1892; <i>idem</i>, <i>Chronik der Familie von Planta</i>, Zurich, 1892; Salis-Soglio,
<i>Die Familie von Salis</i>, Lincau-im-B., 1891. For a review of the last two see
<i>English Historical Review</i>, VIII, 588.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1066_1066" id="Footnote_1066_1066"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1066_1066"><span class="label">[1066]</span></a></span>
See <i>Revue d’histoire diplomatique</i>, XIV (1900), 45-47.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1067_1067" id="Footnote_1067_1067"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1067_1067"><span class="label">[1067]</span></a></span>
“Mais le faisant, c’estoit remectre le feu et le glaive dans la France plus et
plus cruel qu’ilz n’y ont esté.”&mdash;<i>Dépêches de M. Fourquevaux</i> (March 15, 1567),
I, 189.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1068_1068" id="Footnote_1068_1068"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1068_1068"><span class="label">[1068]</span></a></span>
I have given the figures of Mendoza, which probably is the strength of the
forces when they arrived. The official roster is in the <i>Correspondencia</i>, No. CXXII.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1069_1069" id="Footnote_1069_1069"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1069_1069"><span class="label">[1069]</span></a></span>
“The front of every company by a new invention was flanked with fifteen
supernumeraries, armed with musketoones, and rests wherein they laid the barrow
that could not be managed by the hands. For before his time, such huge muskets
as unmanageable were drawn upon carriages and only used at sieges, from whence
being transmitted into the field, and those that carry them mixed with the lesser
musketeers, they have been found extraordinarily serviceable in battle.”&mdash;Stapylton’s
transl. of Strada, Book VI, 31.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Brantôme’s statement is more graphic: “Il fut luy le premier qui leur donna
en main les gros mousquetz, et que l’on veid les premiers en guerre et parmy les
compagnies; et n’en avions point veu encores parmy leurs bandes, lors que nous
allasmes pour le secours de Malte; dont despuis nous en avons pris l’usage parmy
nos bandes, mais avec de grandes difficultéz à y accoustumer nos soldats comme
j’en parle au livre des couronnelz. Et ces mousquetz estonnzarent fort les Flamans,
quand ilz les sentirent sonner à leurs oreilles; car ilz n’en avoient veu non plus que
nous: et ceux qui les portoient les nommoit-on Mousquetaires; très bien appoinctéz
et respectéz, jusques à avoir de grands et forts gojatz qui les leur portoient, et
avoient quatre ducats de paye; et ne leur portoient qu’en cheminant par pays:
mais quand ce venoit en une faction, ou marchans en battaille, ou entrans en garde
ou en quelque ville, les prenoient. Et eussiez dict que c’estoient des princes, tant ils
estoient rogues et marchoient arrogamment et de belle grace: et lors de quelque
combat ou escarmouche, vous eussiez ouy crier ces mots par grand respect: <i>Salgan,
salgan los mosqueteros! Afuera, afuera, adelante los mosqueteros!</i> Soudain on leur
faisoit place; et estoient respectéz, voire plus que capitaines pour lors, à cause de
la nouveauté, ainsy que toute nouveauté plaist.”&mdash;Brantôme, <i>Vies des Grands
Capitaines</i>: “Le Grand Duc d’Albe.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1070_1070" id="Footnote_1070_1070"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1070_1070"><span class="label">[1070]</span></a></span>
Mendoza, <i>Comentarios</i>, II, chaps. i-iii. There is a French translation
of this work by Loumier (Soc. de l’histoire de Belge), 2 vols., 1860.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1071_1071" id="Footnote_1071_1071"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1071_1071"><span class="label">[1071]</span></a></span>
“The duke arrived in the Low Countries offending none in his passage nor
being himself offended by any one, though the French appeared in arms upon the
marches of Burgundy and Colonel Tavannes by command from the French king
with 4,000 foot and some troops were defence of course of the borders, ‘costed’
the Spanish army. Indeed I do not think that ever army marched so far and kept
stricter rules of discipline, so that from Italy even to the Low Countries, not only
no towns but not any cottage was forced or injured.”&mdash;Strada, VI, 31.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The only instance of plundering seems to have been in the case of the property
of the prince of Orange in Burgundy (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 1562, August 7, 1567). This
discipline is all the more remarkable, considering the fact that there were fifteen
hundred women with the army. “Lon a sceu le passaige du duc d’Albe et de sa
trouppe; quon dict estre de six mille espaignolz et quinze cens femmes.”&mdash;Guyon
to M. de Gordes, July 11, 1567. Cited by the duc d’Aumale, <i>Histoire des princes
de Condé</i>, I, Appendix XVI.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1072_1072" id="Footnote_1072_1072"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1072_1072"><span class="label">[1072]</span></a></span>
Poulet, II, 183, December 25, 1566.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1073_1073" id="Footnote_1073_1073"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1073_1073"><span class="label">[1073]</span></a></span>
Morillon to Granvella, April 7, 1566: “Pas ce boult veult l’on gaigner le
magistrat des villes et le peuple: que ne sera si facille comme l’on pense.”&mdash;Poulet,
I, 203. The following is explicit: “Et dict encores plus que, s’il se fust joinct
à la première lighe des seigneurs, la religion fust bien avant venue, car de là, dict-il,
‘tanquam ex fonte emanasse has undas,’ et que le Roy le doibt entendri ainse et y
pourveoir avant toutte euvre, puisque de celle là est née la seconde de la religion.”&mdash;Poulet,
II, 75. Cf. 118: “la première lighe et la secunde engendrée d’icelle.”&mdash;Granvella
to Viglius, November 23, 1566. As late as May 9, 1567, it is called “la
gentille ligue” (Poulet, II, 434). Granvella, in a letter to Philip in 1563, attributed
the formation of the association to Count Hoorne (<i>Papiers d’état du cardinal de
Granvelle</i>, VIII, 12). Noircarmes, who was better informed, makes Brederode
the moving spirit of it (Poulet, II, 613, 614).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The Gueux even had a branch organization, though one historically different
in origin, in Franche Comté, in the Confrérie de Ste. Barbe. The seigneurs of the
house of Rye enjoyed high civil and ecclesiastical station in both Burgundies in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Marc and Claude François of Rye, father and
son, were rivals and political enemies of the Perrenots&mdash;the family of Granvella and
Chantonnay&mdash;and regarded them as upstarts. The Confrérie de Ste. Barbe was
organized by them in Franche Comté on lines similar to the Gueux and had dealings
with the latter&mdash;the members even wearing their emblem. Cardinal Granvella
accused the seigneurs of Rye of aiming to establish Protestantism, in Franche
Comté from Flanders. This probably was true but in a less degree. Protestant
agitation was a means to an end, not an end in itself, it seems to me. If otherwise,
such a <i>catholic</i> title for the association is very singular. On the Confrérie de Ste.
Barbe consult Poulet, I, 29; II, 44, 141. I am somewhat inclined to think that
Tavanne’s Confraternity of the Holy Spirit in ducal Burgundy may not impossibly
have been influenced by the Confrérie de Ste. Barbe in the adjoining county of
Burgundy, for Tavannes had a long political conflict with the Parlement of Dôle
in Franche-Comté (see Collection Godefroy, CCLVII, Nos. 22, 23), and was
familiar with things there.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1074_1074" id="Footnote_1074_1074"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1074_1074"><span class="label">[1074]</span></a></span>
Poulet, I, 223.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1075_1075" id="Footnote_1075_1075"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1075_1075"><span class="label">[1075]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, II, 269. This revised form of the Gueux in which Calvinism is interjected
is often alluded to as the “second league” in the letters which pass between
Granvella and the provost Morillon, e. g., <i>ibid.</i>, 280, 437, 600.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1076_1076" id="Footnote_1076_1076"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1076_1076"><span class="label">[1076]</span></a></span>
Poulet, II, 42.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1077_1077" id="Footnote_1077_1077"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1077_1077"><span class="label">[1077]</span></a></span>
For some examples see <i>ibid.</i>, 183.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1078_1078" id="Footnote_1078_1078"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1078_1078"><span class="label">[1078]</span></a></span>
This organization seems to have been perfected by February, 1567. Poulet,
II, 244, has a brief note on this matter. For an extended article see <i>Bulletin
historique et littéraire de la société de l’hist. du protestantisme Français</i>, March, 1879.
Cf. Gachard, <i>Corresp. de Guill. le Taciturne</i>, II, cx, cxi, and notes. Marnix was
treasurer-general of the confederation (Poulet, II, 262, n. 1).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1079_1079" id="Footnote_1079_1079"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1079_1079"><span class="label">[1079]</span></a></span>
Poulet, II, 335, 336, 396. “Sine qua factum nihil,” wrote the provost, whose
conception of government was Draconian in simplicity, to his confidential friend
(<i>ibid.</i>, 353).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1080_1080" id="Footnote_1080_1080"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1080_1080"><span class="label">[1080]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 469 and 508.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1081_1081" id="Footnote_1081_1081"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1081_1081"><span class="label">[1081]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 396, 438.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1082_1082" id="Footnote_1082_1082"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1082_1082"><span class="label">[1082]</span></a></span>
See Gachard, <i>Corresp. de Philippe II</i>, 461, 471, 473; Poulet, I, 461, 521;
II, 102, 106, 139, 143, 187, 394, 440, 451, 659, 675.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1083_1083" id="Footnote_1083_1083"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1083_1083"><span class="label">[1083]</span></a></span>
Morillon to Granvella, August 31, 1567, in Poulet, II, 605: “La première
chose que l’on doibt faire sera de munir et asseurer les frontières et renvoier chascun
à son gouvernement, d’aultant que les François semblent voulloir esmouvoir, du
moingz les Hugonaux.” The cardinal had advised the duke of Alva to do this
in the May preceding, when he was at Genoa on his way northward (Poulet, II,
448, 454).</p>
<p class="pfc4">Montluc’s repeated warnings to Philip II, in the course of their secret correspondence,
of the succor French Calvinists were giving to his Flemish rebels (K.
1,506, Nos. 46-48) led the King to enlarge the system of espionage which he maintained
in France. The movements of the admiral, the prince of Condé, and other
leaders, were carefully reported (<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, V, 75, note).
On the whole practice see Forneron, I, chap. xi.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1084_1084" id="Footnote_1084_1084"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1084_1084"><span class="label">[1084]</span></a></span>
Mundt to Cecil from Strasburg, July 8, 1567 (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,418).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1085_1085" id="Footnote_1085_1085"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1085_1085"><span class="label">[1085]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, III, Introd., v.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1086_1086" id="Footnote_1086_1086"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1086_1086"><span class="label">[1086]</span></a></span>
Fourquevaux (July 17, 1567), I, 237. St. Sulpice had held similar language
in 1564: “Le meilleur moyen pour le prince d’avoir la paix est d’être toujours en
état de repousser ses voisins.”&mdash;<i>L’Ambassade de. St. Sulpice</i>, 269.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1087_1087" id="Footnote_1087_1087"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1087_1087"><span class="label">[1087]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,402, July 6, 1567. Sir Henry Norris writes to Cecil on
March 25, 1567: “A better time than this could not be found to demand Calais,
they being in such distrust of their own force, wherefore it might be understood that
some preparation of arms was making in England.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,048. A year
earlier than this Cecil had been advised to make common cause with the Emperor,
the one to recover the Three Bishoprics, the other Calais (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 326, April 29,
1566; cf. <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, 394, July 3, 1567). There is a brief account of the negotiations
in <i>Bulletins de la Comm. royale d’histoire</i>, séries IV, Vol. V, 386 ff. Cf. <i>C. S. P.
For.</i> (1587), Nos. 1039, 1044, 1046, 1083.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1088_1088" id="Footnote_1088_1088"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1088_1088"><span class="label">[1088]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, III, Introd., iii; <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, Nos.
389, May 16, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1089_1089" id="Footnote_1089_1089"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1089_1089"><span class="label">[1089]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, III, Introd., iv.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1090_1090" id="Footnote_1090_1090"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1090_1090"><span class="label">[1090]</span></a></span>
“The prince of Condé wrote to the queen mother against the king’s revoking
the edict of pacification, who assured him on the faith of a princess that as long as
she might prevail, she should never break it, and if he came to court, he would be
as welcome as his heart could devise, and as for the <i>Swiss</i> they were <i>to defend the
frontiers</i> in case the Spanish forces should attempt to surprise any peace.”&mdash;Norris
to Queen Elizabeth, August 29, 1567, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,644. Catherine de
Medici ordered the dispersal of the Huguenot bands on the Picard border in
1567 (<i>R. Q. H.</i>, January, 1899, p. 21).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1091_1091" id="Footnote_1091_1091"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1091_1091"><span class="label">[1091]</span></a></span>
The words are from a letter of Sir Henry Norris to the earl of Leicester in
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,537, July 21, 1567, and sound like a paraphrase of the admiral’s
language. The implication is that Coligny’s withdrawal had some connection with
the purported stealing of Alava’s cipher in the May before. See <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 1,230, May 24, 1567. But according to Fourquevaux, I, 227, the Spanish
ambassador accused Catherine de Medici of the stealing, <i>not</i> Coligny. If this be
true, then Coligny must have wanted to find a pretext for leaving the court without
arousing the suspicion or animosity of the King, as might have been the case if he
had done so openly out of sympathy for the prince of Condé. Claude Haton, I,
406, says that Coligny was piqued because Strozzi was given the command of the
new forces instead of himself. The prince of Condé retired to Valéry, Coligny to
Châtillon. D’Andelot soon afterward followed suit, resigning his post as colonel-general
of infantry on the ground that the marshal Cossé refused to obey his orders,
and retired to Tanlay near Tonnerre. The fine château is still standing.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Thenceforward it was of interest to the prince to stir up doubt and distrust
among the Huguenots by misrepresenting the true reasons for the crown’s military
preparation (<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, III, Introd., vi; <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, <i>anno</i> 1567, p. 305).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1092_1092" id="Footnote_1092_1092"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1092_1092"><span class="label">[1092]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,629, August 23, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1093_1093" id="Footnote_1093_1093"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1093_1093"><span class="label">[1093]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 405.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1094_1094" id="Footnote_1094_1094"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1094_1094"><span class="label">[1094]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, July 12, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1095_1095" id="Footnote_1095_1095"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1095_1095"><span class="label">[1095]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, XI, 36, 37.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1096_1096" id="Footnote_1096_1096"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1096_1096"><span class="label">[1096]</span></a></span>
See Rosseeuw-Saint-Hilaire, “Le duc d’Albe en Flandre. Procès des
comtes d’Egmont et de Hornes (1567-1568),” <i>Séances et travaux de l’Acad. des
sc. moral et polit.</i>, 4<sup>e</sup> sér., XVI (LXVI<sup>e</sup> de la collect.), 1863, p. 480.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1097_1097" id="Footnote_1097_1097"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1097_1097"><span class="label">[1097]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,155, May 1, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1098_1098" id="Footnote_1098_1098"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1098_1098"><span class="label">[1098]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, I, Book IV, chap. vii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1099_1099" id="Footnote_1099_1099"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1099_1099"><span class="label">[1099]</span></a></span>
This château was a gift to the prince of Condé by the widow of marshal
St. André, who was infatuated with him. After the prince’s second marriage she
wedded Geoffrey de Caumont (Claude Haton, I, 363). See also Clément-Simon,
<i>La Maréchale de Saint-André et ses filles</i>, Paris, 1896.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1100_1100" id="Footnote_1100_1100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1100_1100"><span class="label">[1100]</span></a></span>
The rendezvous was at Rosay-en-Brie (La Popelinière, Book XII, 37;
D’Aubigné, IV, chap, vii; Claude Haton, I, 424, 425).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1101_1101" id="Footnote_1101_1101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1101_1101"><span class="label">[1101]</span></a></span>
The Venetian ambassador Correro, in his relation of the conspiracy, expresses
astonishment that the secret of the Huguenot leaders did not leak out, and
attributes the fact to the perfection of the Protestant organization (quoted by La
Ferrière in <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, III, ix). It seems to me that
this feature was less due to perfect organization than to the promptitude with which
Condé and Coligny endeavored to carry out the project. The lesson of the conspiracy
of Amboise seven years before could not have been lost upon them. Moreover,
the queen mother did have some intimation, notwithstanding her surprise
when the shock came. For on September 10, while the court was staying at
Monceaux, some armed bands of horsemen were seen hovering around, which
caused the King’s hasty removal to Meaux (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,683, September
13, 1567, Norris to Leicester). From that hour Catherine was on the alert,
though she refused to attach alarmist importance to the signs she had seen until her
eyes were opened.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1102_1102" id="Footnote_1102_1102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1102_1102"><span class="label">[1102]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 434.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1103_1103" id="Footnote_1103_1103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1103_1103"><span class="label">[1103]</span></a></span>
Zurlauben, <i>Hist. milit. des Suisses</i>, IV, 351; Laugel, “Les régimens suisses
au service de France pendant les guerres, de religion,” <i>Revue des deux mondes</i>,
November 15, 1880, pp. 332 ff. Pfiffer had served in France during the first civil
war and was made a colonel after the battle of Dreux. There is a life of him in
German by Segesser, <i>Ludwig Pfyffer und seine Zeit</i>, Bern, 1880. Other versions
of this incident are in D’Aubigné, II, 230-32; Claude Haton, I, 428, 429; Castelnau,
VI, chap. iv; De Thou, Book XLII; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 530. La Popelinière, XII,
38, 39, gives a good account of the behavior of the Swiss. The duke of Bouillon,
an eye-witness of these incidents, has left a striking account in his <i>Mémoires</i>, ed.
Petitot, 75.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1104_1104" id="Footnote_1104_1104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1104_1104"><span class="label">[1104]</span></a></span>
For Charles IX’s own version of the affair of Meaux see a letter of the King
to the baron de Gordes, begun at Meaux and finished at Paris, September 28, 1567,
in Duc d’Aumale, <i>Histoire des princes de Condé</i>, I, Appendix XXII. His letter
to Montluc of the same date is in <i>Archives de la Gironde</i>, X, 437.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1105_1105" id="Footnote_1105_1105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1105_1105"><span class="label">[1105]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 187.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1106_1106" id="Footnote_1106_1106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1106_1106"><span class="label">[1106]</span></a></span>
The Guises made capital out of the event of Meaux and sedulously exploited
the King’s animosity. Martin, <i>Histoire de France</i>, IX, 216, suggests that Charles
IX’s conduct on St. Bartholomew’s Day may have been influenced by this
episode.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1107_1107" id="Footnote_1107_1107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1107_1107"><span class="label">[1107]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 112, 113.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1108_1108" id="Footnote_1108_1108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1108_1108"><span class="label">[1108]</span></a></span>
“Discipline of the Reformed Churches in France Received and Enacted by
Their First National Synod at Paris in 1559,” chap. vii, canon 1, published in
Quick, <i>Synodicon in Gallia</i>, 2 vols., London, 1692.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The first consistorial regulation which we possess has been published by the
Protestant pastor, Eugene Arnaud, from a manuscript at Grenoble. It bears
the title “Articles Polytiques par l’Eglise Réformée selon le S. Evangile, fait à
Poitiers 1557.” See <i>Synode général de Poitiers 1557</i>, <i>Synodes provinciaux de Lyon,
Die, Peyraud, Montelimar et Nîmes en 1561 et 1562</i>, <i>assemblée des Etats du
Dauphiné en 1563</i>, <i>etc.</i>, par E. Arnaud. Grenoble, ed. Allier, 1872, 91 pages.</p>
<p class="pfc4">At the synod of Lyons (1563) the canons of the three preceding national synods
held at Paris, Poitiers, and Orleans, were reduced to a single series of articles.
The deliberations of most of the provincial synods still remain in manuscript or
are lost (Frossard, <i>Etude historique et bibliographique sur la discipline ecclésiastique
des églises réformées de France</i>, 18).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1109_1109" id="Footnote_1109_1109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1109_1109"><span class="label">[1109]</span></a></span>
Chap. vi, canon 1.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1110_1110" id="Footnote_1110_1110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1110_1110"><span class="label">[1110]</span></a></span>
Chap. viii, canon 2. Chap. v, canon 1, provides that “a consistory shall be
made up of those who govern it (the individual churches), to-wit, of its pastors
and elders.” In some cases deacons discharged the elder’s office (chap. v, canon 2).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1111_1111" id="Footnote_1111_1111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1111_1111"><span class="label">[1111]</span></a></span>
Chap. viii, canon 8. Elders were elected by the joint suffrage of pastor and
people, upon oral nomination (chap. iii, canon 1).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1112_1112" id="Footnote_1112_1112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1112_1112"><span class="label">[1112]</span></a></span>
Chap. viii, canon 9.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1113_1113" id="Footnote_1113_1113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1113_1113"><span class="label">[1113]</span></a></span>
Chap. viii, canon 14.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1114_1114" id="Footnote_1114_1114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1114_1114"><span class="label">[1114]</span></a></span>
Chap. viii, canon 15.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1115_1115" id="Footnote_1115_1115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1115_1115"><span class="label">[1115]</span></a></span>
The synod of Nîmes in 1572 also divided Normandy into two provinces
(<i>Synodicon in Gallia</i>, I, 111, 112). At the same time Metz was annexed to
Champagne.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1116_1116" id="Footnote_1116_1116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1116_1116"><span class="label">[1116]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 115, and n. B; <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, II, Book V,
338; L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice, 107; <i>Mémoires de Philippi</i>, 360, col. 1 (ed.
Buchon); Collection Godefroy, CCLVII, No. 46; Claude Haton, I, 425.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1117_1117" id="Footnote_1117_1117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1117_1117"><span class="label">[1117]</span></a></span>
The democratic revolutionary character of the Huguenot movement in
Guyenne probably owes some of its intensity to the memory of the revolt of 1548
and the merciless suppression thereof (observation of M. Henri Hauser, <i>Rev. hist.</i>,
XCVII (March-April, 1908), 341, n. 6, a review of Courteault <i>Blaise de Montluc</i>).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1118_1118" id="Footnote_1118_1118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1118_1118"><span class="label">[1118]</span></a></span>
“Temevano prima i cattolici, non perchè fossero inferiori di numero (che
... del popolo minuto non vi è la trigesima parte ugonotta; la nobilita è più
infetta; e s’io dicessi di un terzo, forse non fallirei); ma perchè questi; sebben pochi,
erano però uniti, concordi, e vigilantissimi nelle loro cose.”&mdash;<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 120.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The Huguenots fired guns instead of ringing bells as a signal of alarm (<i>ibid.</i>,
107). The <i>tocsin</i>, even before St. Bartholomew, was the Catholic signal.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1119_1119" id="Footnote_1119_1119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1119_1119"><span class="label">[1119]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 115.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1120_1120" id="Footnote_1120_1120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1120_1120"><span class="label">[1120]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, I, 552; Ranke, <i>Civil Wars and
Monarchy in France</i>, 287; Forneron, <i>Les ducs de Guise</i>, II, 221; Anquetil, <i>Histoire
des assemblées politiques des réformes de France</i>, I, 18.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1121_1121" id="Footnote_1121_1121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1121_1121"><span class="label">[1121]</span></a></span>
Forneron, II, 164 ff.; <i>Hist. de Languedoc</i>, V, 543, 544; Armstrong, “The
Political Theories of the Huguenots,” <i>English Historical Review</i>, IV, 13; Merriam,
<i>History of the Theory of Sovereignty since Rousseau</i>, 13-15; Beaudrillart, <i>Jean
Bodin et son temps</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1122_1122" id="Footnote_1122_1122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1122_1122"><span class="label">[1122]</span></a></span>
“Si le roy tenoit sa loy, le royaulme en seroit mieulx régy et gouverné, les
antiens, qui ont tenu les concilles, ont bien regardé à cella quant ilz ont uny nostre
foy avec la continuation de la monarchie des princes, car ilz ont bien poysé que le
peuple, qui est gouverné sous ung monarque, est beaucoup plus assuré et tenu en
la craincté de Dieu et à l’obéyssance qu’il doibt porter à son roy, que non celluy
qui est soubz une républicque, en laquelle sa loy admene tout le monde et destruict
les monarchies. Qui me voldra nyer que le roy prent ceste loy qu’il ne faille que sa
personne mesmes et son royaulme soit régy et gouverné par les gens qui auront
esté esleuz par les estatz, qui sera son conseil sans lequel le roy ne pourra faire chose
aucune. Et s’il veult une chose et le conseil une aultre, le pays ne fera sinon ce que
le conseil ordonnera, parce qu’il aura esté (esleu) par les estatz; et si le roy mesmes
veult quelque chose pour luy ou pour aultre, fauldra que, le bonnet à la main, il le
viegne demander à son conseil et les prier, là où en nostre loy il commende au conseil
et à tous, tant que nous sommes. Que l’on regarde dès ceste genre ce que se faict
en Angleterre et en Escosse, et si ce n’est plustost manière d’aristocracie ou de
démocracie que non de monarchie. Et quand le roy sera grand, il voldra demander
sa liberté, laquelle ne luy sera concédée et s’il faict semblant de la voloir
avoir par force, son conseil mesmes luy couppera la guorge et feront un aultre roy
à leur plaisir.”&mdash;<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, 297, 298 (December 1563).
The baron de Ruble, in a note remarks: “Nulle part peut-être, pas même dans
les écrits de François Hotman et de Bodin, les réformes politiques que promettait
le calvinisme ne sont exposées avec autant de clarté que dans ce mémoire de Monluc.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1123_1123" id="Footnote_1123_1123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1123_1123"><span class="label">[1123]</span></a></span>
Paulet to Cecil, October 13, 1567; <i>C. S. P. Dom.</i>, Add.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1124_1124" id="Footnote_1124_1124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1124_1124"><span class="label">[1124]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 549. On September 29, 1567, permission was given the
populace of Paris to arm themselves.&mdash;Lettres patentes du Roy Charles IX pour
l’establissement des capitaines de la ville de Paris et permission aux citizens d’icelle
de prendre les armes. Felibien, <i>Histoire de Paris</i>, III, 703, 704.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1125_1125" id="Footnote_1125_1125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1125_1125"><span class="label">[1125]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, XII, 39; Claude Haton, I, 439; La Noue, chap. xiv; <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 1,427, September 30, 1567. Norris gives the names of the towns taken
by the prince of Condé’s forces.&mdash;<i>State Papers, Foreign</i>, Elizabeth, Vol. XCIV
No. 1,338. See Appendix XI. According to Baschet, <i>La diplomatie vénitienne</i>,
543 and note, the prince of Condé planned to burn Paris.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1126_1126" id="Footnote_1126_1126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1126_1126"><span class="label">[1126]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, Book XII, 51, 51 <i>bis</i>. The slaughter at the bridge was
terrible. The King’s captain and the color-bearer, who managed to escape to
Paris, were hanged by Charles IX.&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,804, November 2, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1127_1127" id="Footnote_1127_1127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1127_1127"><span class="label">[1127]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,763, October 14, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1128_1128" id="Footnote_1128_1128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1128_1128"><span class="label">[1128]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 444-46.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1129_1129" id="Footnote_1129_1129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1129_1129"><span class="label">[1129]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 407, October 18, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1130_1130" id="Footnote_1130_1130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1130_1130"><span class="label">[1130]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 439-45, and La Noue, chap. xvi, give some graphic details.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1131_1131" id="Footnote_1131_1131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1131_1131"><span class="label">[1131]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 444, 445.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1132_1132" id="Footnote_1132_1132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1132_1132"><span class="label">[1132]</span></a></span>
“Ordonnance du Roy, portant permission à toutes personnes, d’apporter, et
faire apporter, conduire et amener à Paris, tant par eau que par terre, toutes espèces
de vivres, bleds, vins et autres; sans payer pour iceux aucunes daces, subsides, ou
imposition quelconques.”&mdash;Paris, R. Estienne, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1133_1133" id="Footnote_1133_1133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1133_1133"><span class="label">[1133]</span></a></span>
“Lettre addressée aux échevins de Rouen par un de leurs délégués,” <i>Bulletin
de la Société de l’histoire de Normandie</i>, 1875-80, p. 279. The whole letter is of interest.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1134_1134" id="Footnote_1134_1134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1134_1134"><span class="label">[1134]</span></a></span>
Alva’s reply October 24, 1567, is in <i>Correspondance de Philippe II</i>, II, 594.
Cf. Gachard, <i>La Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris</i>, I, 395; II, 459; and <i>Histoire des
troubles des Pays-Bas</i>, ed. Piot, I, 293 (chap. xlvi).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1135_1135" id="Footnote_1135_1135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1135_1135"><span class="label">[1135]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,789, October 27, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1136_1136" id="Footnote_1136_1136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1136_1136"><span class="label">[1136]</span></a></span>
These demands were presented in writing to the queen’s emissaries.
De Thou, Book XLII; Claude Haton, I, 447; D’Aubigné, II, 232-34, have
summarized them. La Popelinière, Book XII, 41-43 gives the text. There is
a monograph by Baguenault de Puchesse: <i>Jean de Morvillier, évêque d’Orléans:
Etude sur la politique française au XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle, d’après des documents
inédits</i>, Didier, Paris, 1870.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1137_1137" id="Footnote_1137_1137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1137_1137"><span class="label">[1137]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, Book XII, 50 <i>bis</i>; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,856, October 10, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1138_1138" id="Footnote_1138_1138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1138_1138"><span class="label">[1138]</span></a></span>
Davila, I, 195.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1139_1139" id="Footnote_1139_1139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1139_1139"><span class="label">[1139]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,777, October 22, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1140_1140" id="Footnote_1140_1140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1140_1140"><span class="label">[1140]</span></a></span>
A list of officers and the number of horsemen commanded by each who were
sent to the king of France by the duke of Savoy.&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,735, September,
1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1141_1141" id="Footnote_1141_1141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1141_1141"><span class="label">[1141]</span></a></span>
He wrote to Philip II, to Emanuel Philibert of Savoy, and the Venetian
government urging them to succor Charles IX “against the rebels and heretics”
within his kingdom, and to the duke of Lorraine to stop the reiters.&mdash;Potter,
<i>Lettres de St. Pie V sur les affaires religieuses de son temps en France</i>, Paris, 1828.
To Philip II, October 13, 1567&mdash;Potter, p. 1 (ed. Gouban, Book I, No. 22, p. 50);
to the duke of Savoy, October 18, 1567&mdash;Potter, p. 8 (ed. Gouban, Book I,
No. 25, p. 54); to Priuli, Venetian ambassador in France, October 18&mdash;Potter, p. 6
(ed. Gouban, Book I, No. 24, p. 53). At the same time the Pope wrote to the
duke of Nevers in terms of rejoicing that Charles IX had escaped at Meaux.&mdash;Potter,
p. 3 (ed. Gouban, Book I, No. 23, p. 51), October 16, 1567. Within
a month the Pope’s word began to be made good, for 10,000 pieces of gold were
en route to France in the middle of November.&mdash;Potter, p. 10 (ed. Gouban,
Book I, No. 26, p. 56), letter to the duke of Savoy of November 16, 1567. In it the
Pope says he has written the duke of Lorraine to stop the reiters about to enter
France.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1142_1142" id="Footnote_1142_1142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1142_1142"><span class="label">[1142]</span></a></span>
The question of payment of the Swiss still remained to be settled and
Charles IX was at his wits’ end and actually offered a mortgage of his frontier
towns, save Lyons and the frontier of Burgundy, paying 5 per cent. interest in
order to quiet the importunate demands of the cantons.&mdash;<i>Revue d’histoire diplomatique</i>,
XIV (1900), 49, 50.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1143_1143" id="Footnote_1143_1143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1143_1143"><span class="label">[1143]</span></a></span>
Request of Charles IX to the bishop of Mainz to permit the reiters to pass,
December 9, 1567.&mdash;Coll. Godefroy, CCLVI, No. 4. John Casimir, second son
of the elector palatine, Frederick III, levied troops for the Protestants. When
protest was made against this action, he gave an evasive reply. See Languet,
<i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 27; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, II, 163, 164; La Noue,
ed. 1596, p. 897.</p>
<p class="pfc4">On the other hand the landgrave was hostile to the prince of Condé and was
fearful also of compromising himself with the Emperor and Spain.&mdash;<i>Archives de
la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 128, 164; Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 35.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1144_1144" id="Footnote_1144_1144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1144_1144"><span class="label">[1144]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,864, December 15, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1145_1145" id="Footnote_1145_1145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1145_1145"><span class="label">[1145]</span></a></span>
This is shown by a passage in which the elector of Saxony makes mention of
an alliance which the French nobles had offered (<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
III, 131, 134). Although the prince of Condé in December declared that
he had not entered into a treaty with the Flemish Calvinists (<i>ibid.</i>, 143), it is probable
that these proposals were accepted some months later. There is in existence the
minute of a treaty with Condé and Coligny dated August, 1568 (<i>ibid.</i>, III, No.
321, p. 285).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1146_1146" id="Footnote_1146_1146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1146_1146"><span class="label">[1146]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,756, October 10, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1147_1147" id="Footnote_1147_1147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1147_1147"><span class="label">[1147]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, XII, 52 <i>bis</i>; D’Aubigné II, 236. La Noue himself, with
characteristic modesty, scarcely mentions this feat.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1148_1148" id="Footnote_1148_1148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1148_1148"><span class="label">[1148]</span></a></span>
“Journal de Lépaulart relig. du monastère de Saint-Crepin-le-Grand de
Soissons, sur la prise de cette ville par les Huguenots en 1567,” <i>Bull. d. Soc. arch.</i>,
XIV (Soissons, 1860).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1149_1149" id="Footnote_1149_1149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1149_1149"><span class="label">[1149]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,804, November 2, 1567. Metz was captured late in
October by the Huguenots, but not the citadel.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1150_1150" id="Footnote_1150_1150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1150_1150"><span class="label">[1150]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,822, November 16, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1151_1151" id="Footnote_1151_1151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1151_1151"><span class="label">[1151]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, XII, 52.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1152_1152" id="Footnote_1152_1152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1152_1152"><span class="label">[1152]</span></a></span>
On the identity and career of Robert Stuart, see Claude Haton, I, 458, n. 2.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1153_1153" id="Footnote_1153_1153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1153_1153"><span class="label">[1153]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 410, November 11, 1567. Montmorency lingered two
days and died on November 12.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1154_1154" id="Footnote_1154_1154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1154_1154"><span class="label">[1154]</span></a></span>
There are accounts of the battle of St. Denis in La Noue, <i>Mémoires</i>, chap. xiv;
<i>Mém. du duc de Bouillon</i>, 379; D’Aubigné, Book IV, chap. ix; Claude Haton, I,
457; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 551 ff. The editor has subjoined a note (2) giving the literature
of the subject.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1155_1155" id="Footnote_1155_1155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1155_1155"><span class="label">[1155]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 495; <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, III, Introd., xv.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The duke of Guise was criticized for not having pursued the Huguenots more
hotly and cut the road by Charenton, or Corbeil, or at the ford of Lagny, which
might have been done, for their army was in great disorder and depressed on account
of the losses which it had suffered. The reason of the delay is probably to be found
in the fact that the breach between the Guises and the Montmorencys was wider
than ever at this moment. For the duke of Montpensier and the duke of Montmorency
each claimed command of the vanguard. The King finally decided in
favor of the former, whereupon Montmorency laid down his command. See
Claude Haton, I, 461, 462 and note; <i>Bulletin de la Societé d’histoire de Normandie</i>,
1875-80, p. 279; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,833, November 24; No. 1,837, November 29,
1567; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 557.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1156_1156" id="Footnote_1156_1156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1156_1156"><span class="label">[1156]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 495 and note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1157_1157" id="Footnote_1157_1157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1157_1157"><span class="label">[1157]</span></a></span>
The admiral sent Teligny to the King on November 13 for this purpose.&mdash;<i>C.
S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,822, November 16, 1567; cf. No. 1,836. We know, from a
letter of Charles IX to his brother, what the King’s terms would have been: (1) in
the case of nobles, authorization of Protestant worship to those possessed of high
justice or possessors of “pleins fiefs de haubert” i. e., fiefs that were noble, yet did
not confer title, provided it were conducted within their own dwellings in the presence
of their families and not more than fifty outside persons, and without arms;
(2) absolute limitation of other worship to the places specifically granted in the
edict of Amboise; (3) surrender of places and property seized by the Huguenots;
(4) suppression of the Protestant cult within the walls of Lyons, but permission
to worship at two leagues’ distance from the city; (5) interdiction of levies of money
or men in the future and the discontinuance of Protestant associations and synods.&mdash;<i>Correspondance
de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, Introd., xiv. It is a very remarkable
fact that these precise terms had been recommended to Charles IX as a basis of
settlement by Montluc in a memoir sent to the King in February 1565. See <i>Commentaires
et lettres de Montluc</i>, V, 3-9. Montluc made the further recommendation
that the governments be divided by <i>sénéchaussées</i> instead of by rivers, on the ground
that rivers sometimes divided towns into two jurisdictions. His friction with
Damville (cf. <i>ibid.</i>, 103-6) probably accounts for the proposed change. Montluc
also advised abolition of the <i>vice-sénéchaux</i> (<i>ibid.</i>, 8).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1158_1158" id="Footnote_1158_1158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1158_1158"><span class="label">[1158]</span></a></span>
See the proclamation of Charles IX commanding the provost Paris to
search out all gentlemen who have retired to their homes since the battle of St. Denis;
and ordering them to return to the army under pain of forfeiture of their fiefs and
property. Printed in Appendix XII. In the second part of <i>Coll. de St. Pétersbourg</i>,
Vol. XXI, is a group of letters from Charles IX to the duke of Anjou running from
December 2, 1567. In every page the question of the military operations of the
second civil war comes up. It is evident that the gentlemen of the <i>maison du roi</i>
complained loudly of the service required of them, especially because they were so
ill lodged.&mdash;La Ferrière, <i>Deux ans de mission à St. Pétersbourg</i>, 24.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1159_1159" id="Footnote_1159_1159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1159_1159"><span class="label">[1159]</span></a></span>
During the occupation of the army all Protestant children who had been
baptized in the Reformed religion by preachers were rebaptized according to the
rites of the Roman religion, and godfathers and godmothers were given them and
new names which were approved by the church.&mdash;Claude Haton, I, 512 and note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1160_1160" id="Footnote_1160_1160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1160_1160"><span class="label">[1160]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 504-12.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1161_1161" id="Footnote_1161_1161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1161_1161"><span class="label">[1161]</span></a></span>
On December 6 he published a declaration in favor of the Huguenots.&mdash;<i>Bulletin
de la Société du prot. franç.</i> XVI, 118. See also <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,920,
the elector to Charles IX, January 4, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1162_1162" id="Footnote_1162_1162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1162_1162"><span class="label">[1162]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,911, from the camp at Dessay, January 3, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1163_1163" id="Footnote_1163_1163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1163_1163"><span class="label">[1163]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,806, November 3, 1567; No. 1,864 § 2, December 15, 1567.
His resolution to assist the Huguenots led to the dismissal of his ambassador at the
French court on December 17th.&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,889. In <i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,956 there is an
abstract of a long letter of the elector palatine written to Charles IX in remonstrance
of the action of the King, and in justification of his own course.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1164_1164" id="Footnote_1164_1164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1164_1164"><span class="label">[1164]</span></a></span>
A meeting of the electors was called for January 6, 1568, at Fulda, ostensibly
for the purpose of preventing German enrolments for the war in France, but in
reality that the Emperor might broach the possibility of recovering the Three
Bishoprics.&mdash;Mundt to Cecil, January 6, 1568 in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,927. I
cannot understand how Hubert Languet could have fallen into the error of thinking
that the queen mother made no opposition to the enlistment of troops in Germany
for the Huguenot cause, as he says in <i>Epp. Arc.</i>, I, 43. The statement puzzled
Ranke (p. 233) who left it unsolved. The dispatch of Norris in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 1,864, December 15, 1567, to the effect that Lignerolles was sent to Germany
by the queen for this purpose clears up the matter. Catherine’s correspondence
fails us on this head. But it is well known that many of her letters are scattered
in private collections and were not procurable by La Ferrière.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1165_1165" id="Footnote_1165_1165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1165_1165"><span class="label">[1165]</span></a></span>
Alva had no flattering opinion of the cardinal of Lorraine. In 1572 he
wrote to Philip II: “Quand en faveur il est insolent et ne se souvient de personne,
tandis que, quand il est en disgrace, il n’est bon à rien.”&mdash;Gachard, <i>Correspondance
de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, II, 267.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1166_1166" id="Footnote_1166_1166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1166_1166"><span class="label">[1166]</span></a></span>
Gachard, <i>ibid.</i>, I, 593, 594, Alva to Philip, November 1, 1567. On the
margin of this dispatch Philip wrote this piece of casuistry with his own hand:
“Me parece muy bien que hiziese lo que aqui dice, y tanto mas que aquello no hera
romper la paz, pues yo no la hizé, ni la tengo, sino con el rey de Francia, y no con
sus vasallos ereges, como seria, si esto se hiziese no estando él libre, como aqui se
dice.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1167_1167" id="Footnote_1167_1167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1167_1167"><span class="label">[1167]</span></a></span>
“En caso de muerte del rey y de sus hermanos, tomarse ya la voz que el
cardinal dize de rey de Francia para V. M., por el derecho de la reyna nuestra
señora; que la ley salica, que dizen, es baya, y las armas la allanarian” (<i>ibid.</i>,
594).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1168_1168" id="Footnote_1168_1168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1168_1168"><span class="label">[1168]</span></a></span>
“Esto es el punto en que me parece que ay mas que mirar, porqué esto se
podria mal hazer sin romper; y por otra parte, parece que seria duro dexar de
abrazar á quien por tal causa se pone en mys manos; y pues creo que por este caso
avra tiempo, qu’él me avise de su parecer sobre ello, segun allá estubienen las
cosas.”&mdash;Gachard, <i>loc. cit.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1169_1169" id="Footnote_1169_1169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1169_1169"><span class="label">[1169]</span></a></span>
Philip II approved this.&mdash;Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II</i>, I, 598:
to Alva, November 12, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1170_1170" id="Footnote_1170_1170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1170_1170"><span class="label">[1170]</span></a></span>
Gachard, I, 606-7, from Paris, December 4, 1567; <i>Correspondance de Catherine
de Médicis</i>, Letter CLII; <i>Correspondance de Philippe II</i>, I, 605-7. The
queen mother seems to have been frightened after the battle of St. Denis for she
disclaims blame in advance, “before God and all the Christian princes,” if, in
default of help, she be forced to make peace with the prince of Condé. At about
the same time, she also wrote to Philip II in the same strain (quoted in part by
Forneron, I, 348 from K. 1,507, No. 29). I do not find that this letter has been
printed.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1171_1171" id="Footnote_1171_1171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1171_1171"><span class="label">[1171]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, II, 62.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1172_1172" id="Footnote_1172_1172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1172_1172"><span class="label">[1172]</span></a></span>
Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, I, 608.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1173_1173" id="Footnote_1173_1173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1173_1173"><span class="label">[1173]</span></a></span>
“Porqué seria mala burla yr á meter fuego en casa agena, començandose á
arder la propria.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, 597: Alva to Philip II, November 6, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1174_1174" id="Footnote_1174_1174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1174_1174"><span class="label">[1174]</span></a></span>
It was à propos of Catherine de Medici’s weakness at this time that the
marshal Vieilleville bluntly said to Charles IX.: “Ce n’est point Votre Majesté
qui a gagné la bataille [of St. Denis]; encore moins le prince de Condé. C’est le
roi d’Espagne.”&mdash;Weiss, <i>L’Espagne sous Philippe II</i>, I, 119.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1175_1175" id="Footnote_1175_1175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1175_1175"><span class="label">[1175]</span></a></span>
On the military state of Sens at this time see Charles IX’s postscript to his
mother’s letter to Fourquevaux of December 7 in <i>Correspondance de Catherine de
Médicis</i>, III, 89, note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1176_1176" id="Footnote_1176_1176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1176_1176"><span class="label">[1176]</span></a></span>
Norris, writing to Queen Elizabeth on December 15, in one place says,
“the reiters are 4,000 with 4,000 lansquenets” (§2); later in the course of the same
letter, which is a long one and probably the information of several days running,
he says, “6,800 with 6,000 lansquenets” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,864, December 15,
1567). This seems to be confirmed by another report from France, December 26,
which says “the reiters who have arrived amount to 6,500 men” (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,882).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1177_1177" id="Footnote_1177_1177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1177_1177"><span class="label">[1177]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,864 §2, No. 1,882, December 15-26, 1567. The reiters came
“with certain pieces of artillery and 700 or 800 empty wagons, trusting to be no
greater losers by this dissension than by the last” (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,864, §3. Norris to
Elizabeth).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1178_1178" id="Footnote_1178_1178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1178_1178"><span class="label">[1178]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,889, December 28, 1567; No. 1,911, January 3, 1568. In <i>ibid.</i>,
Nos. 1,976 and 2,011, the following is given as the strength of the two armies:
“Army of the King, 20,600 horsemen and 10,000 Swiss footmen; the numbers of the
other footmen are not set down. Condé’s army, footmen 13,000; horsemen 11,900
where of reiters 6,200”&mdash;January, 1568. List of the troops of the prince of Condé
with their commanders, amounting in all to 15,000 or 16,000 foot, and 14,000
horse, exclusive of those in garrison or serving in other parts of France&mdash;February
15, 1568. Norris wrote in February, 1568: “The prince has crossed the Seine,
and is at present nothing inferior in number to the King’s army in infantry, but they
are not esteemed so good for battle by reason of the Switzers. He has 3,000 more
cavalry than the king has.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,981.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1179_1179" id="Footnote_1179_1179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1179_1179"><span class="label">[1179]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,864, §4, December 15, 1567. Names of the different noblemen
commanding in the army of the King of France (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,918, January 4,
1568). Letters-patent of Charles IX, dated December 16, 1567, ordered the exodus
of all of the “pretended Reformed religion” from Paris and enjoined the seizure of
all their benefices and lands, which were to be annexed to the crown property, and
the sale of all the goods of such subjects (<i>ibid.</i>, Nos. 1,877, 1,878, December 21-24,
1567). In January a supplementary order commanded the sale of all goods and
movables of those with the prince of Condé, and the annexation of all their lands
and hereditaments to the crown (<i>ibid.</i>, 1,914, January 3, 1568)&mdash;decrees which
“were not left unexecuted in any point to the utmost” (Norris to Cecil, <i>ibid.</i>, No.
1,889, December 28, 1567, §1). Cf. Charles IX’s letters-patent of February 21,
1568, bidding that the houses and real property held by base tenure belonging to
rebels shall be sold in the same manner as personal property (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,200,
February 21, 1568). The same sort of measures were practiced elsewhere. For
instance, in Agen, Protestant merchants suffered confiscation of grain and wine to
the amount of 1,014 livres, 7 sous (<i>Arch. Commun.</i>, Agen, Reg. CC, 302).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1180_1180" id="Footnote_1180_1180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1180_1180"><span class="label">[1180]</span></a></span>
The original letter of Charles IX, written from Paris, December 17, 1567
to the duke of Anjou, reciting the terms of peace to be presented to the prince of
Condé was sold in Paris in 1845. The duke’s instructions were to renew hostilities
if the terms were not accepted. In Coll. Godefroy, XCVI, No. 8, is the safe-conduct
given to the cardinal Châtillon by the duke of Anjou. It is dated December
25, 1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1181_1181" id="Footnote_1181_1181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1181_1181"><span class="label">[1181]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,890, January 4, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1182_1182" id="Footnote_1182_1182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1182_1182"><span class="label">[1182]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,919, January 4, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1183_1183" id="Footnote_1183_1183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1183_1183"><span class="label">[1183]</span></a></span>
Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, II, 7, to Alva,
January 22, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1184_1184" id="Footnote_1184_1184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1184_1184"><span class="label">[1184]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 430, September 11, 1568; “A Florentine merchant greatly
esteemed by these majesties and very useful to them in money matters called upon
me today and gave me information concerning the king’s inability from want of
money to continue the war.” Account of the sums of money paid to the troops,
native and foreign, in the French king’s service during the month of January 1568,
amounting to 987,052 livres, or 116,646£ 9<i>s.</i> sterling. The amounts reduced from
French to English money by Cecil (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,978, January 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1185_1185" id="Footnote_1185_1185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1185_1185"><span class="label">[1185]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,914, January 3, 1568. For an amusing instance see No. 1,670.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1186_1186" id="Footnote_1186_1186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1186_1186"><span class="label">[1186]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,024, February 12, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1187_1187" id="Footnote_1187_1187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1187_1187"><span class="label">[1187]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,024, §1, February 24, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1188_1188" id="Footnote_1188_1188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1188_1188"><span class="label">[1188]</span></a></span>
“The King’s army, finding what disorder the want of a good head has bred
hitherto, are now content to accept any, be it not a marshal of France. It is now
said that Mons. de Tavannes shall be M. d’Anjou’s lieutenant” (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,024,
February 24, 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1189_1189" id="Footnote_1189_1189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1189_1189"><span class="label">[1189]</span></a></span>
Some of them were captured by the King’s forces in a skirmish near Châtillon
between the duke of Nevers and Montgomery, and broken upon the wheel. The
poor wretches under the torture compromised twenty-five others of the Guard,
who on March 6 were also horribly put to death (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,062, March 12, 1568).
After the peace of Longjumeau the Scotch captains who had joined the prince of
Condé were deprived of their commissions, although the action was contrary to the
edict. In fact a reorganization of the whole <i>maison du roi</i> was made (<i>ibid.</i>, No.
2,135, April 18, No. 2,178, May 12, 1568). The vacancies were filled by Swiss
instead (<i>ibid.</i>, Nos. 1,981, 1,987, February 1 and 6, 1568), so that the famous
Scotch Guard in the end became the King’s Swiss Guard, which lasted down to
the Revolution.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1190_1190" id="Footnote_1190_1190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1190_1190"><span class="label">[1190]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,981, February 1, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1191_1191" id="Footnote_1191_1191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1191_1191"><span class="label">[1191]</span></a></span>
He was accused of having “pretermitted many fair occasions to have fought
with the prince.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1192_1192" id="Footnote_1192_1192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1192_1192"><span class="label">[1192]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,024, §2, February 24, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1193_1193" id="Footnote_1193_1193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1193_1193"><span class="label">[1193]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 498 and note; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,833, November 24,
1567.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1194_1194" id="Footnote_1194_1194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1194_1194"><span class="label">[1194]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 524.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1195_1195" id="Footnote_1195_1195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1195_1195"><span class="label">[1195]</span></a></span>
These high prices were partly owing to the fact that speculators had bought
up much of the grain, which rose in April to between 60 and 70 livres per muid.
But in May, with the promise of a good harvest, the price dropped over one-half,
from 15 sous tournois per bichet to 7 sous 6 deniers, to the great regret of the merchants
who had counted upon a scarcity. On the other hand, the price of oats
went higher, being sold at from 10 to 12 sous per bichet, or boisseau, for there was
very little to be had after the passage of the troops; and because it ripened earlier,
almost all of it was taken (Claude Haton, II, 523).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1196_1196" id="Footnote_1196_1196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1196_1196"><span class="label">[1196]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,024, February 24, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1197_1197" id="Footnote_1197_1197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1197_1197"><span class="label">[1197]</span></a></span>
So ominous was the temper of the Parisians that even the minor gates of the
Louvre were equipped with drawbridges (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,040, §4, March 1, 1568).
Part of the indignation of Paris was due to the outrages of some reiters in the King’s
army from Luxembourg and Lorraine, who robbed priests and despoiled churches,
notwithstanding that they were in Catholic service, so much so that “the Parisians
had rather had the prince of Condé’s people should approach Paris as they” (<i>ibid.</i>,
Nos. 2,040, 2,041, March 1, 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1198_1198" id="Footnote_1198_1198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1198_1198"><span class="label">[1198]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 145.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1199_1199" id="Footnote_1199_1199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1199_1199"><span class="label">[1199]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,040, §3, March 1, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1200_1200" id="Footnote_1200_1200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1200_1200"><span class="label">[1200]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, III, 136. La Rochelle was already the
Huguenots’ most important point and already large supplies of gunpowder and
ammunition, chiefly from England, were being brought in there (cf. the captain
of La Rochelle to Queen Elizabeth, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,057, March 10, 1568). La
Popelinière, XII, 68-70, has a dissertation upon the history and institutions of
La Rochelle.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The peace of Longjumeau put an end to Montluc’s plan for the seizure of
La Rochelle, for which he had received the King’s sanction in February. See the
documents in F. Fr. 15,544, fol. 187; 15,548, foll. 163 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1201_1201" id="Footnote_1201_1201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1201_1201"><span class="label">[1201]</span></a></span>
In the controversy between the count palatine and the King the former had
asked that the word “perpetual” be inserted in the edict, so that the edict might
not be revoked at will (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,968, 1567-68).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1202_1202" id="Footnote_1202_1202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1202_1202"><span class="label">[1202]</span></a></span>
The balance was to be paid in two instalments at Frankfurt (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
2,135, April 18, 1568). All gifts and pensions were revoked until the debt was paid
(<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,248, June 4, 1568). In Coll. Godefroy, CCLVII, Nos. 35, 41-43
are a number of documents dealing with the pay of the reiters at this time. The
whole sum required for the reiters was 1,440,000 livres, and the government at once
set to work to collect it. The first collection seems to have been a sort of <i>don
patriotique</i> made by a house-to-house visitation, showing how pressing was the
necessity. The government tried to borrow the money which John Casimir had
raised for the Protestants, but which was not used on account of the peace, and
offered to pay 16 per cent. interest for it (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, March 28, 1568). On
March 23 the King issued letters patent forbidding all notaries and others receiving
any contract for annuities or mortgages before the sum of 1,400,000 livres <i>tournois</i>
had been raised (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,085). The duke of Alva was in a state of great
anxiety for fear lest the reiters would come into the Netherlands and thought he
discovered a plot to throw St. Omer into their hands (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,230, April 25,
1568).</p>
<p class="pfc4">All the records abound with allusions to the rapacity of the reiters: “La
nazione tedesca, nazione avara” (<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 125 and notes).</p>
<p class="pfc4">“Les reîtres trouvaient beaucoup meilleur l’argent qu’on leur promettait
d’Angleterre que les cidres de Normandie.”&mdash;La Noue.</p>
<p class="pfc4">“L’importunità dei Tedeschi che mai cessavano de domandare donazioni
o paghe.”&mdash;Davila, I, 137.</p>
<p class="pfc4">“Ils consommeraient un gouffre d’argent&mdash;Facheux, avares, importuns.”&mdash;Brantôme,
III, 196, 310.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1203_1203" id="Footnote_1203_1203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1203_1203"><span class="label">[1203]</span></a></span>
But restricted as they were, the terms yet mightily offended the Guises,
especially the cardinal of Lorraine who “did marvellously storm that the king would
condescend to any peace with his subjects, whereat the king said he would agree
thereto ‘maugre luy.’” (On the entire negotiations see <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,025,
Feb. 24; Nos. 2,040-41, March 1-4; No. 2,054, March 9; Nos. 2,057, 2,058, March
10-11; No. 2,092, March 27, 1568). The final draft was completed on March 23;
the edict was signed by Charles IX on March 26. It was published at Paris on the
next day (<i>ibid.</i>, Nos. 2,092-93).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1204_1204" id="Footnote_1204_1204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1204_1204"><span class="label">[1204]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,058, March 11, 1568. Granvella expressed fear of universal
famine in France, followed by the plague (Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II</i>,
II, 17).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1205_1205" id="Footnote_1205_1205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1205_1205"><span class="label">[1205]</span></a></span>
The preachers and the doctors in Paris in their sermons decried the King and
his Council (Claude Haton, II, 527 and note; cf. <i>ibid.</i>, 531; <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 121).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1206_1206" id="Footnote_1206_1206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1206_1206"><span class="label">[1206]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,273, June 17, 1568; <i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, V, 482 ff.;
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, V, 18, 88, 142, 156; D’Aubigné, Book IV,
chaps. xii-xiv.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1207_1207" id="Footnote_1207_1207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1207_1207"><span class="label">[1207]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 2,115, 2,135, April 8-10, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1208_1208" id="Footnote_1208_1208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1208_1208"><span class="label">[1208]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, V, 441.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1209_1209" id="Footnote_1209_1209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1209_1209"><span class="label">[1209]</span></a></span>
For details see <i>ibid.</i>, 443-64.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1210_1210" id="Footnote_1210_1210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1210_1210"><span class="label">[1210]</span></a></span>
Montluc even ascribed the ravages of the plague to Damville in order to
create popular prejudice against him! (<i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, V, 449). His own
words are: “Pour se montrer au peuple, qui avoit une marvelleuse envie de le
voir, n’y pouvant arrêter à cause de la grande peste qui y est.” (Cf. his letters to
Damville, December 31, 1567, and August 26, 1569, in <i>Commentaires et lettres de
Montluc</i>, V, 103 and 159.) Montluc was doubly incensed at this moment because
the peace of Longjumeau canceled orders which he had received in February to
attempt to take La Rochelle by sea (<i>ibid.</i>, VII, 148 ff.; V, 107 note, 109 note, 184
note).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1211_1211" id="Footnote_1211_1211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1211_1211"><span class="label">[1211]</span></a></span>
<i>Bulletin de la Soc. acad. du Var</i>, 1876.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1212_1212" id="Footnote_1212_1212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1212_1212"><span class="label">[1212]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 525. He repeats at different times the current play upon
words which designated these free-booting nobles as “gens-pille-hommes” (gentilhommes).
In general, in his estimation, the nobility had much degenerated.
See Vol. I, Introd., p. lxii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1213_1213" id="Footnote_1213_1213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1213_1213"><span class="label">[1213]</span></a></span>
Volunteer bands of searchers visited Huguenot houses, to inquire into their
faith (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,191, May 17, 1568). At the court, certain of the nobles
promised Charles to assure for all members of their retinue to be good Catholics
(<i>ibid.</i>, Nos. 2,191, 2,235, 2,236, 2,243, 2,248, May 17 to June 4, 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1214_1214" id="Footnote_1214_1214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1214_1214"><span class="label">[1214]</span></a></span>
“D’Anjou has marvellously stomached these dealings, and has kept his
chamber, having uttered most despiteful words against them of the religion, saying
that he hoped to march upon their bellies” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,177, May 12, 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1215_1215" id="Footnote_1215_1215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1215_1215"><span class="label">[1215]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,115, §1, April 8, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1216_1216" id="Footnote_1216_1216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1216_1216"><span class="label">[1216]</span></a></span>
See the revelations of Norris to Cecil in <i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,100, March 30, 1568.
As earnest of the royal purpose the marshal Montmorency set at once about
disarming the people of Paris.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1217_1217" id="Footnote_1217_1217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1217_1217"><span class="label">[1217]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, V, 22, 23.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1218_1218" id="Footnote_1218_1218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1218_1218"><span class="label">[1218]</span></a></span>
Probably neither the cardinal nor Montluc knew that the other had been
in secret correspondence with Philip II. Knowing Philip’s methods, it is likely
that he kept them in ignorance of it. This was his way (cf. Forneron, I, 327).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1219_1219" id="Footnote_1219_1219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1219_1219"><span class="label">[1219]</span></a></span>
Ruble, <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, 328, 329, letter of March 5,
1564.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1220_1220" id="Footnote_1220_1220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1220_1220"><span class="label">[1220]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, V, 76, 77 and notes.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1221_1221" id="Footnote_1221_1221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1221_1221"><span class="label">[1221]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, V, 145.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1222_1222" id="Footnote_1222_1222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1222_1222"><span class="label">[1222]</span></a></span>
Cited by Forneron, <i>Histoire de Philippe II</i>, I, 327.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1223_1223" id="Footnote_1223_1223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1223_1223"><span class="label">[1223]</span></a></span>
The ordinance of Moulins specifically alluded to the growing popular nature
of these confraternities: “Qu’on abolisse entièrement les confréries établies sous
prétexte de religion parmi le <i>petit</i> peuple, les festins, les répas, les bâtons (bâtons
de Confrérie, qui servent à porter aux confréries l’Image de quelque saint, ou la
représentation de quelque mystère) et autres choses semblables, qui donnent lieu
à la superstition, aux troubles, à la débauche, aux querelles, et aux monopoles”
(De Thou, V, Book XXXIX, p. 183, in the article prohibiting them). But it was
as impossible then as now to enforce a law in the face of a public opinion which did
not sympathize with the provision. Public opinion not merely favored their formation;
the very officers of the crown promoted their organization. La Popelinière,
XI, 12, makes this point.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1224_1224" id="Footnote_1224_1224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1224_1224"><span class="label">[1224]</span></a></span>
“Discorso sopra gli umori di Francia di M<sup>r</sup>. Nazaret, 1570,” Barberini
Library 3,269, fol. 63. See Appendix XIII.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1225_1225" id="Footnote_1225_1225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1225_1225"><span class="label">[1225]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, III, 2.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1226_1226" id="Footnote_1226_1226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1226_1226"><span class="label">[1226]</span></a></span>
<i>Mémoires de Tavannes</i>, ed. Michaud and Poujoulat, séries I, VIII, 288,
289; Pasquier, Book IV, letter 23; Collection Trémont, Nos. 1,367, 1,382; cf. La
Popelinière, XI, 7-12; Pingaud, <i>Les Saulx-Tavannes</i>, p. 61.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1227_1227" id="Footnote_1227_1227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1227_1227"><span class="label">[1227]</span></a></span>
<i>State Papers, Foreign</i>, Elizabeth, XCVII, No. 1,711. A printed pamphlet.
See Appendix XIV.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1228_1228" id="Footnote_1228_1228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1228_1228"><span class="label">[1228]</span></a></span>
Raynal, <i>Histoire du Berry</i>, IV, 79-83. The text of the act is found in Thauvessière’s
<i>Histoire du Berry</i>, 189.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1229_1229" id="Footnote_1229_1229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1229_1229"><span class="label">[1229]</span></a></span>
The text is given in Claude Haton, II, 1152. Cf. Vicomte de Meaux, <i>Luttes
religieuses en France</i>, 177, 178; Capefigue, <i>La réforme et la ligue</i>, 360.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1230_1230" id="Footnote_1230_1230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1230_1230"><span class="label">[1230]</span></a></span>
Feret, <i>Clermont-en-Beauvaisis pendant les troubles de la ligue</i>, Clermont,
1853.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1231_1231" id="Footnote_1231_1231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1231_1231"><span class="label">[1231]</span></a></span>
<i>State Papers, Foreign</i>, Elizabeth, C, No. 1,863. See Appendix XV.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1232_1232" id="Footnote_1232_1232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1232_1232"><span class="label">[1232]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, XI, 509-10 and XII; <i>Preuves</i>, No. 300, p. cxiii; <i>Cabinet
historique</i>, II, 217. This league was much more formal in its organization than
any of the others. In addition to securing the authorization of the Parlement, the
leaders had secured the sanction of Pius V in the March <i>preceding</i>. The bull was
granted March 15.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1233_1233" id="Footnote_1233_1233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1233_1233"><span class="label">[1233]</span></a></span>
<i>Cabinet historique</i>, II, 219.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1234_1234" id="Footnote_1234_1234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1234_1234"><span class="label">[1234]</span></a></span>
Bordenave, <i>Hist. de Béarn et de Navarre</i>, 139-45. I venture to suggest
the cardinal of Lorraine as a possible instigator, from Bordenave’s words: “quelques
autres ... sollicitez par quelques uns des <i>principaux du conseil</i> de France.”
Philip II threw new troops into Spanish Navarre at this time, either in consequence
of Jeanne d’Albret’s energetic action or to co-operate with the league, if it were
successful. Fourquevaux ascertained the fact, but was in the dark as to the reason
for it (<i>Dépêches de Fourquevaux</i>, II, 25, November, 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1235_1235" id="Footnote_1235_1235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1235_1235"><span class="label">[1235]</span></a></span>
A letter of Coligny, July 29, 1568, shows that the Huguenot leader was aware
of the formation of these provincial leagues. After complaining of the assassination
of one of D’Andelot’s lieutenants, he protests against the general violence: “Ce
que faict croire que ce sont des fruictz et offices des confraires du Saint-Esprit et
sainctes ligues qu’ils appellent; mais si on voit que infiniz meurtres et massacres
qui se sont faictz avec une effrénée licence en tous les endroictz de ce royaume
depuys la paciffication il n’en ayt esté faict aucune justice ou chastiment, quelque
déclaration que Vostre Majesté ayt faicte de sa volonté et intention, je n’en espère
pas davantage de cestuy-cy, estant bien facile à cognoistre que ce sont choses projectées
et délibérées avec les gouverneurs des provinces, et que cela ne se faict
poinct sans adveu ou pour le moins sans un tacite consentement.”&mdash;<i>Correspondance
de Catherine de Médicis</i>, III, 163, note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1236_1236" id="Footnote_1236_1236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1236_1236"><span class="label">[1236]</span></a></span>
Montmorency continually threw his influence in favor of peace and moderation,
slapping the Guises, however, in his utterances. “The Duke Montmorency
said there was nothing more necessary for the maintenance of the king’s estate
than the sincere observance of the edict of pacification, and such as labour to the
contrary are neither friends to the king nor his crown; and for his own part if the
king did not foresee in time with due execution of justice this growing mischief, he
was resolved with his leave to depart the court with his friends and allies, and so
to withdraw himself from such as under the pretext of maintenance of their religion,
continually nourished this division, and in the end put out the glory and renown of
the French empire.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,177, §1, May 12, 1568.</p>
<p class="pfc4">On June 17 Norris wrote to Cecil: “Montmorency has come to the court.
The process between him and the duke of Guise for the county of Dammartin will
in the end break into open enmity.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,273.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1237_1237" id="Footnote_1237_1237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1237_1237"><span class="label">[1237]</span></a></span>
“The four marshals agree all in one against the Cardinal.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,235,
May 31, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1238_1238" id="Footnote_1238_1238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1238_1238"><span class="label">[1238]</span></a></span>
“All things are ruled now by M. d’Anjou, who though young is a most
earnest and cruel enemy against the favourers of religion, and has his privy counsellors,
the cardinal of Lorraine being the chiefest, and further has his chancellor,
who seals all such things as the good old chancellor of the King refuses to seal;
who neither for love nor dread would seal anything against the statutes of the
realm.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,178, May 12, 1568. On the whole affair, see <i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,177,
§2, May 12, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1239_1239" id="Footnote_1239_1239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1239_1239"><span class="label">[1239]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,115, §2, April 8; No. 2,177, §3, May 12, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1240_1240" id="Footnote_1240_1240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1240_1240"><span class="label">[1240]</span></a></span>
Duc d’Aumale, <i>Histoire des princes de Condé</i>, II, App. I.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1241_1241" id="Footnote_1241_1241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1241_1241"><span class="label">[1241]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,235, May 31, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1242_1242" id="Footnote_1242_1242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1242_1242"><span class="label">[1242]</span></a></span>
“The garrisons in the Ile-de-France are thought to attend no other thing
but till the corn be off the ground to begin where they left off.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,178,
May 12, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1243_1243" id="Footnote_1243_1243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1243_1243"><span class="label">[1243]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 2,235, 2,243, 2,248, May 31, June 2-4, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1244_1244" id="Footnote_1244_1244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1244_1244"><span class="label">[1244]</span></a></span>
As to localities see Duc d’Aumale, <i>Histoire des princes de Condé</i>, II, 284.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1245_1245" id="Footnote_1245_1245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1245_1245"><span class="label">[1245]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,296, June 22, 1568. They feared a plot to capture them
by trickery, as Egmont and Hoorne had been trapped in Flanders. According
to report, Lavallette was to have seized the prince, Chavigny the admiral, and
Tavannes D’Andelot. The warning was probably given by some secretary whom
Coligny had corrupted, for shortly after this time several secretaries to the Catholic
leaders were dismissed (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,256, June 7, 1568; cf. D’Aumale, <i>Histoire des
princes de Condé</i>, II, 12, n. 2, and p. 287). Coligny also bribed the secretary of Don
Francesco de Alava, Spanish ambassador in France (see <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,230,
May 24, 1568 and Introd., p. xxvi).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1246_1246" id="Footnote_1246_1246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1246_1246"><span class="label">[1246]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, Nos. 2,256, 2,304, 2,323, June 7, 28, July 5, 1568. For an instance of
the feeling between the prince and the cardinal see Sir Henry Norris to the queen,
<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,248, June 1, 1568 and Duc d’Aumale, <i>Histoire des princes de Condé</i>,
II, 12 and n. 1.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1247_1247" id="Footnote_1247_1247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1247_1247"><span class="label">[1247]</span></a></span>
This was the time the word first appeared (D’Aumale, II, 12, note 3).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1248_1248" id="Footnote_1248_1248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1248_1248"><span class="label">[1248]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,295, Norris to Cecil, June 23, 1568. On the whole
negotiation see Robinson, “Queen Elizabeth and the Valois Princes,” <i>Eng. Hist.
Rev.</i>, II, 40; Hume, <i>Courtships of Queen Elizabeth</i>, 114-49. Hume, however,
is in error, p. 115, in believing that the negotiation arose <i>after</i> the peace of St.
Germain in 1570. The intercourse must have been kept very much in the dark,
judging from the obscure allusions in the following: Sir Henry Norris to the earl of
Leicester, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,241, August 20, 1568&mdash;Marshal Montmorency is
very desirous to have answer to the letter which he wrote to Leicester; the queen
to the duchess of Montmorency, <i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,472, August 27, 1568&mdash;Thanks her
for her courteous and honorable entertainment in her house, and near her person
of the daughter of her chamberlain, Lord Edward Howard. Walsingham warned
his government at this time against spies of the cardinal of Lorraine in London.
See Appendix XVI.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1249_1249" id="Footnote_1249_1249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1249_1249"><span class="label">[1249]</span></a></span>
“More have been murdered since the publishing of the peace than were all
these last troubles. Daily murders are committed without any punishment to the
offenders, others violently taken out of their houses in the night and led to the
river being without remorse drowned.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 2,383, 2,339, 2,407,
July 31-August 7, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1250_1250" id="Footnote_1250_1250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1250_1250"><span class="label">[1250]</span></a></span>
The proceedings here on both sides are measured by the success in Flanders
(<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,273, June 17, 1568; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
II, 47; <i>Dépêches de Fourquevaux</i>, II, 24).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1251_1251" id="Footnote_1251_1251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1251_1251"><span class="label">[1251]</span></a></span>
In February, 1568 the wholesale condemnation of the people of the Low
Countries had been pronounced by the inquisition and confirmed by the Philip II,
(<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 171).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1252_1252" id="Footnote_1252_1252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1252_1252"><span class="label">[1252]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,432, August 17, 1568, Mundt to Cecil from Strasburg.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1253_1253" id="Footnote_1253_1253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1253_1253"><span class="label">[1253]</span></a></span>
Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 60; <i>Epist. ad Camer.</i>, 79 and 84.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1254_1254" id="Footnote_1254_1254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1254_1254"><span class="label">[1254]</span></a></span>
Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 64; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 208.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1255_1255" id="Footnote_1255_1255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1255_1255"><span class="label">[1255]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau,</i> III, 207; Coll. Godefroy, CCLVI,
No. 7, Marshal Cossé to the King, June 20, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1256_1256" id="Footnote_1256_1256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1256_1256"><span class="label">[1256]</span></a></span>
See Haag, <i>La France protestante</i>, art., “Cocqueville.” The admiral Coligny
disavowed any complicity in the enterprise. For the fate of the other columns see
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 212, 220, 227.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1257_1257" id="Footnote_1257_1257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1257_1257"><span class="label">[1257]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 239, 255. The prince of Orange anticipated the disaster of
Jemmingen, for he disapproved of the rash policy of his brother. See a letter on
this head written by him to Louis of Nassau in July, 1568 (<i>Archives de la maison
d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 257, and the latter’s reply, July 17, <i>ibid.</i>, III, 264, 265).
Alva had been so certain of Spanish victory that in advance of it he offered
Charles IX the use of Spanish troops (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,379, §2, July 29, 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1258_1258" id="Footnote_1258_1258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1258_1258"><span class="label">[1258]</span></a></span>
“They (Huguenots) attend the success of the war in Flanders.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1259_1259" id="Footnote_1259_1259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1259_1259"><span class="label">[1259]</span></a></span>
In September, 1568, a royal edict was promulgated forbidding the <i>public</i>
profession of any but the Catholic religion, and revoking all former edicts. Text
in <i>Recueil de Fontanon</i>, IV, 294. Montluc claims that he was the author of the
idea and that he sent a rough draft of such an edict to Charles IX (De Ruble,
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, V, 153, 154). In intimation of this policy, in
August an oath of allegiance and obedience had been exacted by Charles IX of all
the Huguenot leaders (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,419, August 9, 1568; cf. No. 2,407,
August 7 and Duc d’Aumale, <i>Hist. des princes de Condé</i>, II, 9).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1260_1260" id="Footnote_1260_1260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1260_1260"><span class="label">[1260]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 123.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1261_1261" id="Footnote_1261_1261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1261_1261"><span class="label">[1261]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 532; <i>Coll. des autographes de M. de L&mdash;&mdash; de Nancy</i> (Paris,
1855), No. 477; Henry, duke of Anjou to Matignon, King’s lieutenant in Normandy,
October 8, 1568, recommending him to distribute the gendarmerie in places most
suitable to protect the country.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1262_1262" id="Footnote_1262_1262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1262_1262"><span class="label">[1262]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 2,352, 2,379, July 14 and 29, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1263_1263" id="Footnote_1263_1263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1263_1263"><span class="label">[1263]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,379, July 29, 1568; on the calculative policy of the French crown
see Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 92 and La Noue’s comments in <i>Mémoires militaires</i>,
chap. xii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1264_1264" id="Footnote_1264_1264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1264_1264"><span class="label">[1264]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,379, July 29, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1265_1265" id="Footnote_1265_1265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1265_1265"><span class="label">[1265]</span></a></span>
Letter of August 23, 1568 analyzed in De Thou, Book XLIV.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1266_1266" id="Footnote_1266_1266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1266_1266"><span class="label">[1266]</span></a></span>
See the complaints of the prince of Condé to the King, under date of June
29 and July 22, 1568 in Duc d’Aumale, <i>Histoire des princes de Condé</i>, II, App. I.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1267_1267" id="Footnote_1267_1267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1267_1267"><span class="label">[1267]</span></a></span>
See the gist of the prince of Condé’s petition, summarized in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 2,451, August 23, 1568. As an instance of the care of the government to b
forehanded, agents of the crown secretly measured even the height of the wall in
the case of towns of doubtful allegiance. Coligny complained of the attacks which
his gentlemen and those of his brother D’Andelot suffered. At Dijon the prince
of Condé prosecuted a person whom he accused of secretly having measured the
walls of Noyers (Claude Haton, II, 537, note).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1268_1268" id="Footnote_1268_1268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1268_1268"><span class="label">[1268]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,464, August 25, 1568; cf. No. 2,484.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1269_1269" id="Footnote_1269_1269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1269_1269"><span class="label">[1269]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 539; Le Laboureur, II, 593.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1270_1270" id="Footnote_1270_1270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1270_1270"><span class="label">[1270]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,441, August 20, 1568; Condé was at Noyers, Coligny at
Tanlay (Yonne): D’Aubigné, Book III, 5, note; Duc d’Aumale, <i>Hist. des princes de
Condé</i>, II, 367.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1271_1271" id="Footnote_1271_1271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1271_1271"><span class="label">[1271]</span></a></span>
Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 64, 69.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1272_1272" id="Footnote_1272_1272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1272_1272"><span class="label">[1272]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, I, 75; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 284-86. The
prince of Orange at this time was near Cleves having an army but no money.
See a letter of the prince of Orange to the duke of Württemberg and the margrave
of Baden asking for pecuniary assistance. September 17, 1568 (<i>ibid.</i>, III, 291).
His plans again failed. He tried to enter Picardy for the purpose of uniting
with the Huguenots. But the alertness of the marshal Cossé again prevented
Genlis as it had foiled Cocqueville, and the prince was compelled to abandon
his purpose. At Strasburg his army was dissolved (<i>ibid.</i>, III, 295, 303, 313-16;
Languet, <i>Epist. ad Camer.</i>, 89; <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 75).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1273_1273" id="Footnote_1273_1273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1273_1273"><span class="label">[1273]</span></a></span>
Even La Noue, 804 and Beza, II, 277, assert this.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1274_1274" id="Footnote_1274_1274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1274_1274"><span class="label">[1274]</span></a></span>
Elizabeth of Valois, queen of Spain, had died October 3, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1275_1275" id="Footnote_1275_1275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1275_1275"><span class="label">[1275]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 2,640, 2,666, November 22, December 8, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1276_1276" id="Footnote_1276_1276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1276_1276"><span class="label">[1276]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,441, August 20, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1277_1277" id="Footnote_1277_1277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1277_1277"><span class="label">[1277]</span></a></span>
Tavannes, chap. xxi.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1278_1278" id="Footnote_1278_1278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1278_1278"><span class="label">[1278]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,477, August 29, 1568. Norris states the fact that Condé
and the admiral were warned by the letters they intercepted. The duc d’Aumale
(<i>Hist. des princes de Condé</i>, II, 13) has shown the deliberate intention of Tavannes
so to do.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1279_1279" id="Footnote_1279_1279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1279_1279"><span class="label">[1279]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, III, 24: “Le prince ... fit publier les loix militaires.” Issued
from La Rochelle, September 9, 1568. Summary in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,514.
De Serres gives the text at p. 158. Delaborde gives the admiral Coligny the credit
for these regulations (III, 522). Cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,486, discourse of the
cardinal Châtillon, who attributes the evils of France to the cardinal of Lorraine
and refutes the charge of ambition brought against the Huguenot leaders. The
cardinal fled to England at this time (see La Ferrière, <i>Le XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle et les Valois</i>,
217; D’Aubigné, III, 12, note 31). He died in 1571. There was a rumor that
Coligny, too, had gone to England (Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 109).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1280_1280" id="Footnote_1280_1280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1280_1280"><span class="label">[1280]</span></a></span>
Fontanon, IV, 292, 294; Claude Haton, II, 540; (September 25) <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 2,561, §1, September 30, 1568; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 433, September 28, 1568. A
supplementary edict suppressed all offices of judicature and finance held by the
Huguenots (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,674, December 16, 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1281_1281" id="Footnote_1281_1281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1281_1281"><span class="label">[1281]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,363, July 20, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1282_1282" id="Footnote_1282_1282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1282_1282"><span class="label">[1282]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 2,467, August 27, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1283_1283" id="Footnote_1283_1283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1283_1283"><span class="label">[1283]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 430, September 11, 1568. Other sources of revenue were
a loan upon the security of the wine duties for several years&mdash;a heavy burden upon
the people (Claude Haton, II, 547)&mdash;which yielded about 300,000 crowns per annum.
In addition, the King raised a benevolence of 50,000 crowns from Paris, and Venice
loaned 100,000 crowns (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,640, November 22, 1568) later increased
to 200,000. The Pope later authorized the sale of 50,000 crowns’ worth of
the temporalities of the church, but the sales were so managed by certain of
the clergy that the government got little from them (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 233, April, 1569,
summary of an ordinance of Charles IX).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1284_1284" id="Footnote_1284_1284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1284_1284"><span class="label">[1284]</span></a></span>
For details see Norris to Cecil, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,550, September 25, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1285_1285" id="Footnote_1285_1285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1285_1285"><span class="label">[1285]</span></a></span>
Taillander, <i>Vie de L’Hôpital</i>, 200.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1286_1286" id="Footnote_1286_1286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1286_1286"><span class="label">[1286]</span></a></span>
Even Biragues, now the chancellor, was in the secret pay of Spain (<i>Papiers
d’état du cardinal de Granvelle</i>, VIII, 387).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1287_1287" id="Footnote_1287_1287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1287_1287"><span class="label">[1287]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,490, September 1; No. 2,529, September 15, 1568. The
two Protestant places of worship in Orleans were burned (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,561, §2,
September 30, 1568). Things would have gone worse with the Protestants of
Orleans had it not been for the Politique marshal Vieilleville, whose government
it was, and who did all in his power to protect the Huguenots (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 190, March
24, 1569).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1288_1288" id="Footnote_1288_1288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1288_1288"><span class="label">[1288]</span></a></span>
Jeanne d’Albret, who had been at Nérac, reached La Rochelle on September
28, having crossed the Garonne “under the nose of Montluc” (Olhagaray,
575), who, it is said, had orders to intercept her (Palma Cayet, Part I, 166).
Montluc glosses over his negligence in this particular (<i>Commentaires</i>, III, 175).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1289_1289" id="Footnote_1289_1289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1289_1289"><span class="label">[1289]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,561, September 30, 1568. D’Andelot was in Brittany,
(<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,527, September 15, 1568), but on September 16 he crossed the Loire
(La Noue, chap. xix) with 1,500 horse and 20 ensigns of foot (D’Aubigné, III, 13,
note 7) in spite of the strict injunctions of the King to prevent him (D’Aubigné,
III, 14, note).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1290_1290" id="Footnote_1290_1290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1290_1290"><span class="label">[1290]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,610, §2, October 29, 1568. Duke William of Saxony
earnestly begged Charles IX to employ his soldiery (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,640, §5, November
22, 1568) and the margrave of Baden accepted a command of reiters in the King’s
army (Le Laboureur, II, 724). The duke of Deuxponts offered 8,000 reiters and
40 ensigns of lansquenets to Condé (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,666, §1, December 8, 1568).
They were to have no pay for two months, expecting to pay themselves by seizing
the towns and castles belonging to the house of Guise in Lorraine and Champagne.
In the end England paid for their services (see the record of the receipts in <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 2,011, September 10, 1571; No. 2,123, November 13, 1571). The Catholic
reiters were to be paid by a forced loan exacted of the Parisians (<i>ibid.</i>, No.
2,666, December 8, 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1291_1291" id="Footnote_1291_1291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1291_1291"><span class="label">[1291]</span></a></span>
North to Cecil, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, December 30, 1568, January 11, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1292_1292" id="Footnote_1292_1292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1292_1292"><span class="label">[1292]</span></a></span>
For description of it see <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,640, §15, November 22, 1568.
The engagement of Jazeneuil that followed, November 17, was a blow to them
(see La Noue, chap. xxi; D’Aubigné, III, 37; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,640, §1). The
minute account of the duc d’Aumale may be found in <i>Hist. des princes de Condé</i>,
II, 26-34. Whitehead, <i>Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France</i>, 204-9, has an
admirable account.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1293_1293" id="Footnote_1293_1293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1293_1293"><span class="label">[1293]</span></a></span>
Condé’s army before the defeat at Jazeneuil was estimated at 12,000 foot and
4,000 horse, all well mounted and armed, besides a very large number of irregular
troops.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1294_1294" id="Footnote_1294_1294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1294_1294"><span class="label">[1294]</span></a></span>
Fourquevaux to Catherine de Medici, January 13, 1569, on the authority
of a letter of the Spanish ambassador in France, dated January 7, 1568 (<i>Dépêches
de Fourquevaux</i>, II, 47). Alava must have regarded the news as highly important,
for the courier was only six days in making the journey to Madrid.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1295_1295" id="Footnote_1295_1295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1295_1295"><span class="label">[1295]</span></a></span>
Fourquevaux, II, 31, 54.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1296_1296" id="Footnote_1296_1296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1296_1296"><span class="label">[1296]</span></a></span>
Coll. Godefroy, XCVI, William of Orange to Charles IX, December 21,
1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1297_1297" id="Footnote_1297_1297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1297_1297"><span class="label">[1297]</span></a></span>
Alva sent word to Charles IX at all hazards to hold the prince of Condé back,
himself promising to take care of Orange. The King sent the Spanish duke a very
large commission, not only to levy upon the country for necessities but even to enter
the French walled towns&mdash;so far were the two crowns now in accord (<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 2,666, December 8, 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1298_1298" id="Footnote_1298_1298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1298_1298"><span class="label">[1298]</span></a></span>
The alarm of the government at this hour over Paris may be measured by
two police regulations of the time. One ordered search to be made throughout the
town twice a week, in all hostelries and other places, and forbade mechanics to
leave their houses on certain days. The other allowed those of the religion who
had been forbidden to leave their houses on certain days to appoint one of their
servants to go about the town on their affairs. He was to have a certificate signed
by the captain and <i>commissaires</i> of the quarter, and to be unarmed. The <i>commissaires</i>
were to make a weekly search in the houses of those of the religion, to make
<i>procès-verbal</i> of the names of all the domestics, signed by the master of the house, and
to remove all arms found therein (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,671, December 11; No. 2,684, December
23, 1568). Both ordinances were registered by the Parlement. During the
Christmas season no Calvinist was permitted to stir out of doors (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 2,688,
§3, December 26, 1568).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1299_1299" id="Footnote_1299_1299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1299_1299"><span class="label">[1299]</span></a></span>
“The good disposition and order that is kept in the prince’s army is much
to be commended, nothing like oppressing the country where they pass, as that of
M. d’Anjou, which was waxed hateful by their insolent behavior, both to Protestants
and Catholics. M. d’Anjou has bestowed the greatest part of his army in the
towns upon the river of Loire.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 12, January 4, 1569.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The presence of the royal army in Anjou, under the command of the duke of
Anjou, was a heavy burden upon the people of the province, which already had
suffered heavily from the depredations of the Huguenots in the preceding year.
The municipal council of Angers, on November 4, was called upon to furnish 800
pairs of stockings, 1,500 pairs of shoes, powder, bread, hay, straw, oats, pikes,
shovels, mattocks, and other implements. The town was filled with sick and
wounded soldiers (Joubert, <i>Les misères de l’Anjou, etc.</i>, 36).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1300_1300" id="Footnote_1300_1300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1300_1300"><span class="label">[1300]</span></a></span>
Orange was also in want of pay for his troops (Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 82).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1301_1301" id="Footnote_1301_1301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1301_1301"><span class="label">[1301]</span></a></span>
<i>Revue d’histoire diplomatique</i>, XIV (1900), 51-52, 64.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1302_1302" id="Footnote_1302_1302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1302_1302"><span class="label">[1302]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 22, January 10, 1569; No. 151, March 5, 1569; La Popelinière,
Book XV; De Thou and D’Aubigné add nothing new.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1303_1303" id="Footnote_1303_1303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1303_1303"><span class="label">[1303]</span></a></span>
On the hardness of the winter of 1568-69 see La Noue, chap, xxiv; <i>Hist. du
Lang.</i>, V, 514; <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, V, 156; Whitehead, <i>Coligny</i>,
202.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1304_1304" id="Footnote_1304_1304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1304_1304"><span class="label">[1304]</span></a></span>
Coll. Godefroy, CCLVII, No. 57. Remonstrance of Jean de Montluc against
the continuance of the war, December 2, 1568. In the council of the King
a motion was made that the Protestants should be permitted to enjoy the benefit
of the edicts granted before; that Condé should be given the government of
Saintonge, and be given leave to aid Orange against Spain. But neither Catherine
de Medici nor the King would listen to the proposal, and the cardinal of Lorraine
argued that it would be dangerous to further Condé in any way (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 23, January 10, 1569).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1305_1305" id="Footnote_1305_1305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1305_1305"><span class="label">[1305]</span></a></span>
Potter, <i>Pie V</i>, 19; ed. Gouban, Book III, No. 4, p. 135, letter to the cardinal
Bourbon, January, 1569; <i>ibid.</i>, p. 23; ed. Gouban, Book III, No. 5, p. 138, letter
to the cardinal of Lorraine, same date.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1306_1306" id="Footnote_1306_1306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1306_1306"><span class="label">[1306]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 439, November 9, 1568 and No. 448, January 6, 1569.
The distress of commerce and the legal complications arising from the semi-piratical
acts were very great (see <i>C. S. P. Dom.</i>, 1547-80, pp. 378, 386, May 29, 1570,
July 29, 1570).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1307_1307" id="Footnote_1307_1307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1307_1307"><span class="label">[1307]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 448, January 6, 1569. The cardinal Châtillon was the
Huguenot agent in England (see <i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 71, January 22, 1569; No. 82,
January 30, 1569). On his financial negotiations see the detailed note of the baron
de Ruble in D’Aubigné, III, 61.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1308_1308" id="Footnote_1308_1308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1308_1308"><span class="label">[1308]</span></a></span>
Count Mansfeldt to the duke of Aumale, January 22, 1569, Coll. Godefroy,
CCLVII, No. 58; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 172, March 15, 1569. They came, not merely
with weapons and bringing horses, but with great vans, flails, and harvest tools,
with which to plunder the fields.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1309_1309" id="Footnote_1309_1309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1309_1309"><span class="label">[1309]</span></a></span>
The forces of D’Aumale were 5,500 reiters, 26 companies of French horsemen,
and 30 ensigns of foot, besides others. The troops that the King had were 26
companies of gendarmes, 15 companies of the regular French army, 4,500 Swiss,
2,500 reiters, and his household troops. Montmorency retired to Chantilly owing
to the combination against him (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 75, January 25, 1569. For
the details see <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 315). There had
been a fierce strife between the factions of Guise and Montmorency for D’Aumale’s
place, the three marshals, Montmorency, Vieilleville, and Cossé resisting his appointment.
The hostility of the Parisians to Montmorency, though certainly not
the accusation of the cardinal of Lorraine that the constable’s son had secret intelligence
with the prince of Orange, militated against him. The English ambassador
even believed that Montmorency and the duke of Bouillon might appear in
arms for Condé. Sir Henry Norris to the queen: “On the 23d ult. the duke of
Montmorency required the captains and <i>échevins</i> of Paris to come to the Louvre
to speak with him, and declared that their disorders and unaptness to be ruled was
not unknown to the King. Lignerolles, of the court of Parlement, and captain-general
of twenty-two ensigns, answered that Paris was like to a ship, whereof the master,
neglecting his charge, it is requisite that the pilots do put hand to the helm; where unto
Montmorency coldly replied, ‘qu’il parloyt en curtault de butique’” <i>(C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 50, January 15, 1569).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1310_1310" id="Footnote_1310_1310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1310_1310"><span class="label">[1310]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 516.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1311_1311" id="Footnote_1311_1311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1311_1311"><span class="label">[1311]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 516 and note; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 42, 50, January 11, 15,
1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1312_1312" id="Footnote_1312_1312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1312_1312"><span class="label">[1312]</span></a></span>
It appears that the German princes thought of sending a deputation into
France to remonstrate with Catherine de Medici. At least the minute of a letter to
the queen has been preserved which intimates as much. In it they deplore the sad
effects of the persecutions in France (see <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
II, 99-100, June, 1567). On January 24, 1569, a decree of the elector of Saxony
commanded all captains and soldiers who were his subjects and who might be
serving under the duke of Alva or the King of France, to return home within two
months after the date of the publication of the decree; and further ordered his
officers to arrest any persons whom they might find setting forth for these services.&mdash;Dresden,
January 24, 1569 (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 74). In March, Augustus of
Saxony, the count palatine, and other German princes sent 50,000 silver crowns to
Condé (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 452, March 15, 1569).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1313_1313" id="Footnote_1313_1313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1313_1313"><span class="label">[1313]</span></a></span>
William of Orange with his two brothers went into Germany in order to push
the plan in conjunction with the duke of Deuxponts&mdash;D’Aubigné, III, 45, 60
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 131, February 24, 1569). For the detail of this movement see
Gachard, <i>La Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris</i>, II, 275, 278, 280. The duke of
Aumale has published some of his letters at this time (<i>Hist. des princes de Condé</i>,
II, 406 ff.).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1314_1314" id="Footnote_1314_1314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1314_1314"><span class="label">[1314]</span></a></span>
D’Aumale at this time lay at Phalsburg and Saverne, with 4,000 reiters, 2,000
French horse, and 10,000 footmen. His penetration within the imperial frontier
offended and alarmed Strasburg where a French faction had unsuccessfully
plotted to betray the town.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1315_1315" id="Footnote_1315_1315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1315_1315"><span class="label">[1315]</span></a></span>
See News-Letter from La Rochelle, January, 1569, in Appendix XVII.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1316_1316" id="Footnote_1316_1316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1316_1316"><span class="label">[1316]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 105, February 10, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1317_1317" id="Footnote_1317_1317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1317_1317"><span class="label">[1317]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 151, March 5, 1569; Claude Haton, II, 517.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1318_1318" id="Footnote_1318_1318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1318_1318"><span class="label">[1318]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 155, March 5, 1569; on the desertions from D’Aumale’s
army see No. 172.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1319_1319" id="Footnote_1319_1319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1319_1319"><span class="label">[1319]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 105, February 10, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1320_1320" id="Footnote_1320_1320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1320_1320"><span class="label">[1320]</span></a></span>
For contemporary accounts of the battle of Jarnac see La Popelinière,
Book XV; Jean de Serres, 315 ff; D’Aubigné, Book V, chap. viii; Claude Haton,
II, 548 and notes. The best modern accounts are Gigon, <i>La bataille de Jarnac
et la campagne de 1569 en Angoumois</i>, Angoulême, impr. Chasseignac (Extrait
du <i>Bulletin de la Société archéologique et historique de la Charente</i>), 1896; Patry,
in <i>Bull. Soc. protest. franç.</i>, LIII, March 1902; Duc d’Aumale, <i>Histoire des
princes de Condé</i>, II, Book I, chap. i; Whitehead, <i>Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral
of France</i>, 204-9, an extremely lucid account. The evidence upon the assassination
of the prince is sifted by Denys d’Aussy, “L’assassin du prince de Condé à
Jarnac (1569),” <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XLIX, 573, and summarized (with some new additions)
in Whitehead, 206, note 2. The text of the famous dispatches, which were
found in the gauntlet of the prince of Condé are printed in full in Duc d’Aumale,
<i>Histoire des princes de Condé</i>, II, App. iii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1321_1321" id="Footnote_1321_1321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1321_1321"><span class="label">[1321]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 454, March 15, 1569; cf. Brantôme, III, 329.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1322_1322" id="Footnote_1322_1322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1322_1322"><span class="label">[1322]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 549, 550.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1323_1323" id="Footnote_1323_1323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1323_1323"><span class="label">[1323]</span></a></span>
Compare the Pope’s letter of March 6, informing Charles IX that he has
sent troops to him under Sforza and has prayed to God for victory (Potter, <i>Pie V</i>,
28; ed. Gouban, Book III, letter 9, p. 148) with the letter of congratulation of
March 28, after he had learned of the battle (<i>ibid.</i>, p. 31; ed. Gouban, Book III,
letter 10, p. 151). The duke of Anjou sent the flags and standards captured at
Jarnac to Rome (Potter, <i>Pie V</i>, p. 54; ed. Gouban, Book III, 167, letter 17,
April 26, 1569).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1324_1324" id="Footnote_1324_1324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1324_1324"><span class="label">[1324]</span></a></span>
“L’amiral demeurant toujours le principal gouverneur et conseiller en toutes
les affaires des huguenots.”&mdash;Castelnau, Book VII, chap. vi.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1325_1325" id="Footnote_1325_1325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1325_1325"><span class="label">[1325]</span></a></span>
Jean de Serres, 333.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1326_1326" id="Footnote_1326_1326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1326_1326"><span class="label">[1326]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, III, 58.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1327_1327" id="Footnote_1327_1327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1327_1327"><span class="label">[1327]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 557.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1328_1328" id="Footnote_1328_1328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1328_1328"><span class="label">[1328]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1329_1329" id="Footnote_1329_1329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1329_1329"><span class="label">[1329]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, III, 57; Jean de Serres, 326, gives details.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1330_1330" id="Footnote_1330_1330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1330_1330"><span class="label">[1330]</span></a></span>
Jean de Serres, 331.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1331_1331" id="Footnote_1331_1331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1331_1331"><span class="label">[1331]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 294, June 6, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1332_1332" id="Footnote_1332_1332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1332_1332"><span class="label">[1332]</span></a></span>
Queen Elizabeth was perfectly safe in making the loan, as the jewels were
worth three times the sum advanced (Bourgon, <i>Life and Times of Sir Thomas
Gresham</i>, II, 334-36). <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 258, May 12, 1569; Duc d’Aumale, I,
70, note 2; John Casimir and the duke of Deuxponts both promised reiters.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1333_1333" id="Footnote_1333_1333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1333_1333"><span class="label">[1333]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 460, September 15, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1334_1334" id="Footnote_1334_1334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1334_1334"><span class="label">[1334]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 252, May 9, 1569; the prince of Navarre and other leaders
of the Huguenot army in Saintonge to the duke of Deuxponts and certain noblemen
in his camp, and to the prince of Orange, earnestly urging them to advance on the
Loire, and declaring that notwithstanding the death of the prince of Condé their
other losses have been small and that their forces are not diminished or disheartened
thereby. Not published in <i>Lettres missives de Henri IV</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1335_1335" id="Footnote_1335_1335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1335_1335"><span class="label">[1335]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 316; Languet, <i>Epist. ad
Camer.</i>, 105; <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 81. Copies of five letters written by De Francourt,
the agent for the Huguenot party with the duke of Deuxponts’ and the prince
of Orange, to the Huguenot leaders, expressing regret for the death of the prince
of Condé, and assuring them of the continued adherence of the duke of Deuxponts
and his reiters to their cause are cited in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 207, April, 1569. The
duke of Lorraine is said to have offered Deuxponts 100,000 crowns if he would
withdraw his reiters (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 234, April 18, 1569).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1336_1336" id="Footnote_1336_1336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1336_1336"><span class="label">[1336]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 517.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1337_1337" id="Footnote_1337_1337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1337_1337"><span class="label">[1337]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, III, 66.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1338_1338" id="Footnote_1338_1338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1338_1338"><span class="label">[1338]</span></a></span>
Preparations looking forward to this movement had begun as far back as
March, when the expulsion of all who would not conform to Catholicism was
ordered by the cardinal of Lorraine as bishop of Metz and a prince of the empire
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 194, March 26, 1569; cf. Charles IX’s proclamation to the same
effect on April 6; see also Nos. 179, 197, the opposing petitions of the clergy of
Metz and of the Protestants, dated March 19 and 30 respectively).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The correspondence of the duke of Alençon pertaining to the second civil war
is in two volumes listed Nos. 36, 36 <i>bis</i>, in the St. Petersburg collection. The duke
remained in Paris, and attended to the forwarding of powder, provisions, and money.
In a letter of November 17, 1569, he writes to Charles IX that it is impossible for
him to send the sums demanded unless he sells the plate and jewels of the King.
In another he sends information of the duke of Tuscany, who was ready to loan
100,000 écus upon the jewels of the crown. He advises that this be done. According
to his estimate they were worth 500,000 livres (La Ferrière, <i>Rapport sur
les recherches faites à la Bibliothèque imperiale de St. Pétersbourg</i>, 27).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1339_1339" id="Footnote_1339_1339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1339_1339"><span class="label">[1339]</span></a></span>
Proclamation by Charles IX: Commands all gentlemen and soldiers to repair
to the camp of the duke of Anjou by the 20th of June, properly armed and equipped
for service. Requires his officers to search out the names of such as disobey this
order and send them to him, in order that they may be punished in such manner as
he may think fit (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 281, May, 1569). The King is levying a new
army and is disfurnishing his garrisons in Picardy and Normandy (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 287,
June 3, 1569). Alva promised 4,000 Spanish troops (<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 591).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1340_1340" id="Footnote_1340_1340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1340_1340"><span class="label">[1340]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book VII, chap. v. Alva advised him to treat Coligny <i>et al.</i> as
he had treated Egmont and Hoorne.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1341_1341" id="Footnote_1341_1341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1341_1341"><span class="label">[1341]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>loc. cit.</i>; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 236, April 23, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1342_1342" id="Footnote_1342_1342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1342_1342"><span class="label">[1342]</span></a></span>
Duke of Anjou to Catherine de Medici, May 23, 1569, Coll. Godefroy, CCLVI,
No. 12; La Popelinière, Book XVI; Castelnau, Book VII, chaps. v, vi; D’Aubigné,
III, 67 and note 2; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 317; La Noue,
chap. xxiv; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 286, June 3, 1569, Sir Henry Norris to the Queen: “The
duke of Deuxponts’ army being before La Charité, he caused 600 French harquebusiers
and certain companies of reiters to pass over the river, besieging the town
on both sides, and having made a breach which was scant scalable, they made a
proud assault, not without loss of some of their soldiers, and entered the town by
force, and put to the sword as many as they found within the same. The Cardinal,
to save his brother from the stigma of the loss of La Charité, made Count Montmeyo
the scapegoat” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 293, June 7, 1569). For other details see
Hippeau, “Passage de l’armée du duc des Deux-Ponts dans la Marche et le
Limousin en 1569,” <i>Rev. des Soc. savant des départ.</i>, 5<sup>e</sup> série, V (1873), p. 571;
Le Bœuf (Jean), <i>Histoire de la prise d’Auxerre par les Huguenots, et de la délivrance
de la mesme ville, les années 1567 et 1568</i>, avec un recit de ce qui a précedé et de
ce qui a suivi ces deux fameux événemens et des ravages commis à la Charité, Gien,
Cosne, etc. et autres lieux du diocèse d’Auxerre, le tout précedé d’une ample préface
sur les antiquités d’Auxerre et enrichi de notes historiques sur les villes, bourgs et
villages et sur les personnes principales qui sont nommées dans cette histoire, par
un chanoine de la cathédrale d’Auxerre, Auxerre, 1723.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1343_1343" id="Footnote_1343_1343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1343_1343"><span class="label">[1343]</span></a></span>
Castelnau, Book VI, chap. vi; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 286, June 3. The reiters
and the Swiss in the royal service were paid, to the disadvantage of the King’s
subjects, so that many captains resigned (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 351, July 27, 1569). “L’esquelz
n’estoient si sanguinaires ni saccageurs d’églises et de prebstres que ceux
des huguenots, toutesfois estoient aussi larrons les ungs que les aultres pour serrer
sur leurs harnois ce qu’ilz trouvoient à leur commodité; et par ainsi fut la France
pleine d’estrangers pour la désoler et quasi rendre déserte” (Claude Haton, II, 547).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The temper of the Catholic army is shown in a dispatch of the duke of Montpensier
to Catherine, May 1, 1569, from the camp at Villebois, reciting the death of
young Brissac, the marshal’s son before Mussidan. The town was taken by storm.
“J’en trouve meilleu est qu’ils n’ont laissé reschapper ung tout seul de tous ceuls
qui estoyent dedans que tout n’ayt esté passé par le fil de l’épée, ce qui semble être
le vray droict de ceste guerre.”&mdash;Collection Fillon, No. 2,656.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1344_1344" id="Footnote_1344_1344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1344_1344"><span class="label">[1344]</span></a></span>
“The admiral minds ... to refresh his reiters, and after the harvest to
march towards Paris.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 311, June 30, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1345_1345" id="Footnote_1345_1345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1345_1345"><span class="label">[1345]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 272, May 27, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1346_1346" id="Footnote_1346_1346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1346_1346"><span class="label">[1346]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 300, Norris to Cecil, June 14, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1347_1347" id="Footnote_1347_1347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1347_1347"><span class="label">[1347]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 286, June 3, 1569. He required Charles IX, in the name of the
empire, to withdraw his troops from Metz (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 286, Norris to Cecil, June 3,
1569; <i>ibid.</i>, No. 305, Mundt to Cecil, from Frankfourt [?], June 23, 1569).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1348_1348" id="Footnote_1348_1348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1348_1348"><span class="label">[1348]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 286, June 3, 1569; Claude Haton, II, 692. Marguerite
herself is evidence for this: “La maison de Montmorency aient ceux qui en avaient
porté les premières paroles.”&mdash;<i>Mém. de Marguerite de Navarre</i> (ed. Guisson, 23), 24.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1349_1349" id="Footnote_1349_1349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1349_1349"><span class="label">[1349]</span></a></span>
“Depuis que je y suis, jé fayst marcher vostre armaye en tele diligense, que
cet les reystres eusent vole u marcher jeudi, le jour de la feste Dyeu, je me pouvès
dyre le plus heureuse femme du monde, et vostre frère le plus glorieux, car vous
eusiés heu la fin de cete guere, aystent réduis le duc de Dus Pons.”&mdash;Catherine
de Médicis à Charles IX de Limoges, 12 juin 1569, Fillon Collection, No. 127.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1350_1350" id="Footnote_1350_1350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1350_1350"><span class="label">[1350]</span></a></span>
The duke of Deuxponts died on June 11, 1569, of excessive drinking. See
Janssen, VIII, 50; D’Aubigné, III, 69, note 1; Jean de Serres, 364; <i>Commentaires
et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 208. Fortunately for the Huguenots his death made little
difference in the disposition of his army, for Wolrad of Mansfeldt, his able lieutenant,
succeeded to the command. His prudence saved the reiters after the battle of
Moncontour (see Niemarn, <i>Geschichte der Grafen v. Mansfeldt</i>, 1834).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1351_1351" id="Footnote_1351_1351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1351_1351"><span class="label">[1351]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, III, 73, 74: a graphic account; cf. <i>Bulletin de la Soc. archéol. et
hist. du Limousin</i>, IV.</p>
<p class="pfc4">“On l’appela <i>arquebuse à croc</i> quand on l’eut munie d’un axe de rotation reposant
sur une fourchette ou <i>croc</i> et facilitant le pointage. L’arquebuse à croc était
souvent d’un poids considérable. Elle lançait parfois des balles de plomb de 8,
12 et 13 livres. Jusqu’au commencement du XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle, on mettait le feu à la
charge au moyen d’une mèche allumée que le coulevrinier portait enroulée autour
du bras droit. A Pavie, les Espagnols se servirent d’une arquebuse perfectionnée
par eux, dans laquelle la mèche était mise en contact avec l’amorce pour faire
partir le coup, au moyen d’un <i>serpentin</i>, sorte de pince qu’une détente faisait agir,
sans que le pointage en fût dérangé. Disposer la mèche à la longueur voulue, en
aviver le feu avant de tirer constituait l’opération de maniement d’arme designée
sous ce nom compasser la mèche.”&mdash;<i>La grande encyclopédie</i>, III, art. “Arquebuse.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1352_1352" id="Footnote_1352_1352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1352_1352"><span class="label">[1352]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, Book XVII; D’Aubigné, III, 80, 81.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1353_1353" id="Footnote_1353_1353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1353_1353"><span class="label">[1353]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, Book V, chap, xii; Jean de Serres, 355, 356.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1354_1354" id="Footnote_1354_1354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1354_1354"><span class="label">[1354]</span></a></span>
Schomberg offered to make a levy of 4,000 Poles; 8,000 Swiss were asked
of the Catholic cantons (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 351, July 27, 1569). To support them
Paris was mulcted for 700,000 francs and confiscation of Protestant lands to the
crown eked out the balance (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 355, July 29, 1569).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The following summary from Sir Henry Norris’ letter to Queen Elizabeth sets
forth the government’s fiscal policy at this time: “On the 1st instant the king went
to the Palais, where in the end, the Parlement made a general arrest of all the goods,
lands, and offices of those who bore arms against the king, and that all their lands
held in fee&mdash;or knight-service&mdash;should revert to the crown; and that for the other
lands, first there should be alienated for the sum of 50,000 crowns by the year, and
given to the clergy, in recompense of their demesne, which the king had license to
sell, and the remainder bestowed on such as had suffered loss by the religion and
done service in these wars. It is accounted that this attainture will amount to
2,000,000 francs a year. The same day they made sale, by sound of trumpet, of
the admiral’s goods in Paris. Some moved to have him executed in effigy, which
was thought unmeet, as serving only to irritate him to proceed the more extremely.
The king borrows 300,000 £ and offers to perpetuate the Councillors of Parlement’s
offices to their children, on their giving a certain sum of money; besides this
they tax all citizens throughout the realm to make great contributions. The cardinals
of Bourbon and Lorraine, to show an example to the clergy, have offered to
sell 4,000 £ rent of the monasteries of St. Germain and St. Denis” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 375, August 5, 1569).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1355_1355" id="Footnote_1355_1355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1355_1355"><span class="label">[1355]</span></a></span>
D’Aubigné, II, 38, 39.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1356_1356" id="Footnote_1356_1356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1356_1356"><span class="label">[1356]</span></a></span>
Louise de Bourbon, abbess de Fontevrault, daughter of François, comte de
Vendôme, and of Marie de Luxembourg, died in 1575.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1357_1357" id="Footnote_1357_1357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1357_1357"><span class="label">[1357]</span></a></span>
For a graphic description of Poitiers in the sixteenth century see Ouvré,
<i>Histoire de Poitiers</i>, 24, 25.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1358_1358" id="Footnote_1358_1358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1358_1358"><span class="label">[1358]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 271.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1359_1359" id="Footnote_1359_1359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1359_1359"><span class="label">[1359]</span></a></span>
All the historians narrate the history of the siege of Poitiers (see Claude
Haton, II, 375 ff.; La Popelinière, Book XVII; D’Aubigné, Book V, chap, v;
Claude Haton, II, 534; De Thou, Book XLV; Liberge, <i>Ample discourse de ce qui
s’est fait au siège de Poitiers</i>, 1569, new ed., 1846, by Beauchet-Felleau; <i>Mém., de
Jean d’Antras</i>, ed. Cansalade and Tamizey de Larroque, 1880; see also Whitehead,
<i>Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France</i>, 215, 216; Babinet, <i>Mém. de la Soc. des
antiq. de l’ouest</i>, séries II, Vol. XI). The story of the siege is also related in an
unpublished letter of Charles IX to the duke of Nevers, September 10, 1569, F. Fr.,
3,159, No. 195.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1360_1360" id="Footnote_1360_1360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1360_1360"><span class="label">[1360]</span></a></span>
Catherine de Medici to the duke of Anjou: approving of his false attack upon
Châtellerault (see Appendix XVIII), not published in the <i>Correspondance</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1361_1361" id="Footnote_1361_1361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1361_1361"><span class="label">[1361]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 595.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1362_1362" id="Footnote_1362_1362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1362_1362"><span class="label">[1362]</span></a></span>
Both La Noue, chap, xxvi, and D’Aubigné, III, 119, emphasize the condition
of the army.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1363_1363" id="Footnote_1363_1363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1363_1363"><span class="label">[1363]</span></a></span>
The custom of kissing the ground at the moment of charging the enemy
seems to have been peculiar to the Swiss and the Germans (D’Aubigné, Book V,
chap. xvii, 120; Brantôme, VI, 221 and 522).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1364_1364" id="Footnote_1364_1364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1364_1364"><span class="label">[1364]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 581.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1365_1365" id="Footnote_1365_1365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1365_1365"><span class="label">[1365]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 585.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1366_1366" id="Footnote_1366_1366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1366_1366"><span class="label">[1366]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 582.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1367_1367" id="Footnote_1367_1367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1367_1367"><span class="label">[1367]</span></a></span>
La Noue, chap. xxvi. Both Henry and Louis of Nassau were in this
engagement, the latter having quitted his university studies for war.&mdash;Languet, <i>Epist.
secr.</i>, I, 117; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 323.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1368_1368" id="Footnote_1368_1368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1368_1368"><span class="label">[1368]</span></a></span>
Jean de Serres, 526, 527. See the letter of Norris, December 19, 1569,
Appendix XIX.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1369_1369" id="Footnote_1369_1369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1369_1369"><span class="label">[1369]</span></a></span>
Delaborde, III, 162.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1370_1370" id="Footnote_1370_1370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1370_1370"><span class="label">[1370]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de Condé</i>, I, 207; D’Aubigné, III, 113, 114; <i>Arch. cur.</i>, séries I,
VI, 875. Pius V’s letter of felicitation to the queen mother, October 17, 1569,
characterizes Coligny as “hominem unum omnium fallacissimum, execrandaeque
memoriae, Gasparem de Coligny, qui se pro istius regni admirante gerit.”&mdash;Potter,
<i>Pie V</i>, 67, ed. Gouban, Book III, letter 43, p. 236. The admiral’s
office had been declared vacant on July 15, 1569 (Coll. Godefroy, CCLVII,
No. 69).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1371_1371" id="Footnote_1371_1371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1371_1371"><span class="label">[1371]</span></a></span>
<i>C.S.P. For.</i>, Nos. 456, 459, 464, 486, October 5, 6, 10, 27, 1569. This
was far from paying the reiters what the government owed them. They had been
serving for thirteen months and received pay but for three; 2,000,000 crowns were
still owing (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 543, December 19, 1569).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1372_1372" id="Footnote_1372_1372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1372_1372"><span class="label">[1372]</span></a></span>
On the resistance of St. Jean-d’Angély see D’Aubigné, Book V, chap. xix;
La Noue, chap. xxvii; La Popelinière, Book XX.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1373_1373" id="Footnote_1373_1373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1373_1373"><span class="label">[1373]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 511, November 21, 1569. Both the duke of Alençon and the
princess Marguerite, Henry IV’s future wife, were among the number. The
disease was smallpox (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 502, November 3, No. 543, December 19, 1569).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1374_1374" id="Footnote_1374_1374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1374_1374"><span class="label">[1374]</span></a></span>
Delaborde, III, 72; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 608.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1375_1375" id="Footnote_1375_1375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1375_1375"><span class="label">[1375]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 514, 515, 576, November 24, 25, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1376_1376" id="Footnote_1376_1376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1376_1376"><span class="label">[1376]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P., For.</i>, November 24, 1569, Jeanne d’Albret to the princes of Navarre
and Condé. Not in Rochambeau, <i>Lettres d’Antoine de Bourbon et de Jehanne
d’Albret</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1377_1377" id="Footnote_1377_1377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1377_1377"><span class="label">[1377]</span></a></span>
An awkward delay occurred at this time owing to the fact that Teligny’s
safe-conduct provided for his coming to the King, but made no statement as to his
departure. On December 14 the queen of Navarre and her son demanded “un
passeport plus ample” from the King. When it came with a revised form, negotiations
were resumed (<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 263, note; <i>C. S.
P. For.</i>, No. 643, January, 1570. For details of these protracted negotiations see
La Popelinière, Book XXII; Delaborde, III, 176 ff.). In Appendix XX will be
found a long document consisting of a great number of articles proposed by the
queen of Navarre, the princes of Navarre and Condé, and the other chiefs of the
Huguenot party, for the pacification of France, and divided under the heads of
religion, restitution of goods and estates, council and justice, arms, and finances,
together with measures to be taken to insure the performance of the edict
(February 4, 1570).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1378_1378" id="Footnote_1378_1378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1378_1378"><span class="label">[1378]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 644, January 1570, articles sent by the queen of Navarre
to the King.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1379_1379" id="Footnote_1379_1379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1379_1379"><span class="label">[1379]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 508, note. The parlement of Toulouse was a special
object of criticism by the Huguenots. In the act of peace they were exempted
from its jurisdiction.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1380_1380" id="Footnote_1380_1380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1380_1380"><span class="label">[1380]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 672, February 3, 1570; cf. <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XLII, 112-15, copied
from Record Office; Delaborde, <i>Coligny</i>, III, 180.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1381_1381" id="Footnote_1381_1381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1381_1381"><span class="label">[1381]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 682, February 10, 1570. Not in Rochambeau.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1382_1382" id="Footnote_1382_1382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1382_1382"><span class="label">[1382]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 674, February 5, 1570. This information had been conveyed
to Jeanne d’Albret by a packet which had been intercepted (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 689, February
17, 1570).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1383_1383" id="Footnote_1383_1383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1383_1383"><span class="label">[1383]</span></a></span>
Waddington, “La France et les Protestants allemands sous Charles IX et
Henri III,” <i>Revue Hist.</i>, XLII, 256 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1384_1384" id="Footnote_1384_1384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1384_1384"><span class="label">[1384]</span></a></span>
The queen of Navarre to Charles IX. Has received his letter and communicated
his reply to her son and nephew, and the noblemen who are with them.
Assures him that it is impossible for them to live without the free exercise of their
religion, which in the end he will be constrained to grant, and declares that all those
who advise him otherwise are no true subjects to him (<i>C. S. P. Spain</i>, No. 683,
February 11, 1570). Not in Rochambeau.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1385_1385" id="Footnote_1385_1385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1385_1385"><span class="label">[1385]</span></a></span>
De Thou definitely says Paris and the court were indifferent as to the fate
of the remoter provinces so long as the war did not touch them too (Vol. VI, Book
XLVII, p. 37).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1386_1386" id="Footnote_1386_1386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1386_1386"><span class="label">[1386]</span></a></span>
“Compertum nobis est nullam esse Satanae cum filiis lucis communionem;
ita inter catholicos quidem et haereticos nullam compositionem, nisi fictam fallaciisque
plenissimam, fieri posse pro certo habemus.”&mdash;Potter, <i>Pie V</i>, 86 (ed.
Gouban), Book 4, letter I, p. 269; Pius V to Charles IX, January 29, 1570. At
p. 272 is a letter in a similar vein to the duke of Anjou, written on the same day.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1387_1387" id="Footnote_1387_1387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1387_1387"><span class="label">[1387]</span></a></span>
De Ruble, <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, VII, 184, note; V, 135; letter of
Montluc, October 31, 1568.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1388_1388" id="Footnote_1388_1388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1388_1388"><span class="label">[1388]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, IV, 335.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1389_1389" id="Footnote_1389_1389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1389_1389"><span class="label">[1389]</span></a></span>
It is to be regretted that there is no monograph upon the history of these
viscounts. It would be quite worth doing. Communay, <i>Les Huguenots dans le
Béarn et la Navarre</i>, and Durier, <i>Les Huguenots en Bigorre</i>, 1884, are valuable
collections of documents. The sources are largely in the local archives of Upper
Languedoc, Guyenne, Quercy, the Agenois, and Rouergue. My information is
gathered entirely from the two works named above and Montluc; D’Aubigné; <i>Hist.
du Languedoc</i>, V; Courteault, <i>Blaise de Montluc</i>, Paris, 1908; and Marlet, <i>Le comte
de Montgomery</i>, Paris, 1890.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1390_1390" id="Footnote_1390_1390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1390_1390"><span class="label">[1390]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 155, 156.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1391_1391" id="Footnote_1391_1391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1391_1391"><span class="label">[1391]</span></a></span>
De Ruble, <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, IV, 354, 399, note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1392_1392" id="Footnote_1392_1392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1392_1392"><span class="label">[1392]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 501; <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, II, 399, note;
V, 268 note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1393_1393" id="Footnote_1393_1393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1393_1393"><span class="label">[1393]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 495.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1394_1394" id="Footnote_1394_1394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1394_1394"><span class="label">[1394]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 495, 496; La Popelinière, Book XIII.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1395_1395" id="Footnote_1395_1395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1395_1395"><span class="label">[1395]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 208.</p>
<p class="pfc4">In <i>State Papers, Foreign</i>, Elizabeth, Vol. CXV, No. 990 is a document showing
the provinces held by the Protestants. It is undated but the mention of the viscounts
in it shows that it is of this time (printed in Appendix XXI).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1396_1396" id="Footnote_1396_1396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1396_1396"><span class="label">[1396]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 576, note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1397_1397" id="Footnote_1397_1397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1397_1397"><span class="label">[1397]</span></a></span>
Bordenave, 166; <i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 575.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1398_1398" id="Footnote_1398_1398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1398_1398"><span class="label">[1398]</span></a></span>
Bordenave, <i>Hist. de Béarn et de Navarre</i>, 268-77.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1399_1399" id="Footnote_1399_1399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1399_1399"><span class="label">[1399]</span></a></span>
Olhagaray, <i>Histoire de Foix, de Navarre et de Béarn</i> (1609), 578, however,
gives the date March 4.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1400_1400" id="Footnote_1400_1400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1400_1400"><span class="label">[1400]</span></a></span>
Bordenave, <i>Histoire de Béarn et de Navarre</i>, 216.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1401_1401" id="Footnote_1401_1401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1401_1401"><span class="label">[1401]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 245.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1402_1402" id="Footnote_1402_1402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1402_1402"><span class="label">[1402]</span></a></span>
In F. Fr., 15,558, fol. 293, is a memoir of Jean de Montluc to the King, of
July, 1569, enumerating the munitions and provisions of the army before Navarrens.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1403_1403" id="Footnote_1403_1403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1403_1403"><span class="label">[1403]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de Gaches</i>, 90.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1404_1404" id="Footnote_1404_1404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1404_1404"><span class="label">[1404]</span></a></span>
I do not know that the actual text of this joint commission is known. Montgomery,
in his letter at this time styled himself as follows: Lieutenant-général du
roy en Guyenne, despuis la cousté de la Dordoigne jusques aux Pyrénées, en
l’absence et sous l’autorité de messeigneurs les princes de Navarre et de Condé,
lieutenant et protecteur de Sa Majesté, conservateur de ses édits et aussi lieutenant-général
de la reine de Navarre en son comté de Bigorre!&mdash;De Ruble, <i>Commentaires
et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 266, note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1405_1405" id="Footnote_1405_1405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1405_1405"><span class="label">[1405]</span></a></span>
Montgomery’s itinerary is printed in Appendix XXII.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The two parts of Montgomery’s expedition south of the Dordogne, first the
union with the viscounts, and second, the campaign against Terride are to be distinguished,
although they have been much confounded.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The sources and authorities for the history of this brief war are: Communay,
<i>Les Huguenots dans le Béarn et la Navarre</i>; Durier, <i>Les Huguenots en Bigorre</i>;
Bordenave, <i>Hist. de Béarn et de Navarre</i>, Book VII; Montluc, <i>Comment. et Lettres</i>,
III, Book VII, pp. 254-89, and his letters for September, 1569 in Vol. V, pp. 164 ff.;
D’Aubigné, Book V, chap. xiv; La Popelinière, Book XVIII; <i>Hist. du Lang.</i>,
V, 578-87; Dupleix, <i>Histoire de France</i>&mdash;his father was one of Montluc’s
captains and for some time marshal of the camp to Biron in Guyenne; Marlet,
<i>Le comte de Montgomery</i>; Courteault, <i>Blaise de Montluc</i>, chap. xi. The baron de
Ruble, ed. Montluc, V, 211, note, says: “Les documents inédits sont presque
innombrables. Outre les lettres conservées à la Bibliothèque Nationale, principalement
dans la collection Harlay, St. Germain, vol. 323 et suivants, nous citerons,
aux archives de Pau la série B 952 à 958: les registres consulaires d’Auch,
les registres de Larcher aux archives de Tarbes, les registres consulaires de Bagnères-de-Bigorre.”
The local archives of Bigorre contain many of Montgomery’s
letters. Some of them have been published in <i>Arch. de la Gascogne</i>, VI.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1406_1406" id="Footnote_1406_1406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1406_1406"><span class="label">[1406]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 286.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1407_1407" id="Footnote_1407_1407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1407_1407"><span class="label">[1407]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, V, 164.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1408_1408" id="Footnote_1408_1408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1408_1408"><span class="label">[1408]</span></a></span>
Damville ignored the railings of Montluc until November, when he wrote
to the King in vindication of himself, giving a full account of their campaign against
Montgomery (De Ruble, <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, V, 243-57, notes; Coll.
Godefroy, CCLVII, Nos. 75 and 84. The first is printed in <i>Archives de la Gironde</i>,
II, 148; <i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 521, note 2; the latter is given in tome XII, preuves,
note 304). Damville seems to have anticipated an inquiry, for he carefully laid
aside all of Montluc’s letters from May 26 to October 22, 1569. On February 27, 1570,
Damville sent the King a stinging indictment of Montluc’s course. In it he declared
Montluc was a rash impostor and accused him of forcing the people of
Guyenne to pay unjust ransoms; of violating women; of misusing public moneys;
and asserted that he courted investigation of his own conduct (De Ruble, <i>Montluc</i>,
III, 394; V, 269, and notes; <i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 529, note 3; the letter was first published
by Le Laboureur in the <i>Additions to Castelnau</i>, II, 130, from a copy in the
Dupuy Coll., Vol. 755. M. Tamizey de Larroque discovered the original in the
Coll. Godefroy in the Bib. de l’Institut). Most men of the time, however, deplored
the contest between these two Catholic chiefs of the south, without taking sides
(see <i>Archives de la Gironde</i>, II, 148). Montluc’s Spanish spy, Bardaxi, naturally
reproaches Damville (K. 1,574, No. 154). Probably no judgment may fairly be
pronounced until all the sources have been carefully examined. A life of Damville
is a work sorely needed; it is a rich subject for some historical student.</p>
<p class="pfc4">The recent work of M. Courteault, <i>Blaise de Montluc</i>, 538-40, 551-53,
557-59, goes at length into this feud between Montluc and Damville. In the main
the author sides with the marshal&mdash;“Damville acceptait les faits accomplis et ne
jugeait pas utile de combattre Mongonmery” (p. 551). He declares that “prudemmement,
il [Montluc] a passé dans son livre ce grave incident sous silence”
(p. 551). He admits, however, that if the King had ordered an investigation
Damville would have had something to answer for (p. 559).</p>
<p class="pfc4">There are numerous letters of Charles IX to Montluc in the St. Petersburg
archives. In them Charles harps upon the disagreeable conduct of Montluc toward
Jeanne d’Albret, and tries at one and the same time to repress the queen’s
indefatigable propaganda lest it anger Spain, and to restrain Montluc because of
his outrageous conduct and the illustrious blood of the queen of Navarre (La
Ferrière, <i>Rapport</i>, 22.) Letters of the marshal Montmorency and of marshal
Damville are also in this volume. Those of the latter cover the history of all the
campaigns of Montgomery in Béarn. He condemns Montluc for the death of
Terride. The marshal’s laconic language is strikingly in contrast with Montluc’s
rhetorical complaint (La Ferrière, <i>Rapport</i>, 44). If we may believe Brantôme,
“dans toutes les guerres Montluc gagna la pièce d’argent; auparavant il n’avoit
pas grandes finances, et se trouva avoir dans ses coffres cent mille escus.” Charles
IX once sharply reminded Montluc in a letter of November, 1562, that he was
getting 500 livres per month for his table. (La Ferrière, <i>Blaise de Montluc d’après
sa correspondance inédite</i>, Mém. lus à la Sorbonne, 1864.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1409_1409" id="Footnote_1409_1409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1409_1409"><span class="label">[1409]</span></a></span>
Coligny was quick to seize the opportunity afforded in the south to continue
the war there until the crown came to terms with the Huguenots. After the King’s
capture of St. Jean-d’Angély, Coligny crossed the Loire to join Montgomery (cf.
Delaborde. III, 157, 161, 169, 170; <i>Montluc</i>, III, 347, October; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 577, December, 1569; Letters from La Rochelle to the cardinal of Châtillon).
The cardinal has received letters from his brother the admiral, dated from Montauban
November 22, informing him that the princes are well, that their army is increasing,
that the reiters are content and have received pay, and that there is no
difficulty in joining with Montgomery and the viscounts. Their army will consist
of 6,500 horse and 12,000 arquebusiers. For the proclamation issued from
Montauban see Appendix XXIII. In <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 667, January, 1570,
is an extract of a letter from La Rochelle, describing the position of the armies of the
admiral and the count of Montgomery, who are on either bank of the Garonne,
and in good spirits and health.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1410_1410" id="Footnote_1410_1410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1410_1410"><span class="label">[1410]</span></a></span>
De Ruble, <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, V, 263, 264. Letter of
Montluc to Charles IX, January 9, 1570. He writes almost broken hearted.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1411_1411" id="Footnote_1411_1411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1411_1411"><span class="label">[1411]</span></a></span>
So great was the desolation inflicted that the King was obliged to remit the
<i>taille</i> in Agenois (<i>Arch. municip. d’Agen reg. consul.</i>, fol. 262). The Protestants
were so encouraged that even those living in Agen, Montluc’s own town, dared to
revolt (<i>Bull. du Com. de la langue et de l’hist. de France</i>, I, 478; <i>Reg. munic.
d’Agen</i>, fol. 254). An interesting comparison might be made between the rules for
the government of the camp issued by Coligny at this time&mdash;they are in K. 1,575,
No. 7&mdash;and those issued by the prince of Condé at Orleans, in April, 1562. For
an example of the severe discipline in the Protestant army see Claude Haton, II,
568; cf. De Thou, Book XXX.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1412_1412" id="Footnote_1412_1412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1412_1412"><span class="label">[1412]</span></a></span>
De Ruble, <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 74.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1413_1413" id="Footnote_1413_1413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1413_1413"><span class="label">[1413]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 314.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1414_1414" id="Footnote_1414_1414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1414_1414"><span class="label">[1414]</span></a></span>
De Ruble, <i>op. cit.</i>, III, 315-29; Montluc’s sang-froid is amazing as he writes.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1415_1415" id="Footnote_1415_1415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1415_1415"><span class="label">[1415]</span></a></span>
Delaborde, III. 157, 161, 169, 170. Early in 1569 Montluc sent a complaint
to Charles IX protesting against this export of grain. This trade redounded to the
advantage of the commander of the Gascon coast, who was a brother of the bishop
of Agen, and Montluc’s complaint gave rise to an acrimonious correspondence
preserved in Coll. Harley St. Germain, No. 323, which throws some light on the
interesting question of trade in the sixteenth century (see <i>Commentaires et lettres de
Montluc</i>, III, 395, note).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1416_1416" id="Footnote_1416_1416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1416_1416"><span class="label">[1416]</span></a></span>
See Montluc’s observations in III, 368, 369. He gives a spirited account
on p. 367 of an attack of the reiters on Monbrun, describing the way they fought
in the close quarters of a town.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1417_1417" id="Footnote_1417_1417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1417_1417"><span class="label">[1417]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 543, December 19, 1569.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1418_1418" id="Footnote_1418_1418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1418_1418"><span class="label">[1418]</span></a></span>
Ruble, <i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 262.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1419_1419" id="Footnote_1419_1419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1419_1419"><span class="label">[1419]</span></a></span>
He took it long before historians attributed the honor to him (<i>ibid.</i>, 382).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1420_1420" id="Footnote_1420_1420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1420_1420"><span class="label">[1420]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 366.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1421_1421" id="Footnote_1421_1421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1421_1421"><span class="label">[1421]</span></a></span>
“Il devoit considérer l’importance de la place qui estoit sur deux rivières.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1422_1422" id="Footnote_1422_1422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1422_1422"><span class="label">[1422]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, V, 266.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1423_1423" id="Footnote_1423_1423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1423_1423"><span class="label">[1423]</span></a></span>
All this happened on the night of December 15 and 16 (<i>Commentaires et
lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 384, 385). De Thou, V, Book XLV, 666-68, and Popelinière,
Book XXII, both tell the tale. A learned dissertation in <i>Hist. du Lang.</i>,
XII, note 5, clears up a number of obscure points in these accounts.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1424_1424" id="Footnote_1424_1424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1424_1424"><span class="label">[1424]</span></a></span>
The last of them got across by January 3, 1570 (<i>Montluc</i>, III, 384-91, and
his letter of January 9, in V, 261-64).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1425_1425" id="Footnote_1425_1425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1425_1425"><span class="label">[1425]</span></a></span>
For a description of Blaye see <i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 22, 23.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1426_1426" id="Footnote_1426_1426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1426_1426"><span class="label">[1426]</span></a></span>
For a description of Brouage see <i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 27.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1427_1427" id="Footnote_1427_1427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1427_1427"><span class="label">[1427]</span></a></span>
The sources are unanimous on this point, both Protestant and Catholic
(La Noue, <i>Disc. polit. et milit.</i>, chap. xxix; La Popelinière, Book XXII; Montluc,
<i>Comment.</i>, III, 395; Brantôme, ed. Lalanne, IV, 322; <i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 527-29,
note; Delaborde, III, 189). The outrages of the reiters were so great that a
special order of the day was required to govern their conduct (see K. 1,575, No. 17).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1428_1428" id="Footnote_1428_1428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1428_1428"><span class="label">[1428]</span></a></span>
During the nine months which elapsed between the battle of Moncontour
and the peace of St. Germain, the Huguenot army marched over 300 leagues.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1429_1429" id="Footnote_1429_1429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1429_1429"><span class="label">[1429]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, Book XXII; La Noue, chap. xxix; <i>Revue hist.</i>, II, 542, 543.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1430_1430" id="Footnote_1430_1430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1430_1430"><span class="label">[1430]</span></a></span>
La Noue’s observation on this point is curious; cf. Delaborde, III, 205.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1431_1431" id="Footnote_1431_1431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1431_1431"><span class="label">[1431]</span></a></span>
Cf. Elizabeth’s declarations of neutrality to Norris, (<i>C. S. P., For.</i>, No. 704,
February 23, 1570). Across the Channel the cardinal of Châtillon did all he could
to secure the support of the English queen for the Huguenots (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 742, the
cardinal to Cecil, March 9, 1570; cf. Delaborde, <i>Coligny</i>, III, 185); La Ferrière,
<i>Le XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle et les Valois</i>, 254-56; and a letter of the cardinal to the prince
of Orange, April 23, 1570, (<i>Arch. de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 373-77). But
it was not from England direct, but from Germany, under the stimulus of English
gold, that France looked for assistance to come to the Huguenots (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>,
No. 476, February 26, 1570).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1432_1432" id="Footnote_1432_1432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1432_1432"><span class="label">[1432]</span></a></span>
See Appendix XXIV.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1433_1433" id="Footnote_1433_1433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1433_1433"><span class="label">[1433]</span></a></span>
<i>State Papers, Foreign</i>, Elizabeth, Vol. CXII, No. 693 j, the cardinal of Lorraine
to&mdash;&mdash;. May 4, 1570, see Appendix XXV.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1434_1434" id="Footnote_1434_1434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1434_1434"><span class="label">[1434]</span></a></span>
<i>Coll. des autographes de M. Picton</i>, No. 67. Order signed by the cardinals
of Lorraine, Bourbon, and Pellevé, June 24, 1570, for the alienation of 50,000
<i>écus de rente</i> of the property of the church.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1435_1435" id="Footnote_1435_1435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1435_1435"><span class="label">[1435]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 332.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1436_1436" id="Footnote_1436_1436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1436_1436"><span class="label">[1436]</span></a></span>
The actual document is still preserved in the Archives nationales, K. 1,725,
No. 41. It is dated June 16, 1570, and countersigned by L’Aubespine.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1437_1437" id="Footnote_1437_1437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1437_1437"><span class="label">[1437]</span></a></span>
He borrowed 4,000 livres, chiefly in Bordeaux; the munitions came from
Toulouse and Bayonne. The provinces were required to furnish the supplies
(<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 400). The consular registers of Agen
and Auch still preserve the records of his requisitions. According to the report
of a Spanish spy, in K. 1,576, No. 5, the forces consisted of 10,000 footmen, 1,500
horse, and 18 pieces of artillery. This is surely exaggerated. His <i>Commentaires</i>
imply that his men were few in number and he expressly says that he was short of
munitions and artillery.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1438_1438" id="Footnote_1438_1438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1438_1438"><span class="label">[1438]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 401.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1439_1439" id="Footnote_1439_1439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1439_1439"><span class="label">[1439]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaries of Blaise de Montluc</i>, translated by Cotton, 368, 369. This
occurred on July 23, 1570. To consummate Montluc’s humiliation, Charles IX
filled his place, without giving him opportunity to resign, by appointing the marquis
de Villars to be his successor. He did not reach Guyenne until October 22.
In the meantime his brother, Jean de Montluc, bishop of Valence, and <i>commissaire
des finances</i> in Guyenne, and as much a Politique as the other was a bigot, exercised
authority for him. Gascony was governed by the seigneur de Vigues (<i>Commentaires
et lettres de Montluc</i>, III, 434).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1440_1440" id="Footnote_1440_1440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1440_1440"><span class="label">[1440]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Spain</i>, No. 687, February 15, 1570.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1441_1441" id="Footnote_1441_1441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1441_1441"><span class="label">[1441]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 1,023, June 20, 1570, La Noue to the cardinal of Châtillon;
<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,107, July 22, 1570; Hauser, <i>La Noue</i>, 20-22. He received the
name “Iron Arm” (Bras-de-fer) from the circumstance that he afterward wore a
mechanism made of iron, with which, at least, he was able to guide his horse.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1442_1442" id="Footnote_1442_1442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1442_1442"><span class="label">[1442]</span></a></span>
On Coligny’s campaign in Rouergue and the Cévennes in the spring of 1570,
see <i>Revue hist.</i>, II, 537-39, letters of the cardinal of Armagnac of April 1, April 11,
and May 10.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1443_1443" id="Footnote_1443_1443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1443_1443"><span class="label">[1443]</span></a></span>
Delaborde, III, 209-15.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1444_1444" id="Footnote_1444_1444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1444_1444"><span class="label">[1444]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 618.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1445_1445" id="Footnote_1445_1445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1445_1445"><span class="label">[1445]</span></a></span>
The parlement of Toulouse strongly protested against the edict (<i>Hist. du
Lang.</i>, V, 538, note 5). The Peace of St. Germain was registered by the Parlement
on August 11, 1570 (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, August 11, 1570; cf. Delaborde, III, 230, 231).
The Pope wrote with mingled alarm and regret over the Peace of St. Germain to
the cardinals of Bourbon and Lorraine, on September 23, 1570 (Potter, <i>Pie V</i>,
103, 107, ed. Gouban, Book IV, letter 7, pp. 282, 285).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1446_1446" id="Footnote_1446_1446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1446_1446"><span class="label">[1446]</span></a></span>
For an excellent discussion of the feudal interests and policy of the Huguenots
in the civil wars, see Weill, <i>Les théories sur le pouvoir royal en France pendant
les guerres de religion</i>, 73-80.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1447_1447" id="Footnote_1447_1447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1447_1447"><span class="label">[1447]</span></a></span>
See the letter of the papal nuncio to Philip II, June 26, 1570, in Appendix
XXVI. The Pope had protested even earlier than this (brief of Pius V to the
cardinal of Lorraine, March 2, 1570, disapproving of the conditions of peace).
The King, even if vanquished, ought not to have consented to such detestable
terms. The Pope’s sorrow is the greater because of the cardinal’s assent to them
(La Ferrière <i>Rapport</i>, 55).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1448_1448" id="Footnote_1448_1448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1448_1448"><span class="label">[1448]</span></a></span>
In 1562 on account of fear lest the Moriscos might enter into relation with
the Moors of Africa, the government of Spain forbade the use of arms among them.
In 1567 an attempt was made to suppress their language and abolish their national
customs. A terrible war ensued. Don John of Austria finally suppressed the
revolt after it had lasted for ten years. But in 1570, in anticipation of a Turkish
attack from the west the Moors again rebelled and Spain had to compromise
(<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 361; cf. Lea, <i>The Moriscos of
Spain</i>).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1449_1449" id="Footnote_1449_1449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1449_1449"><span class="label">[1449]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 485, July 20, 1570.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1450_1450" id="Footnote_1450_1450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1450_1450"><span class="label">[1450]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 439.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1451_1451" id="Footnote_1451_1451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1451_1451"><span class="label">[1451]</span></a></span>
“Montmorency bears the vogue in court.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,216, Norris
to the Queen, August 31, 1570. To enhance his prestige at this time, Montmorency’s
claim of right of precedence at court which the duke of Mayenne contested
was decided by the Privy Council in his favor (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,083, July 9, 1570).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1452_1452" id="Footnote_1452_1452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1452_1452"><span class="label">[1452]</span></a></span>
Christopher de Thou to the King, December 2, 1570 defending the Parlement
against the accusation that it is unjust to the Calvinists: “Mais un tel crime et si
execrable ne se scauroit asses punir, et seroit plus tost à craindre que nous fussions
reprehensibles de trop grande rémission que de grand severité, qu’ils appelent
cruauté.” He and his colleagues wish that the duke of Anjou might enter into
possession of his appanage in order that the duchy of Alençon may be in the jurisdiction
of the Parlement of Paris and not in that of Normandy (Collection la Jarriette,
No. 2,796).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1453_1453" id="Footnote_1453_1453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1453_1453"><span class="label">[1453]</span></a></span>
Sir Henry Norris under date of September 23, testifies that “the state here
is very quiet, where all strife and old grudges seem utterly buried, and men live in
good hope of the continuance thereof, since the occasioner of all the troubles [the
cardinal of Lorraine] in this realm is out of credit” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,285,
Norris to Cecil). The reiters in the course of their return home, pillaged the
fair of Champagne (Claude Haton, II, 592 and note).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1454_1454" id="Footnote_1454_1454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1454_1454"><span class="label">[1454]</span></a></span>
Thirty articles complaining of infractions of the Edict of Pacification, and
desiring that they may be redressed, with the King’s answers in the margin (<i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 1,323, October, 1570).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1455_1455" id="Footnote_1455_1455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1455_1455"><span class="label">[1455]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,359. Pierre Ramus was excluded from the College of Presles
by this decree.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1456_1456" id="Footnote_1456_1456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1456_1456"><span class="label">[1456]</span></a></span>
Ordonnance du Roy sur les defences de tenir Escolles, Principaultez, Colleges;
ny lire en quelque art; ou science que ce soit, en public, privé ou en chambre,
s’ilz ne sont congenuz et approuvez esté de la Religion catholique et romaine. Avec
l’Arrest de la court du Parlement. Poictiers, B. Noscereau, 1570.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1457_1457" id="Footnote_1457_1457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1457_1457"><span class="label">[1457]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 610 and 617.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1458_1458" id="Footnote_1458_1458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1458_1458"><span class="label">[1458]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 629.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1459_1459" id="Footnote_1459_1459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1459_1459"><span class="label">[1459]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 740.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1460_1460" id="Footnote_1460_1460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1460_1460"><span class="label">[1460]</span></a></span>
The vidame of Chartres to the Marshal Montmorency, October 3, 1570.
See Appendix XXVII. The scheme originated with the vidame de Chartres and
the cardinal Châtillon (see La Ferrière, “Les projets de marriage d’une reine
d’Angleterre,” <i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, September 15, 1881, p. 310); cf. Hume,
<i>Courtships of Queen Elizabeth</i>, 115. In 1563 the prince of Condé had actually
proposed the marriage of Charles IX and Elizabeth (<i>Revue des deux mondes</i>).
August 15, 1881, p. 861.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1461_1461" id="Footnote_1461_1461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1461_1461"><span class="label">[1461]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,521, January 27, 1571. Walsingham to Cecil.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1462_1462" id="Footnote_1462_1462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1462_1462"><span class="label">[1462]</span></a></span>
Such an offer, in the nature of things, could not have been accepted. Aside
from the fact that France at this juncture was unwilling to further any cause advocated
by Spain, there was too much practical advantage to France in maintaining the
<i>entente cordiale</i> with the Turks. Turkish influence might be brought to bear upon
the Emperor to neutralize his opposition to French enterprise in Poland; moreover,
France had but recently concluded an advantageous commercial treaty with the
Sultan. For accounts of the relations of France and Turkey at this time see Du
Ferrier, <i>Un ambassadeur liberal sous Charles IX et Henri III</i>, 44-102; Flament,
“La France et la Ligue contre le Turc (1571-73),” <i>Rev. d’hist. dip.</i>, XVI, 1902,
p. 619; Janssen, <i>History of the German People</i>, VIII, chap. v, “Turkish wars
up to 1572.” The league of the Christian powers, whose efforts culminated in the
famous engagement of Lepanto was formed in May, 1571. The king of Spain,
the Pope and Venice were the principals thereof. Spain was to provide one-half
of the forces, the Venetians one-third, and the Pope the remainder. The capture
of Cyprus by the Turks in the spring of 1570 was the immediate cause of its formation
(cf. <i>La vraye et très fidelle narration des succès, des assaults, defences et prinse
du royaume de Cypre</i>, faicte par F. Ange de Lusignan, Paris 1580; <i>Commentari
della guerra di Cipro e della lega dei principi cristiani contro il Turco</i>, di Bartolomeo
Sereno, 1845; Herre, <i>Europäische Politik in cyprischen Krieg</i>, 1570-73, Leipzig,
1902&mdash;there is a review of this in <i>English Hist. Review</i>, XIX, 357; Miller, “Greece
under the Turks 1571-1684,” <i>English Hist. Review</i>, XIX, 646). Europe expected
a double attack on the part of Mohammedanism, both in the Mediterranean
and by land against Hungary and Transylvania, as in 1530. Venice trembled for
Zara in Dalmatia. These fears were not misplaced. The warlike preparations
of the Sultan went so far as to offer pardon to all malefactors, except rebels and
counterfeiters, who would serve in the galleys. The allied fleet lay at Candia
during the winter of 1570-71 awaiting reinforcements. But there was a vast
amount of anxiety and discontent among the allies, for nothing but the sense of a
common peril could have united Venice and Spain, or Venice and the Pope. In
the politics of Europe Venice was a neutral power, and neutrality in the religious
politics of the time, in Philip II’s eyes, was almost tantamount to heresy. Moreover,
as was inevitable, the tediousness of the preparations and the corruption of
officials of the fleet was so great that men even died of hunger inflicted through
fraud. Only Venice’s administration seems to have been efficient.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1463_1463" id="Footnote_1463_1463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1463_1463"><span class="label">[1463]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 150.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1464_1464" id="Footnote_1464_1464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1464_1464"><span class="label">[1464]</span></a></span>
<i>Négociations dans le Levant</i>, III, 13.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1465_1465" id="Footnote_1465_1465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1465_1465"><span class="label">[1465]</span></a></span>
<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 261, 267.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1466_1466" id="Footnote_1466_1466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1466_1466"><span class="label">[1466]</span></a></span>
<i>Dépêches de M. Fourquevaux</i>, II, 28; III, 41.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1467_1467" id="Footnote_1467_1467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1467_1467"><span class="label">[1467]</span></a></span>
Sir Thomas Smith, the English ambassador in France, described her in January,
1571 as “a pretty little lady, but fair and well-favored.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 8.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1468_1468" id="Footnote_1468_1468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1468_1468"><span class="label">[1468]</span></a></span>
Even at the official ceremony (Godefroi, <i>Ceremonial français</i>, II, 20) of
betrothal in the cathedral at Speyer the latent hostility of France and Spain was
manifested. The Spanish ambassador refused to give precedence to the ambassador
of Charles IX, and so absented himself, the Venetian envoy being compelled to do
the same, because of the alliance between these two powers (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
1,355, Cobham to Cecil, October 22, 1570). For other details cf. Nos. 1,267, 1,275,
1,377, 1,430. On the negotiations see <i>Mém. de Castelnau</i> (ed. Le Laboureur),
II, Book VI, 467.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1469_1469" id="Footnote_1469_1469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1469_1469"><span class="label">[1469]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 255. Killigrew in a letter to Lord Burghley, December 29,
1571, shrewdly observed, à propos of the change, that “divers of the followers of
Guise have not letted to say that the duke of Alva knew the way to Paris’ gates.”&mdash;<i>C.
S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,196. For an example of Biragues’ intriguing, and this of
the most shameful sort, in connection with the proposed marriage of Henry of
Navarre and Marguerite of Valois see La Ferrière, <i>Rapport</i>, 43. The Huguenots
had hoped for L’Hôpital’s recall.&mdash;<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 641.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1470_1470" id="Footnote_1470_1470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1470_1470"><span class="label">[1470]</span></a></span>
Janssen, <i>History of the German People</i>, VIII, 117 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1471_1471" id="Footnote_1471_1471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1471_1471"><span class="label">[1471]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,590, March 5, 1571.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1472_1472" id="Footnote_1472_1472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1472_1472"><span class="label">[1472]</span></a></span>
This is the keen observation of the Venetian ambassador (cf. <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>,
515, August 1, 1571).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1473_1473" id="Footnote_1473_1473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1473_1473"><span class="label">[1473]</span></a></span>
The duke of Montmorency to Lord Burghley, May 20, 1571, see Appendix
XXVIII. On the whole negotiation see La Ferrière, “Elisabeth et le duc
d’Anjou,” <i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, August 15, 1881, p. 857; September 15, 1881,
p. 307.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1474_1474" id="Footnote_1474_1474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1474_1474"><span class="label">[1474]</span></a></span>
The words were used to De Foix (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,632, April 1, 1571,
Walsingham to Burghley).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1475_1475" id="Footnote_1475_1475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1475_1475"><span class="label">[1475]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,739, May 25, 1571; No. 1,813, Francis Walsingham to Lord
Burghley: He told her that he had delivered a form of the English prayers to
Monsieur de Foix, which form the Pope would have by council confirmed as Catholic
if the Queen would have acknowledged the same as received from him (Note
in margin, “an offer made by the Cardinal of Lorraine as Sir N. Throgmorton
showed me”). That the Queen was bound to prefer the tranquillity of her realm
before all other respects. There was never before offered to France like occasion
of benefit and reputation.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1476_1476" id="Footnote_1476_1476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1476_1476"><span class="label">[1476]</span></a></span>
Report of conference between Walsingham and De Foix, <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 1,732, May 25, 1571.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1477_1477" id="Footnote_1477_1477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1477_1477"><span class="label">[1477]</span></a></span>
Anecdote reported by Walsingham to Burghley, <i>C. S. P., For.</i>, No. 1,813,
June 21, 1571.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1478_1478" id="Footnote_1478_1478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1478_1478"><span class="label">[1478]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 576, August 16, 1571; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 1,928, August 17, 1571.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1479_1479" id="Footnote_1479_1479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1479_1479"><span class="label">[1479]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,883, July 27, 1571. De Foix and Montgomery were deeply
discouraged, the former protesting to Walsingham that he had “never travailled
more earnestly in any matter in his life” (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,732). “The queen mother
never wept so much since the death of her husband” (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,886, July 30,
1571). “The queen mother was in tears.... M. de Limoges said that ...
he never saw the King in greater chafe, and the Queen Mother wept hot tears”
(<i>ibid.</i>, January 8, 1572).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1480_1480" id="Footnote_1480_1480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1480_1480"><span class="label">[1480]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,886, July 30, 1571.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1481_1481" id="Footnote_1481_1481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1481_1481"><span class="label">[1481]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 20, January 7, 1572.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1482_1482" id="Footnote_1482_1482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1482_1482"><span class="label">[1482]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 23, January 9, 1572, Smith to Burghley.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1483_1483" id="Footnote_1483_1483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1483_1483"><span class="label">[1483]</span></a></span>
The Queen to Walsingham: Directs him to express her great regret to the
French king and the queen mother that she cannot assent to their proposal brought
by M. de Montmorency for her marriage with the duke of Alençon, and to assure
them that the only impediments arise from the great disparity in their age, and
from the bad opinion that the world might conceive of her thereby (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 496, July 20, 1572; cf. No. 375, May 25, instructions to the earl of Lincoln).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1484_1484" id="Footnote_1484_1484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1484_1484"><span class="label">[1484]</span></a></span>
This objection was one so difficult to make without giving offense that it
required all the delicacy of the English envoys to say anything at all. In <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 494 under date of July 20, 1572, will be found a draft of instructions to
Walsingham in Burghley’s handwriting on this matter, and by him endorsed:
“Not sent.” Burghley evidently preferred to leave this delicate subject to his
sovereign. See the queen to Walsingham, <i>ibid.</i>, No. 502, July 23, 1572, printed
in full by Digges, p. 226.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1485_1485" id="Footnote_1485_1485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1485_1485"><span class="label">[1485]</span></a></span>
Smith’s comments to Burghley are candor itself. “These two brethren be
almost become ‘Capi de Guelphi et Gibellini.’ The one has his suite all Papists,
the other is the refuge and succour of all the Huguenots, a good fellow and lusty
prince.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 23, January 9, 1572. He glosses over Alençon’s imperfections
by the remark that “he is not so tall or fair as his brother, but that is as is fantasied,”
and adds: “Then he is not so obstinate, papistical, and restive like a mule as his
brother is.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 28, January 10, 1572.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1486_1486" id="Footnote_1486_1486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1486_1486"><span class="label">[1486]</span></a></span>
See below for details of this treaty. Coligny’s letter is analyzed in <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 500, July 22, 1572 (not in Delaborde).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1487_1487" id="Footnote_1487_1487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1487_1487"><span class="label">[1487]</span></a></span>
La Ferté to&mdash;&mdash;; draft, endd. by Burghley: Windsor, 6th September,
1572.&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 555.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1488_1488" id="Footnote_1488_1488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1488_1488"><span class="label">[1488]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 502, July 23, 1572, the Queen to Walsingham.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1489_1489" id="Footnote_1489_1489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1489_1489"><span class="label">[1489]</span></a></span>
Walsingham to Lord Burghley: “ ... and if he sees no hope then to
further what he may the league.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, January 17, 1572; <i>Hatfield
Papers</i>, II, 46.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1490_1490" id="Footnote_1490_1490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1490_1490"><span class="label">[1490]</span></a></span>
Charles IX to M. de la Mothe-Fenelon: Directs him to inform the queen
of England that the duke of Alva does all he can to encourage the 500 or 600 English
refugees in Flanders in their enterprise against England, in which they will
be assisted by Lord Seton with 2,000 Scots, who have determined to seize on the
prince of Scotland, and send him into Spain. Directs him and M. de Croc to
watch and do all in their power to frustrate this design (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 330,
May 2, 1572; cf. Introd., xii, xiii and No. 257).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1491_1491" id="Footnote_1491_1491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1491_1491"><span class="label">[1491]</span></a></span>
On the efforts of Alva to revive the commerce of Flanders see D’Aubigné,
Book V, chap. xxxii, p. 265; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 94, 95, January 28 and 31, 1572;
Motley, <i>Rise of the Dutch Republic</i>, chap. v; Altmeyer, <i>Histoire des relations
commerciales des Pays-Bas avec le Nord pendant le XVI siècle</i>; Bruxelles, 1840;
Reiffenberg, <i>De l’etat de la population, des fabriques et des manufactures des Pays-Bas
pendant le XV<sup>e</sup> et le XVI<sup>e</sup> siècle</i>, Bruxelles, 1822.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1492_1492" id="Footnote_1492_1492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1492_1492"><span class="label">[1492]</span></a></span>
“The answer of the Merchant Adventurers to the French king’s offer to
establish a staple in France” in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 515, July, 1572: It would be
no commodity for them to have a privilege in France, as those things in which they
are principally occupied, viz., white cloths, are chiefly uttered in Upper and Lower
Germany. Besides, if they alter their old settled trade, they would also have to seek
for dressers and dyers in a place unacquainted with the trade. It is dangerous
to have the vent of all the commodity of the realm in one country, especially
seeing the French have small trade to England. There is besides such evil observance
of treaties and so evil justice in France. The drapers of France so much
mislike the bringing of cloth into France that they will not endure it, insomuch as
January last, by proclamation, all foreign cloth was banished. The converting
of the whole trade of England into France would be hurtful to the navy, for that the
ports there are so small that no great ship may enter.</p>
<p class="pfc4">For the Merchant Adventurers in the sixteenth century see Burgon, <i>Life
and Times of Sir Thomas Gresham</i>, I, 185-89.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1493_1493" id="Footnote_1493_1493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1493_1493"><span class="label">[1493]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 278, April 20, 1572, Queen Elizabeth to Charles IX.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1494_1494" id="Footnote_1494_1494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1494_1494"><span class="label">[1494]</span></a></span>
Walsingham, <i>ibid.</i>, No. 135.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1495_1495" id="Footnote_1495_1495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1495_1495"><span class="label">[1495]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No 143, September 26, 1571.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1496_1496" id="Footnote_1496_1496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1496_1496"><span class="label">[1496]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 247.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1497_1497" id="Footnote_1497_1497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1497_1497"><span class="label">[1497]</span></a></span>
Walsingham to Lord Burghley: Has been asked whether that enterprise
having good success, and the French king lending all his forces to the conquest of
Flanders, the queen of England would be content to enter foot in Zealand, Middleburgh
being delivered into her hands. They fear that the French king will not
be content with Flanders, whatsoever is promised (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,202,
December 31, 1571).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1498_1498" id="Footnote_1498_1498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1498_1498"><span class="label">[1498]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, I, 543; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 687, February 15, 1570. Sir Henry
Norris to Cecil. The King keeps his chamber, which they marvel not at who
know his diet.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1499_1499" id="Footnote_1499_1499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1499_1499"><span class="label">[1499]</span></a></span>
For a character-sketch of Charles IX see Baschet, <i>La diplomatie vénitienne</i>,
539-41; cf. <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 43 and 161. Lord Buckhurst, in a letter to Queen
Elizabeth of March 4, 1571, gives an account of one of Charles’ hunting parties
in the Bois de Vincennes, which illustrates his temperament. “After dinner,”
he relates, “the King rode to a warren of hares thereby, and after he had coursed
with much pastime, he flew to the partridge with a cast of very good falcons; and
that done, entered the park of Bois de Vincennes, replenished with some store of
fallow deer. Understanding that Lord Buckhurst had a leash of greyhounds, he
sent to him that he might put on his dogs to the deer, which he did, but found that
the deer ran better for their lives than the dogs did for his pastime. After this the
King and all the gentlemen with him fell to a new manner of hunting, chasing the
whole herd with their drawn swords, on horseback, so far forth as they being embosked
were easily stricken and slain; they spared no male deer, but killed of all
sorts without respect, like hunters who sought not to requite any part of their
travail with delight to eat of the slain venison.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,589, March
4, 1571. In the spring of 1573 the French consul in Alexandria sent Charles three
trained leopards for deer-hunting (Coll. Godefroy, CCLVI, No. 51). In
June, 1571, the King was somewhat seriously injured while hunting, by striking
his head against the branch of a tree (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,777, June 8, 1571).
In March, 1572, he again was injured (letter of the King to the duke of Anjou,
March 21, 1572, in Coll. Pichon, No. 28). His passion for the chase often led him
to neglect the business of state, conduct which Coligny once sharply reproved
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,156, November 29, 1571), and he was frequently ill from
fatigue or exposure (<i>L’Ambassade de St. Sulpice</i>, 301). The King himself inspired
the French translation of a Latin treatise of the sixteenth century on hunting,
by Louis Leroy de Coutances, <i>Libre du roy Charles</i>. His patronage also inspired
another work on the same subject: “Du Fouilloux, La Vénerie de lacques du
Fouilloux, Gentilhomme, Seigneur dudit lieu, pays de Gastine, en Poitou. Dédise
au Roy Très-Chrestien Charles, neufiesme de ce nom. Avec plusieurs Receptes
et Remèdes pour guérir les Chiens de diverses maladies. Avec Privilege du Roy.
A Poitiers, Par les de Marnefz, et Bouchetz, frères, circa 1565.” Charles IX was
also given to low practical jokes. For example this is reported of him from Paris,
September 18, 1573: The King, in an old cloak and evil-favoured hat, withdrew
himself “to a little house upon the bridge from all the ladies, and there cast out
money upon the people to get them together, and made pastime to cast out buckets
of water upon them while they were scrambling for the money.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
Paris, September 18, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1500_1500" id="Footnote_1500_1500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1500_1500"><span class="label">[1500]</span></a></span>
Walsingham reported to Burghley in August 12, 1571: “This prince is of
far greater judgment than outwardly appears. There is none of any account within
his realm whose imperfections and virtues he knows not,” although, he adds, “those
who love him lament he is so overmuch given to pleasure.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,921.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1501_1501" id="Footnote_1501_1501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1501_1501"><span class="label">[1501]</span></a></span>
In May 1571 the Guises were in discredit. The duke went to Joinville, the
cardinal of Lorraine to Rheims, the duke of Mayenne started for Turkey. Guise
did not come back to Paris till January 1572 (Bouillé, <i>Histoire des ducs de Guises</i>,
II, Book IV, chap. iv).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1502_1502" id="Footnote_1502_1502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1502_1502"><span class="label">[1502]</span></a></span>
“He appeared at all hours near his majesty’s chair upon the same terms as
the lords who had never left the court” (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 576, September 15,
1570). Coligny first became a member of the <i>conseil du roi</i> at this time (Soldan,
<i>Vor d. St. Barthloomäusnacht</i>, 39). Blois was practically the capital of France at
this time. Paris was avoided both to save creating suspicion among the Huguenots
and because of its Guisard sympathies. “He would change from white to black
the moment he was in Paris” said Walsingham of the King. Capefigue, <i>Hist.
de la réforme</i>, III, 92, points out Blois was “le siège naturel d’un gouvernement
qui voulait s’éloigner du catholocisme fervent. Placé à quelques lieues d’Orleans,
donnant la main à la Rochelle, et par la Rochelle, se liant au Poitou, à la Saintonge,
au Béarn.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1503_1503" id="Footnote_1503_1503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1503_1503"><span class="label">[1503]</span></a></span>
The King conceives of no other subject better than of the admiral, and there
is great hope that he will use him in matters of the greatest trust, for he begins to
see the insufficiency of others, some being more addicted to others than to him,
others more Spanish than French, or given more to private pleasures than public
affairs (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,921, August 12, 1571).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1504_1504" id="Footnote_1504_1504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1504_1504"><span class="label">[1504]</span></a></span>
Alva to Philip II, April 5, May 22, 1572, in Gachard, <i>Correspondance de
Philippe II</i>, II, 239. In December, 1570, the marshal Cossé was sent to
La Rochelle. In March, 1571, Cossé and Biron were sent a second time.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1505_1505" id="Footnote_1505_1505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1505_1505"><span class="label">[1505]</span></a></span>
See Walsingham, Letter of August 12, 1571, to Leicester. He gained a
great ascendency over Charles IX (Languet, <i>Epist. ad Camer.</i>, 132-36, 140.
“Count Ludovic is the King’s avowed pensioner.”)&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No.
2,156, November 29, 1571. Some of his correspondence is in <i>Archives de la maison
d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1506_1506" id="Footnote_1506_1506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1506_1506"><span class="label">[1506]</span></a></span>
On the secret interview of Charles IX, Louis of Nassau, and La Noue at
Blois, see D’Aubigné, Book VI, chap. i, 282; <i>Mémoires de la Huguerye</i>, I, 25.
The Dutch cause suffered fearfully in this autumn. On November 1 and 2 a
frightful storm made terrible inundations on the coast; hundreds of vessels were
wrecked; in West Frisia alone nearly 20,000 persons were drowned (<i>Archives de
la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 385).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1507_1507" id="Footnote_1507_1507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1507_1507"><span class="label">[1507]</span></a></span>
For details, see Capefigue, III, 44. Charles IX gave evasive replies to all
the remonstrances of the Spanish ambassador (Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 177,
August 15, 1571).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1508_1508" id="Footnote_1508_1508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1508_1508"><span class="label">[1508]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,578, Walsingham to Cecil; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 694.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1509_1509" id="Footnote_1509_1509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1509_1509"><span class="label">[1509]</span></a></span>
Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, II, 239&mdash;Alva
to Philip II, April 5, 1572; cf. p. 250; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III,
441. The Prince of Orange in 1569 began the practice of issuing letters of marque
and reprisal in virtue of his position as sovereign prince of Orange. As a result in
the next year the English Channel and the Bay of Biscay were crowded with vessels
hostile to Spain. The most famous of these marauders soon destined to become
known as the “Beggars of the Sea” was Adrian de Bergues. On one occasion
within the space of two days, he overhauled and captured two merchant fleets, the
one of 40, the other of 60 sail (<i>Arch. de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 351).
Upon the importance of La Rochelle as a seaport, see La Noue, chap. xxviii.
Some of Strozzi’s correspondence when in command of the fleet before La Rochelle
in 1572 is in F. Fr., XV, 555; cf. <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 760-63.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1510_1510" id="Footnote_1510_1510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1510_1510"><span class="label">[1510]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,921, August 12, 1571. Languet makes Charles IX’s
reply less emphatic than this. Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 177, August 15, 1571. I am
inclined to believe that Walsingham colored the anecdote. Languet shows the
hesitations and vacillations of Charles IX, pp. 132, 136, 140. The Spanish
ambassador’s grounds of fear for Flanders were the more substantial because the
garrisons that had occupied St. Jean-d’Angély, Niort, Saintes, and Angoulême
during the late war were newly stationed in the border fortresses of Picardy.
To Alava’s alarmed inquiry Charles IX blandly replied that “the reason why
these troops were sent to the frontiers was to give them employment, because if
the King had disbanded them all at once the soldiery might have mutinied for lack
of pay” (<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 499, February 19, 1571; No. 575, August 1, 1571).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1511_1511" id="Footnote_1511_1511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1511_1511"><span class="label">[1511]</span></a></span>
“The only impediment to the marriage between the prince of Navarre and
the lady Margaret is religion.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,038, Walsingham to Cecil,
September 16, 1571. The whole matter was referred to eight counselors to settle:
those of the Huguenots were Jeanne d’Albret, La Noue, Louis of Nassau, and
Francourt (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, March 29, 1572; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
III, 417). The Pope made objection that, aside from the difference of religion, the
parents of Henry of Navarre and Marguerite of Valois were relatives within the third
degree, and refused to grant the dispensation for the marriage (<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III,
712-14). To this demur the Huguenots triumphantly argued that it was not
necessary for the Pope or any other priest to give dispensation, since it was a
<i>royal</i> marriage and it was not fitting for the King’s authority to be demeaned by
that of the church (Claude Haton, II, 661). There was violent opposition by
radical Huguenots, especially the pastors, to the marriage, and fear lest the Pope’s
refusal to grant a dispensation might lead to a rupture between France and Rome
like that of England under Henry VIII (<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 733 and 740). Finally
it was arranged that the marriage should be celebrated by a priest of the church of
Rome, and that Henry would accompany his wife to mass in the church where the
ceremony was to be held, but that he was to retire before the service so that he was
neither to be present at the mass nor hear it said (<i>ibid.</i>, 662 and note, 663, note).
The cardinal of Lorraine, with his usual “trimming” wrote to the queen mother:
“Madame, je vous baise très humblement les mains de ce qu’il vous plaît me
mander la conclusion du marriage de madame vostre fille, puisqu’il est au contentement
de vos majestés et selon les désirs des catholiques.”&mdash;<i>Collection des
autographes</i>, No. 278, April 17, 1572.</p>
<p class="pfc4">For the preliminaries of the marriage of Marguerite of Valois and Henry of
Navarre see <i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, October 1, 1884, pp. 560-64.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1512_1512" id="Footnote_1512_1512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1512_1512"><span class="label">[1512]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 516; August 15, 1571. Spain and France clashed in
Switzerland, too, at this time. For Switzerland refused to permit forces to fight
the Turk on the ground that the Swiss were unused to maritime warfare, yet the
Grisons and the Tyrol raised two regiments for the French King (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No.
189, March 25, 1572, from Heidelberg or Strasburg).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1513_1513" id="Footnote_1513_1513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1513_1513"><span class="label">[1513]</span></a></span>
“There have been no other speeches but war with Spain.”&mdash;Killegrew to
Lord Burghley, December 8, 1571; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 2,163; cf. <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III,
dispatches of April 17 and 20, 1572 and <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 2,156, 2,162, November
29, December 7, 1571. Alva fully expected war (Gachard, <i>Correspondance
de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, II, 259, Alva to Philip II, May 24, 1572).</p>
<p class="pfc4">In the spring of 1572 Schomberg was dispatched to Germany to contract alliances
with the Lutheran princes (<i>Arch. de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 403; <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 189, March 25, 1572). The German princes anticipated that if the Low
Countries were united to the crown of France that power would become too formidable.
They wanted France to content herself with Flanders and Artois. As for
Brabant and the other provinces that were once dependent upon the empire, their
purpose was to put them upon their old footing and to give the government of
them to some prince of Germany, who could not be other than the prince of
Orange. Holland and Zealand were to be united to the crown of England
(Walsingham, 143, French ed., letter of August 12, 1572 to Leicester). Yet
momentous as the French project in the Low Countries was, it was but part of
a grander scheme, for France aimed also to acquire a decisive influence in
Germany, with the ultimate purpose of acquiring so great ascendency over the
German states as to be able to transfer the crown of the empire, for centuries
hereditary in the house of Hapsburg, to the head of the French prince (<i>Rel. vén.</i>,
I, 445). This project was part of the mission of Schomberg in Germany (<i>Arch.
de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, Introd., 23, 268-73). In Germany the elector
of Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse were strong partisans of France (<i>ibid.</i>,
IV, Introd., 25).</p>
<p class="pfc4">The strongest advocate of France for the imperial crown was the elector
palatine, who burned with an ambition to “Calvinize the world,” and embraced
with ardor a project which could not fail to redound to the honor of the Huguenots.
The elector of Saxony and the landgrave were less complacent. The first was a
friend of the emperor Maximilian and expressed his indignation at the imperial
pretensions of Charles IX. Even William of Hesse, in spite of his hereditary
attachment to the crown of France, returned a guarded reply (<i>ibid.</i>, IV, Introd.,
28 and 123).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1514_1514" id="Footnote_1514_1514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1514_1514"><span class="label">[1514]</span></a></span>
The revolt took place on Easter Sunday, April 6, 1572. On the whole subject
of the revolt of the Netherlands at this time see Janssen, <i>History of the
German People</i>, VIII, chap. ii; La Gravière, “Les Gueux de Mer,” <i>Revue des deux
mondes</i>, September 15, 1891, p. 347; November, 1891, p. 98; January 15, 1892,
p. 389.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1515_1515" id="Footnote_1515_1515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1515_1515"><span class="label">[1515]</span></a></span>
See the letter of President Viglius to Hopper in <i>Arch. de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
III, 415, and <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 260, April 19, 1572.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1516_1516" id="Footnote_1516_1516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1516_1516"><span class="label">[1516]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 418-19. On the alliance
concluded at the Frankfurt Fair see <i>ibid.</i>, III, 448. For the whole subject consult
Waddington, “La France et les protestants allemands sous les règnes de Charles
IX et Henri III,” <i>Revue historique</i>, XLII, 266 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1517_1517" id="Footnote_1517_1517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1517_1517"><span class="label">[1517]</span></a></span>
The treaty of Blois provided for a defensive league between Queen Elizabeth
and Charles IX and stipulated the amount of succor by sea or land to be rendered
by either party in case of need; if either party were assailed for the cause of religion
or under any other privileges and advantages for the pretext, the other was bound
to render assistance; a schedule of the number and description of the forces to be
mutually furnished, together with their rates of pay, was annexed. De Frixa and
Montmorency were sent to England to ratify the treaty. A full account of the
gorgeous reception of Montmorency will be found in Holinshed and the Account
Book of the Master of the Revels. The earl of Lincoln left for France, May 26,
1572. He was instructed to say, if any mention was made of the Alençon marriage,
that Elizabeth felt offended by the way she had been treated in the Anjou
negotiations and that in any case “the difference in age should make a full stay.”</p>
<p class="pfc4">Text of the treaty of Blois in Dumont, <i>Corps diplomatique</i>, V, Part I, 211.
The letter of the King to Elizabeth after the signature is in <i>Bulletin de la société du
prot. français</i>, XI, 72.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1518_1518" id="Footnote_1518_1518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1518_1518"><span class="label">[1518]</span></a></span>
<i>Mémoires et correspondance de Du Plessis-Mornay</i>, I, 36-38 (Paris, 1824).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1519_1519" id="Footnote_1519_1519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1519_1519"><span class="label">[1519]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, II, 20-39; cf. Whitehead, <i>Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France</i>,
248. On the authorship of the memoir consult same volume Appendix II.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1520_1520" id="Footnote_1520_1520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1520_1520"><span class="label">[1520]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 419, Captain Thomas Morgan to Lord Burghley from
Flushing, June 16, 1572; Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II</i>, II, 268, Alva
to Philip II, July 18, 1572.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1521_1521" id="Footnote_1521_1521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1521_1521"><span class="label">[1521]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, XXVII, 108; Fillon Collection, No. 133, Charles IX to the
Duke of Longueville, governor of Picardy from Blois, May 3, 1572. Enjoins him
to repair the fortifications of Picardy, and to be on guard against the duke of Alva,
who was arming under the pretext of repressing the Gueux.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1522_1522" id="Footnote_1522_1522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1522_1522"><span class="label">[1522]</span></a></span>
Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II</i>, II, 356 and note 3; <i>Archives de la
maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 425-26; <i>Mém. de la Huguerye</i>, 105; see La Popelinière’s
account (XXVII, 107), of the situation of the city. It was the capital of
Hainault.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1523_1523" id="Footnote_1523_1523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1523_1523"><span class="label">[1523]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 406, June 10, 1572, to Torcy.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1524_1524" id="Footnote_1524_1524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1524_1524"><span class="label">[1524]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 437.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1525_1525" id="Footnote_1525_1525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1525_1525"><span class="label">[1525]</span></a></span>
Coll. Godefroy, CCLVIII, No. 8. French dispute with Spain over navigation
of the Sluys.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1526_1526" id="Footnote_1526_1526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1526_1526"><span class="label">[1526]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 441-42.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1527_1527" id="Footnote_1527_1527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1527_1527"><span class="label">[1527]</span></a></span>
In <i>ibid.</i>, 463-64, 467-68, will be found a list of the principal officers of
the prince of Orange and of the towns at his devotion (cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 374,
July, 1572).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1528_1528" id="Footnote_1528_1528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1528_1528"><span class="label">[1528]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, Nos. 478, 511, July, 1572.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1529_1529" id="Footnote_1529_1529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1529_1529"><span class="label">[1529]</span></a></span>
The estates met at Dordrecht on July 15 (<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
III, 447).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1530_1530" id="Footnote_1530_1530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1530_1530"><span class="label">[1530]</span></a></span>
He had received his recall and the duke of Medina-Coeli had been sent to
succeed him, and at this hour was on the ground urging a policy of moderation
(Raumer, I, 202). Yet Alva refused to give up (<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
III, 437).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1531_1531" id="Footnote_1531_1531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1531_1531"><span class="label">[1531]</span></a></span>
The march of the Spanish army that intercepted Genlis was so accurate as
to give rise to the belief that Alva had prior information. It is uncertain. Mendoza,
who was with the Spanish army (<i>Commentaires</i>, Book VI, chap. vii) seems
to confirm the suspicion. His account (chaps. vii-xiii) is very vivid. Only
thirty of Genlis’ men escaped; the rest were either killed or drowned. On the
warnings given to Genlis, see a relation in <i>Archives curieuses</i>, VII. There is
an unpublished account of Genlis’ defeat in F. Fr., 18,587, fol. 541. According to
La Huguerye, 125, he was strangled in prison.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1532_1532" id="Footnote_1532_1532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1532_1532"><span class="label">[1532]</span></a></span>
It did so on September 19. See a letter of William of Orange to his brother
John, September 24, 1572, in <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 511.
La Noue prophesied the fall of the city when he saw the heights of Jemappes
occupied by the troops of Spain (Hauser, <i>La Noue</i>, 33).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1533_1533" id="Footnote_1533_1533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1533_1533"><span class="label">[1533]</span></a></span>
As late as August 11, 1572, the Prince of Orange was still looking for the
coming of the admiral Coligny into the Low Countries (see a letter of his to his
brother John, of this date in <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, III, 490).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1534_1534" id="Footnote_1534_1534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1534_1534"><span class="label">[1534]</span></a></span>
Albornoz to secretary of state Cayas, from Brussels, July 19, 1572 (see
Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, II, 269). A note of
M. Gachard adds: “Cette lettre, datée de St. Leger, le 27 avril 1572, était écrite
par Charles IX au comte Louis de Nassau. Il y disait qu’il était déterminé, autant
que les occasions et la disposition de ses affaires le permettraient à employer les
forces que Dieu avait mises en sa main à tirer les Pays-Bas de l’oppression sous
laquelle ils gémissaient. Une traduction espagnole de cette lettre existe aux
Archives de Simancas, <i>papeles de Estado</i>, liasse 551.” Charles IX. repudiated its
authenticity (see a letter to Mondoucet, French agent in Flanders, dated August 12,
1572, in <i>Bulletin de la Commission d’hist. de Belgique</i>, séries II, IV, 342).
The admiral Coligny, without knowing of the incriminating evidence in Alva’s
hands after the failure before Mons, urged Charles IX to declare war upon Spain
at once as the shortest and safest way out of the difficulty (Brantôme, <i>Vie des
grandes capitaines françois</i>&mdash;M’l’admiral de Châtillon).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1535_1535" id="Footnote_1535_1535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1535_1535"><span class="label">[1535]</span></a></span>
As late as August 21, France had the hardihood to protest her innocence
of any enterprise in Flanders (Gachard, <i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les
Pays-Bas</i>, II, 271, Philip to Alva, August 2, 1572; <i>ibid.</i>, II, 273, Alva to Philip,
August 21, 1572).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1536_1536" id="Footnote_1536_1536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1536_1536"><span class="label">[1536]</span></a></span>
There is in existence the record of an extremely curious conversation of the
admiral Coligny upon this subject with Henry Middelmore, one of the English
agents in France, in which the latter frankly said: “Of all other thinges we colde
least lyke that France shulde commaunde Flawnders, or bryng it under theyr
obedience, for therein we dyd see so apparawntlye the greatnes of our dainger,
and therefore in no wyse colde suffer it.”&mdash;Ellis, <i>Original Letters</i>, 2d series, III,
6. I find the same thought expressed in a letter of Thomas Parker to one Hogyns,
written from Bruges, June 17, 1572. See Appendix XXIX.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1537_1537" id="Footnote_1537_1537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1537_1537"><span class="label">[1537]</span></a></span>
On this last phase see <i>Correspondance de Catherine de Médicis</i>, IV, Introd.,
xlix ff., and Froude, <i>Hist. of England</i>, X, 312.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1538_1538" id="Footnote_1538_1538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1538_1538"><span class="label">[1538]</span></a></span>
For a particular account see Whitehead, <i>Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of
France</i>, 257-64. Two of Lord Burghley’s correspondents give accounts
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 537, 538, August 22, 1572). See also an interesting extract from
the registers of the Bureau of the Ville of Paris in <i>Archives curieuses</i>, VII, 211.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1539_1539" id="Footnote_1539_1539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1539_1539"><span class="label">[1539]</span></a></span>
For the order of Marcel, provost of the merchants, immediately before the
massacre, see <i>Arch. cur.</i>, VII, 212. On the council of August 24, see Cavalli, 85.
Charles IX at first denied any responsibility and blamed the Guises. When this
proved a dangerous explanation, he asserted the massacre was made to foil a
similar plot on the part of the Huguenots.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1540_1540" id="Footnote_1540_1540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1540_1540"><span class="label">[1540]</span></a></span>
At Blois not only the Huguenots were not mistreated but the city became
a city of refuge (D’Aubigné, III, 344, note 6). The Mayor of Nantes refused to
carry out the orders for massacre (<i>Bulletin de la Soc. du prot. franç.</i>, I, 59).
Hotman was saved from the massacre at Bourges by his students; on the massacre
at Troyes see the relation in <i>Arch. cur.</i>, VII, 287; and for that at Lyons an article
by Puyroche in <i>Bulletin de la Soc. du prot. franç.</i>, XVIII, 305, 353, 401; for
Normandy, <i>ibid.</i>, VI, 461; <i>Revue retrospective</i>, XII, 142 (Lisieux); on the massacre
at Rouen, Floquet, <i>Hist. du parlement de Normandie</i>, III, 126 ff.; on the
massacre at Bordeaux see <i>Arch. de la Gironde</i>, VIII, 337. De Thou, Book LIII,
says there were 264 victims. On the massacre at Toulouse see <i>Bull. de la Soc. du
prot. franç.</i>, August 15, 1886; <i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, V, 639. On the non-execution
of the massacre in Burgundy see <i>Bull. de la Soc. du prot. franç.</i>, IV, 164,
and XIV, 340 (documents). The reason for this leniency was the nearness of
Burgundy to the frontier.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1541_1541" id="Footnote_1541_1541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1541_1541"><span class="label">[1541]</span></a></span>
The contemporary literature on the massacre is given by M. Felix Bourquelot,
editor of the <i>Mém. de Claude Haton</i> in a long note in II, 673-76. Summarized,
these opinions are the following: 1. The massacre was done in order
to avert a massacre by the Huguenots, after the wounding of Coligny. This was
the belief of Marguerite of Navarre (<i>Mémoires</i>, ed. Guessard, 264).</p>
<p class="pfc4">2. The massacre was premeditated by Charles IX and his mother from the
time of the Bayonne conference.</p>
<p class="pfc4">3. The massacre was intended to be a military stroke, the government preferring
to attempt their overthrow in this way rather than by battle on the open
field.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Salviati, the papal nuncio, who ought to have known, explicitly denies the
rumor that a conspiracy was on foot by the Huguenots. In a dispatch of September
2 (I quote the French translation of Chateaubriand who copied them for the
Paris archives) he says: “Cela n’en demeurera pas moins faux en tous points,
et ce sera une honte pour qui est à même de connaître quelques choses aux affaires
de ce monde de le croire.” In reply to the Pope’s urgency to extirpate the Protestants,
he wrote on September 22: “Je lui fis part de la très grand consolation
qu’avaient procuré au Saint Père les succès obtenus dans ce royaume par une
grace singulière de Dieu, accordée à toute la Chrétienté sous son pontificat. Je
fis connaître le désir qu’avait sa Sainteté, de voir pour la plus grande gloire de Dieu,
et le plus grand bien de France, tous les hérétiques extirpés du royaume, et j’ajoutai
que dans cette vue le Saint Père estimait que très à propos que l’on revoqua l’édit
de pacification.” On October 11th, he writes: “Le Saint Père, ai je dit en
éprouve une joie infinie, et a ressenti une grande consolation d’apprendre que sa
Majesté avait commandé d’écrire qu’elle espérait qu’avant peu la France n’aurait
plus d’Huguenots.” Cardinal Orsini, who was dispatched as legate from Rome
to congratulate Charles IX and to support the exhortations of Salviati, describes
his audience with the King on December 19. Orsini assured the King that he
had eclipsed the glory of all his house, but urged him to fulfil his promise that not
a single Huguenot should be left alive in France: “Se si rigardavva all’objetto
della gloria, non potendo niun fatto de suoi antecessori, se rettamente si giudicava,
agguagliarsi al glorioso ac veramente incomparabili di sua Maesta, in liberar
con tanta prudentia et pietà in un giorno solo il suo regno da cotanta diabolica
peste.... Esortai ... che con essendo servitio ni di Dio, ni di sua Maesta,
lasciar fargli nuovo piede a questa maladetta setta, volesse applicare tutto il suo
pensiero e tutte le forze sue per istirparla affatto, recandosi a memoria quelle che
ella haveva fatto scrivere a sua Santità da Monsignor il Nuntio, che infra pochi
giorni non sarebbe pi un ugonotto in tutto il suo regno.”&mdash;Bibliothèque
Nationale, MSS Ital., 1,272. The Pope proclaimed a jubilee in honor of the
massacre.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Subjoined is a list of the leading authors and articles upon this subject. The
most recent consideration which sifts all preceding investigation is that by Whitehead,
<i>Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France</i>, London, 1904, chaps. xv, xvi; Phillipson,
“Die römische Curie und die Bartholomaüsnact,” <i>West Europa</i>, II, 255 ff.; Baguenault
de Puchesse, “La St. Barthélemy: ses origines, son vrai caractère, ses suites,”
<i>R. Q. H.</i>, July-October, 1866; “La premeditation de St. Barthélemy,” <i>R. Q. H.</i>,
XXVII, 272 ff.; Boutaric, “La St. Barthélemy d’après les Archives du Vatican,”
<i>Bib. de l’école des Chartes</i>, sér. III, 3; Theiner, Continuation of Baronius, I
(Salviati’s letters); Gandy, “Le massacre de St. Barthélemy,” <i>Revue hist.</i>, July,
1879; cf. review in <i>Bull. de la Soc. prot. français</i>; Rajna, in <i>Archivio storico
ital.</i>, sér. V, No. XXIII, January 15, 1899; Michiel et Cavalli, “La Saint-Barthélemy
devant le sénat de Venise. Relation des ambassadeurs ... traduite
et ann. par W. Martin,” Paris, 1872; Soldan, <i>Hist. Taschenbuch</i>, 1854; G. P.
Fisher, “The Massacre of St. Bartholomew,” <i>New Englander</i>, January, 1880;
Loiseleur, “Les nouvelles controverses sur la St. Barthélemy,” <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XV,
1883, p. 83; “Nouveaux documents sur la St. Barthélemy,” <i>Rev. hist.</i>, IV, 1877,
p. 345; Tamizey de Larroque, “Deux lettres de Charles IX,” <i>R. Q. H.</i>, III, 1867,
p. 567; “La St. Barthélemy, lettres de MM. Baguenault de Puchesse et G. Gandy,”
<i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXVIII, 1880, p. 268; Dareste, “Un incident de l’histoire diplomatique
de Charles IX,” <i>Acad. des sc. moral. etc.</i>, LXXI-II, 1863, p. 183; Laugel, “Coligny,”
<i>Revue des deux mondes</i>, September, 1883, pp. 162-85.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1542_1542" id="Footnote_1542_1542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1542_1542"><span class="label">[1542]</span></a></span>
The duke of Guise is not so bloody, neither did he kill any man himself but
saved divers; he spake openly that for the admiral’s death he was glad, for he knew
him to be his enemy. But for the rest, the King had put to death such as might
have done him very good service (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 584, September, 1572).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1543_1543" id="Footnote_1543_1543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1543_1543"><span class="label">[1543]</span></a></span>
Montluc clearly appreciated that this was the case and developed the idea
in his <i>Commentaires</i>, VI, 231-33. Quite as remarkable are the observations of the
Venetian ambassador: <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 171. Spain anticipated the possibility of a
French attempt to recover the Milanais: “The King of Spain being suspicious of
the said league has given commission that Italy and Milan be in readiness.”&mdash;<i>C.
S. P. For.</i>, No. 120, February 7, 1572, from Venice.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1544_1544" id="Footnote_1544_1544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1544_1544"><span class="label">[1544]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, V, 528, note, 544, note 2. On the siege of Montauban,
see La Bret, <i>Histoire de Montauban</i>, 2 vols., 1841. There is a letter of the marshal
Brissac on the resistance in F. Fr., No. 15, 555, fol. 104.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1545_1545" id="Footnote_1545_1545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1545_1545"><span class="label">[1545]</span></a></span>
See abstract of Biron’s commission in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, November 6, 1572;
cf. <i>Correspondance inédite d’Armand de Gontaut Biron, maréchal de France</i>, par
E. de Barthélemy, Paris, 1874, from the originals at St. Petersburg.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1546_1546" id="Footnote_1546_1546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1546_1546"><span class="label">[1546]</span></a></span>
<i>Coll. des autographes</i>, 1844, No. 104, Charles IX to the duke of Longueville,
November 4, 1572.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1547_1547" id="Footnote_1547_1547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1547_1547"><span class="label">[1547]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 640, November 13, 1572; cf. No. 637; <i>Archives de la maison
d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 38-39, letter of Brunynck, secretary to the prince of Orange,
to John of Nassau, December, 1572.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1548_1548" id="Footnote_1548_1548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1548_1548"><span class="label">[1548]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 667, 673, §§17-20 (1572).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1549_1549" id="Footnote_1549_1549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1549_1549"><span class="label">[1549]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 683 and 755, Worcester to the Queen, February 5, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1550_1550" id="Footnote_1550_1550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1550_1550"><span class="label">[1550]</span></a></span>
This petition is a remarkable compound of current politics and biblical
history. In it the inhabitants of La Rochelle, her “tres obeissains fidelles subjects,”
beg that she will consider and follow the example of Constantine, who broke off
all alliance with his friend Licinius to whom he had given his sister in marriage,
on account of his tyranny practiced on the Christians of the East. They remind
her also of the evil done by Herod in keeping his rash oath. She ought not therefore
to keep the league with those who wish to exterminate her people in Guyenne,
which belongs to her, and whose arms she bears. If she will succour them they
will willingly expose their lives and goods in order to acknowledge her as their
sovereign and natural princess (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 682, 1572).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1551_1551" id="Footnote_1551_1551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1551_1551"><span class="label">[1551]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 800, February 28, 1573; No. 948, May 3, 1573; <i>Chroniques Fontenaisiennes</i>,
166, 167.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1552_1552" id="Footnote_1552_1552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1552_1552"><span class="label">[1552]</span></a></span>
See Claude Haton, II, 710, 711, 717, 718, 722-25, 726, 729, 731. The
government sent out inspectors to make an inventory of the grain still available.
Much of it was confiscated for the use of the army at an established price, and a
maximum price fixed for the sale of the remainder.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1553_1553" id="Footnote_1553_1553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1553_1553"><span class="label">[1553]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 715, 716 (see a discourse upon the extreme dearth in France and
upon the means to remedy it, in <i>Arch. cur.</i>, VI, 423). The dearness of all things,
according to the writer, probably Bodin, is the result of the excessive luxury which
prevails among the higher classes and the combination made by the merchants to
raise prices. He proposes the establishment of public granaries and that the
government price be made obligatory for all dealers.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1554_1554" id="Footnote_1554_1554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1554_1554"><span class="label">[1554]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 800, February 28, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1555_1555" id="Footnote_1555_1555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1555_1555"><span class="label">[1555]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,000, May 31, No. 1,027, June 9, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1556_1556" id="Footnote_1556_1556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1556_1556"><span class="label">[1556]</span></a></span>
The Politiques hoped to persuade Charles IX to stop the war at home and exact
redress from Spain for the massacre in Florida by attacking the Spanish West
Indies. Even the duke of Anjou favored this. See Appendix XXX.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1557_1557" id="Footnote_1557_1557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1557_1557"><span class="label">[1557]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, XXI, 214 and 232 <i>bis</i>; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,042, Dr. Dale to
Lord Burghley, June 16, 1573: “The hearts of all men were being discouraged
with the long siege” and the King’s heart bled “to see the misery of his people that
die for famine by the ways where he rode.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1558_1558" id="Footnote_1558_1558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1558_1558"><span class="label">[1558]</span></a></span>
La Rochelle at first refused to let La Noue enter. On the whole matter
see Hauser, <i>La Noue</i>, chap. ii.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1559_1559" id="Footnote_1559_1559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1559_1559"><span class="label">[1559]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,547, March 21, 1573; Raumer, II, 265; the marshals
Biron and Strozzi, with Pinart, were commissioned for the purpose (<i>Arch. hist. du
Poitou</i>, XII, 233). The negotiations may be seen in detail in Loutzchiski, <i>Doc.
inédits</i>, 62 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1560_1560" id="Footnote_1560_1560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1560_1560"><span class="label">[1560]</span></a></span>
<i>Vie de La Noue</i>, 95; Letter of Charles IX to the duke of Anjou, February
7, 1573, Coll. Lajariette, Paris, 1860, No. 669; Coll. Godefroy, CCLVI, No. 57.
At the same time Charles IX wrote in person to Montgomery, trying to lure him
from the enterprise he was engaged in. See Appendix XXXI.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1561_1561" id="Footnote_1561_1561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1561_1561"><span class="label">[1561]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, Nos. 540, 541, April 6 and 20, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1562_1562" id="Footnote_1562_1562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1562_1562"><span class="label">[1562]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 1,050, June 22, 1573; <i>Chroniques fontenaisiennes</i>, 169.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1563_1563" id="Footnote_1563_1563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1563_1563"><span class="label">[1563]</span></a></span>
See the series of documents on this head in Coll. Godefroy, CCLVI, Nos. 25,
29, 30, 38, 41-43. 46, 73, 77.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1564_1564" id="Footnote_1564_1564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1564_1564"><span class="label">[1564]</span></a></span>
When the army disbanded, it was a frequent sight in the villages to see the
wounded or sick being transported in baggage wagons (Claude Haton, II, 737).
The villages near La Rochelle where the camp had been established were burned
upon the evacuation of the troops “to prevent the plague which began to be hot.”&mdash;<i>C.
S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,107, Wilkes to Walsingham, July 31, 1573; cf. No. 1,052,
June 25, to the same effect.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1565_1565" id="Footnote_1565_1565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1565_1565"><span class="label">[1565]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,072, Dr. Dale to the Queen, late in June, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1566_1566" id="Footnote_1566_1566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1566_1566"><span class="label">[1566]</span></a></span>
The articles were sent to the Catholic camp on July, 6.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1567_1567" id="Footnote_1567_1567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1567_1567"><span class="label">[1567]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. du Languedoc</i>, V, 543, note; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,090, July 11, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1568_1568" id="Footnote_1568_1568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1568_1568"><span class="label">[1568]</span></a></span>
Lery, <i>Histoire mémorable de la ville de Sancerre</i>, contenant les entreprises,
buteries, assaux et autres efforts des assiégeans: les résistances, faits magnanimes,
la famine extrème et délivrance des assiegez, 1574; Discours de l’extrème famine
etc. dont les assiegez de la ville de Sancerre ont été affligez et ont usé environ trois
mois, <i>Arch. cur.</i>, VIII, 21.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1569_1569" id="Footnote_1569_1569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1569_1569"><span class="label">[1569]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,101, July 23, No. 1,107, July 31, 1573. In Languedoc
and Dauphiné the Huguenots were strong, and possessed of many towns (see a
letter of Louis of Nassau in <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 75 and
the “Names of all the towns in the south of France of which the Huguenot party
could be sure of, together with a list of the noblemen attached to the party” in
Appendix XXXII).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1570_1570" id="Footnote_1570_1570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1570_1570"><span class="label">[1570]</span></a></span>
<i>Vie de La Noue</i>, 99; <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 965, May 16, No. 1,095, July 23,
1573. A deputation of Huguenots of Languedoc came to Fontainebleau in September,
1573 (cf. Letter of Schomberg to Louis of Nassau, September 29, 1573, <i>Archives
de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 211 and Appendix 117).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1571_1571" id="Footnote_1571_1571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1571_1571"><span class="label">[1571]</span></a></span>
Long, 115, 116. The instrument of government contained 89 articles.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1572_1572" id="Footnote_1572_1572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1572_1572"><span class="label">[1572]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 972, 986, March 20 and 30, 1573. The collection of these
forced loans was expedited by the presence of Strozzi’s men-at-arms and the Scotch
Guard in the Louvre; and two bands of Swiss at St. Cloud. In this way, Charles
IX was able to collect the money “without danger of commotion,” and avoided
that worst of expedients to the crown, the States-General (see particulars in Dr.
Dale’s letter to Burghley of January 11, 1573, <i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,291). In June the
assembly of the clergy agreed to furnish the queen mother 200,000 livres and within
three years to redeem 1,800,000 livres’ worth of the King’s debts. The clergy made
a great stroke by obtaining the creation of four receivers-general for the collection
of these subsidies, the appointments to which they sold for between 600,000 and
700,000 livres, thus saving themselves that amount in the final (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,027,
June 9, 1573). But this relief came too late for the government to continue the
prosecution of the war before La Rochelle. The capitulation with the Rochellois
was too far advanced to be withdrawn. Moreover, the crown itself was anxious
to close the war.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1573_1573" id="Footnote_1573_1573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1573_1573"><span class="label">[1573]</span></a></span>
Catherine de Medici to Schomberg, September 13, 1572, <i>Arch. de la maison
d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, Appendix, No. 13; Weill, 86; <i>Revue retrospective</i>, V, 363.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1574_1574" id="Footnote_1574_1574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1574_1574"><span class="label">[1574]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 876. On July 7 the Tuscan ambassador wrote: “E, se
questo regno si liberassi delle guerre civili, saria facil cosa la rompessi con
Spagna; chè questo, credo, sia il fine di tutti li trattamenti che fa Orange in questo
regno.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, 883.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1575_1575" id="Footnote_1575_1575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1575_1575"><span class="label">[1575]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, IV, 108, 109.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1576_1576" id="Footnote_1576_1576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1576_1576"><span class="label">[1576]</span></a></span>
In the same month William of Orange dispatched to France the Seigneur
de Lumbres, whose popularity with the King was so great that he even offered to
take him into his service (<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, Introd., p. 21,
and p. 165), and another agent with instructions to treat with the King and the queen
mother (<i>ibid.</i>, IV, 119-24, May, 1573). William stipulated for the preservation
of the rights and privileges of whatever provinces and towns might be conquered
by France, and that in case of open war by France upon Spain, in lieu of an
annual subsidy of 400,000 florins, France should give assistance with men and
ships of war, besides the sum mentioned, to be paid within two years after the
conclusion of peace (<i>ibid.</i>, IV, 116-19; cf. the prince of Orange to Louis of Nassau
upon the proposed French alliance, June 17, 1573).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1577_1577" id="Footnote_1577_1577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1577_1577"><span class="label">[1577]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, IV, 33. On May 15, 1573, the prince of Orange concluded a treaty
with England, permitting the English to enter the Scheldt in return for which the
prince was to be permitted to purchase arms and ammunition and powder in
England (<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 94). For William of
Orange’s connection with La Rochelle see <i>ibid.</i>, 43 and 56. Compare letter of
Charles IX to the duke of Anjou, March 18, 1573, complaining of the depredations
of the “Wartegeux” on the Norman coast (Coll. Godefroy, CCLVIII, No. 49).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1578_1578" id="Footnote_1578_1578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1578_1578"><span class="label">[1578]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 273, 274; <i>Correspondance de
Catherine de Médicis</i>, IV, 270, 271, note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1579_1579" id="Footnote_1579_1579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1579_1579"><span class="label">[1579]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 270 and Appendix 43. Schomberg
and Louis of Nassau drew up the articles of the proposed treaty. In Appendix
44 will be found the articles as originally drawn up, and on p. 116 the modified form
of them as they were changed by the prince of Orange. The most important
change is that whereby the prince altered the word “subjection” as applied to the
Netherlands to “protectorate.” The further idea is expressed that these negotiations
would be fruitless unless the Edict of Pacification were established with full
force in France (<i>ibid.</i>, IV, 270, 271). On the whole subject of French negotiations
in Germany after St. Bartholomew see Waddington, <i>Rev. hist.</i>, XLII, 269 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1580_1580" id="Footnote_1580_1580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1580_1580"><span class="label">[1580]</span></a></span>
De Thou, VII, 37 (cf. Louis of Nassau’s letter to his brother on the subject
in <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 278 ff.). Charles IX was ill at the
time and the queen mother went alone to Blamont (<i>ibid.</i>, IV, 276, 277; <i>Mém. du duc
de Bouillon</i>). The Spanish ambassador in France was not unobservant of the
favorable policy of Charles toward the Netherlands and so informed the duke of
Alva (<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 132). The peace of La Rochelle
was a hard blow to Spain (Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 201; St. Goard to Charles IX,
July 17, 1573 in <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 164-69). These
negotiations of the prince of Orange and his brother with England and France,
however, came too late to save Haarlem. On July 12 the unhappy city succumbed.
On the 14th the Spaniards entered and began a regular massacre, in which nearly
1,800 persons were either slain with the sword, hanged, or drowned (<i>ibid.</i>, IV,
173; cf. a letter of the prince of Orange to Louis of Nassau, giving details of the
surrender on July 22, 1573, <i>ibid.</i>, 175).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1581_1581" id="Footnote_1581_1581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1581_1581"><span class="label">[1581]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 686 (1572).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1582_1582" id="Footnote_1582_1582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1582_1582"><span class="label">[1582]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 673, December 20, 1572.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1583_1583" id="Footnote_1583_1583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1583_1583"><span class="label">[1583]</span></a></span>
These were Montluc, bishop of Valence, and M. de Rambouillet. The
former’s speeches (April 10 and 22), are printed in <i>Mém. de l’estat de France</i>, II,
147, 224, in a French translation. The original discourses were in Latin. In
<i>Arch. cur.</i>, IX, 137, is a letter of one of Rambouillet’s suite.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1584_1584" id="Footnote_1584_1584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1584_1584"><span class="label">[1584]</span></a></span>
See the account of the election in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,082, June 5, 1573;
cf. Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 189; Castelnau, ed. Le Laboureur, III, 298. The
news of the duke of Anjou’s success was naturally received with greater pleasure
in Paris than anywhere else in Europe. Bonfires were lighted and the <i>Te Deum</i>
sung in honor of his election (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,027, June 9, 1573). The clergy,
in the assembly of the clergy which took place soon after the news arrived, voted
the duke a subsidy of 300,000 crowns (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 992).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1585_1585" id="Footnote_1585_1585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1585_1585"><span class="label">[1585]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 734; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 886, 887.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1586_1586" id="Footnote_1586_1586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1586_1586"><span class="label">[1586]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 886, 887.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1587_1587" id="Footnote_1587_1587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1587_1587"><span class="label">[1587]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, p. 735.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1588_1588" id="Footnote_1588_1588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1588_1588"><span class="label">[1588]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,100, July 23, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1589_1589" id="Footnote_1589_1589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1589_1589"><span class="label">[1589]</span></a></span>
The existence of a plot to kidnap the duke of Anjou in Germany in order
to force France to return the Three Bishoprics was suspected by Schomberg
(<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, Appendix, Nos. 112, 113). The
duke was also afraid to go to Poland by way of Germany, fearing to get into difficulties
on account of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, which still vividly angered
the Protestant princes (<i>ibid.</i>, IV, Introd., p. xxvi, and pp. 15, 19, 26, 32). His
first thought was to go by way of Venice and Ragusa, through Servia, Bulgaria,
and Moldavia (Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 197; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
IV, 168, note). The advantage of the ancient alliance between France
and Venice at this time would have been great. There was also some thought of
his going entirely by sea, and the good offices of England were invoked to protect
his journey (Castelnau, ed. Le Laboureur, III, 345). The young prince of Condé
had been invited to go along, but excused himself on the ground that he was afraid
of being arrested for his father’s debts, “being a marvellously great sum.”&mdash;<i>C. S.
P. For.</i>, No. 1,245, December 12, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1590_1590" id="Footnote_1590_1590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1590_1590"><span class="label">[1590]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,097, July 18, 1573, from Frankfurt.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1591_1591" id="Footnote_1591_1591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1591_1591"><span class="label">[1591]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,177, September 20, 1573; <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
IV, 295.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1592_1592" id="Footnote_1592_1592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1592_1592"><span class="label">[1592]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,168, September 18, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1593_1593" id="Footnote_1593_1593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1593_1593"><span class="label">[1593]</span></a></span>
For Catherine’s intense interest in the Polish question, see Vol. IV of her
<i>Correspondance</i>, <i>passim</i>, and <i>Arch. de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 267.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1594_1594" id="Footnote_1594_1594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1594_1594"><span class="label">[1594]</span></a></span>
<i>Commentaires et lettres de Montluc</i>, V, 299-306, 309-18, 322-24&mdash;a series of
remarkable political judgments.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1595_1595" id="Footnote_1595_1595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1595_1595"><span class="label">[1595]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 31; Appendix, No. 69 and p. 96.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1596_1596" id="Footnote_1596_1596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1596_1596"><span class="label">[1596]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, IV, Appendix, Letters 1-8 refer to Schomberg’s mission to Germany
in the spring and summer of 1572.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1597_1597" id="Footnote_1597_1597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1597_1597"><span class="label">[1597]</span></a></span>
The history of Henry of Anjou’s career in Poland has been written at length
by the marquis de Noailles, <i>Henri de Valois et la Pologne</i>, Paris, 1867 (see also
L’Epinois, “La Pologne en 1572,” <i>R. Q. H.</i>, IV, 1868, p. 266; Bain, “The
Polish Interregnum,” <i>English Hist. Review</i>, IV, 645). In Coll. Godefroy, CCLVI,
Nos. 54, 62, 64, 66, 70, 72, is a series of letters dealing with French interest in
Poland at this time.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1598_1598" id="Footnote_1598_1598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1598_1598"><span class="label">[1598]</span></a></span>
<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, Appendix, Nos. 69 and 71.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1599_1599" id="Footnote_1599_1599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1599_1599"><span class="label">[1599]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, IV, Appendix, No. 17, Schomberg to Catherine de Medici, October
9, 1572. The landgrave bluntly said that twice before such overtures had been
made to German princes&mdash;in 1567 and 1571&mdash;and that civil war and the massacre
had followed (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 72).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1600_1600" id="Footnote_1600_1600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1600_1600"><span class="label">[1600]</span></a></span>
St. Goard to Charles IX, July 9, 1573, <i>ibid.</i>, IV, Appendix, No. 66; Schomberg
to the duke of Anjou, February 10, 1573, <i>ibid.</i>, Appendix, No. 34. The intense
Catholic prejudices of the duke of Anjou, now king of Poland, were a serious bar
to the progress of Schomberg’s negotiations in Germany. He warned the duke
not to give the impression of Spanish leanings (Schomberg to the duke of Anjou,
October 9, 1572, <i>ibid.</i>, IV, Appendix, No. 18), and seems almost to have persuaded
him to abandon his intense Catholic-Spanish predilection (<i>ibid.</i>, pp. 15, 268). The
duke of Anjou is even said to have given Schomberg 100,000 francs. The letter
is said to have been burned at the time of the Coconnas conspiracy in order to shield
the duke of Alva’s son (<i>ibid.</i>, IV, 384).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1601_1601" id="Footnote_1601_1601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1601_1601"><span class="label">[1601]</span></a></span>
Charles IX to St. Goard, May 10, 1573, regarding a dispatch of the Spanish
ambassador to Philip II telling of the negotiations of the King with Louis of Nassau
(<i>ibid.</i>, IV, Appendix, No. 55).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1602_1602" id="Footnote_1602_1602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1602_1602"><span class="label">[1602]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, IV, Appendix, No. 51.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1603_1603" id="Footnote_1603_1603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1603_1603"><span class="label">[1603]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 1,202, 1,286, November 11, 1573, January 2, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1604_1604" id="Footnote_1604_1604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1604_1604"><span class="label">[1604]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 894, December 23, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1605_1605" id="Footnote_1605_1605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1605_1605"><span class="label">[1605]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 891-93, November 5, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1606_1606" id="Footnote_1606_1606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1606_1606"><span class="label">[1606]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 1,132, 1,138, August 18-22, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1607_1607" id="Footnote_1607_1607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1607_1607"><span class="label">[1607]</span></a></span>
The attack was aggravated by a heavy cold taken while hunting so that
Charles IX was compelled for a season to quarter himself in a small inn at
Vitry. He was not scarred by the pox but he lost flesh alarmingly by reason of the
illness and never recovered his health, and passed into quick consumption (cf.
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,229, November 18, 1573, Dr. Dale to Burghley).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1608_1608" id="Footnote_1608_1608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1608_1608"><span class="label">[1608]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 891; <i>R. Q. H.</i>, XXXIV, 485.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1609_1609" id="Footnote_1609_1609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1609_1609"><span class="label">[1609]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,235, November, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1610_1610" id="Footnote_1610_1610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1610_1610"><span class="label">[1610]</span></a></span>
The écu which formerly had circulated as 57 sous <i>tournois</i> went up to 58;
Spanish pistols, which were at 55 rose to 56; testons de France valued at 12 sous
by the edict rose to 12 sous 6 d. <i>tournois</i>. Bad coin was driven out of the realm.
Claude Haton, II, 749, 750.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1611_1611" id="Footnote_1611_1611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1611_1611"><span class="label">[1611]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 752, 753.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1612_1612" id="Footnote_1612_1612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1612_1612"><span class="label">[1612]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 760 (1574).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1613_1613" id="Footnote_1613_1613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1613_1613"><span class="label">[1613]</span></a></span>
See details in <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 567, December 30, 1573. The queen
mother was accused of planning to take La Rochelle by surprise (<i>Archives de la maison
d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 309-11; <i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 896).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1614_1614" id="Footnote_1614_1614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1614_1614"><span class="label">[1614]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, Nos. 568, 569, January 22, February 1, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1615_1615" id="Footnote_1615_1615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1615_1615"><span class="label">[1615]</span></a></span>
For details of this war see <i>Chronique des guerres en Poitou, Aunis, Xaintonge
et Angoumois de 1574 à 1576</i>, ed. by Fontenelle de Vaudoré, Paris, 1841.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1616_1616" id="Footnote_1616_1616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1616_1616"><span class="label">[1616]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 570, February 6, No. 572, February 28; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Eng.</i>, No.
1,336, March 8, No. 1,338, March 8, No. 1,357, March 23, No. 1,342, March 15
(1574).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1617_1617" id="Footnote_1617_1617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1617_1617"><span class="label">[1617]</span></a></span>
On March 9, 1573, Sir Thomas Smith wrote to Walsingham: “Pirates of
all nations infest our seas and under the flag of the prince of Orange or the count
of Montgomery, pillage the English and foreigners impartially.” (Cf. Walsingham,
392. <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 575, March 24, 1574.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1618_1618" id="Footnote_1618_1618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1618_1618"><span class="label">[1618]</span></a></span>
Montgomery to Burghley, from Carentan, March 23, 1574 (C. S. P. For.,
1351; cf. <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 576, March 26; Delisle, <i>Les deux sièges de Valognes en
1562 et 1574</i>, St. Lô, 1890).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1619_1619" id="Footnote_1619_1619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1619_1619"><span class="label">[1619]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,352. Commission from the King to the sieur de Torcy,
etc., dated Bois de Vincennes, March 11, 1574. Montgomery’s reply is subjoined,
dated March 22; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 577, April 2, 1574. Montgomery must have been
in error as to the date of his arrival at Coutances, which he puts on March 11. It
must have been earlier. Torcy’s commission bears this date. On May 29 the
chief of the Huguenots, or rather, Montgomery, wrote to Lord Burghley from
Carentan, justifying the taking up arms, and stating what need there is of the
favor and protection of the Queen (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 1,429, May 24, 1574).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1620_1620" id="Footnote_1620_1620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1620_1620"><span class="label">[1620]</span></a></span>
Weill, 128, 129.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1621_1621" id="Footnote_1621_1621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1621_1621"><span class="label">[1621]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. du duc de Bouillon</i>, 89. The scheme was to deprive the duke of
Anjou of the command before La Rochelle and put the duke of Alençon and Henry
of Navarre in command both by land and by sea. It failed, though Charles IX
seems to have been willing, because Anjou flatly refused to resign (see letter in
Appendix XXXIII).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1622_1622" id="Footnote_1622_1622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1622_1622"><span class="label">[1622]</span></a></span>
Forneron, <i>Histoire des ducs de Guise</i>, II, 276. On the whole question see
De Crue, <i>Le parti des Politiques au lendemain de la St. Barthélemy</i>, Paris, 1892;
Weill, 133 ff.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1623_1623" id="Footnote_1623_1623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1623_1623"><span class="label">[1623]</span></a></span>
Weill, 88, 89. The actual author was Beza.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1624_1624" id="Footnote_1624_1624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1624_1624"><span class="label">[1624]</span></a></span>
Weill, 132; citing La Huguerye, II, 84.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1625_1625" id="Footnote_1625_1625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1625_1625"><span class="label">[1625]</span></a></span>
Weill, 95-97.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1626_1626" id="Footnote_1626_1626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1626_1626"><span class="label">[1626]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 133.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1627_1627" id="Footnote_1627_1627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1627_1627"><span class="label">[1627]</span></a></span>
See Corvière, <i>L’organisation politique du parti protestant tenu à Millau</i>
(1886).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1628_1628" id="Footnote_1628_1628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1628_1628"><span class="label">[1628]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 1,349, 1,356, March 17 and 30, 1574. There were ten
ensigns in every regiment, each of 300 men.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1629_1629" id="Footnote_1629_1629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1629_1629"><span class="label">[1629]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,388, April, 1574. The prince was reputed to have about 6,000
or 7,000 reiters, “French, German, or Swiss.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,433, Wilkes to Walsingham,
May 31, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1630_1630" id="Footnote_1630_1630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1630_1630"><span class="label">[1630]</span></a></span>
See details in <i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,322, February 16, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1631_1631" id="Footnote_1631_1631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1631_1631"><span class="label">[1631]</span></a></span>
Hume supposes (<i>Courtships of Queen Elizabeth</i>, 177) that Elizabeth,
knowing that this plot was in progress, again withdrew her permission for an interview
with the duke of Alençon. She feared the result if the interview were unsuccessful;
she would not allow a public visit under any circumstances, and did not
wish a private. The recent expedition against La Rochelle had also angered her
subjects, so that now the negotiations were once more apparently at a standstill.
But we must not forget her private scheme. Nothing could be more in line with
Elizabeth’s policy than to promote a family quarrel in the French royal house.
That she was well informed of the plot can scarcely be doubted, for March 16,
1574, we find a safe-conduct for Alençon in the foreign papers; and the permission
given for him to come to the Queen as soon as he has notified her of his arrival in
England. April 1, moreover, Dale wrote to Walsingham, “The Duke has hope
in the Queen and feareth much”&mdash;there is nothing more to explain the reference.
Hume does not explicitly state Elizabeth’s connivance and the editor of Hall, Vol.
II, does not mention the plot at all (p. xxi); neither does Burlingham in his résumé.
It can scarcely be doubted, however, that Elizabeth was actively interested or, at
least, informed of its progress.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1632_1632" id="Footnote_1632_1632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1632_1632"><span class="label">[1632]</span></a></span>
<i>Mém. de madame Mornay</i>, 74, 75.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1633_1633" id="Footnote_1633_1633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1633_1633"><span class="label">[1633]</span></a></span>
De Thou, Book LVII; <i>Arch. cur.</i>, VII, 105.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1634_1634" id="Footnote_1634_1634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1634_1634"><span class="label">[1634]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 572, February 28, and <i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, Nos. 1,331, 1,336,
1,350, March 2, 8, 22, 1573.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1635_1635" id="Footnote_1635_1635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1635_1635"><span class="label">[1635]</span></a></span>
The duke of Alençon and the king of Navarre issued a declaration denying
all knowledge of Guitery’s enterprise against the King at St. Germain.  Tractprinted at Paris by Frederic Morel, 1574, p. 8; cf. <i>Lettres de Henri IV</i>, I, 60; <i>Mém.
de la Huguerye</i>, I, 182, note 2.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1636_1636" id="Footnote_1636_1636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1636_1636"><span class="label">[1636]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 573, March 10, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1637_1637" id="Footnote_1637_1637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1637_1637"><span class="label">[1637]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 574, March 17, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1638_1638" id="Footnote_1638_1638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1638_1638"><span class="label">[1638]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1639_1639" id="Footnote_1639_1639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1639_1639"><span class="label">[1639]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 1,377, 1,378, April 10-12, 1574; <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, Nos. 580,
581, April 9-10.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1640_1640" id="Footnote_1640_1640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1640_1640"><span class="label">[1640]</span></a></span>
But it is not to be doubted that back of the affair was a secret movement of
the liberal Huguenots and the Politiques to put Alençon upon the throne in event
of the death of Charles IX and so foil the succession of the bigoted Henry of Anjou.
<i>Vie de Mornay</i>, 23: Jalluard à Taffin, ministre du St. Evangile, May 8, 1574:
“L’emprisonnement du duc d’Alençon, roy de Navarre, mareschal de Montmorenci,
et autres, ont apporté non seulement un grand estonnement, mais aussi rompu
des grands desseins.”&mdash;<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, V, 2; cf. IV, 375.
Moderate men perceived the value of Alençon as a counterpoise to Henry of
Poland (cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,431, May 25, 1574). On the entire matter see
De Crue, “La Molle et Coconat et les négociations du parti des Politiques,” <i>Rev.
d’hist. dip.</i>, VI, 1892, p. 375.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1641_1641" id="Footnote_1641_1641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1641_1641"><span class="label">[1641]</span></a></span>
<i>Arch. cur.</i>, VIII, 127 ff. Among other charges, La Mole was accused of
practicing sorcery&mdash;“that there should be an image of wax and a strange medal
in the chamber of La Mole for some enchantment.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,398,
Dr. Dale to Burghley, April 27, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1642_1642" id="Footnote_1642_1642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1642_1642"><span class="label">[1642]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, April 22, 1574; No. 1,398, April 27, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1643_1643" id="Footnote_1643_1643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1643_1643"><span class="label">[1643]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 586, May 2, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1644_1644" id="Footnote_1644_1644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1644_1644"><span class="label">[1644]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, and  <i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 1,401, Dale to Burghley, April 30, 1574. The
whole process was a mockery of justice. According to another report the King
promised “that he would write to the Parlement to delay the proceedings. But
the bearer of the letters, on arriving at Paris found the Porte St. Antoine closed.
The execution was so much hurried that in a moment they were both executed.
It is said this was done by reason of a perfumer relating to the first President what
had passed in Court, and that the Queen Mother had obtained their pardon. For
which cause they were made to come more quickly from the Conciergerie, the
carriage made to journey hastily, and directly they arrived at the place of execution
they were executed without the usual proclamations.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No 1,403,
May 2, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1645_1645" id="Footnote_1645_1645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1645_1645"><span class="label">[1645]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 765.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1646_1646" id="Footnote_1646_1646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1646_1646"><span class="label">[1646]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 584, April 19, 1574. Both Henry of Navarre and his
fellow-prisoner seemed to have believed in these days that if Charles IX should die
their own expectation of living would be slender, and their only hope be in corrupting
the guard. But they were without money. This is the purport of a cipher
dispatch, dated May 22, from Paris and sent to Burghley to be deciphered by
him personally. This he actually did, for the draft is in his handwriting (<i>ibid.</i>,
<i>For.</i>, No. 1,422, 1574; cf. No. 1,431). His reply&mdash;to Walsingham&mdash;was sent three
days later (by a slip of the pen he has, however, written “March” instead of May).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1647_1647" id="Footnote_1647_1647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1647_1647"><span class="label">[1647]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,408, Dr. Dale to Burghley, May 5, 1574. See a letter
of Emanuel Philibert of Savoy, to Charles IX protesting against the arrest of Montmorency,
May 19, 1574, in Coll. Godefroy, CCLVI, No. 92. Elizabeth seems to
have interested herself very much in their fate and sent Thomas Leighton to France
in their behalf. The face of affairs thus was changed, for to give some credibility
to her stories of a happy family, Catherine had to allow the princes more liberty.
Besides, Leighton was captain of Guernsey, and could be of great assistance to
Montgomery so that he had to be well treated and his desires gratified. The
Guises, however, were gaining great influence in court again and in event of the
King’s death, Alençon expected the Bastille. To escape this he desired money
from Elizabeth to bribe his guards and Burghley actually recommended that this
course be followed. De Thoré, the youngest of the constable’s sons, fled to Cassel
for safety (Claude Haton, II, 763 and note). The fury of the Guises pursued him
even in Germany (see a letter of one Davis to count John of Nassau, June 7, 1574,
in <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, 19, giving some particulars on this
head, and one of Schomberg to the same, August 28, at p. 49).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1648_1648" id="Footnote_1648_1648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1648_1648"><span class="label">[1648]</span></a></span>
See <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,417, May 17, 1574; <i>Hist. du Lang.</i>, V, 520, note 1.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1649_1649" id="Footnote_1649_1649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1649_1649"><span class="label">[1649]</span></a></span>
Yesterday he was more ill-at-ease than ordinarily, and no one entered his
room, but at sunrise several gentlemen and priests came in. The priests performed
the service, at which the queen mother was present. He has been of better countenance
since hearing of the execution of De la Mole and Coconnas, and said he
hoped to live to see the end of all his conspirators (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,403, May 2,
1574). Early in April, two couriers were dispatched to Poland to warn Henry of
Anjou to be ready for any emergency (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, No. 590, May 2, 1574). Dr.
Dale, the English ambassador, reports, under date of May 22: “On the 22d the
King fell suddenly sick. The audience appointed with the ambassador of the duke
of Florence was countermanded, the best physicians sent for, and the opinion is
that the King is in great danger. The falling down of blood into his lungs is come
to him again, and the physicians gave their opinion that if it should happen again
they could not assure him of any hope. Paris, 22 May, 1574.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 1,422.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1650_1650" id="Footnote_1650_1650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1650_1650"><span class="label">[1650]</span></a></span>
Frémy, <i>Un ambassadeur liberal sous Charles IX et Henri III</i>, 226. The
King actually said  “Tirez moy ma <i>custode</i>,” from the Latin word <i>custodire</i>, to
protect. Claude Haton, II, 767, gives an impressive account of the deathbed scene.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1651_1651" id="Footnote_1651_1651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1651_1651"><span class="label">[1651]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 591, May 30, 1574. For other accounts see <i>Arch. cur.</i>,
VIII, 253, 271. There is a remarkable tract in the State Paper office “giving
particulars of the ancestors and birth of Charles IX, the civil wars of his reign, his
victories, the massacre of St. Bartholomew, his famous sayings, his wife and
daughter, his decrees, his motto, his favorite servant, his master and nurse, his
liberality, his sports, his study of music and singing, the fiery spectre seen by him,
his breaking the law, his speech in the senate, his amours, his affliction of the
ecclesiastics, his study of liberal sciences, his food, drink, and sleep, a prodigy
preceding his death, his sickness, his discourse before his death, his death and testament,
description of his body and stature.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,628 (1574).
The queen of France returned to Vienna and died in a convent in 1592.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1652_1652" id="Footnote_1652_1652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1652_1652"><span class="label">[1652]</span></a></span>
Isambert, XIV, 262.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1653_1653" id="Footnote_1653_1653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1653_1653"><span class="label">[1653]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,448, June 10, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1654_1654" id="Footnote_1654_1654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1654_1654"><span class="label">[1654]</span></a></span>
Henry III, to Elizabeth (see Appendix XXXV).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1655_1655" id="Footnote_1655_1655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1655_1655"><span class="label">[1655]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 1,449 and 1,464, <i>anno</i> 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1656_1656" id="Footnote_1656_1656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1656_1656"><span class="label">[1656]</span></a></span>
Catherine risked a Protestant uprising in order to sate her vengeance upon
the man who had slain Henry II. The Venetian ambassador, however, conjectured
that there was more of policy than of revenge in the act. “It was certainly
more to please the Parisians from whom she hoped to have efficient aid than
for any other reason that she had Montgomery put to death.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>,
No. 588, May 20, No. 597, June, 1574. Matignon was made a marshal of France
as his reward (<i>ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 176, June 13, 1575). For particulars of Montgomery’s
execution see <i>Arch. cur.</i>, VIII, 223 ff.; and the <i>Discours de la mort et execution
de Gabriel comte de Montgommery, par arrest de la court, pour les conspirations par
luy commises contre le roy</i>, Lyon: Benoist Rigaud, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1657_1657" id="Footnote_1657_1657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1657_1657"><span class="label">[1657]</span></a></span>
<i>Nég. Tosc.</i>, III, 926-27, April 5 and May 11, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1658_1658" id="Footnote_1658_1658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1658_1658"><span class="label">[1658]</span></a></span>
“Tenuti per forastieri e Alemanni.”&mdash;<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 228.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1659_1659" id="Footnote_1659_1659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1659_1659"><span class="label">[1659]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 778. These bandits were sometimes called “Foruscits”
or “Fuorisciti,” from the Italian <i>uscir fuora</i> (see a letter of the cardinal of Armagnac
in <i>Rev. hist.</i>, II, 529).</p>
<p class="pfc4">“En 1576 les paysans du Dauphiné s’étant soulevés, entreprirent vainement
ce qu’ils ont exécuté plus de deux siècles après cette époque. Ils se rassemblèrent
en un corps considérable pour piller et brûler les châteaux, et exterminer les gentilshommes.
Mandalot, à la tête d’une troupe déterminée, dissipa avec promptitude
ce rassemblement qu’on appela la ‘Ligue des Vilains.’”&mdash;<i>Histoire ou mémoire de
ce qui se passa à Lyons pendant la ligue, appelée la Sainte-Union, jusqu’à la reddition
de la ville sous l’obeissance du roi Henri IV</i>, Bibliothèque de Lyon, No. 1,361.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1660_1660" id="Footnote_1660_1660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1660_1660"><span class="label">[1660]</span></a></span>
“On taschast de réconcilier par tous moyens les malcontens et principalement
ceux qui, par le passé, ont eu crédit et autorité en France, qui pourront augmenter
les troubles et soustenir la mauvaise et pernicieuse volonté de ceux qui
voudroient invertir l’ancienne et naturelle succession de la couronne de France.”&mdash;Du
Ferrier to Catherine de Medici, June, 1574, in Frémy, <i>Un ambassadeur liberal
sous Charles IX et Henri III</i>, 235.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1661_1661" id="Footnote_1661_1661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1661_1661"><span class="label">[1661]</span></a></span>
Articles proposed by the count palatine’s ambassador for a pacification
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,556, <i>anno</i> 1574). The post was subsidized by the French
King by way of Reinhausen, Neustadt, Kaiserslautern, Limbach (near Hamburg),
Saarbrück, St. Avold, and Metz (<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, V, 49).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1662_1662" id="Footnote_1662_1662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1662_1662"><span class="label">[1662]</span></a></span>
<i>Vie de La Noue</i>, 87.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1663_1663" id="Footnote_1663_1663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1663_1663"><span class="label">[1663]</span></a></span>
The Poles made a hard attempt to prevent Henry from leaving the kingdom.
They were dissatisfied that he assumed the title of King of France without consulting
them, and wanted him to govern his new kingdom through ministers chosen from
among them, and to employ himself in military exploits against the Tartars and
Turks (Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, 121).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1664_1664" id="Footnote_1664_1664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1664_1664"><span class="label">[1664]</span></a></span>
Frémy, <i>Un ambassadeur liberal sous Charles IX et Henri III</i>, 232.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1665_1665" id="Footnote_1665_1665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1665_1665"><span class="label">[1665]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,543, September 10, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1666_1666" id="Footnote_1666_1666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1666_1666"><span class="label">[1666]</span></a></span>
The duke and his fellow-captives made several efforts to escape, in one of
which Alençon narrowly missed doing so (see the account in <i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No.
600, July 26, 1574). In consequence, when Catherine started to meet her son at
Lyons, leaving the government of Paris in care of the Parlement (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,509,
July 10, 1574), the young princes traveled in the coach with her.  “Her chickens
go in coach under her wing, and so she minds to bring them to the King.”&mdash;<i>Ibid.</i>,
<i>For.</i>, No. 1,511, Dale to Walsingham, August 9, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1667_1667" id="Footnote_1667_1667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1667_1667"><span class="label">[1667]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 1,537, Dale to Sir Thomas Smith and Francis Walsingham,
September 2, 1574, from Lyons.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1668_1668" id="Footnote_1668_1668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1668_1668"><span class="label">[1668]</span></a></span>
See the striking comments of the Venetian ambassador, <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 245, 246.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1669_1669" id="Footnote_1669_1669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1669_1669"><span class="label">[1669]</span></a></span>
<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 245, 246.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1670_1670" id="Footnote_1670_1670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1670_1670"><span class="label">[1670]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,543, September 10, 1574, No. 1,555, September 11, 1574;
Thomas Wilkes to Walsingham and Dr. Dale to Sir Thomas Smith and Walsingham.
There were 6,500 Swiss at Châlons (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1, 537, September 2, 1574). Henry
III had sent orders in advance of his coming, commanding that on the 30th of
August all the companies of ordinance should retire in garrison and await the orders
of the provincial governors. Troops were levied in Picardy, Champagne, Brie,
Burgundy, and Lorraine, to prevent the Protestant reiters from gaining entrance into
the country and were put under the command of the duke of Guise, Vaudemont,
and the marshal Strozzi (Claude Haton, II, 779).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1671_1671" id="Footnote_1671_1671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1671_1671"><span class="label">[1671]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,590, November 4, 1574. The headquarters of the
Catholic forces were between Dijon and Langres, but troops patrolled the whole
course of the Marne and extended westward to Sens. Artillery was sent up the
Seine from Paris. The camp of the horse was fixed near Troyes (Claude Haton,
III, 779).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1672_1672" id="Footnote_1672_1672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1672_1672"><span class="label">[1672]</span></a></span>
De Thou, Book L, chap. xii; <i>Vie de Mornay</i>, 23; Coll. Godefroy, CCLIX,
No. 2, “Les habitants du diocèse de Montpellier au roi, 4 juin, 1574.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1673_1673" id="Footnote_1673_1673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1673_1673"><span class="label">[1673]</span></a></span>
For other interesting details see <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,568, September 29, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1674_1674" id="Footnote_1674_1674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1674_1674"><span class="label">[1674]</span></a></span>
Le Laboureur, II, 135.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1675_1675" id="Footnote_1675_1675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1675_1675"><span class="label">[1675]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,584, October 23, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1676_1676" id="Footnote_1676_1676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1676_1676"><span class="label">[1676]</span></a></span>
Schomberg’s comment is amusing: “Monsieur le mareschal Damphille
se contint sagement, dont les ennemis de ceste maison s’arrachent la barbe.”&mdash;August
28, 1574, in <i>Arch. de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, 49.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1677_1677" id="Footnote_1677_1677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1677_1677"><span class="label">[1677]</span></a></span>
<i>Chroniques fontenaisiennes</i>, 228-32; L’Estoile, I, 37; Weill, 137, note 3.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1678_1678" id="Footnote_1678_1678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1678_1678"><span class="label">[1678]</span></a></span>
“A little piece of money might win the reiters to join with them of the religion.”&mdash;<i>C.
S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,623, December 23, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1679_1679" id="Footnote_1679_1679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1679_1679"><span class="label">[1679]</span></a></span>
Aigues-Mortes was a strong port and the staple of salt for Languedoc, Dauphiné,
the Lyonnais, and Burgundy (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 17, January 25, 1575). Dr. Dale
thought that the project was to connive at a Turkish attack in Germany for the
purpose of embarrassing the Catholic princes there (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,620, December
23, 1574).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1680_1680" id="Footnote_1680_1680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1680_1680"><span class="label">[1680]</span></a></span>
The plot was an old one and long in preparation. See a letter of St. Goard
to the King, May 20, 1573 (<i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>, IV, Appendix,
No. 59). The Spanish had been advised by word from Besançon, on April 3, that
those of Geneva and Bern had confederated with the Lutheran cantons and secured
the favor of the duke John Casimir, whose purpose was to overcome Besançon
and the free county of Burgundy (cf. letter of De Grantyre, the French agent in the
Grisons, to Bellièvre, April 8, 1573, Coll. Godefroy, CCLVIII, No. 52, and
the letter of Charles IX to Bellièvre, May 9, 1573, <i>ibid.</i>, No. 55). The author of
the plan was a Dr. Butterich, councilor of the elector (<i>Archives de la maison
d’Orange-Nassau</i>, V, 89, 99, 101, 107, 120-3). The Swiss cantons were also appealed
to, but Beza hesitated (<i>ibid.</i>, 111). Spain had secret information of the
plot (<i>ibid.</i>, 89). It finally failed (see a letter of Butterich to John of Nassau,
June 6, 1575, <i>ibid.</i>, 214; cf. Languet, <i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, Part II, 106, July 11, 1575).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1681_1681" id="Footnote_1681_1681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1681_1681"><span class="label">[1681]</span></a></span>
An example of eccentric partisanship is afforded by the duke d’Uzes, who
was a Huguenot, but who for enmity toward Damville joined the King. Henry
III made him a marshal and left him in chief command when he went to Rheims
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,617, December 23, 1574; No. 13, January 16, 1575). Bellegarde
was also made marshal in this year (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 1,570, September 29, 1574).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1682_1682" id="Footnote_1682_1682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1682_1682"><span class="label">[1682]</span></a></span>
“Seminario della guerra.”&mdash;<i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 230.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1683_1683" id="Footnote_1683_1683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1683_1683"><span class="label">[1683]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, I, 782, 783.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1684_1684" id="Footnote_1684_1684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1684_1684"><span class="label">[1684]</span></a></span>
See the luminous <i>Relazione del Giovanni Michel</i>, the Venetian ambassador
in France in 1575, ed. Tommaseo, II, 229-33.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1685_1685" id="Footnote_1685_1685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1685_1685"><span class="label">[1685]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Philippe II sur les Pays-Bas</i>, III, 105, note, June 15, 1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1686_1686" id="Footnote_1686_1686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1686_1686"><span class="label">[1686]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 165-66, Requesens to Philip II, September 24, 1574: “Il y a en
France beaucoup d’Espagnols qui ont déserté des Pays-Bas; il sont recueillis par
M. de Guise et d’autres qui leur font un bon traitement et leur donnent de grosses
payes.” M. Gachard has paraphrased the letter.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1687_1687" id="Footnote_1687_1687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1687_1687"><span class="label">[1687]</span></a></span>
“La longa continuazione della guerra, che tutti li paesani che prima erano
disarmati e vilissimi, tutti dati all’arte del campo e all’agricoltura, ovvero ad
alcuna delle arti mecaniche, adesso sono tutti armati, e talmente essercitati e
agguerriti che non si distinguono dalli più veterani soldati; tutti fatti archibugieri
eccellentissimi.”&mdash;“Relazione del Giovanni Michel,” <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 232; cf. Long,
167: “Des violences et des outrages exercés par quelques petits gentilhommes
sur des paysans excitèrent la vengeance des villageois voisins, qui, furieux, accoururent
en grand nombre. Les provocateurs imprudents se sauvèrent, mais leur
maisons furent pillées et saccagées. On voit déjà <i>la haine du peuple</i>, poussé au
desespoir par les impôts et par les exacteurs, contre les privilegiés. Le peuple,
si mal disposé, ne devait pas être provoqué dans son ressentiment. Les defenseurs
de la cause commune vont se lever.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1688_1688" id="Footnote_1688_1688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1688_1688"><span class="label">[1688]</span></a></span>
The English ambassador gives particulars of the cardinal’s death. “The
King would needs go in procession with the Battus, who are men that whip themselves
as they go as a sort of penance. The cardinal went in this solemn procession
well-nigh all the night, and the next day he said mass for a solemnity, wherewith he
took a great cold and a continual fever which brought him into a frenzy, wherein
he continued divers days. A Jew took upon him to work wonders and gave him a
medicine whereby he came to his remembrance for a time. Upon the medicine
there did break out certain pustules or spots in his body like the pourpres, whereby
some would say he was poisoned. Shortly after he fell into his old frenzy and so
died, the 18th day after he first fell sick.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 1,624, December,
1574.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1689_1689" id="Footnote_1689_1689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1689_1689"><span class="label">[1689]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 58, March 23, 1575. This letter is not printed in the <i>Correspondance
de Catherine de Médicis</i>. The Venetian ambassador has a long and interesting
character-sketch of the queen in <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II, 243. There are several monographs
upon this “pure, douce et mélancolique figure” [Galitizin, <i>Louise de Lorraine
reine de France (1553-1601)</i>; Meaume, <i>Etude historique sur Louise de Lorraine
reine de France (1553-1601)</i>, Paris, 1882; Baillon, <i>Histoire de Louise de Lorraine,
reine de France, 1553-1601</i>, Paris, 1884].</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1690_1690" id="Footnote_1690_1690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1690_1690"><span class="label">[1690]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 33, March 3, 1575.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1691_1691" id="Footnote_1691_1691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1691_1691"><span class="label">[1691]</span></a></span>
The Pope finally advanced a sum upon the security of the crown jewels
(<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 168, June 6, 1575).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1692_1692" id="Footnote_1692_1692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1692_1692"><span class="label">[1692]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 55, 57, 67, March, 1575. The clergy in Dauphiné protested
against the burden laid upon the church there by the King’s measure, complaining
that its support was not costing the crown a sou there; one of them even had the
face to declare that they had more to hope from Damville than from the King
(<i>ibid.</i>, No. 67, March, 1575).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1693_1693" id="Footnote_1693_1693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1693_1693"><span class="label">[1693]</span></a></span>
Declaration et protestation de Henry de Montmorency, seigneur Damville,
mareschal de France, gouverneur et lieutenant général pour le Roy en Languedoc.
Issued from Nîmes, April 25, 1575. There is an abstract of it in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 106, 1575.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1694_1694" id="Footnote_1694_1694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1694_1694"><span class="label">[1694]</span></a></span>
“L’organisation politique de cette Union (Union protestante)”fut élaborée dans
les assemblées tenues à Milhau, en décembre, 1573, et en juillet, 1574. La base
fut l’autonomie des villes, que usurpèrent peu à peu l’administration. La Rochelle
et Montauban confièrent l’autorité à des chefs électifs, pris dans la bourgeoisie.
En suite ces républiques urbaines se fedérèrent. Il fut décidé que chaque généralité
aurait son assemblée et que délégués des généralités formeraient les états généraux
de l’Union. Ainsi se constitua au sein du royaume une république fédérative, où
l’élément aristocratique ne tarda pas à dominer (Lavisse et Rambaud, “<i>Histoire
générale</i>, V, 147;” cf. Cougny, “Le parti républicain sous Henri III,” <i>Mémoires de la
Sorbonne</i>, 1867; Hippeau, “Les idées républicaines sous le règne de Henri III,”
<i>Revue des Soc. savant. des départ.</i>, IV<sup>e</sup> sér., III).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1695_1695" id="Footnote_1695_1695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1695_1695"><span class="label">[1695]</span></a></span>
L’Estoile, I, 3, 38.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1696_1696" id="Footnote_1696_1696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1696_1696"><span class="label">[1696]</span></a></span>
I have availed myself of the synopsis in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 112, May, 1575.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1697_1697" id="Footnote_1697_1697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1697_1697"><span class="label">[1697]</span></a></span>
Dr. Junius to the prince of Condé, <i>Archives de la maison d’Orange-Nassau</i>,
V, 237.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1698_1698" id="Footnote_1698_1698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1698_1698"><span class="label">[1698]</span></a></span>
See Dr. Dale’s observations in letter to Burghley, May 21, 1575; <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 138.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1699_1699" id="Footnote_1699_1699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1699_1699"><span class="label">[1699]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 121, May 4, 1575. Through the duke of Savoy Henry III seems
to have offered to set Montmorency free, provided Damville would deliver up Aigues-Mortes
(<i>ibid.</i>, No. 168, June 6, 1575).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1700_1700" id="Footnote_1700_1700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1700_1700"><span class="label">[1700]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 114 and 287, <i>anno</i> 1575.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1701_1701" id="Footnote_1701_1701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1701_1701"><span class="label">[1701]</span></a></span>
Letter of the duke of Guise to M. de Luxembourg from Châlons, September
3, 1575, <i>Coll. des autographes</i>, 1846, No. 213. The duke of Guise was anxious for
the safety of Langres.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1702_1702" id="Footnote_1702_1702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1702_1702"><span class="label">[1702]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 235, July 15, 1575, from Cracow.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1703_1703" id="Footnote_1703_1703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1703_1703"><span class="label">[1703]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 345, September 13, 1575. In Appendix XXXIV will be
found a long account in Latin from the pen of Dr. Dale upon the condition of France
at this time.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1704_1704" id="Footnote_1704_1704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1704_1704"><span class="label">[1704]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 120, <i>anno</i> 1575. Even before leaving Poland Henry III
had anxiously written to Elizabeth urging the good offices of his ambassador in
England, De la Mothe-Fenelon (see the letter in Appendix XXXV). The articles
of peace agreed to during the life of King Charles provided that in the event of the
death of one of the contracting parties, that party’s successor should be allowed
the space of one year to accept or refuse the conditions of peace, the other party
being bound by the articles to continue in friendship in the event of the former
accepting these articles; the Queen now insisted that, when these articles were first
agreed to, the French King was at peace with all his vassals and had by the Edict
of January conceded to the Huguenots the free exercise of their religion, and therefore
at the present time he was bound to observe all that had been promised (<i>C. S. P.
Ven.</i>, No. 624, April 24, 1575).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1705_1705" id="Footnote_1705_1705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1705_1705"><span class="label">[1705]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Philippe II</i>, III, 209 and note.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1706_1706" id="Footnote_1706_1706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1706_1706"><span class="label">[1706]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 271.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1707_1707" id="Footnote_1707_1707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1707_1707"><span class="label">[1707]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 333.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1708_1708" id="Footnote_1708_1708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1708_1708"><span class="label">[1708]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 348.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1709_1709" id="Footnote_1709_1709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1709_1709"><span class="label">[1709]</span></a></span>
<i>Correspondance de Philippe II</i>, III, 319, 320.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1710_1710" id="Footnote_1710_1710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1710_1710"><span class="label">[1710]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 622, March 22, 1575. In Arch. nat., K. 1537, No. 22,
is the report of a Spanish spy, written from Calais on March 18, 1575, which confirms
the suspicion of English tampering in France. Printed in Appendix XXXVI.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1711_1711" id="Footnote_1711_1711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1711_1711"><span class="label">[1711]</span></a></span>
Schomberg’s observations were absolutely just, for on July 23, 1575, at
Heidelberg, an instrument was signed by Charles Frederick, the elector palatine,
Henry, prince of Condé, and Charles de Montmorency, in which the count palatine
acknowledged the receipt from the English Queen of 50,000 “crowns of the sun,
each crown being of the value of six English shillings sterling,” which amount
was transferred to “Henri de Bourbon, prince de Condé, chief of those of the
religion in France, as well as of those Catholics with them associated” (i. e.,
the Politiques). Elizabeth’s name was to be shielded throughout, the elector
assuming entire liability for repayment which was to be made “before the army
now levied in Germany for service in France shall depart to France” (see <i>C. S. P.
For.</i>, No. 254, “The obligation and quittance of the prince of Condé,” July 23,
1575, Heidelberg; cf. <i>ibid.</i>, <i>Ven.</i>, 627; July 12, 1575, the guess of the Venetian
ambassador in France). Cf. <i>ibid.</i>, No. 633, September 7, 1575. The Venetian
ambassador seems to have thought that trouble in Ireland would prevent England
from advancing any more to the Huguenots (<i>ibid.</i>, No. 631, August 9, 1575). The
harvest of 1575 was generally good. But no invading army would enter France
before the grain was cut and stacked (cf. <i>ibid.</i>).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1712_1712" id="Footnote_1712_1712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1712_1712"><span class="label">[1712]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. Ven.</i>, No. 634, September 11, 1575.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1713_1713" id="Footnote_1713_1713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1713_1713"><span class="label">[1713]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, <i>For.</i>, No. 388, October 3, 1575; L’Estoile, <i>anno</i> 1575; see the interesting
details of Henry III’s curious fits of contrition in Frémy, “Henri III, pénitent;
étude sur les rapports de ce prince avec diverses confréries et communautés
parisiennes,” <i>Bull. du Com. d’hist. et d’archéol. du diocèse de Paris</i>, 1885.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1714_1714" id="Footnote_1714_1714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1714_1714"><span class="label">[1714]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 780; Walsingham to Burghley, <i>State Papers, Foreign,</i>
Elizabeth, CV, No. 51, printed in Appendix XXXVII. From Dreux the duke
issued a manifesto, September 17, 1575, in which he explained his conduct
and complained of the undue taxation and the imposition which the people were
suffering in the King’s name, declaring that he would take under his protection
all the French of the two religions, and demanding the call of the Estates-General
for redress of grievances (Claude Haton, II, 781 and note). Alençon styled himself
“Gouverneur-général pour le roy et protecteur de la liberté et bien publique
de France” (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 365, September, 1575).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1715_1715" id="Footnote_1715_1715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1715_1715"><span class="label">[1715]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 784, 785.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1716_1716" id="Footnote_1716_1716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1716_1716"><span class="label">[1716]</span></a></span>
Paris furnished the King 4,000 soldiers at its own expense. The new troops
were lodged in the faubourgs of St. Germain, St. Marceau, and Notre-Dame des
Champs (<i>ibid.</i>, 787).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1717_1717" id="Footnote_1717_1717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1717_1717"><span class="label">[1717]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 788-89; D’Aubigné, Book VII, chap. xix. From this circumstance
the duke was often called Le Balafré. (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 450, November
10, 1575.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1718_1718" id="Footnote_1718_1718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1718_1718"><span class="label">[1718]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 797.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1719_1719" id="Footnote_1719_1719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1719_1719"><span class="label">[1719]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 422, October 29, 1575. The King called these pilgrimages
“nouaines” (cf. <i>ibid.</i>, No. 506, Dr. Dale to Lord Burghley, December 20, 1575).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1720_1720" id="Footnote_1720_1720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1720_1720"><span class="label">[1720]</span></a></span>
Protestant worship was provisionally authorized in the towns held by the
confederates.  Angoulême and Bourges refused to open their gates to Alençon and
so he was offered Cognac and St. Jean-d’Angély instead. The prince of Condé
was refused admittance to Mezières (Claude Haton, II, 805, note).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1721_1721" id="Footnote_1721_1721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1721_1721"><span class="label">[1721]</span></a></span>
For details as to this levy, see Claude Haton, II, 804. This tax was laid upon
the clergy, as well as others, and called forth a protest from the former, who pleaded
an edict issued by Henry III at Avignon shortly after his return from Poland, forbidding
the governors to enforce the payment of tailles, munitions, etc., upon the
clergy.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1722_1722" id="Footnote_1722_1722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1722_1722"><span class="label">[1722]</span></a></span>
Fontanon, IV, 840.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1723_1723" id="Footnote_1723_1723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1723_1723"><span class="label">[1723]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 820.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1724_1724" id="Footnote_1724_1724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1724_1724"><span class="label">[1724]</span></a></span>
Paris remonstrated against this (<i>ibid.</i>, 828 and note 1).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1725_1725" id="Footnote_1725_1725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1725_1725"><span class="label">[1725]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 817; L’Estoile, I, 46.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1726_1726" id="Footnote_1726_1726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1726_1726"><span class="label">[1726]</span></a></span>
Claude Haton, II, 806-8.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1727_1727" id="Footnote_1727_1727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1727_1727"><span class="label">[1727]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 535.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1728_1728" id="Footnote_1728_1728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1728_1728"><span class="label">[1728]</span></a></span>
Dr. Dale writes on February 28: “The Guises are nothing privy to the
queen mother’s doings and she likes as evil of them.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 634,
February 28, 1576.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1729_1729" id="Footnote_1729_1729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1729_1729"><span class="label">[1729]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 592, January 1576: “The King of Spain makes the King
very great offers to break the peace.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1730_1730" id="Footnote_1730_1730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1730_1730"><span class="label">[1730]</span></a></span>
Dr. Dale to Sir Thomas Smith and Walsingham. All the fair promises of the
delivery of Bourges and La Charité are like to come to nothing, as may appear by
the enclosed letter of Monsieur to the Court of Parliament. There is a secret
League between Guise, Nemours, Nevers, Maine, and others of that house, together
with the Chancellor, against all that would have any peace, and if it should
be made, to begin a sharp war afresh (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 583, <i>anno</i> 1576). From
the first Languet was skeptical. He anticipated reaction (<i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, Part
II, 181, 205).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1731_1731" id="Footnote_1731_1731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1731_1731"><span class="label">[1731]</span></a></span>
M. Frémy has published a work in which he makes the bizarre claim that
the origin of the Académie française is to be at least remotely ascribed to Henry
III (<i>Les origines de l’Académie française.</i> <i>L’Académie des derniers Valois,
1570-1585</i>, d’après des documents nouveaux et inédits, 1888. There is a review
of it in the <i>English Hist. Review</i>, III, 576). Some one has said that “all the
Valois kings were either bad or mad.” The aphorism would seem to apply to the
character of Henry III, in both capacities. He was a mountebank, a roisterer, a
dabbler in philosophy, a religious maniac, and a moral pervert. L’Estoile and
Lippomano especially abound in allusions or accounts of him (e. g., <i>Rel. vén.</i>, II,
237-39). Compare this account with the earlier observations of Suriano, <i>ibid.</i>,
I, 409, and Davila, VII, 442. On the “mignons,” Henry III’s favorites, see
L’Estoile, I, 142, 143. Henry III’s very handwriting manifests his character:
“Son écriture semble tout d’abord régulière, mais elle n’est pas formée, les lettres
s’alignent sans s’unir, sans se rejoindre, certainement c’est une des écritures les
plus difficiles à déchiffrer.... C’est l’homme qui s’y révèle l’indolent, l’efféminé
monarque qui de son lit écrivait ces lignes à Villeroy: ‘J’ay eu le plaisir d’avoir veu
vostre mémoire très bien faict comme tout ce qui sort de vostre boutique, mais il
fault bien penser, car nous avons besoin de regarder de près à nos affaires. Je
seray sitost là que ce seroit peine perdue d’y répondre. Aussi bien suis-je au lit
<i>non malade, non pour poltronner, mais pour me retrouver frais comme la rose</i>.’”&mdash;La
Ferrière, <i>Rapport de St. Pétersbourg</i>, 27.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1732_1732" id="Footnote_1732_1732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1732_1732"><span class="label">[1732]</span></a></span>
See the remonstrance in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 505, December 19, 1575.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1733_1733" id="Footnote_1733_1733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1733_1733"><span class="label">[1733]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, No. 584, January 9, 1576.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1734_1734" id="Footnote_1734_1734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1734_1734"><span class="label">[1734]</span></a></span>
For particulars see Dale’s letter to Smith and Walsingham, <i>ibid.</i>, No. 605,
February 6, 1576; Claude Haton, II, 829.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1735_1735" id="Footnote_1735_1735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1735_1735"><span class="label">[1735]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, Nos. 614, 625, 662, February 14-22, March 8, 1576. Mayenne,
whose marquisate was erected into a duchy on January 1, 1576, had succeeded his
brother, the duke of Guise, as chief commander of the royal forces, and advanced
toward Lorraine in order to prevent the reiters from joining the enemy. Henry
III had sent Biron (he had been made a marshal in the June preceding&mdash;<i>ibid.</i>,
No. 178, June 13, 1575) to them to persuade them not to enter France, representing
that a truce had been concluded between the King and the duke of Alençon.  But
the prince of Condé replied that if the duke had made his peace with the King, he,
the prince, had not.  Biron failed and La Noue was sent, who likewise was unsuccessful
(Claude Haton, II, 824, 825).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1736_1736" id="Footnote_1736_1736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1736_1736"><span class="label">[1736]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 662, Dale to Smith and Walsingham, March 8, 1576;
Claude Haton, II, 832.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1737_1737" id="Footnote_1737_1737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1737_1737"><span class="label">[1737]</span></a></span>
<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 740, April 17, 1576.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1738_1738" id="Footnote_1738_1738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1738_1738"><span class="label">[1738]</span></a></span>
Dr. Dale wrote truly to Lord Burghley saying that the Protestants had
“gotten more without any stroke stricken than ever could be had before this time
by all the wars, as appears by the note of the provinces that are to be under the
government of them and their friends.”&mdash;<i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 777, May 11, 1576.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1739_1739" id="Footnote_1739_1739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1739_1739"><span class="label">[1739]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, III, 361.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1740_1740" id="Footnote_1740_1740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1740_1740"><span class="label">[1740]</span></a></span>
This claim ran back to the reign of Charles VII; the original amount was
25,000 livres. Louis XI altered it to 6,000 livres, plus the county of Gaure and the
town of Fleurance, and this revised form was approved by Charles VIII in 1496
(cf. <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, No. 672, §5; May 16, 1576).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1741_1741" id="Footnote_1741_1741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1741_1741"><span class="label">[1741]</span></a></span>
Henry of Navarre’s memoir is given <i>in extenso</i> in <i>ibid.</i>, No. 671, May 15, 1576.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1742_1742" id="Footnote_1742_1742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1742_1742"><span class="label">[1742]</span></a></span>
La Popelinière, III, 365.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1743_1743" id="Footnote_1743_1743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1743_1743"><span class="label">[1743]</span></a></span>
Maffert, <i>Les apanages en France du XVI<sup>e</sup> au XIX<sup>e</sup> siècle</i> (1900).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1744_1744" id="Footnote_1744_1744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1744_1744"><span class="label">[1744]</span></a></span>
Articles du maréchal de Dampville, gouverneur de Languedoc et des Etats
du pays, présentés au Roi pour la décharge de la province, May 2, 1576.&mdash;Coll.
Godefroy, XCIV, No. 21.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1745_1745" id="Footnote_1745_1745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1745_1745"><span class="label">[1745]</span></a></span>
Nusse, “La donation du duché de Château-Thierry par le duc d’Alençon
à Jean Casimir, comte palatin du Rhin,” <i>Annales de la Société hist. et archéol. de
Château-Thierry</i>, Vol. XI (1875), p. 61.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1746_1746" id="Footnote_1746_1746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1746_1746"><span class="label">[1746]</span></a></span>
The text of the Paix de Monsieur is in Isambert, XIV, 280. The sources for
the history are many. The correspondence of Dale, the English ambassador in
France, and the other English agents, Wilkes and Randolph, in <i>C. S. P. For.</i>, 1876,
for March, April, and May, is full and detailed (cf. D’Aubigné, Book VIII, chap.
xxvii; De Thou, Book LXXII). La Popelinière, III, 360 ff., gives the text of the
treaty and the letters-patent of the King. The act was registered in Parlement on
May 14, 1576, though signed by the King on May 2.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1747_1747" id="Footnote_1747_1747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1747_1747"><span class="label">[1747]</span></a></span>
Two days before this scene took place, the newly elected king of Poland
Stephen Bathori, prince of Transylvania, had written informing the deposed Valois
that he had assumed the Polish crown and desiring to know what Henry would
have done with the household stuff he had left behind in Poland (<i>C. S. P. For.</i>,
No. 789, May 29, 1576). The Emperor had had numerous partisans, but refused
to accept the condition that he fix his residence in Poland (<i>Epist. secr.</i>, I, Part II,
143).</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1748_1748" id="Footnote_1748_1748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1748_1748"><span class="label">[1748]</span></a></span>
See the vivid details in Claude Haton, II, 834-40, 847, 851, 858.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1749_1749" id="Footnote_1749_1749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1749_1749"><span class="label">[1749]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, 855-60.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1750_1750" id="Footnote_1750_1750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1750_1750"><span class="label">[1750]</span></a></span>
The words in brackets are faded and are supplied from No. 460.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1751_1751" id="Footnote_1751_1751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1751_1751"><span class="label">[1751]</span></a></span>
Ellipses indicate places where the MS is faded or creased so as to be illegible.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1752_1752" id="Footnote_1752_1752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1752_1752"><span class="label">[1752]</span></a></span>
The words in brackets are faded and are supplied from No. 455.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1753_1753" id="Footnote_1753_1753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1753_1753"><span class="label">[1753]</span></a></span>
The date is in Burghley’s hand.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1754_1754" id="Footnote_1754_1754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1754_1754"><span class="label">[1754]</span></a></span>
The MS is torn here.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1755_1755" id="Footnote_1755_1755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1755_1755"><span class="label">[1755]</span></a></span>
The reference to the original cipher is “State Papers, Scotland, Elizabeth,
Vol. III, No. 82.” (This is not signed addressed or endorsed. Pencil note by
editor: “See April 29.”)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1756_1756" id="Footnote_1756_1756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1756_1756"><span class="label">[1756]</span></a></span>
The Editor’s pencil note to the cipher (Scotland ii. 82) is “March 12,” but
the letter is calendared under [March 20].</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1757_1757" id="Footnote_1757_1757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1757_1757"><span class="label">[1757]</span></a></span>
Cayas, secretary to Philip II.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1758_1758" id="Footnote_1758_1758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1758_1758"><span class="label">[1758]</span></a></span>
On the margin, in the writing of Philip II: “Es menester tener prevenido
lo que se les ha de dar para este tiempo.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1759_1759" id="Footnote_1759_1759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1759_1759"><span class="label">[1759]</span></a></span>
This heading is in another hand.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1760_1760" id="Footnote_1760_1760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1760_1760"><span class="label">[1760]</span></a></span>
This copy is on the other side of the same sheet of paper.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1761_1761" id="Footnote_1761_1761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1761_1761"><span class="label">[1761]</span></a></span>
For <i>est</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1762_1762" id="Footnote_1762_1762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1762_1762"><span class="label">[1762]</span></a></span>
The original probably has <i>amener</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1763_1763" id="Footnote_1763_1763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1763_1763"><span class="label">[1763]</span></a></span>
<i>Il</i> is missing.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1764_1764" id="Footnote_1764_1764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1764_1764"><span class="label">[1764]</span></a></span>
M. d’Auzances (or Ausances) was lieutenant of the king in the district of
Messin.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1765_1765" id="Footnote_1765_1765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1765_1765"><span class="label">[1765]</span></a></span>
Places in Lorraine.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1766_1766" id="Footnote_1766_1766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1766_1766"><span class="label">[1766]</span></a></span>
Laon.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1767_1767" id="Footnote_1767_1767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1767_1767"><span class="label">[1767]</span></a></span>
Soissons.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1768_1768" id="Footnote_1768_1768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1768_1768"><span class="label">[1768]</span></a></span>
Boulogne.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1769_1769" id="Footnote_1769_1769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1769_1769"><span class="label">[1769]</span></a></span>
This letter is printed V. and is altered in ink to B.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1770_1770" id="Footnote_1770_1770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1770_1770"><span class="label">[1770]</span></a></span>
From Communay, <i>Les huguenots dans le Béarn et la Navarre</i>, p. 175.
The italicized portions are further details which I have added.&mdash;J. W. T.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1771_1771" id="Footnote_1771_1771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1771_1771"><span class="label">[1771]</span></a></span>
Cf. Courteault, p. 553 n. 2.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1772_1772" id="Footnote_1772_1772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1772_1772"><span class="label">[1772]</span></a></span>
Cf. <i>Les huguenots en Béarn</i>, p. 64.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1773_1773" id="Footnote_1773_1773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1773_1773"><span class="label">[1773]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 65, 68.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1774_1774" id="Footnote_1774_1774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1774_1774"><span class="label">[1774]</span></a></span>
<i>Ibid.</i>, p. 68.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1775_1775" id="Footnote_1775_1775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1775_1775"><span class="label">[1775]</span></a></span>
The above document was sent by Biron to M. de Fourquevaux, French
ambassador in Spain. There is an extract from the letter of Biron to Forquevaux
translated into Spanish, same carton (K. 1,515), pièce No. 69. Biron’s letter is
dated March 17, 1570, from Narbonne.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1776_1776" id="Footnote_1776_1776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1776_1776"><span class="label">[1776]</span></a></span>
A space is left blank to the MS.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1777_1777" id="Footnote_1777_1777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1777_1777"><span class="label">[1777]</span></a></span>
This letter of Sir Henry Norris is a draft originally intended to be sent to
the Queen, with the terms of address altered throughout&mdash;<i>your highness</i> altered
to <i>your honour</i>, etc.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1778_1778" id="Footnote_1778_1778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1778_1778"><span class="label">[1778]</span></a></span>
The MS is torn here.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1779_1779" id="Footnote_1779_1779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1779_1779"><span class="label">[1779]</span></a></span>
The postscript is in the same hand as the king’s signature.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1780_1780" id="Footnote_1780_1780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1780_1780"><span class="label">[1780]</span></a></span>
A space is left blank in the MS.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1781_1781" id="Footnote_1781_1781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1781_1781"><span class="label">[1781]</span></a></span>
See the subscription and the notice of receipt at the end of the despatch.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1782_1782" id="Footnote_1782_1782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1782_1782"><span class="label">[1782]</span></a></span>
Although the Catalogue has the date February 18 it is a mistake; the document
has very clearly 17th.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1783_1783" id="Footnote_1783_1783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1783_1783"><span class="label">[1783]</span></a></span>
The postscript is found thus, between the date and the signature.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1784_1784" id="Footnote_1784_1784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1784_1784"><span class="label">[1784]</span></a></span>
Altered in Burghley’s hand from <i>Iº Julii.</i></p>

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