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<div class="titlepage">
   <h1>The Reign of Andrew Jackson</h1>
	 <h2>By Frederic Austin Ogg</h2>
	 <h3>A Chronicle of the Frontier in Politics</h3>
	 <p class="placard">
	     Volume 20 of the<br />
			 Chronicles of America Series <br />
			 &there4;<br />
	     Allen Johnson, Editor<br />
			 Assistant Editors<br />
			 Gerhard R. Lomer <br />
			 Charles W. Jefferys
	 </p>
	 <hr class="tiny" />
	 <p class="placard">
	     <i>Textbook Edition</i><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />
	 </p>
   <p class="placard">
	 		  Toronto: Glasgow, Brook &amp; Co.<br />
				New York: United States Publishers Association, Inc.
	 </p>
</div>
<p class="center" style="font-size:smaller">Copyright, 1919<br />
                  by Yale University Press <br />
									Printed in the United States of America <br />
</p>



<div class="contents"><a id="Contents" name="Contents"></a>
   <hr class="main" />
   <h2>Contents</h2>
   <p class="center"><span class="smcap">The Reign of Andrew Jackson</span>
	 </p>
</div>
<table summary="Toc" >
<tbody>
		<tr style="font-size:small;">
		    <th style="text-align:left">Chapter</th>
				<th class="center">Chapter Title</th>
				<th>Page</th>
		</tr>
		<tr>
				<td class="right">I.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">Jackson the Frontiersman</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
		</tr>
		<tr>
				<td class="right">II.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">The Creek War and the Victory of New Orleans</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_23">23</a></td>
		</tr>
		<tr>
				<td class="right">III.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">The &ldquo;Conquest&rdquo; of Florida</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td>
		</tr>
		<tr>
				<td class="right">IV.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">The Death of &ldquo;King Caucus&rdquo;</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_68">68</a></td>
		</tr>
		<tr>
				<td class="right">V.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">The Democratic Triumph</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_95">95</a></td>
    </tr>
		<tr>
				<td class="right">VI.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">The &ldquo;Reign&rdquo; Begins</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
				<td class="right">VII.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">The Webster-Hayne Debate</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td>
    </tr>
		<tr>
				<td class="right">VIII.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">Tariff and Nullification</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_158">158</a></td>
    </tr>
		<tr>
				<td class="right">IX.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">The War on the United States Bank</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_181">181</a></td>
    </tr>
		<tr>
				<td class="right">X.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">The Removal of the Southern Indians</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td>
    </tr>
		<tr>
				<td class="right">XI.</td>
				<td class="chaptername">The Jacksonian Succession</td>
				<td class="right"><a href="#Page_217">217</a></td>
    </tr>
		<tr>
		    <td></td>
				<td class="chaptername">Bibliographical Note</td>
			  <td class="right"><a href="#Page_237">237</a></td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
		    <td></td>
				<td class="chaptername">Index</td>
			  <td class="right"><a href="#Page_241">241</a></td>
    </tr>
</tbody>
</table>

<hr class="main" />

    <h1>THE REIGN OF ANDREW JACKSON</h1>
    <div style="height: 4em; text-align:center;">
      <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span>
			<br />
			<span style="font-size:x-large;">&there4;</span>
			<br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER I</a></h2>
		  <h3>JACKSON THE FRONTIERSMAN</h3>


<p>
   <span class="smcap">Among</span> the thousands of stout-hearted British
	 subjects who decided to try their fortune in the Western World after the
	 signing of the Peace of Paris in 1763 was one Andrew Jackson, a
	 Scotch-Irish Presbyterian of the tenant class, sprung from a family long
	 resident in or near the quaint town of Carrickfergus, on the northern
	 coast of Ireland, close by the newer and more progressive city of Belfast.
</p>

<p>
	 With Jackson went his wife and two infant sons, a brother-in-law, and
	 two neighbors with their families, who thus made up a typical
	 eighteenth-century emigrant group. Arrived at Charleston, the
	 travelers fitted themselves out for an overland journey, awaited a
   stretch of favorable weather,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span>
	 and set off for the Waxhaw settlement, one hundred and eighty miles to
	 the northwest, where numbers of their kinsmen and countrymen were already
	 established. There the Jacksons were received with open arms by the
	 family of a second brother-in-law, who had migrated a few years earlier
	 and who now had a comfortable log house and a good-sized clearing.
</p>

<p>
	 The settlement lay on the banks of the upper Catawba, near the
	 junction of that stream with Waxhaw Creek; and as it occupied a
	 fertile oasis in a vast waste of pine woods, it was for decades
	 largely cut off from touch with the outside world. The settlement was
	 situated, too, partly in North Carolina and partly in South Carolina,
	 so that in the pre-Revolutionary days many of the inhabitants hardly
	 knew, or cared to know, in which of the two provinces they dwelt.
</p>

<p>
	 Upon their arrival Jackson&rsquo;s friends bought land on the creek
	 and within the bounds of the settlement. Jackson himself was too poor,
	 however, to do this, and accordingly took up a claim six miles distant
	 on another little stream known as Twelve-mile Creek. Here, in the fall
	 of 1765, he built a small cabin, and during the winter he cleared five
	 or six acres of ground. The next year he was able
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span>
	 to raise enough corn, vegetables, and pork to keep his little household
	 from want. The tract thus occupied cannot be positively identified, but
	 it lay in what is now Union County, North Carolina, a few miles from
	 Monroe, the county seat.
</p>

<p>
	 Then came tragedy of a sort in which frontier history abounds. In the
	 midst of his efforts to hew out a home and a future for those who were
	 dear to him the father sickened and died, in March, 1767, at the early
	 age of twenty-nine, less than two years after his arrival at the
	 settlement. Tradition says that his death was the result of a rupture
	 suffered in attempting to move a heavy log, and that it was so sudden
	 that the distracted wife had no opportunity to seek aid from the
	 distant neighbors. When at last the news got abroad, sympathy and
	 assistance were lavished in true frontier fashion. Borne in a rude
	 farm wagon, the remains were taken to the Waxhaw burying ground and
	 were interred in a spot which tradition, but tradition only, is able
	 today to point out.
</p>

<p>
	 The widow never returned to the desolated homestead. She and her
	 little ones were taken into the family of one of her married sisters,
	 where she spent her few remaining years. On the 15th of March, less
	 than two weeks after her husband&rsquo;s
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span>
	 death, she gave birth to a third son; and the child was promptly
	 christened Andrew, in memory of the parent he would never know.
</p>

<p>
	 Curiously, the seventh President&rsquo;s birthplace has been a matter
	 of sharp controversy. There is a tradition that the birth occurred
	 while the mother was visiting a neighboring family by the name of McKemy;
	 and Parton, one of Jackson&rsquo;s principal biographers, adduces a good
	 deal of evidence in support of the story. On the other hand, Jackson
	 always believed that he was born in the home of the aunt with whom his
	 bereaved mother took up her residence; and several biographers,
	 including Bassett, the most recent and the best, accept this
	 contention. It really matters not at all, save for the circumstance
	 that if the one view is correct Jackson was born in North Carolina,
	 while if the other is correct he was born in South Carolina. Both
	 States have persistently claimed the honor. In the famous proclamation
	 which he addressed to the South Carolina nullifiers in 1832 Jackson
	 referred to them as &ldquo;fellow-citizens of my native state&rdquo;; in his
	 will he spoke of himself as a South Carolinian; and in correspondence
	 and conversation he repeatedly declared that he was born on South
	 Carolina soil. Jackson was far from infallible, even
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span>
	 in matters closely touching his own career. But the preponderance of
	 evidence on the point lies decidedly with South Carolina.
</p>

<p>
	 No one, at all events, can deny to the Waxhaw settlement an honored
	 place in American history. There the father of John C. Calhoun first
	 made his home. There the Revolutionary general, Andrew Pickens, met
	 and married Rebecca Calhoun. There grew up the eminent North
	 Carolinian Governor and diplomat, William R. Davie. There William H.
	 Crawford lived as a boy. And there Jackson dwelt until early manhood.
</p>

<p>
	 For the times, young Andrew was well brought up. His mother was a
	 woman of strong character, who cherished for her last-born the desire
	 that he should become a Presbyterian clergyman. The uncle with whom he
	 lived was a serious-minded man who by his industry had won means ample
	 for the comfortable subsistence of his enlarged household. When he was
	 old enough, the boy worked for his living, but no harder than the
	 frontier boys of that day usually worked; and while his advantages
	 were only such as a backwoods community afforded, they were at least
	 as great as those of most boys similarly situated, and they were far
	 superior to those of the youthful Lincoln.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span>
	 Jackson&rsquo;s earlier years, nevertheless, contained little promise
	 of his future distinction. He grew up amidst a rough people whose tastes
	 ran strongly to horse-racing, cockfighting, and heavy drinking, and whose
	 ideal of excellence found expression in a readiness to fight upon any
	 and all occasions in defense of what they considered to be their personal
   honor. In young Andrew Jackson these characteristics appeared in a
	 superlative degree. He was mischievous, willful, daring, reckless.
	 Hardly an escapade took place in the community in which he did not
	 share; and his sensitiveness and quick temper led him continually into
	 trouble. In his early teens he swore like a trooper, chewed tobacco
	 incessantly, acquired a taste for strong drink, and set a pace for
	 wildness which few of his associates could keep up. He was
	 passionately fond of running foot races, leaping the bar, jumping,
	 wrestling, and every sort of sport that partook of the character of
	 mimic battle&mdash;and he never acknowledged defeat. &ldquo;I could
	 throw him three times out of four,&rdquo; testifies an old
	 schoolmate, &ldquo;but he would never <i>stay throwed</i>. He was
	 dead game even then, and never <i>would</i> give up.&rdquo;
	 Another early companion says that of all the boys he had known
	 Jackson was the only bully who was not also a coward.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span>
	 Of education the boy received only such as was put unavoidably in his
	 way. It is said that his mother taught him to read before he was five
	 years old; and he attended several terms in the little low-roofed log
	 schoolhouse in the Waxhaw settlement. But his formal instruction never
	 took him beyond the fundamentals of reading, writing, geography,
	 grammar, and &ldquo;casting accounts.&rdquo; He was neither
	 studious nor teachable. As a boy he preferred sport to study, and as
	 a man he chose to rely on his own fertile ideas rather than to accept
	 guidance from others. He never learned to write the English language
	 correctly, although he often wrote it eloquently and convincingly. In
	 an age of bad spellers he achieved distinction from the number of ways
	 in which he could spell a word within the space of a single page. He
	 could use no foreign languages; and of the great body of science,
	 literature, history, and the arts he knew next to nothing. He never
	 acquired a taste for books, although vanity prompted him to treasure
	 throughout his public career all correspondence and other documentary
	 materials that might be of use to future biographers. Indeed, he picked
	 as a biographer first his military aide, John Reid, and later his close
	 friend, John H. Eaton, whom
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>
	 he had the satisfaction in 1829 of appointing Secretary of War.
</p>

<p>
	 When the Revolution came, young Andrew was a boy of ten. For a time
	 the Carolina backwoods did not greatly feel the effect of the change.
	 But in the spring of 1780 all of the revolutionary troops in South
	 Carolina were captured at Charleston, and the lands from the sea to
	 the mountains were left at the mercy of Tarleton&rsquo;s and
	 Rawdon&rsquo;s bands of redcoats and their Tory supporters. Twice
	 the Waxhaw settlement was ravaged before the patriots could make a
	 stand. Young Jackson witnessed two battles in 1780, without taking
	 part in them, and in the following year he, a brother, and a cousin
	 were taken prisoners in a skirmish. To the day of his death Jackson
	 bore on his head and hand the marks of a saber blow administered by
	 a British lieutenant whose jack boots he refused to polish. When an
	 exchange of prisoners was made, Mrs. Jackson secured the release of
	 her two boys, but not until after they had contracted smallpox in
	 Camden jail. The older one died, but the younger, though reduced to
	 a skeleton, survived. Already the third brother had given up his life
	 in battle; and the crowning disaster came when the mother, going as
	 a volunteer to nurse the wounded
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span>
	 Waxhaw prisoners on the British vessels in Charleston harbor,
	 fell ill of yellow fever and perished. Small wonder that Andrew
	 Jackson always hated the British uniform, or that when he sat in the
	 executive chair an anti-British feeling colored all of his dealings
	 with foreign nations!
</p>

<p>
	 At the age of fourteen, the sandy-haired, pockmarked lad of the
	 Waxhaws found himself alone in the world. The death of his relatives
	 had made him heir to a portion of his grandfather&rsquo;s estate in
	 Carrickfergus; but the property was tied up in the hands of an
	 administrator, and the boy was in effect both penniless and homeless.
	 The memory of his mother and her teachings was, as he was subsequently
	 accustomed to say, the only capital with which he started life. To a
	 natural waywardness and quarrelsomeness had been added a heritage of
	 bitter memories, and the outlook was not bright.
</p>

<p>
	 Upon one thing the youth was determined: he would no longer be a
	 charge upon his uncle or upon any one else. What to turn to, however,
	 was not so easy to decide. First he tried the saddler&rsquo;s trade,
	 but that was too monotonous. Then he undertook school-teaching; that
	 proved little better. Desirous of a glimpse of the world, he went to
	 Charleston in the autumn of 1782. There he made the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span>
	 acquaintance of some people of wealth and fell into habits of life
	 which were beyond his means. At the race track he bet and swaggered
	 himself into notice; and when he ran into debt he was lucky enough to
	 free himself by winning a large wager. But the proceeds of his little
	 inheritance, which had in the meantime become available, were now
	 entirely used up; and when in the spring the young spendthrift went
	 back to the Waxhaws, he had only a fine horse with elegant equipment,
	 a costly pair of pistols, a gold watch, and a fair wardrobe&mdash;in
	 addition to some familiarity with the usages of fashion&mdash;to show
	 for his spent &ldquo;fortune.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 One other thing which Jackson may have carried back with him from
	 Charleston was an ambition to become a lawyer. At all events, in the
	 fall of 1784 he entered the law office of a certain Spruce Macay in
	 the town of Salisbury, North Carolina; and, after three years of
	 intermittent study, he was admitted to practice in the courts of the
	 State. The instruction which he had received was not of a high order,
	 and all accounts agree that the young man took his tasks lightly and
	 that he learned but little law. That he fully sustained the reputation
	 which he had gained in the Waxhaws is indicated by testimony of one of
	 Macay&rsquo;s fellow townsmen,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span>
	 after Jackson had become famous, to the effect that the former student
	 had been &ldquo;the most roaring, rollicking, game-cocking, card-playing,
	 mischievous fellow that ever lived in Salisbury.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Upon his admission to the bar the irresponsible young blade hung out
	 his shingle in Martinsville, Guilford County, North Carolina, and sat
	 down to wait for clients. He was still less than twenty years old,
	 without influence, and with only such friends as his irascible
	 disposition permitted him to make and hold. Naturally business came
	 slowly, and it became necessary to eke out a living by serving as a
	 local constable and also by assisting in a mercantile enterprise
	 carried on by two acquaintances in the town. After a year this
	 hand-to-mouth existence began to pall. Neither then nor in later life
	 did Jackson have any real taste or aptitude for law. He was not of a
	 legal turn of mind, and he was wholly unprepared to suffer the
	 sacrifices and disappointments which a man of different disposition
	 would have been willing to undergo in order to win for himself an
	 established position in his profession. Chagrin in this restless young
	 man was fast yielding to despair when an alluring field of action
	 opened for him in the fast-developing country beyond the mountains.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span>
	 The settlement of white men in that part of North Carolina which lay
	 west of the Alleghanies had begun a year or two after Jackson&rsquo;s
	 birth. At first the hardy pioneers found lodgment on the Watauga,
	 Holston, Nolichucky, and other streams to the east of modern Knoxville.
	 But in 1779 a colony was planted by James Robertson and John Donelson
	 on the banks of the Cumberland, two hundred miles farther west, and
	 in a brief time the remoter settlement, known as Nashville, became a
	 Mecca for homeseeking Carolinians and Virginians. The intervening hill
	 and forest country abounded in hostile Indians. The settler or trader
	 who undertook to traverse this region took his life in his hands, and
	 the settlements themselves were subject to perennial attack.
</p>

<p>
	 In 1788, after the collapse of an attempt of the people of the
   &ldquo;Western District&rdquo; to set up an independent
	 State by the name of Franklin, the North Carolina Assembly erected
	 the three counties included in the Cumberland settlement into a
	 superior court district; and the person selected for judge was a
	 close friend of Jackson, John McNairy, who also had been a law pupil
	 of Spruce Macay in Salisbury. McNairy had been in the Tennessee
	 region two years, but at the time of receiving his
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span>
	 judicial appointment he was visiting friends in the Carolinas.
	 His description of the opportunities awaiting ambitious
	 young men in the back country influenced a half-dozen acquaintances,
	 lawyers and others, to make the return trip with him; and among the
	 number was Jackson. Some went to assume posts which were at
	 McNairy&rsquo;s disposal, but Jackson went only to see the country.
</p>

<p>
	 Assembling at Morganton, on the east side of the mountains, in the
	 fall of 1788, the party proceeded leisurely to Jonesboro, which,
	 although as yet only a village of fifty or sixty log houses, was the
	 metropolis of the eastern Tennessee settlements. There the party was
	 obliged to wait for a sufficient band of immigrants to assemble before
	 they could be led by an armed guard with some degree of safety through
	 the dangerous middle country. As a highway had just been opened
	 between Jonesboro and Nashville, the travelers were able to cover the
	 distance in fifteen days. Jackson rode a fine stallion, while a pack
	 mare carried his worldly effects, consisting of spare clothes,
	 blankets, half a dozen law books, and small quantities of ammunition,
	 tea, tobacco, liquor, and salt. For defense he bore a rifle and three
	 pistols; and in his pocket he carried one
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span>
	 hundred and eighty dollars of the much valued hard money. On the
	 second day of November the emigrant train made its appearance in
	 Nashville bringing news of much interest&mdash;in particular, that
	 the Federal Constitution had been ratified by the ninth State, and
	 that the various legislatures were preparing to choose electors,
	 who would undoubtedly make George Washington the first President
	 of the Republic.
</p>

<p>
	 Less than ten years old, Nashville had now a population of not over
	 two hundred. But it was the center of a somewhat settled district
	 extending up and down the Cumberland for a distance of eighty or
	 ninety miles, and the young visitor from the Waxhaws quickly found it
	 a promising field for his talents. There was only one lawyer in the
	 place, and creditors who had been outbid for his services by their
	 debtors were glad to put their cases in the hands of the newcomer. It
	 is said that before Jackson had been in the settlement a month he had
	 issued more than seventy writs to delinquent debtors. When, in 1789,
	 he was appointed &ldquo;solicitor,&rdquo; or prosecutor,
	 in Judge McNairy&rsquo;s jurisdiction with a salary of forty pounds
	 for each court he attended, his fortune seemed made and he forthwith
	 gave up all thought of returning to his
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span>
	 Carolina home. Instead he took lodgings under the roof of the widow
	 of John Donelson, and in 1791 he married a daughter of that doughty
	 frontiersman. Land was still cheap, and with the proceeds of his
	 fees and salary he purchased a large plantation called Hunter&rsquo;s
	 Hill, thirteen miles from Nashville, and there he planned to
	 establish a home which would take rank as one of the finest in the
	 western country.
</p>

<p>
	 The work of a frontier solicitor was diverse and arduous. A turbulent
	 society needed to be kept in order and the business obligations of a
	 shifty and quarrelsome people to be enforced. No great knowledge of
	 law was required, but personal fearlessness, vigor, and
	 incorruptibility were indispensable. Jackson was just the man for the
	 business. His physical courage was equaled by his moral strength; he
	 was passionately devoted to justice; he was diligent and
	 conscientious; and, as one writer has remarked, bad grammar, incorrect
	 pronunciation, and violent denunciation did not shock the judges of
	 that day or divert the mind of juries from the truth. Traveling almost
	 constantly over the wretched roads and through the dark forests,
	 dodging Indians, swimming his horse across torrential streams,
	 sleeping alone in the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span>
	 woods with hand on rifle, threatened by desperate wrongdoers, Andrew
	 Jackson became the best-known figure in all western Tennessee and won
	 at this time a great measure of that public confidence which later
	 became his chief political asset.
</p>

<p>
	 Meanwhile the rapid growth of population south of the Ohio River made
	 necessary new arrangements for purposes of government. In 1790 the
	 region between the Ohio and the present States of Alabama and
	 Mississippi, having been turned over to the Nation by its earlier
	 possessors, was erected into the &ldquo;Southwest Territory,&rdquo;
	 and in 1791 the northern half became the State of Kentucky. In 1793
	 the remainder of the Territory set up a Legislature, and three years
	 later delegates from the eleven counties met at Knoxville to draw up
	 a new frame of government with a view to admission to statehood.
	 Jackson was a member of this convention, and tradition has it that it
	 was he who brought about the selection of the name Tennessee, an Indian
	 term meaning &ldquo;The Great Crooked River,&rdquo; as
	 against Franklin, Washington, and other proposed designations for the
	 new State. At all events, upon the admission of the State in 1796,
	 he was chosen as its sole representative in the lower branch of Congress.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span>
	 In the late autumn of that year the young lawmaker set out for the
	 national capital at Philadelphia, and there he arrived, after a
	 journey of almost eight hundred miles on horseback, just as the
	 triumphs of the Democrats in the recent presidential election were
	 being duly celebrated. He had not been chosen as a party man, but it
	 is altogether probable that his own sympathies and those of most of
	 his constituents lay with the Jeffersonians; and his appearance on the
	 floor of Congress was an omen of the fast-rising tide of western
	 democracy which should never find its ultimate goal until this rough
	 but honest Tennesseean should himself be borne into the presidential
	 chair.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson&rsquo;s career in Congress was brief and uneventful. After a
	 year of service in the House of Representatives he was appointed to
	 fill the unexpired term of William Blount in the Senate. But this
	 post he resigned in 1798 in order to devote his energies to his private
	 affairs. While at Philadelphia he made the acquaintance not only of
	 John Adams, Jefferson, Randolph, Gallatin, and Burr, but of his future
	 Secretary of State, Edward Livingston, and of some other persons who
	 were destined to be closely connected with his later career. But
	 Jackson was not fitted for a legislative
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span>
	 body either by training or by temperament. He is recorded as speaking
	 in the House only twice and in the Senate not at all, and he seems to
	 have made no considerable impression upon his colleagues. Gallatin
	 later described him as &ldquo;a tall, lank, uncouth-looking
	 personage, with long locks of hair hanging over his face, and a queue
	 down his back tied in an eel-skin; his dress singular, his manners
	 and deportment those of a rough backwoodsman.&rdquo; And Jefferson is
	 represented as saying of Jackson to Webster at Monticello in 1824:
	 &ldquo;His passions are terrible. When I was president of the
	 Senate he was Senator, and he could never speak on account of the
	 rashness of his feelings. I have seen him attempt it repeatedly, and
	 as often choke with rage.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Return to Tennessee meant, however, only a transfer from one branch of
	 the public service to another, for the ex-Senator was promptly
	 appointed to a judgeship of the state supreme court at a salary of six
	 hundred dollars a year. The position he found not uncongenial and he
	 retained it for six years. Now, as earlier, Jackson&rsquo;s ignorance
	 of law was somewhat compensated by his common sense, courage, and
	 impartiality; and while only one of his decisions of this period is
	 extant, Parton
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span>
	 reports that the tradition of fifty years ago represented them as
	 short, untechnical, unlearned, sometimes ungrammatical, but generally
	 right. The daily life of Jackson as a frontier judge was hardly less
	 active and exciting than it had been when he was a prosecuting
	 attorney. There were long and arduous horseback journeys
	 &ldquo;on circuit&rdquo;; ill-tempered persons often
	 threatened, and sometimes attempted, to deal roughly with the author
	 of an unfavorable decision; occasionally it was necessary to lay aside
	 his dignity long enough to lend a hand in capturing or controlling a
	 desperate character. For example, on arriving once in a settlement
	 Jackson found that a powerful blacksmith had committed a crime and
	 that the sheriff dared not arrest him. &ldquo;Summon
	 me,&rdquo; said the judge; whereupon he walked down from the bench,
	 found the culprit, led him into court, and sentenced him.</p>

<p>
	 In 1804 Jackson resigned his judgeship in order to give exclusive
	 attention again to his private affairs. He had fallen badly into debt,
	 and his creditors were pressing him hard. One expedient after another
	 failed, and finally Hunter&rsquo;s Hill had to be given up. He saved
	 enough from the wreck, however, to purchase a small plantation eight
	 miles from Nashville; and there, after several years of
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>
	 financial rehabilitation, he erected the handsome brick house which
	 the country came subsequently to know as &ldquo;The
	 Hermitage.&rdquo; In partnership with two of his wife&rsquo;s
	 relatives, Jackson had opened a store in which, even while still
	 a member of the highest tribunal of the State, he not
	 infrequently passed tea and salt and calico over the counter to his
	 neighbors. In small trading, however, he was not adept, and the store
	 failed. Nevertheless, from 1804 until 1813 he successfully combined
	 with planting and the stock-raising business enterprises of a larger
	 sort, especially slave and horse dealing. His debts paid off, he now
	 became one of the most prosperous, as he already was one of the most
	 influential, men of the Cumberland country.
</p>

<p>
	 But it was not given to Andrew Jackson to be a mere money-maker or to
	 dwell in quietness. In 1804 he was denied the governorship of the New
	 Orleans Territory because he was described to Jefferson as
	 &ldquo;a man of violent passions, arbitrary in his disposition, and
	 frequently engaged in broils and disputes.&rdquo; During the next
	 decade he fully lived up to this description. He quarreled with
	 Governor John Sevier, and only the intervention of friends prevented
	 the two from doing each other violence. He broke off friendly relations
	 with his
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span>
	 old patron, Judge McNairy. In a duel he killed Charles Dickinson, who
	 had spoken disparagingly of Mrs. Jackson, and he himself suffered a
	 wound which weakened him for life. He publicly caned one Thomas Swann.
	 In a rough-and-tumble encounter with Thomas Hart Benton and the
	 latter&rsquo;s brother Jesse he was shot in the shoulder and one of
	 his antagonists was stabbed. This list of quarrels, threats, fights,
	 and other violent outbursts could be extended to an amazing length.
	 &ldquo;Yes, I had a fight with Jackson,&rdquo;
	 Senator Benton admitted late in life; &ldquo;a fellow was
	 hardly in the fashion then who hadn't.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 At the age of forty-five Jackson had not yet found himself. He was
	 known in his own State as &ldquo;a successful planter, a breeder
	 and racer of horses, a swearer of mighty oaths, a faithful and
	 generous man to his friends, a chivalrous man to women, a
	 hospitable man at his home, a desperate and relentless man in
	 personal conflicts, a man who always did the things he set himself
	 to do.&rdquo; But he had achieved no nation-wide distinction; he
	 had not wrought out a career; he had made almost as many enemies
	 as friends, he had cut himself off from official connections; he
	 had no desire to return to the legal profession; and he was so
	 dissatisfied
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>
	 with his lot and outlook that he seriously considered moving to
	 Mississippi in order to make a fresh start.
</p>

<p>
	 One thread, however, still bound him to the public service. From 1802
	 he had been major general of militia in the eleven counties of western
	 Tennessee; and notwithstanding the fact that three calls from the
	 Government during a decade had yielded no real opportunity for action,
	 he clung both to the office and to the hope for a chance to lead his
	 &ldquo;hardy sons of the West&rdquo; against
	 a foe worthy of their efforts. This chance came sooner than people
	 expected, and it led in precisely the direction that Jackson would
	 have chosen&mdash;toward the turbulent, misgoverned Spanish dependency
	 of Florida.
</p>

<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER II</a></h2>
<h3>THE CREEK WAR AND THE VICTORY OF NEW ORLEANS</h3>


<p>
	 <span class="smcap">Every</span> schoolboy knows and loves the story
	 of the midnight ride of Paul Revere. But hardly anybody has heard of
	 the twenty-day, fifteen-hundred-mile ride of &ldquo;Billy&rdquo;
	 Phillips, the President&rsquo;s express courier, who in 1812 carried
	 to the Southwest the news that the people of the United States had
	 entered upon a second war with their British kinsmen. William
	 Phillips was a young, lithe Tennesseean whom Senator Campbell took
	 to Washington in 1811 as secretary. When not more than sixteen years
	 old he had enjoyed the honor of riding Andrew Jackson&rsquo;s
	 famous steed, Truxton, in a heat race, for the largest purse ever
	 heard of west of the mountains, with the proud owner on one side of
	 the stakes. In Washington he occasionally turned an honest penny by
	 jockey-riding in the races on the old track of Bladensburg, and
	 eventually he became one of a squad of ten or twelve expert
   <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span>
	 horsemen employed by the Government in carrying urgent long-distance
	 messages.
</p>

<p>
	 After much hesitation, Congress passed a joint resolution at about
	 five o&rsquo;clock on Friday, June 18, 1812, declaring war against
	 Great Britain. Before sundown the express couriers were dashing
	 swiftly on their several courses, some toward reluctant New England,
	 some toward Pennsylvania and New York, some southward, some westward.
	 To Phillips it fell to carry the momentous news to his own Tennessee
	 country and thence down the Mississippi to New Orleans. That the task
	 was undertaken with all due energy is sufficiently attested in a letter
	 written by a Baptist clergyman at Lexington, North Carolina, to a
	 friend, who happened to have been one of Jackson&rsquo;s old teachers
	 at the Waxhaws. &ldquo;I have to inform you,&rdquo; runs the
	 communication, &ldquo;that just now the President&rsquo;s
	 express-rider, Bill Phillips, has tore through this little place
	 without stopping. He came and went in a cloud of dust, his
	 horse&rsquo;s tail and his own long hair streaming alike in the
	 wind as they flew by. But as he passed the tavern stand where some
	 were gathered he swung his leather wallet by its straps above his head
	 and shouted&mdash;&lsquo;Here's the Stuff! Wake up! <i>War! War with
	 England!!
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span>
	 War!!!&rsquo;</i> Then he disappeared in a cloud of dust
	 down the Salisbury Road like a streak of Greased Lightnin&rsquo;.&rdquo;
	 Nine days brought the indefatigable courier past Hillsboro, Salisbury,
	 Morganton, Jonesboro, and Knoxville to Nashville&mdash;a daily average
	 of ninety-five miles over mountains and through uncleared country.
	 In eleven days more the President&rsquo;s dispatches were in the
	 hands of Governor Claiborne at New Orleans.
</p>

<p>
	 The joy of the West was unbounded. The frontiersman was always ready
	 for a fight, and just now he especially wanted a fight with England.
	 He resented the insults that his country had suffered at the hands of
	 the English authorities and had little patience with the vacillating
	 policy so long pursued by Congress and the Madison Administration.
	 Other grievances came closer home. For two years the West had been
	 disturbed by Indian wars and intrigues for which the English officers
	 and agents in Canada were held largely responsible. In 1811 Governor
	 Harrison of Indiana Territory defeated the Indians at Tippecanoe. But
	 Tecumseh was even then working among the Creeks, Cherokees, and other
	 southern tribes with a view to a confederation which should be
	 powerful enough to put a stop to the sale of
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>
	 land to the advancing white population. A renewal of the disorders
	 was therefore momentarily expected. Furthermore, the people of the
	 Southwest were as usual on bad terms with their Spanish neighbors
	 in Florida and Texas; they coveted an opportunity for vengeance for
	 wrongs which they had suffered; and some longed for the conquest of
	 Spanish territory. At all events, war with England was the more
	 welcome because Spain, as an ally of that power, was likely to be
	 involved.
</p>

<p>
	 Nowhere was the news received with greater enthusiasm than at
	 Nashville; and by no one with more satisfaction than by Andrew
	 Jackson. As major general of militia Jackson had for ten years awaited
	 just such a chance for action. In 1811 he wrote fervently to Harrison
	 offering to come to his assistance in the Wabash expedition with five
	 hundred West Tennesseeans, but his services were not needed. At the
	 close of the year he induced the Governor of his State, William
	 Blount, to inform the War Department that he could have twenty-five
	 hundred men &ldquo;before Quebec within ninety days&rdquo;
	 if desired. Again he was refused. But now his opportunity had come.
	 Billy Phillips was hardly on his way to Natchez before Jackson,
	 Blount, and Benton were addressing a mass meeting called to
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>
	 &ldquo;ratify&rdquo; the declaration of war,
	 and on the following day a courier started for Washington with a
	 letter from Jackson tendering the services of twenty-five hundred
	 Tennesseeans and assuring the President, with better patriotism than
	 syntax, that wherever it might please him to find a place of duty for
	 these men he could depend upon them to stay &ldquo;till they or
	 the last armed foe expires.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 After some delay the offer was accepted. Already the fiery major
	 general was dreaming of a conquest of Florida. &ldquo;You
	 burn with anxiety,&rdquo; ran a proclamation issued to his
	 division in midsummer, &ldquo;to learn on what theater your
	 arms will find employment. Then turn your eyes to the South!
	 Behold in the province of West Florida a territory whose rivers
	 and harbors are indispensable to the prosperity of the western,
	 and still more so, to the eastern division of our state. &hellip;
	 It is here that an employment adapted to your situation awaits your
	 courage and your zeal, and while extending in this quarter the
	 boundaries of the Republic to the Gulf of Mexico, you will experience
	 a peculiar satisfaction in having conferred a signal benefit on that
	 section of the Union to which you yourselves immediately
	 belong.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span>
	 It lay in the cards that Jackson was to be a principal agent in
	 wresting the Florida country from the Spaniards; and while there was
	 at Washington no intention of allowing him to set off post-haste upon
	 the mission, all of the services which he was called upon to render
	 during the war converged directly upon that objective. After what
	 seemed an interminable period of waiting came the first order to move.
	 Fifteen hundred Tennessee troops were to go to New Orleans, ostensibly
	 to protect the city against a possible British attack, but mainly to
	 be quickly available in case an invasion of West Florida should be
	 decided upon; and Jackson, freshly commissioned major general of
	 volunteers, was to lead the expedition.
</p>

<p>
	 The rendezvous was fixed at Nashville for early December; and when
	 more than two thousand men, representing almost every family of
	 influence in the western half of the State, presented themselves,
	 Governor Blount authorized the whole number to be mustered. On the 7th
	 of January the hastily equipped detachment started, fourteen hundred
	 infantrymen going down the ice-clogged Cumberland in flatboats and six
	 hundred and seventy mounted riflemen proceeding by land. The Governor
	 sent a letter carrying his blessing. Jackson
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span>
	 responded with an effusive note in which he expressed the hope that
	 &ldquo;the God of battles may be with us.&rdquo;
	 Parton says with truth that the heart of western Tennessee went down
	 the river with the expedition. In a letter to the Secretary of War
	 Jackson declared that his men had no &ldquo;constitutional
	 scruples,&rdquo; but would, if so ordered, plant the American
	 eagle on the &ldquo;walls&rdquo; of Mobile, Pensacola,
	 and St. Augustine.
</p>

<p>
	 After five weeks the troops, in high spirits, reassembled at Natchez.
	 Then came cruel disappointment. From New Orleans Governor James
	 Wilkinson, doubtless moved by hatred of Jackson quite as much as by
	 considerations of public policy, ordered the little army to stay where
	 it was. And on the 15th of March there was placed in the
	 commander&rsquo;s hands a curt note from the Secretary of War saying
	 that the reasons for the undertaking had disappeared, and announcing
	 that the corps under the Tennesseean&rsquo;s command had
	 &ldquo;ceased to exist.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson flew into a rage&mdash;and with more reason than on certain
	 other occasions. He was sure that there was treachery somewhere; at
	 the least, it was all a trick to bring a couple of thousand good
	 Tennessee volunteers within the clutches of
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span>
	 Wilkinson&rsquo;s recruiting officers. He managed to write to the
	 President a temperate letter of protest; but to Governor Blount and
	 to the troops he unbosomed himself with characteristic forcefulness
	 of speech. There was nothing to do but return home. But the irate
	 commander determined to do it in a manner to impress the country. He
	 kept his force intact, drew rations from the commissary department
	 at Natchez, and marched back to Nashville with all the
	 <i>&eacute;clat</i> that would have attended a returning conqueror.
	 When Wilkinson&rsquo;s subordinates refused to pay the cost of
	 transporting the sick, Jackson pledged his own credit for the purpose,
	 to the amount of twelve thousand dollars. It was on the trying return
	 march that his riflemen conferred on him the happy nickname
	 &ldquo;Old Hickory.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 The Secretary of War later sought to appease the irascible major
	 general by offering a wholly plausible explanation of the sudden
	 reversal of the Government&rsquo;s policy; and the expenses of the
	 troops on the return march were fully met out of the national
	 treasury. But Jackson drew from the experience only gall and
	 wormwood. About the time when the men reached Natchez, Congress
	 definitely authorized the President to take possession of Mobile
	 and that part of Florida west of the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span>
	 Perdido River; and, back once more in the humdrum life of
	 Nashville, the disappointed officer could only sit idly by while his
	 pet project was successfully carried out by General Wilkinson, the man
	 whom, perhaps above all others, he loathed. But other work was
	 preparing; and, after all, most of Florida was yet to be won.
</p>

<p>
	 In the late summer of 1813 the western country was startled by news of
	 a sudden attack of a band of upwards of a thousand Creeks on Fort
	 Mims, Alabama, culminating in a massacre in which two hundred and
	 fifty white men, women, and children lost their lives. It was the most
	 bloody occurrence of the kind in several decades, and it brought
	 instantly to a head a situation which Jackson, in common with many
	 other military men, had long viewed with apprehension.
</p>

<p>
	 From time immemorial the broad stretches of hill and valley land
	 southwards from the winding Tennessee to the Gulf were occupied, or
	 used as hunting grounds, by the warlike tribes forming the loose-knit
	 Creek Confederacy. Much of this land was extremely fertile, and most
	 of it required little labor to prepare it for cultivation.
	 Consequently after 1800 the influx of white settlers, mainly cotton
	 raisers, was heavy; and by 1812 the great
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span>
	 triangular area between the Alabama and the Tombigbee, as well as
	 extensive tracts along the upper Tombigbee and the Mobile, was quite
	 fully occupied. The heart of the Creek country was the region about
	 the Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers, which join in central Alabama to
	 form the stream which bears the State&rsquo;s name. But not even
	 this district was immune from encroachment.
</p>

<p>
	 The Creeks were not of a sort to submit to the loss of their lands
	 without a struggle. Though Tecumseh, in 1811, had brought them to the
	 point of an uprising, his plans were not carried out, and it remained
	 for the news of hostilities between the United States and Great
	 Britain to rouse the war spirit afresh. In a short time the entire
	 Creek country was aflame. Arms and ammunition the Indians obtained
	 from the Spaniards across the Florida border, and Colonel Edward
	 Nicholls, now stationed at Pensacola as provisional British Governor,
	 gave them open encouragement. The danger was understood not only among
	 the people of the Southwest but in Washington. Before plans of defense
	 could be carried into effect, however, the war broke out, and the
	 wretched people who had crowded into the flimsy stockade called by
	 courtesy Fort Mims were massacred.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span>
	 Hardly had the heap of ruins, ghastly with human bodies, ceased to
	 smolder before fleet riders were spreading the news in Georgia, in
	 Louisiana, and in Tennessee. A shudder swept the country. Every
	 exposed community expected to be attacked next. The people&rsquo;s
	 demand for vengeance was overmastering, and from north, west, and
	 east volunteer armies were soon on the march. Tennessee sent two
	 quotas, one from the eastern counties under General John Cocke, the
	 other from the western under Andrew Jackson. When the news of the
	 disaster on the Mobile reached Nashville, Jackson was lying helpless
	 from wounds received in his fight with the Bentons. But he issued
	 the necessary orders from his bed and let it be known with customary
	 vigor that he, the senior major general, and no one else, would lead
	 the expedition; and though three weeks later he started off with his
	 arm tightly bandaged to his side and a shoulder so sore that it could
	 not bear the pressure of an epaulette, lead the expedition he did.
</p>

<p>
	 About the middle of October the emaciated but dogged commander
	 brought his forces together, 2700 strong, at Huntsville and began
	 cutting his way across the mountains toward the principal Creek
	 settlements. His plan was to fall suddenly
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span>
	 upon these settlements, strike terror into the inhabitants, and
	 force a peace on terms that would guarantee the safety of the
	 frontier populations. Supplies were slow to arrive, and Jackson
	 fumed and stormed. He quarreled desperately, too, with Cocke, whom
	 he unjustly blamed for mismanagement. But at last he was able to
	 emerge on the banks of the Coosa and build a stockade, Fort
	 Strother, to serve as a base for the campaign.
</p>

<p>
	 During the months that followed, the intrepid leader was compelled to
	 fight two foes&mdash;his insubordinate militiamen and the Creeks. His
	 command consisted partly of militia and partly of volunteers,
	 including many men who had first enlisted for the expedition down the
	 Mississippi. Starvation and disease caused loud murmurings, and after
	 one or two minor victories had been won the militiamen took it into
	 their heads to go back home. Jackson drew up the volunteers across the
	 mutineers&rsquo; path and drove them back to the camp. Then the
	 volunteers started off, and the militia had to be used to bring them
	 back! At one time the furious general faced a mutinous band
	 single-handed and, swearing that he would shoot the first man who
	 stirred, awed the recalcitrants into obedience. On another occasion
	 he had a youth who
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span>
	 had been guilty of insubordination shot before the whole army as an
	 object lesson. At last it became apparent that nothing could be done
	 with such troops, and the volunteers&mdash;such of them as had not
	 already slipped away&mdash;were allowed to go home. Governor Blount
	 advised that the whole undertaking be given up. But Jackson wrote
	 him a letter that brought a flush of shame to his cheek, and in a
	 short time fresh forces by the hundreds, with ample supplies, were
	 on the way to Fort Strother. Among the newcomers was a lank,
	 angular-featured frontiersman who answered to the name of Sam Houston.
</p>

<p>
	 After having been reduced for a short period to one hundred men,
	 Jackson by early spring had an army of five thousand, including a
	 regiment of regulars, and found it once more possible to act. The
	 enemy decided to make its stand at a spot called by the Indians
	 Tohopeka, by the whites Horseshoe Bend, on the Tallapoosa. Here a
	 thousand warriors, with many women and children, took refuge behind
	 breastworks which they believed impregnable, and here, in late March,
	 Jackson attacked with a force of three thousand men. No quarter was
	 asked and none given, on either side, and the battle quickly became a
	 butchery.
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span>
	 Driven by fire from a thicket of dry brush in which they
	 took refuge, the Creek warriors were shot down or bayoneted by the
	 hundreds; those who plunged into the river for safety were killed as
	 they swam. Scarcely a hundred survived. Among the number was a youth
	 who could speak a little English, and whose broken leg one of the
	 surgeons undertook to treat. Three stalwart riflemen were required to
	 hold the patient. &ldquo;Lie still, my boy, they will save your
	 life,&rdquo; said Jackson encouragingly, as he came upon the scene.
	 &ldquo;No good,&rdquo; replied the disconsolate victim.
	 &ldquo;No good. Cure um now, kill um again!&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 The victory practically ended the war. Many of the &ldquo;Red
	 Sticks,&rdquo; as the Creek braves were called, fled beyond the
	 Florida border; but many&mdash;among them the astute half-breed
	 Weathersford, who had ordered the assault on Fort Mims&mdash;came
	 in and surrendered. Fort Jackson, built in the river fork, became
	 an outpost of American sovereignty in the very heart of the Creek
	 district. &ldquo;The fiends of the Tallapoosa,&rdquo;
	 declared the victorious commander in his farewell address to his men,
	 &ldquo;will no longer murder our women and children, or disturb
	 the quiet of our borders.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson returned to Tennessee to find himself
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span>
	 the most popular man in the State. Nashville gave him the first
	 of what was destined to be a long series of tumultuous receptions;
	 and within a month the news came that William Henry Harrison had
	 resigned his commission and that Jackson had been appointed a major
	 general in the army of the United States, with command in the
	 southwestern district, including Mobile and New Orleans.
	 &ldquo;Thus did the frontier soldier, who eighteen months earlier had
	 not commanded an expedition or a detachment, come to occupy the
	 highest rank in the army of his country. No other man in that
	 country&rsquo;s service since the Revolution has risen to the top
	 quite so quickly.&rdquo; &sup1;
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_37-1" name="footer_37-1"></a>
	       &sup1; Bassett, <i>The Life of Andrew Jackson,</i>
         Vol. I, p. 123.
</div>

<p>
	 By his appointment Jackson became the eventual successor of General
	 Wilkinson, with headquarters at New Orleans. His first move, however,
	 was to pay a visit to Mobile; and on his way thither, in August,
	 1814, he paused in the Creek country to garner the fruits of his late
	 victory. A council of the surviving chiefs was assembled and a treaty
	 was presented, with a demand that it be signed forthwith. The terms
	 took the Indians aback, but argument was useless. The whites were
	 granted full rights to maintain military posts
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span>
	 and roads and to navigate the rivers in the Creek lands; the Creeks
	 had to promise to stop trading with British and Spanish posts; and
	 they were made to cede to the United States all the lands which their
	 people had claimed west and southeast of the Coosa River&mdash;more
	 than half of their ancient territories. Thus was the glory of the Creek
	 nation brought to an end.
</p>

<p>
	 Meanwhile the war with Great Britain was entering a new and
	 threatening phase. No notable successes had been achieved on land, and
	 repeated attempts to reduce Canada had signally failed. On the Great
	 Lakes and the high seas the navy had won glory, but only a handful of
	 privateers was left to keep up the fight. The collapse of
	 Napoleon&rsquo;s power had brought a lull in Europe, and the British
	 were free to concentrate their energies as never before on the conflict
	 in America. The effects were promptly seen in the campaign which led to
	 the capture of Washington and the burning of the Federal Capitol in
	 August, 1814. They were equally manifest in a well-laid plan for a
	 great assault on the country&rsquo;s southern borders and on the great
	 Mississippi Valley beyond.
</p>

<p>
	 The last-mentioned project meant that, after two years of immunity,
	 the Southwest had become
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span>
	 a main theater of the war. There was plenty of warning of what was
	 coming, for the British squadron intended for the attack began
	 assembling in the West Indies before the close of summer. No one knew,
	 however, where or when the blow would fall. To Jackson the first
	 necessity seemed to be to make sure of the defenses of Mobile. For a
	 time, at all events, he believed that the attack would be made there,
	 rather than at New Orleans; and an attempt of a British naval force in
	 September to destroy Fort Bowyer, at the entrance to Mobile Bay,
	 confirmed his opinion.
</p>

<p>
	 But the chief attraction of Mobile for the General was its proximity
	 to Florida. In July he had written to Washington asking permission to
	 occupy Pensacola. Months passed without a reply. Temptation to action
	 grew; and when, in October, three thousand Tennessee troops arrived
	 under one of the subordinate officers in the recent Creek War, longer
	 hesitation seemed a sign of weakness. Jackson therefore led his forces
	 against the Spanish stronghold, now in British hands, and quickly
	 forced its surrender. His men blew up one of the two forts, and the
	 British blew up the other. Within a week the work was done and the
	 General, well pleased with his exploit, was back at Mobile.
   <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span>
	 There he found awaiting him, in reply to his July letter, an order
	 from the new Secretary of War, James Monroe, forbidding him to touch
	 Pensacola. No great harm was done, for the invaded territory was no
	 longer neutral soil, and the task of soothing the ruffled feelings of
	 the Spanish court did not prove difficult.
</p>

<p>
	 As the autumn wore on, signs multiplied that the first British
	 objective in the South was to be New Orleans, and no efforts were
	 spared by the authorities at Washington to arouse the Southwest to its
	 danger and to stimulate an outpouring of troops sufficient to repel
	 any force that might be landed at the mouth of the Mississippi. On the
	 21st of November, Jackson set out for the menaced city. Five days
	 later a fleet of fifty vessels, carrying ten thousand veteran British
	 troops under command of Generals Pakenham and Gibbs, started from
	 Jamaica for what was expected to be an easy conquest. On the 10th of
	 December the hostile armada cast anchor off the Louisiana coast. Two
	 weeks later some two thousand redcoats emerged from Lake Borgne,
	 within six or seven miles of New Orleans, when the approach to the
	 city on that side was as yet unguarded by a gun or a man or an
	 entrenchment.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span>
	 That the &ldquo;impossible&rdquo; was now accomplished was due
	 mainly to Jackson, although credit must not be withheld from a dozen
	 energetic subordinate officers nor from the thousands of patriots who
	 made up the rank and file of the hastily gathered forces of defense.
	 Men from Louisiana, Mississippi, Georgia, Kentucky, and Tennessee&mdash;all
	 contributed to one of the most remarkable military achievements in our
	 history; although when the fight was over it was found that hundreds
	 were still as unarmed as when they arrived upon the scene.
</p>

<p>
	 A preliminary clash, in a dense fog, on the second evening before
	 Christmas served to inspire each army with a wholesome respect for the
	 other. The British decided to postpone further action until their
	 entire force could be brought up, and this gave Jackson just the time
	 he needed to assemble his own scattered divisions, select lines of
	 defense, and throw up breastworks. By the end of the first week of
	 January both sides were ready for the test.
</p>

<p>The British army was a splendid body of seven thousand trained
   soldiers, seamen, and marines.</p>

<blockquote>
<p>
	 There were regiments which had helped Wellington to win Talavera,
	 Salamanca, and Victoria, and within a
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span>
	 few short months some of these same regiments were to stand in that
	 thin red line which Ney and Napoleon&rsquo;s guard could never break.
	 Their general, Pakenham, Wellington&rsquo;s brother-in-law, was a
	 distinguished pupil of his illustrious kinsman. Could frontiersmen
	 who had never fought together before, who had never seen the face of
	 a civilized foe, withstand the conquerors of Napoleon? But two branches
	 of the same stubborn race were represented on that little watery plain.
	 The soldiers trained to serve the strongest will in the Old World were
	 face to face with the rough and ready yeomanry embattled for defense
	 by the one man of the new world whose soul had most iron in it. It was
	 Salamanca against Tohopeka, discipline against individual alertness,
	 the Briton of the little Isle against the Briton of the wastes and
	 wilds. But there was one great difference. Wellington, &ldquo;the
	 Iron Duke,&rdquo; was not there; &ldquo;Old
	 Hickory&rdquo; was everywhere along the American lines. &sup1;
</p>
</blockquote>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_42-1" name="footer_42-1"></a>
	       &sup1; Brown, <i>Andrew Jackson,</i> pp. 75-76.
</div>

<p>
	 Behind their battery-studded parapets the Americans waited for the
	 British to make an assault. This the invaders did, five thousand
	 strong, on January 8, 1815. The fighting was hard, but the main attack
	 failed at every point. Three British major generals, including
	 Pakenham, were killed early in the action, and the total British loss
	 exceeded two thousand. The American loss was
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>
	 but seventy-one. The shattered foe fell back, lay inactive for ten
	 days, and then quietly withdrew as they had come. Though Jackson was
	 not noted for piety, he always believed that his success on this
	 occasion was the work of Providence. &ldquo;Heaven, to be
	 sure,&rdquo; he wrote to Monroe, &ldquo;has interposed most
	 wonderfully in our behalf, and I am filled with gratitude when I look
	 back to what we have escaped.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 By curious irony, the victory had no bearing upon the formal results
	 of the war. A treaty of peace had been signed at Ghent two weeks
	 before, and the news of the pacification and of the exploit at New
	 Orleans reached the distracted President at almost the same time. But
	 who shall say that the battle was not one of the most momentous in
	 American history? It compensated for a score of humiliations suffered
	 by the country in the preceding years. It revived the people&rsquo;s
	 drooping pride and put new energy into the nation&rsquo;s dealings
	 with its rivals, contributing more than any other single event to make
	 this war indeed a &ldquo;second war of independence.&rdquo;
	 &ldquo;Now,&rdquo; declared Henry Clay when the news reached him
	 in Paris, &ldquo;I can go to England without mortification.&rdquo;
	 Finally, the battle brought Andrew
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>
	 Jackson into his
	 own as the idol and incarnation of the West, and set the western
	 democracy decisively forward as a force to be reckoned with in
	 national affairs.
</p>

<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER III</a></h2>
<h3>THE &ldquo;CONQUEST&rdquo; OF FLORIDA</h3>


<p>
	 <span class="smcap">The</span> victory at New Orleans made Jackson
	 not only the most popular man in the United States but a figure of
	 international interest. &ldquo;Napoleon, returning from Elba to
	 eke out the Hundred Days and add the name Waterloo to history,
	 paused now and then a moment to study Jackson at New Orleans. The
	 Duke of Wellington, chosen by assembled Europe to meet the crisis,
	 could find time even at Brussels to call for &lsquo;all available
	 information on the abortive expedition against Louisiana.&rsquo;&rdquo;
	 &sup1;
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_45-1" name="footer_45-1"></a>
	       &sup1; Buell, <i>History of Andrew Jackson,</i> Vol II, pp. 94-95.
</div>

<p>
	 While his countrymen were sounding his praises, the General, however,
	 fell into a controversy with the authorities and people of New Orleans
	 which lent a drab aspect to the closing scene of an otherwise
	 brilliant drama. One of his first acts upon arriving in the
	 defenseless city had been to declare
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>
	 martial law; and under the decree the daily life of the inhabitants
	 had been rigorously circumscribed, citizens had been pressed into
	 military service, men under suspicion had been locked up, and large
	 quantities of cotton and other supplies had been seized for the
	 soldiers&rsquo; use. When Pakenham&rsquo;s army was defeated, people
	 expected an immediate return to normal conditions. Jackson, however,
	 proposed to take no chances. Neither the sailing of the British fleet
	 nor the receipt of the news of peace from Admiral Cochrane influenced
	 him to relax his vigilance, and only after official instructions
	 came from Washington in the middle of March was the ban lifted.
</p>

<p>
	 Meanwhile a violent quarrel had broken out between the commander and
	 the civil authorities, who naturally wished to resume their accustomed
	 functions. Finding that the Creoles were systematically evading
	 service by registering as French citizens, Jackson abruptly ordered
	 all such people from the city; and he was responsible for numerous
	 other arbitrary acts. Protests were lodged, and some people threatened
	 judicial proceedings. But they might have saved their breath. Jackson
	 was not the man to argue matters of the kind. A leading Creole who
	 published an especially pointed
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span>
	 protest was clapped into prison, and when the Federal district judge,
	 Hall, issued a writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> in his behalf, Jackson
	 had him also shut up.
</p>

<p>
	 As soon as he was liberated, the irate judge summoned Jackson into
	 court to show why he should not be held in contempt. Beyond a blanket
   vindication of his acts, the General would not plead. &ldquo;I
	 will not answer interrogatories,&rdquo; he declared. &ldquo;I
	 may have erred, but my motives cannot be misinterpreted.&rdquo;
	 The judge thereupon imposed a fine of one thousand dollars, the only
	 question being, he declared, &ldquo;whether the Law should bend to
	 the General or the General to the Law.&rdquo; Jackson accepted
	 the sentence with equanimity, and to a group of
	 admirers who drew him in a carriage from the court room to one of the
	 leading coffeehouses, he expressed lofty sentiments on the obligation
	 of citizens of every rank to obey the laws and uphold the courts.
	 Twenty-nine years afterwards Congress voted reimbursement to the full
	 amount of the fine with interest.
</p>

<p>
	 For three weeks after the arrival of the treaty of peace Jackson
	 lingered at New Orleans, haggling by day with the contractors and
	 merchants whose cotton, blankets, and bacon were yet to be paid for,
	 and enjoying in the evening the festivities
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span>
	 planned in his honor by grateful citizens. His pleasure in the gala
	 affairs of the time was doubled by the presence of his wife, who one
	 day arrived quite unexpectedly in the company of some Tennessee
	 friends. Mrs. Jackson was a typical frontier planter&rsquo;s
	 wife&mdash;kind-hearted, sincere, benevolent, thrifty, pious, but
	 unlettered and wholly innocent of polished manners. In all her
	 forty-eight years she had never seen a city more pretentious than
	 Nashville. She was, moreover, stout and florid, and it may be
	 supposed that in her rustic garb she was a somewhat conspicuous
	 figure among the fashionable ladies of New Orleans society.
</p>

<p>
	 But the wife of Jackson&rsquo;s accomplished friend and future
	 Secretary of State, Edward Livingston, fitted her out with fashionable
	 clothes and tactfully instructed her in the niceties of etiquette,
	 and ere long she was able to demean herself, if not without a betrayal
	 of her unfamiliarity with the environment, at all events to the
	 complete satisfaction of the General. The latter&rsquo;s devotion to
	 his wife was a matter of much comment. &ldquo;Debonair as he had
	 been in his association with the Creole belles, he never missed an
	 opportunity to demonstrate that he considered the short, stout,
	 beaming matron at his side the perfection of her sex and far
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span>
	 and away the most charming woman in the world.&rdquo; &sup1;
	 &ldquo;Aunt Rachel,&rdquo; as she was known throughout western
	 Tennessee, lived to see the hero of New Orleans elected President, but
	 not to share with him the honors of the position. &ldquo;I have
	 sometimes thought,&rdquo; said Thomas Hart Benton, &ldquo;that
	 General Jackson might have been a more equable tenant of the White
	 House than he was had she been spared to share it with him. At all
	 events, she was the only human being on earth who ever possessed
	 the power to swerve his mighty will or soothe his fierce
	 temper.&rdquo;
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_49-1" name="footer_49-1"></a>
	       &sup1; Buell, <i>History of Andrew Jackson,</i> Vol II, p. 97.
</div>

<p>
	 Shortly before their departure the Jacksons were guests of honor at a
	 grand ball at the Academy. The upper floor was arranged for dancing
	 and the lower for supper, and the entire building was aglow with
	 flowers, colored lamps, and transparencies. As the evening wore on and
	 the dances of polite society had their due turn, the General finally
	 avowed that he and his bonny wife would show the proud city folk what
	 <i>real</i> dancing was. A somewhat cynical observer&mdash;a certain
	 Nolte, whom Jackson had just forced to his own terms in a settlement
	 for war supplies&mdash;records his impression as follows:
	 &ldquo;After supper we were treated to
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span>
	 a most delicious <i>pas de deux</i> by the conqueror and his
	 spouse. To see these two figures, the General, a long haggard man,
	 with limbs like a skeleton, and Madame la G&eacute;n&eacute;rale, a
	 short fat dumpling, bobbing opposite each other like half-drunken
	 Indians, to the wild melody of <i>Possum up de Gum Tree</i>, and
	 endeavoring to make a spring into the air, was very remarkable, and
	 far more edifying a spectacle than any European ballet could possibly
	 have furnished.&rdquo; But Jackson was only less proud of his
	 accomplishments as a dancer than as a fighter, and it was the part
	 of discretion for a man of Nolte&rsquo;s critical turn to keep a
	 straight face on this occasion.
</p>

<p>
	 In early April the General and his wife started homeward, the latter
	 bearing as a parting gift from the women of New Orleans the somewhat
	 gaudy set of topaz jewelry which she wears in her most familiar
	 portrait. The trip was a continuous ovation, and at Nashville a series
	 of festivities wound up with a banquet attended by the most
	 distinguished soldiers and citizens of Tennessee and presided over by
	 the Governor of the State. Other cities gave dinners, and legislatures
	 voted swords and addresses. A period of rest at the Hermitage was
	 interrupted in the autumn of 1815 by a horseback trip to Washington
	 which involved a
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span>
	 succession of dinners and receptions. But after a few months the much
	 f&ecirc;ted soldier was back at Nashville, ready, as he said, to
	 &ldquo;resume the cultivation of that friendly intercourse with my
	 friends and neighbors which has heretofore constituted so great a
	 portion of my happiness.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 After Jackson had talked over his actions at New Orleans with both the
	 President and the Secretary of War, he had received, as he says,
	 &ldquo;a chart blank,&rdquo; approving his &ldquo;whole
	 proceedings&rdquo;; so he had nothing further to worry about on that score.
	 The national army had been reorganized on a peace footing, in two
	 divisions, each under command of a major general. The northern division
	 fell to Jacob Brown of New York, the hero of Lundy&rsquo;s Lane; the
	 southern fell to Jackson, with headquarters at Nashville.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson was the last man to suppose that warfare in the southern half
	 of the United States was a thing of the past. He knew that the late
	 contest had left the southern Indians restless and that the existing
	 treaties were likely to be repudiated at any moment. Florida was still
	 in the hands of the Spaniards, and he had never a doubt that some day
	 this territory would have to be conquered and annexed. Moreover
	 Jackson believed for some
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span>
	 years after 1815, according to General Eaton, that Great Britain would
	 again make war on the United States, using Florida as a base. At all
	 events, it can have caused the General no surprise&mdash;or
	 regret&mdash;to be called again into active service on the
	 Florida border before the close of 1817.
</p>

<p>
	 The hold of the Spaniards upon Florida had been so far weakened by the
	 War of 1812 that after the restoration of peace they occupied only
	 three important points&mdash;Pensacola, St. Marks, and St. Augustine.
	 The rest of the territory became a No Man&rsquo;s Land, an ideal resort
	 for desperate adventurers of every race and description. There was a
	 considerable Indian population, consisting mainly of Seminoles, a
	 tribe belonging to the Creek Confederacy, together with other Creeks
	 who had fled across the border to escape the vengeance of Jackson at
	 Tohopeka. All were bitterly hostile to the United States. There were
	 Spanish freebooters, Irish roustabouts, Scotch free lances, and
	 runaway slaves&mdash;a nondescript lot, and all ready for any undertaking
	 that promised excitement, revenge, or booty. Furthermore there were
	 some British soldiers who had remained on their own responsibility
	 after the troops were withdrawn. The leading spirit among these was
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span>
	 Colonel Edward Nicholls, who had already made himself obnoxious to the
	 United States by his conduct at Pensacola.
</p>

<p>
	 At the close of the war Nicholls and his men built a fort on the
	 Apalachicola, fifteen miles from the Gulf, and began again to collect
	 and organize fugitive slaves, Indians, and adventurers of every sort,
	 whom they employed on raids into the territory of the United States
	 and in attacks upon its inhabitants. The Creeks were falsely informed
	 that in the Treaty of Ghent the United States had promised to give up
	 all lands taken from them during the late war, and they were thus
	 incited to rise in vindication of their alleged rights. What Nicholls
	 was aiming at came out when, in company with several chieftains, he
	 returned to England to ask for an alliance between the
	 &ldquo;mother country&rdquo; and his buccaneer state. He met
	 no encouragement, however, and in reply to an American protest the
	 British Government repudiated his arts. His r&ocirc;le was nevertheless
	 promptly taken up by a misguided Scotch trader, Alexander Arbuthnot,
	 and the reign of lawlessness continued.
</p>

<p>
	 After all, it was Spain&rsquo;s business to keep order on the frontier;
	 and the United States waited a year and a half for the Madrid
	 Government to give
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span>
	 evidence of intent to do so. But, as nothing but vain promises
	 were forthcoming, some American troops engaged in building a fort on
	 the Apalachicola, just north of the boundary line, marched down the
	 river in July, 1816, bombarded Nicholls&rsquo;s Negro Fort, blew up
	 its magazine, and practically exterminated the Negro and Indian
	 garrison. A menace to the slave property of southern Georgia was
	 thus removed, but the bigger problem remained. The Seminoles were
	 restive; the refugee Creeks kept up their forays across the border;
	 and the rich lands acquired by the Treaty of Fort Jackson were fast
	 filling with white settlers who clamored for protection. Though the
	 Monroe Administration had opened negotiations for the cession of the
	 whole Florida country to the United States, progress was slow and the
	 outcome doubtful.
</p>

<p>
	 Matters came to a head in the closing weeks of 1817. General Gaines,
	 who was in command on the Florida border, had tried repeatedly to get
	 an interview with the principal &ldquo;Red Stick&rdquo;
	 chieftain, but all of his overtures had been repulsed. Finally he sent
	 a detachment of soldiers to conduct the dignitary and his warriors
	 from their village at Fowltown, on the American side of the line, to
	 a designated parley ground. In no mood for negotiation,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span>
	 the chief ordered his followers to fire on the visitors; whereupon
	 the latter seized and destroyed the village.
</p>

<p>
	 The fight at Fowltown may be regarded as the beginning of the Seminole
	 War. General Gaines was directed to begin operations against the
	 Indians and to pursue them if necessary into East Florida; but before
	 he could carry out his orders, Jackson was put in personal command of
	 the forces acting against the Indians and was instructed to
	 concentrate all of the troops in his department at Fort Scott and to
	 obtain from the Governors of Georgia and Tennessee such other
	 assistance as he should need.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson received his orders at the Hermitage. Governor Blount was
	 absent from Nashville, but the eager commander went ahead raising
	 troops on his own responsibility. Nothing was so certain to whet his
	 appetite for action as the prospect of a war in Florida. Not only did
	 his instructions authorize him to pursue the enemy, under certain
	 conditions, into Spanish territory, but from the first he himself
	 conceived of the enterprise as decidedly more than a punitive
	 expedition. The United States wanted Florida and was at the moment
	 trying to induce Spain to give it up.
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span>
	 Here was the chance to take it regardless of Spain. &ldquo;Let
	 it be signified to me through any channel (say Mr. J. Rhea),&rdquo;
	 wrote the Major General to the President, &ldquo;that the possession
	 of the Floridas would be desirable to the United States, and in
	 sixty days it will be accomplished.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 This &ldquo;Rhea letter&rdquo; became the innocent source of
	 one of the most famous controversies in American history. Jackson
	 supposed that the communication had been promptly delivered to
	 Monroe, and that his plan for the conquest of Florida had the full,
	 if secret, approval of the Administration. Instructions from the
	 Secretary of War, Calhoun, seemed susceptible of no other
	 interpretation; besides, the conqueror subsequently maintained that
	 he received through Rhea the assurance that he coveted. Monroe,
	 however, later denied flatly that he had given any orders of the kind.
	 Indeed he said that through a peculiar combination of circumstances
	 he had not even read Jackson&rsquo;s letter until long after the
	 Florida campaign was ended. Each man, no doubt, thought he was telling
	 the truth, and historians will probably always differ upon the merits
	 of the case. The one thing that is perfectly certain is that Jackson,
	 when he carried his troops into Florida in 1818, believed that the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>
	 Government expected him to prepare the territory for permanent American
	 occupation.
</p>

<p>
	 In early March, Jackson was at Fort Scott, on the Georgia frontier,
	 with about two thousand men. Though he expected other forces, Jackson
	 found that scarcity of rations made it inadvisable to wait for them,
	 and he therefore marched his army on as rapidly as possible down the
	 soggy bank of the Apalachicola, past the ruins of Negro Fort, into
	 Florida, where he found in readiness the provisions which had been
	 sent forward by way of Mobile. Turning eastward, Jackson bore down
	 upon the Spanish settlement of St. Marks, where it was rumored that
	 the hostile natives had assembled in considerable numbers. A small
	 fleet of gunboats from Mobile and New Orleans was ordered to move
	 along the coast and intercept any fugitives, &ldquo;white, red,
	 or black.&rdquo; Upwards of two thousand friendly Indians joined the
	 land expedition, and the invasion became from a military standpoint
	 a sheer farce. The Seminoles were utterly unprepared for war, and
	 their villages were taken possession of, one by one, without
	 opposition. At St. Marks the Indians fled precipitately, and the
	 little Spanish garrison, after a glimpse of the investing force,
	 asked only that receipts be
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span>
	 given for the movable property confiscated. The Seminole War was over
	 almost before it was begun.
</p>

<p>
	 But Jackson was not in Florida simply to quell the Seminoles. He was
	 there to vindicate the honor and establish the sovereignty of the
	 United States. Hence there was further work for him to do. The British
	 instigators of lawlessness were to be apprehended; the surviving
	 evidences of Spanish authority were to be obliterated. Both objects
	 Jackson attained with characteristic speed and thoroughness. At St.
	 Marks he made Arbuthnot a prisoner; at Suwanee he captured another
	 meddler by the name of Ambrister; and after a court-martial he hanged
	 one and shot the other in the presence of the chieftains whom these
	 men had deceived into thinking that Great Britain stood ready to come
	 to the red man&rsquo;s relief. Two Indian chiefs who were considered
	 ringleaders he likewise executed. Then, leaving St. Marks in the
	 possession of two hundred troops, Jackson advanced upon Pensacola, the
	 main seat of Spanish authority in the colony.
</p>

<p>
	 From the Governor, Don Jos&eacute; Callava, now came a dignified note
	 of protest; but the invader&rsquo;s only reply was an announcement of
	 his purpose to take possession of the town, on the ground that its
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span>
	 population had encouraged the Indians and given them supplies. On May
	 24, 1818, the American forces and their allies marched in, unopposed,
	 and the commander coolly apprised Callava that he would
	 &ldquo;assume the government until the transaction can be amicably
	 adjusted by the two governments.&rdquo; &ldquo;If, contrary
	 to my hopes,&rdquo; responded the Spanish dignitary,
	 &ldquo;Your Excellency should persist in your intention to occupy
	 this fortress, which I am resolved to defend to the last extremity, I
	 shall repel force by force; and he who resists aggression can never be
	 considered an aggressor. God preserve Your Excellency many
	 years.&rdquo; To which Jackson replied that &ldquo;resistance
	 would be a wanton sacrifice of blood,&rdquo; and that he could
	 not but remark on the Governor&rsquo;s inconsistency in presuming
	 himself capable of repelling an army which had conquered Indian
	 tribes admittedly too powerful for the Spaniards to control.
</p>

<p>
	 When the Americans approached the fort in which Callava had taken
	 refuge, they were received with a volley which they answered, as
	 Jackson tells us, with &ldquo;a nine-pound piece and five
	 eight-inch howitzers.&rdquo; The Spaniards, whose only purpose
	 was to make a decent show of defending the place, then ran up the
	 white flag and were allowed
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>
	 to march out with the honors of war. The victor sent the
	 Governor and soldiery off to Havana, installed a United States
	 collector of customs, stationed a United States garrison in the fort,
	 and on the following day set out on his way to Tennessee.
</p>

<p>
	 In a five months&rsquo; campaign Jackson had established peace on
	 the border, had broken the power of the hostile Indians, and had
	 substantially conquered Florida. Not a white man in his army had
	 been killed in battle, and not even the most extravagant eulogist
	 could aver that the war had been a great military triumph. None
	 the less, the people&mdash;especially in the West and South&mdash;were
	 intensely pleased. Life in the frontier regions would now be safer;
	 and the acquisition of the coveted Florida country was brought
	 appreciably nearer. The popular sentiment on the latter subject found
	 characteristic expression in a toast at a banquet given at Nashville
	 in honor of the returning conqueror: &ldquo;Pensacola&mdash;Spanish
	 perfidy and Indian barbarity rendered its capture necessary. May our
	 Government never surrender it from the fear of war!&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 It was easy enough for Jackson to &ldquo;take&rdquo; Florida
	 and for the people to rejoice in the exploit. To defend or explain
	 away the irregular features
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span>
	 of the act was, however, quite a different matter; and that
	 was the task which fell to the authorities at Washington.
	 &ldquo;The territory of a friendly power had been invaded, its
	 officers deposed, its towns and fortresses taken possession of;
	 two citizens of another friendly and powerful nation had been
	 executed in scandalously summary fashion, upon suspicion rather
	 than evidence.&rdquo; The Spanish Minister, Onis, wrathfully
	 protested to the Secretary of State and demanded that Jackson be
	 punished; while from London Rush quoted Castlereagh as
	 saying that English feeling was so wrought up that war could be
	 produced by the raising of a finger.
</p>

<p>
	 Monroe and his Cabinet were therefore given many anxious days and
	 sleepless nights. They wanted to buy Florida, not conquer it. They
	 had entertained no thought of authorizing the things that Jackson
	 had done. They recognized that the Tennesseean&rsquo;s crude
	 notions of international law could not be upheld in dealings with
	 proud European States. Yet it was borne in upon them from every
	 side that the nation approved what had been done; and the politically
	 ambitious might well think twice before casting any slur upon the
	 acts of the people&rsquo;s hero. Moreover the irascibility of
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>
	 the conqueror himself was known and feared. Calhoun, the Secretary
	 of War, who was specially annoyed because his instructions had not
	 been followed, favored a public censure. On the other hand, John
	 Quincy Adams, the Secretary of State, took the ground that everything
	 that Jackson had done was &ldquo;defensive and incident to his main
	 duty to crush the Seminoles.&rdquo; The Administration finally reached
	 the decision to surrender the posts but otherwise to back up the
	 General, in the hope of convincing Spain of the futility of trying
	 longer to hold Florida. Monroe explained the necessities of the
	 situation to Jackson as tactfully as he could, leaving him under the
	 impression&mdash;which was corrected only in 1830&mdash;that Crawford,
	 rather than Calhoun, was the member of the Cabinet who had held out
	 against him.
</p>

<p>
	 But the controversy spread beyond the Cabinet circle. During the
	 winter of 1818-19 Congress took it up, and a determined effort was
	 made to carry a vote of censure. The debate in the House&mdash;with
	 galleries crowded to suffocation, we are informed by the <i>National
	 Intelligencer</i>&mdash;lasted four weeks and was notable for bringing
	 Clay for the first time publicly into opposition to the Tenneseean.
	 The resolutions containing the censure
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>
	 were voted down, however, by a majority of almost two to one. In the
	 Senate a select committee, after a laborious investigation, brought in
	 an unfavorable report, but no further action was taken.
</p>

<p>
	 When the discussion in Congress was at its height, Jackson himself
	 appeared in Washington. Certain friends at the capital, fearing that
	 his outbursts of temper would prejudice his case, urged him to remain
	 at home, but others assured him that his presence was needed. To his
	 neighbor, Major Lewis, Jackson confided: &ldquo;A lot of
	 d&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;d rascals, with Clay at their head&mdash;and
	 maybe with Adams in the rear-guard&mdash;are setting up a conspiracy
	 against me. I'm going there to see it out with them.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Until vindicated by the House vote, he remained quietly in his hotel.
	 After that he felt free to pay and receive calls, attend dinners, and
	 accept the tokens of regard which were showered upon him. It was now
	 that he paid his first visit to a number of the larger eastern cities.
	 Philadelphia f&ecirc;ed him four days. In New York the freedom of the
	 city was presented by the mayor on a delicately inscribed parchment
	 enclosed in a gold box, and Tammany gave a great dinner at which the
	 leading guest, to the dismay of the young Van Buren
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>
	 and other supporters of Crawford, toasted DeWitt Clinton, the leader
	 of the opposing Republican faction. At Baltimore there was a dinner,
	 and the city council asked the visitor to sit for a picture by Peale
	 for the adornment of the council room. Here the General was handed a
	 copy of the Senate committee&rsquo;s report, abounding in strictures
	 on his Seminole campaign. Hastening back to Washington, he filled the
	 air with threats, and was narrowly prevented from personally
	 assaulting a member of the investigating committee. When, however, it
	 appeared that the report was to be allowed to repose for all time on
	 the table, Jackson&rsquo;s indignation cooled, and soon he was on his
	 way back to Tennessee. With him went the news that Adams and Onis had
	 signed a treaty of &ldquo;amity, settlements, and limits,&rdquo;
	 whereby for a consideration of five million dollars the sovereignty
	 of all Florida was transferred to the United States. This treaty, as
	 Jackson viewed it, was the crowning vindication of the acts which had
	 been called in question; and public sentiment agreed with him.
</p>

<p>
	 Dilatory tactics on the part of the Madrid Government delayed the
	 actual transfer of the territory more than two years. After having
	 twice refused, Jackson at length accepted the governorship of
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span>
	 Florida, and in the early summer of 1821 he set out, by way of New
	 Orleans, for his new post. Mrs. Jackson went with him, although she
	 had no liking for either the territory or its people. On the morning
	 of the 17th of July the formal transfer took place. A procession was
	 formed, consisting of such American soldiers as were on the spot. A
	 ship&rsquo;s band briskly played <i>The Star Spangled Banner</i> and
	 the new Governor rode proudly at the fore as the procession moved
	 along Main Street to the government house, where ex-Governor Callava
	 with his staff was in waiting. The Spanish flag was hauled down, the
	 American was run up, the keys were handed over, and the remaining
	 members of the garrison were sent off to the vessels which on the
	 morrow were to bear them on their way to Cuba. Only Callava and a
	 few other officials and merchants stayed behind to close up matters
	 of public and private business.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson&rsquo;s governorship was brief and stormy. In the first
	 place, he had no taste for administrative routine, and he found
	 no such opportunity as he had hoped for to confer favors upon his
	 friends. &ldquo;I am sure our stay here will not be long,&rdquo;
	 wrote Mrs. Jackson to a brother in early August. &ldquo;This
	 office does not suit my husband. &hellip;
   <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>
	 There never was a man more disappointed than he has been. He has not
	 the power to appoint one of his friends.&rdquo; In the second place,
	 the new Governor&rsquo;s status was wholly anomalous, since Congress
	 had extended to the territory only the revenue and anti-slave-trade
	 laws, leaving Jackson to exercise in other matters the rather vague
	 powers of the captain general of Cuba and of the Spanish governors
	 of the Floridas. And in the third place, before his first twenty-four
	 hours were up, the new executive fell into a desperate quarrel with
	 his predecessor, a man of sufficiently similar temperament to make
	 the contest a source of sport for the gods.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson was prepared to believe the worst of any Spaniard, and his
	 relations with Callava grew steadily more strained until finally, with
	 a view to obtaining possession of certain deeds and other legal
	 papers, he had the irate dignitary shut up overnight in the calaboose.
	 Then he fell upon the judge of the Western District of Florida for
	 issuing a writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> in the Spaniard&rsquo;s behalf;
	 and all parties&mdash;Jackson, Callava, and the judge&mdash;swamped
	 the wearied officials at Washington with &ldquo;statements&rdquo;
	 and &ldquo;exhibitions&rdquo; setting forth in lurid phraseology
	 their respective views upon the questions involved. Callava finally
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span>
	 carried his complaints to the capital in person and stirred the Spanish
	 Minister to a fresh bombardment of the White House. Monroe&rsquo;s Cabinet
	 spent three days discussing the subject, without coming to a decision.
	 Many were in honest doubt as to the principles of law involved; some
	 were fearful of the political effects of any stand they might take; all
	 were inexpressibly relieved when, late in the year, word came that
	 &ldquo;Don Andrew Jackson&rdquo; had resigned the governorship and
	 was proposing to retire to private life at the Hermitage.
</p>

<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER IV</a></h2>
<h3>THE DEATH OF &ldquo;KING CAUCUS&rdquo;</h3>

<p>
	 <span class="smcap">On</span> a bracing November afternoon in 1821
	 Jackson rode up with his family to the Hermitage free for the first
	 time in thirty-two years from all responsibility of civil and military
	 office. He was now fifty-four years old and much broken by exposure
	 and disease; the prospect of spending the remainder of his days among
	 his hospitable neighbors on the banks of the Cumberland yielded deep
	 satisfaction. The home-loving Mrs. Jackson, too, earnestly desired
	 that he should not again be drawn into the swirl of public life.
	 &ldquo;I do hope,&rdquo; she wrote plaintively to a niece soon
	 after her return to the Hermitage, &ldquo;they will leave Mr.
	 Jackson alone. He is not a well man and never will be unless they
	 allow him to rest. He has done his share for the country. How little
	 time has he had to himself or for his own interests in the thirty
	 years of our wedded life.  In all that time he has not spent
	 one-fourth of his
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span>
	 days under his own roof. The rest of the time away, traveling,
	 holding court, or at the capital of the country, or in camp,
	 or fighting its battles, or treating with the Indians; mercy
	 knows what not.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 The intent to retire was honest enough but not so easy to carry out.
	 The conqueror of the Creeks and Seminoles belonged not merely to
	 Tennessee but to the entire Southwest; the victor of New Orleans
	 belonged to the Nation. Already there was talk&mdash;&ldquo;talk
	 everlastingly,&rdquo; Mrs. Jackson tells us in the letter just
	 quoted&mdash;of making the hero President. Jackson, furthermore,
	 was not the type of man to sit idly by while great scenes were
	 enacted on the political stage. When he returned from Florida, he
	 faced the future with the weary vision of a sick man. Rest and
	 reviving strength, however, put the old vim into his words and acts.
	 In two years he was a second time taking a seat in the United States
	 Senate, in three he was contesting for the presidency, and in seven
	 he was moving into the White House.
</p>

<p>
	 The glimpses which one gets of the General&rsquo;s surroundings and
	 habits during his brief interval of repose create a pleasing impression.
	 Following the winding turnpike westward from Nashville a distance of
	 nine or ten miles and rumbling across the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span>
	 old wooden bridge over Stone River, a visitor would find himself at
	 Hermitage Farm. The estate contained at that time somewhat more than
	 a thousand acres, of which four hundred were under cultivation and the
	 remainder luxuriant forest. Negro cabins stood here and there, and in
	 one corner was a little brick church which the proprietor had built
	 for the solace of his wife. In the center of a well-kept lawn, flanked
	 with cedars and oaks, stood the family mansion, the Hermitage, whose
	 construction had been begun at the close of the Seminole War in 1819.
	 The building was of brick, two stories high, with a double wooden
	 piazza in both front and rear. The rooms were small and simply furnished,
	 the chief adornment being portraits of the General and his friends,
	 though later was added the familiar painting of Mrs. Jackson. Lavasseur,
	 who as private secretary of La Fayette visited the place in 1825, was
	 greatly surprised to find a person of Jackson&rsquo;s renown living in
	 a structure which in France would hardly suffice for the porter&rsquo;s
	 lodge at the ch&acirc;teau of a man of similar standing. But western
	 Tennessee afforded nothing finer, and Jackson considered himself
	 palatially housed.
</p>

<p>
	 Life on the Hermitage estate had its full share
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span>
	 of the charm of the old South. After breakfasting at eight or nine,
	 the proprietor spent the day riding over his broad acres, giving
	 instructions to his workmen, keeping up his accounts, chatting with
	 neighbors and passers-by, and devouring the newspapers with a zeal
	 born of unremitting interest in public affairs. After the evening
	 meal the family gathered on the cool piazza in summer, or around
	 the blazing hearth of the great living room in winter, and spent
	 the hours until the early bedtime in telling stories, discussing
	 local and national happenings, or listening to the news of distant
	 localities as retailed by the casual visitor. The hospitality of
	 the Jackson home was proverbial. The General&rsquo;s army friends
	 came often to see him. Political leaders and advisers flocked to the
	 place. Clergymen of all denominations were received with special
	 warmth by Mrs. Jackson. Eastern men of distinction, when traveling
	 to the West, came to pay their respects. No foreigner who penetrated
	 as far as the Mississippi Valley would think of returning to his
	 native land without calling upon the picturesque figure at the
	 Hermitage.
</p>

<p>
	 Chief among visitors from abroad was La Fayette. The two men met in
	 Washington in 1824 and formed an instant attachment for each other.
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>
	 The great French patriot was greeted at Nashville the following year
	 with a public reception and banquet at which Jackson, as the first
	 citizen of the State, did the honors. Afterwards he spent some days in
	 the Jackson home, and one can imagine the avidity with which the two
	 men discussed the American and French revolutions, Napoleon, and the
	 late New Orleans campaign.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson was first and last a democrat. He never lost touch with the
	 commonest people. Nevertheless there was always something of the grand
	 manner about him. On formal and ceremonial occasions he bore himself
	 with becoming dignity and even grace; in dress he was, as a rule,
	 punctilious. During his years at the Hermitage he was accustomed to
	 ride about in a carriage drawn by four spirited iron-gray horses,
	 attended by servants in blue livery with brass buttons, glazed hats,
	 and silver bands. &ldquo;A very big man, sir,&rdquo; declared
	 an old hotel waiter to the visiting biographer Parton long afterwards.
	 &ldquo;We had many big men, sir, in Nashville at that time, but
	 General Jackson was the biggest man of them all. I knew the General,
	 sir; but he always had so many people around him when he came to town
	 that it was not often I could get a chance to say anything to
	 him.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>
	 The question as to who first proposed Jackson for the presidency will
	 probably never be answered. The victory at New Orleans evidently
	 brought the idea into many minds. As the campaign of 1816 was
	 beginning, Aaron Burr wrote to his son-in-law that, if the country
	 wanted a President of firmness and decision, &ldquo;that man
	 is Andrew Jackson.&rdquo; Not apparently until 1821 was the
	 suggestion put forward in such a way as to lead Jackson himself to
	 take note of it. Even then he scoffed at it. To a friend who assured
	 him that he was not &ldquo;safe from the presidency&rdquo;
	 in 1824, he replied: &ldquo;I really hope you don&rsquo;t think
	 that I am d&mdash;&mdash;&mdash; fool enough to believe that. No sir;
	 I may be pretty well satisfied with myself in some things, but am not
	 vain enough for that.&rdquo; On another occasion he declared:
	 &ldquo;No sir; I know what I am fit for. I can command a body of
	 men in a rough way; but I am not fit to be President.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 It really mattered little what the General himself thought. His
	 Tennessee friends had conceived the idea that he could be elected, and
	 already they were at work to realize this vision. One of the most
	 active was John H. Eaton, who had lately written the hero&rsquo;s
	 biography down to the return from New Orleans. Another of his friends
	 was
   <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span>
	 Governor Blount. John Rhea, Felix Grundy, and half a dozen more
	 helped. But the man who really made Jackson President was his near
	 neighbor and his inseparable companion of later years, William B.
	 Lewis.
</p>

<p>
	 In a day of astute politicians Major Lewis was one of the cleverest.
	 He knew Jackson more intimately than did any other man and could sway
	 him readily to his purposes in all matters upon which the
	 General&rsquo;s mind was not absolutely made up. He had a wide
	 acquaintance over the country; he was possessed of ample means and
	 leisure; he was an adept at pulling judiciously laid and well-concealed
	 political wires; he fully understood the ideas, aspirations, and
	 feelings of the classes whose support was necessary to the success of
	 his plans. In the present juncture he worked on two main lines: first,
	 to arouse Jackson&rsquo;s own State to a feverish enthusiasm for the
	 candidacy of its &ldquo;favorite son,&rdquo; and, second, to start apparently
	 spontaneous Jackson movements in various sections of the country, in
	 such a manner that their cumulative effect would be to create an
	 impression of a nation-wide and irresistible demand for the victor of
	 New Orleans as a candidate.
</p>

<p>
	 Tennessee was easily stirred. That the General
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span>
	 merited the highest honor within the gift of the people required no
	 argument among his fellow citizens. The first open steps were taken
	 in January, 1822, when the <i>Gazette</i> and other Nashville papers
	 sounded the clarion call. The response was overwhelming; and when
	 Jackson himself, in reply to a letter from Grundy, diplomatically
	 declared that he would &ldquo;neither seek nor shun&rdquo;
	 the presidency, his candidacy was regarded as an established fact.
	 On the 20th of July, the Legislature of the State placed him formally
	 in nomination. Meanwhile Lewis had gone to North Carolina to work up
	 sentiment there, and by the close of the year assurances of support
	 were coming in satisfactorily. From being skeptical or at best
	 indifferent, Jackson himself had come to share the enthusiasm of his
	 assiduous friends.
</p>

<p>
	 The Jackson managers banked from the first upon two main assets: one
	 was the exceptional popularity of their candidate, especially in the
	 South and West; the other was a political situation so muddled that at
	 the coming election it might be made to yield almost any result. For
	 upwards of a generation the presidency and vice presidency had been at
	 the disposal of a working alliance of Virginia and New York,
	 buttressed by such support
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span>
	 as was needed from other controllable States. Virginia regularly got the
	 presidency, New York (except at the time of the Clinton defection of
	 1812) the vice presidency. After the second election of Monroe, in 1820,
	 however, there were multiplying signs that this affiliation of interests
	 had reached the end of its tether. In the first place, the Virginia
	 dynasty had run out; at all events Virginia had no candidate to offer and
	 was preparing to turn its support to a Georgian of Virginian birth,
	 William H. Crawford. In the second place, party lines had totally
	 disappeared, and the unifying and stabilizing influences of party names
	 and affiliations could not be counted on to keep down the number of
	 independent candidacies. Already, indeed, by the end of 1822 there
	 were a half-dozen avowed candidates, three of whom had seats at
	 Monroe&rsquo;s Cabinet table. Each was the representative of a section
	 or of a distinct interest, rather than of a party, and no one was likely
	 to feel under any compulsion to withdraw from the race at a preliminary
	 stage.
</p>

<p>
	 New England offered John Quincy Adams. She did so with reluctance, for
	 the old Federalist elements had never forgiven him for his desertion
	 to the Republican camp in the days of the embargo,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span>
	 while the back country democracy had always looked upon him as an alien.
	 But he was the section&rsquo;s only available man&mdash;indeed, the only
	 promising candidate from any Northern State. His frigid manner was against
	 him. But he had had a long and honorable diplomatic career; he was winning
	 new distinction as Secretary of State; and he could expect to profit both
	 by the feeling that the North was entitled to the presidency and by
   the fact that he was the only candidate from a non-slave State.
</p>

<p>
	 Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury, was the heir apparent of the
	 Virginia dynasty. Formerly this would have meant a clear road to the
	 White House. Even now it was supposed to be a tremendous asset; and
	 notwithstanding the Georgian&rsquo;s personal unpopularity in most
	 parts of the country, his advantages as the &ldquo;regular
	 candidate,&rdquo; coupled with the long and careful campaign carried on
	 in his behalf, were expected by many keen observers to pull him through.
</p>

<p>
	 A third candidate within the Cabinet circle was Calhoun, Secretary of
	 War. Like Crawford, he could expect to reach the presidency only by
	 winning the support of one or more of the greater Northern States. For
	 a while he had
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span>
	 hopes of Pennsylvania. When it appeared that he had nothing to look
	 for in this direction, he resigned himself to the conclusion that,
	 since he was yet hardly forty years of age, his time had not yet come.
</p>

<p>
	 For the first time, the West now put forward candidates&mdash;two of
	 them, Clay and Jackson. Clay was a Kentuckian, of Virginian birth and
	 breeding, in whom were mingled the leading characteristics of both his
	 native and his adopted section. He was &ldquo;impetuous, wilful,
	 high-spirited, daring, jealous, but, withal, a lovable man.&rdquo;
	 For a decade he had been the most conspicuous figure in the national House
	 of Representatives. He had raised the speakership to a high level of
	 importance and through its power had fashioned a set of issues,
	 reflective of western and middle-state ideas, upon which the politics
	 of the country turned for more than a quarter of a century. As
	 befitted a &ldquo;great conciliator,&rdquo; he had admirers
	 in every corner of the land. Whether his strength could be sufficiently
	 massed to yield electoral results remained to be discovered.
</p>

<p>
	 But what of Jackson? If, as one writer has said, Clay was one of the
	 favorites of the West, Jackson was the West itself. &ldquo;While
	 Clay was	able to
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span>
	 voice, with statesmanlike ability, the demand for economic
	 legislation to promote her interests, and while he exercised an
	 extraordinary fascination by his personal magnetism and his eloquence,
	 he never became the hero of the great masses of the West; he appealed
	 rather to the more intelligent&mdash;to the men of business and of
	 property.&rdquo; &sup1; Jackson, however, was the very personification
	 of the contentious, self-confident, nationalistic democracy of the
	 interior. He could make no claim to statesmanship. He had held no
	 important legislative or administrative position in his State, and
	 his brief career in Congress was entirely without distinction. He was
	 a man of action, not a theorist, and his views on public questions
	 were, even as late as 1820, not clear cut or widely known. In a general
	 way he represented the school of Randolph and Monroe, rather than that
	 of Jefferson and Madison. He was a moderate protectionist, because he
	 believed that domestic manufactures would make the United States
	 independent of European countries in time of war. On the Bank and
	 internal improvements his mind was not made up, although he was
   inclined to regard both as unconstitutional.
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_79-1" name="footer_79-1"></a>
	       &sup1; Turner, <i>Rise of the New West,</i> p. 188.
</div>

<p>
	 Jackson&rsquo;s attitude toward the leading political
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>
	 personalities of the time left no room for doubt. He supported Monroe
	 in 1816 and in 1820 and continued on friendly terms with him
	 notwithstanding the President&rsquo;s failure on certain occasions to
	 follow his advice. Among the new contenders for the presidency the one
	 he disliked most was Crawford. &ldquo;As to Wm. H. Crawford,&rdquo;
	 he wrote to a friend in 1821, &ldquo;you know my opinion. I would support
	 the Devil first.&rdquo; Clay, also, he disliked&mdash;partly out of
	 recollection of the Kentuckian&rsquo;s censorious attitude during the
	 Seminole debates, partly because of the natural rivalry between the two
	 men for the favor of the western people. Clay fully reciprocated by
	 refusing to believe that &ldquo;killing 2500 Englishmen at New
	 Orleans&rdquo; qualified Jackson for the &ldquo;various difficult
	 and complicated duties of the chief magistracy.&rdquo;
	 Toward Adams, Jackson was not ill disposed; before he decided to
	 permit his own name to be used, he said that he would give his support
	 in 1824 to the New Englander&mdash;unless one other person should be
	 brought forward. That person was Calhoun, for whom, among all the
	 candidates of the day, he thus far had the warmest regard.
</p>

<p>
	 Among so many aspirants&mdash;and not all have been mentioned&mdash;how
	 should the people make up
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>
	 their minds? In earlier days the party caucuses in Congress would have
	 eliminated various candidates, and the voters would have found themselves
	 called upon to make a choice between probably but two opponents. The
	 caucus was an informal, voluntary gathering of the party members in the
	 two houses to canvass the political situation and decide upon the men to
	 be supported by the rank and file of the party for the presidency and
	 vice presidency. In the lack of other nominating machinery it served a
	 useful purpose, and nominations had been commonly made in this manner
	 from 1796 onwards.  There were obvious objections to the plan&mdash;chiefly
	 that the authority exercised was assumed rather than delegated&mdash;and,
	 as the campaign of 1824 approached, opposition flared up in a very
	 impressive manner.
</p>

<p>
	 Crawford, as the &ldquo;regular&rdquo; candidate, wanted a caucus,
	 and his adherents supported him in the wish. But all his rivals were
	 opposed to it, partly because they felt that they could not gain a caucus
	 nomination, partly because their followers generally objected to the
	 system. &ldquo;King Caucus&rdquo; became the target of general
	 criticism.  Newspapers, except those for Crawford, denounced the
	 old system;  legislatures passed resolutions against
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>
	 it; public meetings condemned it; ponderous pamphlets were hurled at
	 it; the campaigns of Jackson and Clay, in particular, found their
	 keynote in hostility toward it.  Failing to perceive that under the
	 changed circumstances a caucus nomination might become a liability
	 rather than an asset, the Crawford element pushed its plans, and on
	 February 14, 1824, a caucus&mdash;destined to be the last of the kind
	 in the country&mdash;was duly held. It proved a fiasco, for it was
	 attended by only sixty-six persons. Crawford was &ldquo;recommended
	 to the people of the United States&rdquo; by an almost unanimous
	 vote, but the only effect was to infuse fresh energy into
	 the campaigns of his leading competitors. &ldquo;The
	 caucus,&rdquo; wrote Daniel Webster to his brother Ezekiel,
	 &ldquo;has hurt nobody but its friends.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 For the first time in eight years the country witnessed a real
	 presidential contest. The campaign, none the less, was one in which
	 the candidates themselves took but little active part. The days of
	 &ldquo;swinging around the circle&rdquo; had not yet
	 dawned in our national politics, nor had even those of the
	 &ldquo;front-porch&rdquo; campaign. Adams made no effort either to be
	 nominated or to be elected, retaining throughout the contest that
	 austere reserve
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>
	 in public manner which contrasted so singularly with his amiability
	 and good humor in private life. Jackson remained quietly at the
	 Hermitage, replying to correspondents and acknowledging expressions
	 of support, but leaving to his managers the work of winning the
	 voters. Clay, whose oratorical gifts would have made him an invincible
	 twentieth century campaigner, contented himself with a few interviews
	 and speeches. The candidate who normally would have taken most active
	 personal part in the campaign was Crawford. But in August, 1823&mdash;six
	 months before the caucus nomination&mdash;he was stricken with paralysis
	 and rendered speechless, almost blind, and practically helpless. For
	 months he hovered between life and death in a &ldquo;mansion&rdquo;
	 on the outskirts of Washington, while his friends labored to conceal the
	 seriousness of his condition and to keep his canvass going. Gradually he
	 rallied; but his powerful frame was shattered, and even when the caucus
	 discharged its appointed task of nominating him, the politicians were
	 cold-heartedly speculating upon who would receive the
	 &ldquo;old republican&rdquo; support if he should die. He recovered
	 and lived ten years; but his chances of the presidency were much
	 diminished by his ill fortune. &ldquo;He had fallen with his face
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span>
	 toward the goal, with his eyes and his heart fixed upon it.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 As the canvass progressed, Jackson steadily gained. His election to
	 the United States Senate, in the autumn of 1823, over a stanch
	 supporter of Crawford showed that his own State was acting in good
	 faith when it proposed him for the higher position. Clever propaganda
	 turned Pennsylvania &ldquo;Jackson mad&rdquo;; whereupon Calhoun,
	 with an eye to the future, sought an alliance with his competitor.
	 The upshot was that a convention held at Harrisburg in March, 1824,
	 nominated Jackson almost unanimously and named Calhoun for the vice
	 presidency. Hostility to the caucus became also a great asset. Tariff,
	 internal improvements, and foreign policy were discussed in the campaign,
	 but the real issue was the manner of selecting the President. Should he
	 continue to be chosen by a combination of Congressmen, or should the
	 people take matters into their own hands? Impatience with the caucus
	 system showed itself in numerous nominations of Clay, Adams, and
	 Jackson by sundry state conventions, legislatures, and other more or
	 less official bodies. The supporters of Jackson, in particular, made
   &ldquo;down with the caucus&rdquo; their rallying cry and found
	 it tremendously
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span>
	 effective. In the earlier stages of the campaign the politicians,
	 aside from Lewis and his coworkers, were unwilling to believe that
	 Jackson could be elected. Later, however, they were forced to
	 acknowledge his strength, and at the end the fight was really between
	 Jackson and the field, rather than between Crawford and the field as
	 had been anticipated.
</p>

<p>
	 At the beginning of November, Jackson, accompanied by his wife and
	 traveling in a handsome coach drawn by four of the finest Hermitage
	 thoroughbreds, set out for Washington. Hostile scribblers lost no time
	 in contrasting this display of grandeur with the republican simplicity
	 of Jefferson, who rode from Monticello to the capital on the back of a
	 plantation nag without pedigree. But Jackson was not perturbed. At
	 various points on the road he received returns from the elections, and
	 when after four or five weeks the equipage drew up in the capital
	 Jackson knew the general result. Calhoun had been elected vice
	 president with little opposition. But no one of the presidential
	 candidates had obtained an electoral majority, and the task of
	 choosing among the highest three would, under the terms of the
	 Constitution, devolve upon the House of Representatives. When,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span>
	 by the middle of December, the returns were all in, it was found that
	 Jackson would have 99 votes in the electoral college, Adams 84,
	 Crawford 41, and Clay 37.
</p>

<p>
	 The country awaited the 9th of February&mdash;the day of the official
	 count&mdash;with great interest. Clay was, of course, eliminated. Crawford
	 likewise, by reason of his poor showing and the precarious state of
	 his health, could not expect to do more than hold his own. The contest
	 had narrowed to Jackson and Adams, with Clay holding the balance.
	 There were twenty-four States in the Union; the successful candidate
	 must command the votes of thirteen.
</p>

<p>
	 The choice that Clay now had to make was distasteful, although not
	 really difficult. Jackson had obtained a substantial plurality of the
	 electoral votes; he probably had a plurality of the popular vote,
	 although in the six States in which the electors were chosen by the
	 Legislature the popular vote could not be computed; the Legislature of
	 Clay&rsquo;s own State called upon the Congressmen from the State to
	 give the Tenneseean its support. But Clay had felt very bitterly about
	 the candidacy of &ldquo;this military chieftain.&rdquo;
	 Furthermore, he knew that if Jackson were to be elected, the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>
	 country would not be disposed to take his successor from the West.
	 Besides, Calhoun had put himself in line for the Jacksonian succession.
	 On the other hand, Clay was not without grievances against Adams. The
	 New Englander had captured the coveted Secretaryship of State in
	 Monroe&rsquo;s Cabinet; he had taken no pains to conceal his dislike of
	 the Kentucky &ldquo;gamester in politics&rdquo;; his foreign
	 policy had been the target of many of Clay&rsquo;s keenest oratorical
	 thrusts. But the country would be safe in his hands; and a popular
	 westerner might well hope to become his successor. The decision in
	 favor of Adams was reached with little delay and was confided to
	 intimates almost two months before the House balloted. Though
	 Clay&rsquo;s choice did not insure the election of Adams, it made
	 that outcome extremely probable.
</p>

<p>
	 As the weeks passed, the situation became more tense. All the
	 principals in the drama were at the capital&mdash;Adams as Secretary
	 of State, Crawford as Secretary of the Treasury, Clay as Speaker of the
	 House, Jackson as Senator&mdash;and the city was filled with followers
	 who busied themselves in proposing combinations and making promises
	 which, for the greater part, could not be traced to the candidates
	 themselves. O&rsquo;Neil&rsquo;s Tavern&mdash;graced
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>
	 by the vivacious &ldquo;Peggy,&rdquo; who, as Mrs. John H. Eaton,
	 was later to upset the equilibrium of the Jackson
	 Administration&mdash;and other favorite lodging houses were the
	 scenes of midnight conferences, intimate conversations, and mysterious
	 comings and goings which kept their oldest and most sophisticated
	 frequenters on the alert. &ldquo;<i>Incedo super ignes</i>&mdash;I
	 walk over fires,&rdquo; confided the straitlaced Adams to his
	 diary, and not without reason. A group of Clay&rsquo;s friends came to
	 the New Englander&rsquo;s room to urge in somewhat veiled language that
	 their chief be promised, in return for his support, a place in the
	 Cabinet. A Missouri representative who held the balance of power in his
	 delegation plainly offered to swing the State for Adams if the latter
	 would agree to retain a brother on the federal bench and be
	 &ldquo;reasonable&rdquo; in the matter of patronage.
</p>

<p>
	 By the last week of January it was rather generally understood that
	 Clay&rsquo;s strength would be thrown to Adams. Up to this time the
	 Jackson men had refused to believe that such a thing could happen.
	 But evidence had been piled mountain-high; adherents of both allies
	 were openly boasting of the arrangements that had been made. The
	 Jacksonians were furious, and the air was filled
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span>
	 with recriminations.  On January 28, 1825, an anonymous letter in the
	 <i>Columbian Observer</i> of Philadelphia made the direct charge that
	 the agents of Clay had offered the Kentuckian&rsquo;s support to both
	 Jackson and Adams in return for an appointment as Secretary of State,
	 and that, while the friends of Jackson would not descend to
	 &ldquo;such mean barter and sale,&rdquo; a bargain
	 with the Adams forces had been duly closed. Clay&rsquo;s rage was
	 ungovernable. Through the columns of the <i>National Intelligencer</i>
	 he pronounced his unknown antagonist &ldquo;a base and infamous
	 calumniator, a dastard and a liar,&rdquo; called upon him to
	 &ldquo;unveil himself,&rdquo; and declared that he would hold him
	 responsible &ldquo;to all the laws which govern and regulate
	 men of honor.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Two days later an obscure Pennsylvania Congressman by the name of
	 George Kremer tendered his respects to &ldquo;the Honorable H.
	 Clay,&rdquo; avowed his authorship of the communication in question,
	 offered to prove the truth of his charges, and closed sententiously
	 by affirming that as a representative of the people he would
	 &ldquo;not fear to &lsquo;cry aloud and spare not&rsquo; when
	 their rights and privileges are at stake.&rdquo; The matter
	 was serious, but official Washington could hardly repress a smile.
   Kremer was
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>
	 a thoroughly honest but grossly illiterate rustic busybody who thus
	 far had attracted the capital&rsquo;s attention mainly by reason of
	 his curiously cut leopard-skin overcoat. The real author of the charge
	 seems to have been James Buchanan, and Kremer was simple-minded and
	 credulous enough to be made the catspaw in the business. Clay was
	 taken aback. Kremer significantly made no reference to the
	 &ldquo;code of honor&rdquo;; and since a duel with such a personage
	 would be an absurdity, Clay substituted a request that the House
	 make an immediate investigation of the charges. A committee of seven
	 was appointed. But when it summoned Kremer to give his testimony,
	 he refused to appear, on the ground&mdash;which in the present instance
	 was a mere pretext&mdash;that the House had no jurisdiction over the
	 conduct of its members outside the chamber.
</p>

<p>
	 The truth of the matter is that Kremer was only a tool in the hands
	 of the Jackson managers. He admitted privately to members of the
	 committee that he did not write the letter in the <i>Observer</i>,
	 and it was plain enough that he did not understand its purport. His
	 promise to substantiate its contents was made in a moment of surprise,
	 because somebody had neglected to coach him on the point.
   <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>
   Finding that it could make no headway, the committee reported the
	 fact, on the 9th of February, and the investigation was dropped. This
	 was precisely what the Jackson managers wanted. Whatever happened,
	 Jackson would be the gainer. &ldquo;If Clay transferred his
	 following to Adams, the charge would gain credence with the masses;
	 if he were not made Secretary of State, it would be alleged that
	 honest George Kremer (an ardent Jacksonian) had exposed the bargain
	 and prevented its consummation.&rdquo; &sup1;
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_91-1" name="footer_91-1"></a>
	       &sup1; Turner, <i>Rise of the New West,</i> p. 208.
</div>

<p>
	 Was this charge of a &ldquo;corrupt bargain&rdquo; well founded?
	 For a generation every public man had views on that subject for which
	 he was ready to fight; mid-century and later historians came to
	 conclusions of the most contradictory nature. The pros and cons are
	 too complicated to be presented here, but certain things are fairly
	 clear. In two elaborate speeches Clay marshaled evidence that before
	 leaving Kentucky he decided to support Adams in preference to Jackson
	 and Crawford. This evidence did not convince the Jacksonians; but it
	 could hardly have been expected to do so, and nowadays it looks to be
	 unimpeachable. It is certain that the friends of Clay approached the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span>
	 Adams managers with a view to a working agreement involving the
	 Secretaryship of State; but it is equally clear that the Jackson and
	 Crawford men solicited Clay&rsquo;s support &ldquo;by even more
	 unblushing offers of political reward than those alleged against
	 Adams.&rdquo; Finally it is known that Adams gave some
	 explicit pre&euml;lection pledges, and that by doing so he drew some
	 votes; but on the subject of an alliance with Clay he is not known to
	 have gone further than to say to a delegation of Clay supporters that
	 if elected by western votes he would naturally look to the West for
	 much of the support which his Administration would need.
</p>
<p>
	 At noon, on the 9th of February, the Senate and House met in joint
	 session to witness the count of the electoral vote. Spectators packed
	 the galleries and overflowed into every available space. The first acts
	 were of a purely formal nature. Then the envelopes were opened; the
	 votes were counted; Calhoun was declared elected to the vice
	 presidency; and it was announced that no candidate for the presidency
	 had received a majority. Then the senators withdrew, and the
	 representatives addressed themselves to the task which the
	 Constitution devolved upon them. The members of each delegation took
	 their seats together; the vote
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>
	 of each State was placed in a separate	box on a table; and Daniel
	 Webster and John Randolph, acting as tellers, opened the boxes and
	 tabulated the results. No one expected the first ballot to be decisive;
	 indeed the friends of Crawford, who were present in large numbers,
	 were pinning their hopes to the possibility that after repeated
	 ballotings the House would break the deadlock between Jackson and Adams
	 by turning to their candidate. A hush fell upon the expectant assemblage
	 as Webster rose to announce the result; and seasoned politicians could
	 hardly trust their ears when they heard: Adams, thirteen votes; Jackson,
	 seven; Crawford, four. An eleventh-hour change of mind by a New York
	 representative had thrown the vote of that State into the Adams column
	 and had thereby assured the triumph of the New Englander.
</p>

<p>
	 That evening Jackson and Adams came face to face at a presidential
	 levee, Jackson with a lady on his right arm. Each man hesitated an
	 instant, and spectators wondered what was going to happen. But those
	 who were looking for a sensation were disappointed. Reaching out his
	 long arm, the General said in his most cordial manner: &ldquo;How
	 do you do, Mr. Adams? I give you my left hand, for the right, as you
	 see, is devoted to the fair: I hope
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>
	 you are very well, sir.&rdquo; The reply came in clear but icy
	 tones: &ldquo;Very well, sir; I hope General Jackson is
	 well.&rdquo; It is the testimony of an unprejudiced observer that of the
	 two, the defeated Tenneseean bore himself more graciously than the
	 victorious New Englander.
</p>

<p>
	 Two days later Adams, following a conference with Monroe, invited upon
	 his head the fires of heaven by announcing that he had decided to
	 appoint Clay Secretary of State, &ldquo;considering it due to
	 his talents and services to the western section of the United States,
	 whence he comes, and to the confidence in me manifested by their
	 delegations.&rdquo;
</p>

<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER V</a></h2>
<h3>THE DEMOCRATIC TRIUMPH</h3>

<p>
	 <span class="smcap">Monroe&rsquo;s</span> Administration drew to a close
	 in a mellow sunset of popular approval. But no prophetic genius was
	 required to foresee that clouds of discontent and controversy would
	 hang heavy about the head of his successor. Adams certainly did not
	 expect it to be otherwise. &ldquo;Prospects are flattering for the
	 immediate issue,&rdquo; he recorded in his diary shortly before
	 the election, &ldquo;but the fearful condition of them is that
	 success would open to a far severer trial than defeat.&rdquo; The
	 darkest forebodings were more than realized. No one of our chief
	 executives, except possibly Andrew Johnson, was ever the target of
	 more relentless and vindictive attacks.
</p>

<p>
	 Adams was, in the first place, a minority President. Jackson&rsquo;s
	 popular vote was probably larger; his electoral vote was certainly so;
	 and the vote in the House of Representatives was at the last
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span>
	 moment swung to Adams only by certain unexpected and more or less
	 accidental developments. By thus receiving his office at the hands
	 of a branch of Congress, in competition with a candidate who had a
	 wider popular support, the New Englander fell heir to all the
	 indignation that had been aroused against congressional intrigue,
	 and especially against the selection of a President by Congressmen.
</p>

<p>
	 There was, in addition, the charge of a &ldquo;corrupt
	 bargain.&rdquo; It mattered not greatly whether the accusation was true
	 or not. The people widely accepted it as true, and the Administration
	 had to bear the stigma.  &ldquo;The coalition of Blifil and Black
	 George, of the Puritan and the black-leg,&rdquo; John
	 Randolph called the new alliance; and while Clay sought to vindicate
	 his honor in a duel with the author of the phrase, nothing that he
	 or Adams could do or say was able to overcome the effect upon the
	 public mind created by the cold fact that when the Clay men turned
	 their support to Adams their leader was forthwith made Secretary of
	 State.
</p>

<p>
	 A further source of difficulty in the situation was the temperament of
	 Adams himself. There was no abler, more honest, or more patriotic man
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>
	 in public life; yet in the presidency he was, especially at this
	 juncture of affairs, a misfit. He was cold and reserved when every
	 consideration called for cordiality; he was petulant when tolerance
	 and good humor were the qualities most needful. He could neither
	 arouse enthusiasm nor win friends. He was large visioned and adept at
	 mapping out broad policies, but he lacked the elements of leadership
	 requisite to carry his plans into effect. He scorned the everyday arts
	 of politics, and by the very loftiness of his ideals he alienated
	 support. In short, as one writer has remarked, he was &ldquo;a
	 weigher of scruples and values in a time of transition, a representative
	 of old-school politics on the threshold of triumphant democracy. The
	 people did not understand him, but they felt instinctively that he was
	 not one of themselves; and, therefore, they cast him out.&rdquo;
	 Nobody had ever called him &ldquo;Old Hickory&rdquo; or any other name
	 indicative of popular endearment.
</p>

<p>
	 Clay&rsquo;s appointment as Secretary of State was thoroughly typical
	 of the independent, unyielding attitude of the new Administration.
	 Adams had not the slightest sympathy with the idea of rotation in
	 public position: such a policy, he said, would make government
	 &ldquo;a perpetual and
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span>
	 unremitting scramble for office.&rdquo; He announced that there would be
	 no removals except such as complaint showed to be for the good of the
	 service, and only twelve removals took place during his entire term.
	 The spoilsmen argued and fumed. The editor of an administration
	 newspaper warmly told the President that in consequence of his policy
	 he would himself be removed as soon as the term for which he had been
	 elected had expired. But entreaties and threats were alike of no
	 avail. Even Clay could not get the removal of a naval officer guilty
	 of unbecoming conduct. In his zeal for nonpartizanship Adams fairly
	 leaned backwards, with the result that incompetents were shielded and
	 the offices were left in the hands of men who, in a very large number
	 of cases, were openly hostile to the President and to his policies.
</p>

<p>
	 &ldquo;Less possessed of your confidence in advance than any of
	 my predecessors,&rdquo; wrote Adams in his first message
	 to Congress, &ldquo;I am deeply conscious of the prospect
	 that I shall stand more and oftener in need of your
	 indulgence.&rdquo; In the principles and measures which he
	 urged upon the legislative branch, none the less, he showed small
	 regard for moderation or expediency. He defined the object of
	 government to be the improvement of the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span>
	 condition of the people, and he refused to recognize in the
	 federal Constitution restrictions which would prevent the
	 national authorities from fulfilling this function in the
	 highest degree. He urged not only the building of roads and
	 canals but the establishment of a national university, the
	 support of observatories, &ldquo;the light-houses of the
	 skies,&rdquo; and the exploration of the interior and of the
	 far northwestern parts of the country. He advocated heavy
	 protective duties on goods imported from abroad, and asked
	 Congress to pass laws not alone for the betterment of agriculture,
	 manufactures, and trade but for the &ldquo;encouragement of
	 the mechanic and of the elegant arts, the advancement of
	 literature, and the progress of the sciences, ornamental
	 and profound.&rdquo; He thought that the public lands should be
	 sold at the highest prices they would bring and that the money
	 should be used by the Government to promote the general welfare.
	 He had no doubt of either the power or the duty of the
	 Government to maintain a national bank.
</p>

<p>
	 Since the War of 1812 the Republicans, with whom Adams had been
	 numbered, had inclined strongly toward a liberal construction of the
	 Constitution, but none had gone to the limits
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span>
	 marked out in this program. Besides, a strong reaction was now
	 setting in. The President&rsquo;s recommendations were received
	 in some quarters with astonishment, in some rather with amusement.
	 Nowhere were they regarded, in their entirety, with favor. Even
	 Clay&mdash;spokesman of nationalism though he was&mdash;could not
	 follow his chief in his untrammeled flights. Men still widely
	 believed that the National Government ought to spend money freely
	 on highways, canals, and other improvements. But by his bold avowals
	 Adams characteristically threw away support for both himself and his
	 cause; and the era of federal initiative and management was thus
	 hastened toward its close.
</p>

<p>
	 No one who knew Jackson and his political managers expected them to
	 accept the anomalous electoral results of 1825 as expressing the real
	 will of the nation, and it was a foregone conclusion not only that the
	 General would again be a candidate, but that the campaign of 1828
	 would at once begin. The defeated Senator remained in Washington long
	 enough to present himself at the White House on Inauguration Day and
	 felicitate his successful rival. Then he set out on the long journey
	 homeward. Every town through Pennsylvania and along the Ohio turned
	 out <i>en masse</i> to greet him,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span>
	 and at Nashville he was given a prodigious reception. To friends and
	 traveling companions he talked constantly about the election, leaving
	 no doubt of his conviction that he had been defeated by intrigue. To
	 a sympathetic group of passengers traveling down the Ohio with him on
	 board the <i>General Neville</i> he declared emphatically that, if he
	 had been willing to make the same promises and offers to Clay that
	 Adams had made, he would that minute be in the presidential chair. If
	 he should yet attain that dignity, he added significantly, he would do
	 it &ldquo;with clean hands.&rdquo; It is reported that as he
	 spoke there was in his eye the fire of determination, such as his
	 soldiers had seen there as he strode up and down the breastworks at
	 New Orleans.
</p>

<p>
	 To this point Jackson had sought the presidency rather at the
	 instigation of his friends than because of personal desire for the
	 office. Now all was changed. The people had expressed their preference
	 for him, and their will had been thwarted. Henceforth he was moved by
	 an inflexible purpose to vindicate both his own right to the position
	 and the right of his fellow citizens to choose their chief executive
	 without hindrance. In this determination he was warmly backed up by
	 his neighbors
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span>
	 and advisers, and the machinery for a long, systematic, and
	 resistless campaign was speedily put into running order. One group
	 of managers took charge in Washington. Another set to work in New
	 York. A third undertook to keep Pennsylvania in line. A fourth began
	 to consolidate support in the South. At the capital the <i>United States
	 Telegraph</i>, edited by Duff Green of Missouri, was established as a
	 Jackson organ, and throughout the country friendly journals were set
	 the task of keeping up an incessant fire upon the Administration and
	 of holding the Jackson men together. Local committees were organized;
	 pamphlets and handbills were put into circulation; receptions and
	 public dinners were exploited, whenever possible, in the interest of
	 the cause. First, last, and always, Jackson&rsquo;s candidacy was put
	 forward as the hope and opportunity of the plain people as against the
	 politicians.
</p>

<p>
	 In October the Tennessee Legislature again placed its favorite
	 formally in nomination, and a few days later the candidate resigned
	 his seat in the Senate in order to be more advantageously situated for
	 carrying on his campaign. For more than a year he remained quietly at
	 the Hermitage, dividing his attention between his blooded horses
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>
	 and dogs and his political interests. Lewis stayed at his side, partly to
	 restrain him from outbreaks of temper or other acts that might injure
	 his interests, partly to serve as an intermediary between him and the
	 Washington manipulators.
</p>

<p>
	 Before Adams had been in the White House six months the country was
	 divided substantially into Jackson men and anti-Jackson or
	 administration men. The elements from which Jackson drew support were
	 many and discordant. The backbone of his strength was the
	 self-assertive, ambitious western Democracy, which recognized in him
	 its truest and most eminent representative. The alliance with the
	 Calhoun forces was kept up, although it was already jeopardized by the
	 feeling of the South Carolinian&rsquo;s friends that they, and not
	 Jackson&rsquo;s friends, should lead in the coming campaign. After a
	 good deal of hesitation the supporters of Crawford came over also.
	 Van Buren coquetted with the Adams forces for a year, and the old-line
	 Republicans, strong in the Jeffersonian faith, brought themselves to
	 the support of the Tenneseean with difficulty; but eventually both
	 northern and southern wings of the Crawford contingent alined
	 themselves against the Administration. The decision of Van Buren
	 brought
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>
	 into the Jackson ranks a past master in party management,
	 &ldquo;the cleverest politician in a State in which the sort of politics
	 that is concerned with the securing of elections rather than fighting
	 for principles had grown into a science and an art.&rdquo; By 1826
	 the Jackson forces were welded into a substantial party, although
	 for a long time their principles involved little more than hostility
	 to Adams and enthusiasm for Jackson, and they bore no other designation
	 than Jackson men.
</p>

<p>
	 The elements that were left to support the Administration were the
	 followers of Adams and Clay. These eventually drew together under the
	 name of National Republicans. Their strength, however, was limited,
	 for Adams could make no appeal to the masses, even in New England;
	 while Clay, by contributing to Jackson&rsquo;s defeat, had forfeited
	 much of the popularity that would otherwise have been his.
</p>

<p>
	 If the story of Adams&rsquo;s Administration could be told in detail,
	 it would be one long record of rancorous warfare between the President
	 and the Jacksonian opposition in Congress. Adams, on the one hand,
	 held inflexibly to his course, advocating policies and recommending
	 measures which he knew had not the remotest chance of adoption;
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>
	 and, on the other hand, the opposition&mdash;which in the last two
	 years of the Administration controlled the Senate as well as the
	 House of Representatives&mdash;balked at no act that would humiliate
	 the President and make capital for its western idol. At the outset
	 the Jacksonians tried to hold up the confirmation of Clay. It fell
	 furiously, and quite without discrimination, upon the President&rsquo;s
	 great scheme of national improvements, professing to see in it evidence
	 of an insatiable desire for &ldquo;concentration.&rdquo; In the
	 discussion of a proposed amendment to the Constitution providing for
	 direct election of the President by the people it was constantly
	 assumed and frequently stated that Adams had no moral right to the
	 position which he occupied. The President&rsquo;s decision to send
	 delegates to the Panama Congress of 1826 raised a storm of acrimonious
	 debate and brought the Administration&rsquo;s enemies into closer
	 unison. To cap the climax, Adams was solemnly charged with abuse of
	 the federal patronage, and in the Senate six bills for the remedy of
	 the President&rsquo;s pernicious practices were brought in by Benton
	 in a single batch! Adams was able and honest, but he got no credit
	 from his opponents for these qualities. He, in turn, displayed little
	 magnanimity; and in refusing
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>
	 to shape his policies and methods to meet the conditions under which
	 he had to work, he fell short of the highest statesmanship.
</p>

<p>
	 As election year approached, it became clear that the people would at
	 last have an opportunity to make a direct choice between Adams and
	 Jackson. Each candidate was formally nominated by sundry legislatures
	 and other bodies; no one so much as suggested nomination by
	 congressional caucus. In the early months of 1828 the campaign rapidly
	 rose to an extraordinary level of vigor and public interest. Each
	 party group became bitter and personal in its attacks upon the other;
	 in our entire political history there have been not more than two or
	 three campaigns so smirched with vituperation and abuse. The Jackson
	 papers and stump speakers laid great stress on Adams&rsquo;s
	 aristocratic temperament, denounced his policies as President, and
	 exploited the &ldquo;corrupt bargain&rdquo;
	 charge with all possible ingenuity.
</p>

<p>
	 On the other hand, the Adams-Clay forces dragged forth in long array
	 Jackson&rsquo;s quarrels, duels, and rough-and-tumble encounters to
	 prove that he was not fit to be President; they distributed handbills
	 decorated with coffins bearing the names of the candidate&rsquo;s
	 victims; they cited scores
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>
	 of actions, from the execution of mutinous militiamen in the Creek
	 War to the quarrel with Callava, to show his arbitrary disposition;
	 and they strove in a most malicious manner to undermine his popularity
	 by breaking down his personal reputation, and even that of his wife
	 and of his mother. It has been said that &ldquo;the reader of
	 old newspaper files and pamphlet collections of the Adamsite
	 persuasion, in the absence of other knowledge, would gather that
	 Jackson was a usurper, an adulterer, a gambler, a cock-fighter, a
	 brawler, a drunkard, and withal a murderer of the most cruel and
	 blood-thirsty description.&rdquo; Issues&mdash;tariff, internal
	 improvements, foreign policy, slavery&mdash;receded into the
	 background; the campaign became for all practical purposes a personal
	 contest between the Tennessee soldier and the two statesmen whom he
	 accused of bargain and corruption. &ldquo;Hurrah for
	 Jackson!&rdquo; was the beginning and end of the creed of the masses
	 bent on the Tenneseean&rsquo;s election.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson never wearied of saying that he was &ldquo;no
	 politician.&rdquo; He was, none the less, one of the most forceful and
	 successful politicians that the country has known. He was fortunate
	 in being able to personify a cause which was grounded deeply in the
	 feelings and opinions of the people,
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span>
	 and also in being able to command the services of a large group of
	 tireless and skillful national and local managers.  He was willing
	 to leave to these managers the infinite details of his campaign. But
	 he kept in close touch with them and their subordinates, and upon
	 occasion he did not hesitate to take personal command. In politics,
	 as in war, he was imperious; persons not willing to support him with
	 all their might, and without question or quibble, he preferred to
	 see on the other side. Throughout the campaign his opponents hoped,
	 and his friends feared, that he would commit some deed of anger
	 that would ruin his chances of election. The temptation was strong,
	 especially when the circumstances of his marriage were dragged into
	 the controversy. But while he chafed inwardly, and sometimes expressed
	 himself with more force than elegance in the presence of his friends,
	 he maintained an outward calm and dignity.  His bitterest feeling
	 was reserved for Clay, who was known to be the chief inspirer of
	 the National Republicans&rsquo; mud-slinging campaign. But he felt
	 that Adams had it in his power to put a stop to the slanders
	 that were set in circulation, had he cared to do so.
</p>

<p>
	 As the campaign drew to a close, circumstances
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span>
	 pointed with increasing sureness to the triumph of the Jackson forces.
	 Adams, foreseeing the end, found solace in harsh and sometimes picturesque
	 entries in his diary. A group of opposition Congressmen he pronounced
	 &ldquo;skunks of party slander.&rdquo; Calhoun he described as
	 &ldquo;stimulated to frenzy by success, flattery, and premature advancement;
	 governed by no steady principle, but sagacious to seize upon every
	 prevailing popular breeze to swell his own sails.&rdquo; Clay,
	 likewise, became petulant and gloomy.  In the last two months of the
	 canvass Jackson ordered a general onslaught upon Kentucky, and when
	 finally it was affirmed that the State had been &ldquo;carried out
	 from under&rdquo; its accustomed master, Clay knew only too well that the
	 boast was true. To Adams&rsquo;s assurances that after four years of
	 Jackson the country would gladly turn to the Kentuckian, the latter
	 could only reply that there would, indeed, be a reaction, but that
	 before another President would be taken from the West he would be too
	 old; and it was with difficulty that Adams persuaded him not to retire
	 immediately from the Cabinet.
</p>

<p>
	 The results of the contest fully bore out the apprehensions of the
	 Administration. Jackson received nearly 140,000 more popular votes
	 than
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span>
	 Adams and carried every State south of the Potomac and west of
	 the Alleghanies. He carried Pennsylvania also by a vote of two to one
	 and divided about equally with his opponent the votes of New York and
	 Maryland. Only New England held fast for Adams. As one writer has
	 facetiously remarked, &ldquo;It took a New England conscience
	 to hold a follower in line for the New England candidate.&rdquo;
	 The total electoral vote was 178 for Jackson and 83 for Adams.
	 Calhoun was easily re&euml;lected to the vice presidency. Both
	 branches of Congress remained under the control of Jackson&rsquo;s
	 partizans.
</p>

<p>
	 Months before the election, congratulatory messages began to pour into
	 the Hermitage. Some came from old friends and disinterested
	 well-wishers, many from prospective seekers of office or of other
	 favors. Influential people in the East, and especially at the capital,
	 hastened to express their desire to be of service to the Jacksons in
	 the new life to which they were about to be called. In the list one
	 notes with interest the names of General Thomas Cadwalader of
	 Philadelphia, salaried lobbyist for the United States Bank, and
	 Senator Robert Y. Hayne, the future South Carolina nullifier.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span>
	 Returns sufficiently complete to leave no doubt of Jackson&rsquo;s
	 election reached the Hermitage on the 9th of December. That
	 afternoon, Lewis, Carroll, and a few other members of the
	 &ldquo;general headquarters staff&rdquo; gathered at the Jackson
	 home to review the situation and look over the bulky correspondence
	 that had come in. &ldquo;General Jackson,&rdquo; reports
	 Lewis, &ldquo;showed no elation. In fact, he had for some time
	 considered his election certain, the only question in his mind
	 being the extent of the majority. When he finished looking over the
	 summary by States, his only remark was that Isaac Hill, considering
	 the odds against him, had done wonders in New Hampshire!&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 When, two weeks later, the final returns were received, leading
	 Tenneseeans decided to give a reception, banquet, and ball which would
	 outshine any social occasion in the annals of the Southwest. Just as
	 arrangements were completed, however, Mrs. Jackson, who had long been
	 in failing health, suffered an attack of heart trouble; and at the
	 very hour when the General was to have been received, amid all the
	 trappings of civil and military splendor, with the huzzas of his
	 neighbors, friends, and admirers, he was sitting tearless, speechless,
	 and almost expressionless by the corpse of his life
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span>
	 companion. Long after the beloved one had been laid to rest in the
	 Hermitage garden amid the rosebushes she had planted, the President-elect
	 continued as one benumbed. He never gave up the idea that his wife had
	 been killed by worry over the attacks made upon him and upon her by the
	 Adams newspapers&mdash;that, as he expressed it, she was
	 &ldquo;murdered by slanders that pierced her heart.&rdquo; Only
	 under continued prodding from Lewis and other friends did he recall
	 himself to his great task and set about preparing for the arduous winter
	 journey to Washington, composing his inaugural address, selecting his
	 Cabinet, and laying plans for the reorganization of the federal Civil
	 Service on lines already definitely in his mind.
</p>

<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER VI</a></h2>
<h3>THE &ldquo;REIGN&rdquo; BEGINS</h3>


<p>
   <span class="smcap">Jackson&rsquo;s</span> election to the presidency
	 in 1828 was correctly described by Senator Benton as &ldquo;a
	 triumph of democratic principle, and an assertion of the
	 people&rsquo;s right to govern themselves.&rdquo; Jefferson
	 in his day was a candidate of the masses, and his triumph over John Adams
	 in 1800 was received with great public acclaim. Yet the Virginian was
	 at best an aristocratic sort of democrat; he was never in the fullest
	 sense a man of the people. Neither Madison nor Monroe inspired
	 enthusiasm, and for John Quincy Adams even New Englanders voted, as
	 Ezekiel Webster confessed, from a cold sense of duty. Jackson was, as
	 no President before him, the choice of the masses. His popular vote in
	 1824 revealed not only his personal popularity but the growing power
	 of the democratic elements in the nation, and his defeat in the House
	 of Representatives only strengthened
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span>
	 his own and the people&rsquo;s determination to be finally victorious.
	 The untrained, self-willed, passionate frontier soldier came to power
	 in 1828 as the standard bearer of a mighty democratic uprising which
	 was destined before it ran its course to break down oligarchical party
	 organizations, to liberalize state and local governments, and to turn
	 the stream of national politics into wholly new channels. It was futile
	 for men of the old school to protest and to prophesy misfortune for the
	 country under its new rulers. The people had spoken, and this time the
	 people&rsquo;s will was not to be denied.
</p>

<p>
	 Still haggard from his recent personal loss, the President-elect set
	 out for Washington, at the middle of January, 1829. With him went his
	 nephew, Andrew Jackson Donelson, who was to be his private secretary;
	 Mrs. Donelson, who was to preside over the executive mansion; an
	 accomplished niece of Mrs. Jackson, who was to be of social
	 assistance; an artist by the name of Earl, who resided at the White
	 House throughout Jackson&rsquo;s two Administrations, engaged
	 continually in painting portraits of the General; and, finally, the
	 faithful Major Lewis, whose intention was merely to attend the
	 inauguration and then return to his plantation. The puffing little
	 steamboat
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span>
	 on which the party traveled down the Cumberland and up the
	 Ohio was saluted and cheered a hundred times a day; at Louisville,
	 Cincinnati, and Pittsburgh there were great outpourings of
	 demonstrative citizens.  Duff Green, one of the party managers,
	 proposed that a great cavalcade should meet the victor at
	 Pittsburgh and escort him by relays to the capital. On Van
	 Buren&rsquo;s advice the plan was abandoned. But as the party passed
	 along the National Road toward its destination it was accorded an
	 ovation which left nothing to be desired as an evidence of the
	 public favor.
</p>

<p>
	 Arrived in Washington, on the 11th of February&mdash;the day on
	 which the electoral votes were counted in the Senate&mdash;Jackson
	 and his friends found temporary lodgings at the Indian Queen
	 Tavern, commonly known as &ldquo;the Wigwam.&rdquo;
	 During the next three weeks the old inn was the scene of unwonted
	 activity. Office seekers besieged it morning, noon, and night;
	 politicians came to ask favors or give advice; exponents of every
	 sort of cause watched for opportunities to obtain promises of
	 presidential support; scores of the curious came with no other purpose
	 than to see what a backwoods President looked like. &ldquo;The
	 city is full of speculation and speculators,&rdquo; wrote
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>
	 Daniel Webster to his sister-in-law a few days after Jackson&rsquo;s
	 arrival; &ldquo;a great multitude, too many to be fed without a miracle,
	 are already in the city, hungry for office. Especially, I learn that
	 the typographical corps is assembled in great force. From New Hampshire,
	 our friend Hill; from Boston, Mr. Greene &hellip; and from everywhere
	 else somebody else. So many friends ready to advise, and whose advice
	 is so disinterested, make somewhat of a numerous council about the
	 President-elect; and, if report be true, it is a council which only
	 makes that darker which was dark enough before.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 To all, Jackson was accessible. But he was not communicative, and up
	 to Inauguration Day people were left to speculate not only upon the
	 truth of the rumor that there was to be a &ldquo;full sweep&rdquo;
	 in the offices but upon the new Administration&rsquo;s attitude on
	 public questions in general. Even Isaac Hill, a warm friend and
	 supporter, was obliged to write to an acquaintance four days before
	 the inauguration that Jackson had little to say about the future,
	 &ldquo;except in a general way.&rdquo; The men with whom
	 the Executive-elect was daily closeted were Major Lewis and Senators
	 Eaton and White. Van Buren would have been of the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span>
	 number, had not his recently assumed duties as Governor kept him at
	 Albany. He was ably represented, however, by James A. Hamilton, a son
	 of Alexander Hamilton, to whose correspondence we owe most of what we
	 know about the laying of the plans for the new Administration.
</p>

<p>
	 The most pressing question was the personnel of the Cabinet. Upon only
	 one appointment was Jackson fully determined when he reached
	 Washington: Van Buren was to be Secretary of State. The
	 &ldquo;little magician&rdquo; had been influential in turning New York from
	 Crawford to Jackson; he had resigned his seat in the Senate and run for the
	 governorship with a view to uniting the party for Jackson&rsquo;s
	 benefit; he was the cleverest politician and, next to Calhoun, the
	 ablest man, in the Democratic ranks. When offered the chief place in
	 the Cabinet he promptly accepted. Edward Livingston was given his
	 choice of the remaining positions, but preferred to accept an election
	 to the Senate. With due regard for personal susceptibilities and sectional
	 interests, the list was then completed. A Pennsylvania Congressman,
	 Samuel D. Ingham, became Secretary of the Treasury; Senator John H.
	 Eaton was made Secretary of War; a Calhoun supporter from North
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>
	 Carolina, John Branch, was given the Navy portfolio; Senator John M.
	 Berrien of Georgia became Attorney-General; and William T. Barry of
	 Kentucky was appointed Postmaster-General, after the incumbent, John
	 McLean, refused to accept the policy of a clean slate in the
	 department. The appointments were kept secret until one week before
	 the inauguration, when they were announced in the party organ at the
	 capital, Duff Green&rsquo;s <i>United States Telegraph</i>.
</p>

<p>
	 Everywhere the list caused consternation. Van Buren&rsquo;s was the
	 only name of distinction in it; and only one of the appointees had had
	 experience in the administration of national affairs. Hamilton
	 pronounced the group &ldquo;the most unintellectual Cabinet we
	 ever had.&rdquo; Van Buren doubted whether he ought to have accepted a
	 seat in such company. A crowning expression of dissatisfaction came
	 from the Tennessee delegation in Congress, which formally protested
	 against the appointment of Eaton. But the President-elect was not to
	 be swayed.  His ideas of administrative efficiency were not highly
	 developed, and he believed that his Cabinet would prove equal to all
	 demands made upon it. Not the least of its virtues in his eyes was
	 the fact that, although nearly evenly
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span>
	 divided between his own followers and the friends of Calhoun, it
	 contained not one person who was not an uncompromising anti-Clay man.
</p>

<p>
	 Meanwhile a motley army of office seekers, personal friends, and
	 sightseers&mdash;to the number of ten or fifteen thousand&mdash;poured into
	 Washington to see the old r&eacute;gime of Virginia, New York, and
	 Massachusetts go out and the new r&eacute;gime of the people come in.
	 &ldquo;A monstrous crowd of people,&rdquo; wrote Webster on
	 Inauguration Day, &ldquo;is in the city. I never saw anything like it before.
	 Persons have come five hundred miles to see General Jackson, and they
	 really seem to think that the country is rescued from some dreadful
	 danger.&rdquo; Another observer, who was also not a Jacksonian, wrote:
	 &sup1;
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_119-1" name="footer_119-1"></a>
	       &sup1; Parton, <i>Life of Andrew Jackson,</i> Vol. III, p. 168.
</div>
<blockquote>
<p>
	 No one who was in Washington at the time of General Jackson&rsquo;s
	 inauguration is likely to forget that period to the day of his death.
	 To us, who had witnessed the quiet and orderly period of the Adams
	 Administration, it seemed as if half the nation had rushed at once
	 into the capital. It was like the inundation of the northern
	 barbarians into Rome, save that the tumultuous tide came in from a
	 different point of the compass. The West and the South seemed to have
	 precipitated themselves upon the North and overwhelmed it. &hellip;
</p>
<p>
   <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span>
	 Strange faces filled every public place, and every face seemed to bear
	 defiance on its brow. It appeared to me that every Jackson editor in
	 the country was on the spot. They swarmed, especially in the lobbies
	 of the House, an expectant host, a sort of Pr&aelig;torian band, which,
	 having borne in upon their shields their idolized leader, claimed the
	 reward of the hard-fought contest.
</p>
</blockquote>

<p>
	 The 4th of March dawned clear and balmy. &ldquo;By ten
	 o&rsquo;clock,&rdquo; says an eye-witness, &ldquo;the Avenue
	 was crowded with carriages of every description, from the splendid
	 baronet and coach, down to wagons and carts, filled with women and
	 children, some in finery and some in rags, for it was the
	 People&rsquo;s president.&rdquo; The great square which now
	 separates the Capitol and the Library of Congress was in
	 Jackson&rsquo;s day shut in by a picket fence. This enclosure was
	 filled with people&mdash;&ldquo;a vast agitated
	 sea&rdquo;&mdash;while in all directions the slopes of Capitol
	 Hill were thickly occupied. At noon watchers on the west portico,
	 looking down Pennsylvania Avenue, saw a group of gentlemen issue
	 from the Indian Queen and thread its way slowly up the hill. All
	 wore their hats except one tall, dignified, white-haired figure
	 in the middle, who was quickly recognized as Jackson. Passing
	 through the building, the party, reinforced by Chief Justice
	 Marshall and certain
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span>
	 other dignitaries, emerged upon the east portico, amid the
	 deafening cheers of the spectators. The President-elect bowed
	 gravely, and, stepping forward to a small cloth-covered table,
	 read in a low voice the inaugural address; the aged Chief Justice,
	 &ldquo;whose life was a protest against the political views of
	 the Jackson party,&rdquo; administered the oath of office;
	 and the ceremony was brought to a close in the customary manner by
	 the new Executive kissing the Bible. Francis Scott Key, watching
	 the scene from one of the gates, was moved to exclaim:
	 &ldquo;It is beautiful, it is sublime.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Thus far the people had been sufficiently impressed by the dignity of
	 the occasion to keep their places and preserve a reasonable silence.
	 But when the executive party started to withdraw, men, women, and
	 children rushed past the police and scrambled up the steps in a wild
	 effort to reach their adored leader and grasp his hand. Disheveled and
	 panting, the President finally reached a gate at which his horse was
	 in waiting; and, mounting with difficulty, he set off for the White
	 House, followed by a promiscuous multitude, &ldquo;countrymen,
	 farmers, gentlemen, mounted and unmounted, boys, women, and children,
	 black and white.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span>
	 The late President had no part in the day&rsquo;s proceedings. On
	 arriving in Washington, Jackson had refused to make the usual call
	 of the incoming upon the outgoing Executive, mainly because he held
	 Adams responsible for the newspaper virulence which had caused Mrs.
	 Jackson such distress and had possibly shortened her life. Deserted
	 by all save his most intimate friends, the New Englander faced the
	 last hours of his Administration in bitterness. His diary bears
	 ample evidence of his ill-humor and chagrin. On the 3d of March he
	 took up his residence on Meridian Hill, near the western limits of
	 the city; and thence he did not venture until the festivities of the
	 ensuing day were ended. No amount of effort on the part of mediators
	 ever availed to bring about a reconciliation between him and his
	 successor.
</p>

<p>
	 According to custom, the inaugural program came to an end with a
	 reception at the White House; and arrangements were made to entertain
	 a large number of guests. Police control, however, proved wholly
	 inadequate, and when the throng that followed the President up the
	 Avenue reached the executive grounds it engulfed the mansion and
	 poured in by windows as well as doors,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span>
	 until the reception rooms were packed to suffocation. Other guests,
	 bidden and unbidden&mdash;&ldquo;statesmen and stable-boys,
	 fine ladies and washerwomen, white people and
	 blacks&rdquo;&mdash;continued for hours to besiege the doors.
	 &ldquo;I never saw such a mixture,&rdquo; records Judge Story;
	 &ldquo;the reign of King Mob seemed triumphant. I was glad to
	 escape from the scene as soon as possible.&rdquo;
	 The President, too, after being jostled for an hour, very willingly
	 made his way by a side entrance to the street and thence to his hotel.
</p>

<p>
	 A profusion of refreshments, including barrels of orange punch, had
	 been provided; and an attempt to serve the guests led to a veritable
	 saturnalia. Waiters emerging from doors with loaded trays were borne
	 to the floor by the crush; china and glassware were smashed; gallons
	 of punch were spilled on the carpets; in their eagerness to be served
	 men in muddy boots leaped upon damask-covered chairs, overturned
	 tables, and brushed bric-&agrave;-brac from mantles and walls.
	 &ldquo;It would have done Mr. Wilberforce&rsquo;s heart
	 good,&rdquo; writes a cynical observer, &ldquo;to have seen a
	 stout black wench eating in this free country a jelly with a gold
	 spoon at the President&rsquo;s House.&rdquo; Only when some
	 thoughtful person directed that tubs of
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span>
	 punch be placed here and there on the lawn was the congestion indoors
	 relieved. When it was all over, the White House resembled a pigsty.
	 &ldquo;Several thousand dollars&rsquo; worth of broken china and
	 cut glass and many bleeding noses attested the fierceness of the
	 struggle.&rdquo; It was the people&rsquo;s day, and it was of no
	 avail for fastidious Adamsites to lift their eyebrows in ridicule or
	 scorn.
</p>

<p>
	 Those in whom the establishment of the new order aroused keenest
	 apprehension were the officeholders. A favorite theme of the Jackson
	 forces during the late campaign was the abuses of the patronage, and
	 the General came into office fully convinced that an overhauling of
	 the civil service would be one of the greatest contributions that he
	 could make to his country&rsquo;s welfare. Even if he had been less
	 sure of this than he was, the pressure which office seekers and their
	 friends brought to bear upon him would have been irresistible.
	 Four-fifths of the people who flocked to Washington at inauguration
	 time were seekers after office for themselves or their friends, and
	 from every county and town the country over came pleas of service
	 rendered and claims for reward. But Jackson needed little urging. He
	 thought, and rightly, that many of the incumbents
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>
	 had grown lax in the performance of their duties, if indeed they had
	 ever been anything else, and that fresh blood was needed in the
	 government employ. He believed that short terms and rapid rotation made
	 for alertness and efficiency. He felt that one man had as much right to
	 public office as another, and he was so unacquainted with the tasks of
	 administration as to suppose all honest citizens equally capable of
	 serving their fellowmen in public station. As for the grievances of
	 persons removed, his view was that &ldquo;no individual wrong is
	 done by removal, since neither appointment to nor continuance in office
	 is a matter of right.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Shortly after the election Major Lewis wrote to a friend that the
	 General was &ldquo;resolved on making a pretty clean sweep of the
	 departments.&rdquo; It is expected, he added, that &ldquo;he
	 will cleanse the Augean stables, and I feel pretty confident that
	 he will not disappoint the popular expectation in this
	 particular.&rdquo; If a complete overturn was ever really
	 contemplated, the plan was not followed up; and it is more than
	 possible that it was Van Buren who marked off the limits beyond
	 which it would not be expedient to go. None the less,
	 Jackson&rsquo;s removals far exceeded those made by his
	 predecessors. Speaking broadly, the power of
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>
	 removal had never yet been exercised in the Federal Government with
	 offensive partizanship. Even under Jefferson, when the holders of
	 half of the offices were changed in the space of four years, there
	 were few removals for political reasons.
</p>

<p>
	 No sooner was Jackson in office, however, than wholesale proscription
	 began. The ax fell in every department and bureau, and cut off chiefs
	 and clerks with equal lack of mercy. Age and experience counted rather
	 against a man than in his favor, and rarely was any reason given for
	 removal other than that some one else wanted the place. When Congress
	 met, in December, it was estimated that a thousand persons had been
	 ousted; and during the first year of the Administration the number is
	 said to have reached two thousand. The Post-Office Department and the
	 Customs Service were purged with special severity. The sole principle
	 on which the new appointees were selected was loyalty to Jackson.
	 Practically all were inexperienced, most were incompetent, and several
	 proved dishonest.
</p>

<p>
	 &ldquo;There has been,&rdquo; wrote the President in his journal
	 a few weeks after the inauguration, &ldquo;a great noise made
	 about removals.&rdquo; Protest arose not only from the proscribed
	 and their friends, but
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span>
	 from the Adams-Clay forces generally, and even from some of the
	 more moderate Jacksonians. &ldquo;Were it not for the outdoor
	 popularity of General Jackson,&rdquo; wrote Webster,
	 &ldquo;the Senate would have negatived more than half his
	 nominations.&rdquo; As it was, many were rejected; and some of the
	 worst were, under pressure, withdrawn. On the general principle the
	 President held his ground. &ldquo;It is rotation in
	 office,&rdquo; he again and again asserted in all honesty,
	 &ldquo;that will perpetuate our liberty,&rdquo; and
	 from this conviction no amount of argument or painful experience could
	 shake him. After 1830 one hears less about the subject, but only
	 because the novelty and glamor of the new regime had worn off.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson was not the author of the spoils system. The device of using
	 the offices as rewards for political service had long been familiar in
	 the state and local governments, notably in New York. What Jackson and
	 his friends did was simply to carry over the spoils principle into the
	 National Government. No more unfortunate step was ever taken by an
	 American President; the task of undoing the mischief has been long and
	 laborious. Yet the spoils system was probably an inevitable feature of
	 the new rule of the people; at all events,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span>
	 it was accepted by all parties and sanctioned by public sentiment for
	 more than half a century.
</p>

<p>
	 Like Philip II of Spain, who worked twelve hours a day at the business
	 of being a King, Jackson took the duties of his exalted post very
	 seriously. No man had ever accused him of laxness in public office,
	 civil or military; on the contrary, his superiors commonly considered
	 themselves fortunate if they could induce or compel him to keep his
	 energies within reasonable bounds. As President he was not without
	 distressing shortcomings. He was self-willed, prejudiced, credulous,
	 petulant. But he was honest, and he was industrious. No President ever
	 kept a closer watch upon Congress to see that the rights of the
	 executive were not invaded or the will of the people thwarted; and his
	 vigilance was rewarded, not only by his success in vindicating the
	 independence of the executive in a conflict whose effects are felt to
	 this day, but by the very respectable amount of legislation which he
	 contrived to obtain in the furtherance of what he believed to be the
	 public welfare. When a rebellious Congress took the bit in its teeth,
	 he never hesitated to crack the whip over its head. Sometimes the
	 pressure was applied indirectly, but with none the less effect. One of
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>
	 the first acts of the Senate to arouse strong feelings in the White
	 House was the rejection of the nomination of Isaac Hill to be Second
	 Comptroller of the Treasury. A New Hampshire senatorship soon falling
	 vacant, the President deftly brought about the election of Hill to the
	 position; and many a gala hour he had in later days as Lewis and other
	 witnesses described the chagrin of the senators at being obliged to
	 accept as one of their colleagues a man whom they had adjudged unfit
	 for a less important office.
</p>

<p>
	 Much thought had been bestowed upon the composition of the Cabinet,
	 and some of the President&rsquo;s warmest supporters urged that he
	 should	make use of the group as a council of state, after the manner
	 of his	predecessors. Jackson&rsquo;s purposes, however, ran in a
	 different direction. He had been on intimate terms with fewer than
	 half of the members, and he saw no reason why these men, some of whom
	 were primarily the friends of Calhoun, should be allowed to supplant
	 old confidants like Lewis. Let them, he reasoned, go about their
	 appointed tasks as heads of the administrative departments, while he
	 looked for counsel whithersoever he desired. Hence the official Cabinet
	 fell into the background, and after a
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span>
	 few weeks the practice of holding meetings was dropped.
</p>

<p>
	 As advisers on party affairs and on matters of general policy the
	 President drew about himself a heterogeneous group of men which the
	 public labeled the &ldquo;Kitchen Cabinet.&rdquo; Included
	 in the number were the two members of the regular Cabinet in whom
	 Jackson had implicit confidence, Van Buren and Eaton. Isaac Hill
	 was a member. Amos Kendall, a New Englander who had lately edited a
	 Jackson paper in Kentucky, and who now found his reward in the fourth
	 auditorship of the Treasury, was another. William B. Lewis, prevailed
	 upon by Jackson to accept another auditorship along with Kendall,
	 rather than to follow out his original intention to return to his
	 Tennessee plantation, was not only in the Kitchen Cabinet but was also
	 a member of the President&rsquo;s household. Duff Green, editor of the
	 <i>Telegraph</i>, and A. J. Donelson, the President&rsquo;s nephew and
	 secretary, were included in the group; as was also Francis P. Blair
	 after, in 1830, he became editor of the new administration organ, the
	 <i>Globe</i>. It was the popular impression that the influence of these
	 men, especially of Lewis and Kendall, was very great&mdash;that, indeed,
	 they virtually ruled the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span>
	 country. There was some truth in the supposition. In matters upon
   which his mind was not fully made up, Jackson was easily swayed; and
	 his most intimate &ldquo;Kitchen&rdquo; advisers were adepts at
	 playing upon his likes and dislikes. He, however, always resented the
	 insinuation that he was not his own master, and all testimony goes to
	 show that when he was once resolved upon a given course his friends
	 were just as powerless to stop him as were his enemies.
</p>

<p>
	 The Jacksonians were carried into office on a great wave of popular
	 enthusiasm, and for the time being all the powers of government were
	 theirs. None the less, their position was imperiled almost from the
	 beginning by a breach within the administration ranks. Calhoun had
	 contented himself with re&euml;lection to the vice presidency in
	 1828 on the understanding that, after Jackson should have had one
	 term, the road to the White House would be left clear for himself.
	 Probably Jackson, when elected, fully expected Calhoun to be his
	 successor. Before long, however, the South Carolinian was given
	 ground for apprehension. Men began to talk about a second term for
	 Jackson, and the White House gave no indication of disapproval. Even
	 more disconcerting was the large
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span>
	 place taken in the new r&eacute;gime by Van Buren. The &ldquo;little
	 magician&rdquo; held the chief post in the Cabinet; he was in the
	 confidence of the President as Calhoun was not; there were multiplying
	 indications that he was aiming at the presidency; and if he were to
	 enter the race he would be hard to beat, for by general admission he
	 was the country&rsquo;s most astute politician. With every month that
	 passed the Vice President&raquo;s star was in graver danger of
	 eclipse.
</p>

<p>
	 Several curious circumstances worked together to widen the breach
	 between the Calhoun and Van Buren elements and at the same time to
	 bring the President definitely into the ranks of the New
	 Yorker&rsquo;s supporters. One was the controversy over the social
	 status of &ldquo;Peggy&rdquo; Eaton. Peggy was the daughter of a tavern
	 keeper, William O&rsquo;Neil, at whose hostelry both Jackson and
	 Eaton had lived when they were senators. Her first husband, a purser
	 in the navy, committed suicide at sea; and Washington gossips said
	 that he was driven to the act by chagrin caused by his wife&rsquo;s
	 misconduct, both before and after her marriage. On the eve of
	 Jackson&rsquo;s inauguration the widow became Mrs. Eaton, and certain
	 disagreeable rumors connecting the names of the two were confirmed
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span>
	 in the public mind. When Eaton was made Secretary of War, society
	 shrugged its shoulders and wondered what sort of figure
	 &ldquo;Peg O&rsquo;Neil&rdquo; would cut in Cabinet circles. The question
	 was soon answered. At the first official functions Mrs. Eaton was
	 received with studied neglect by the wives of the other Cabinet
	 officers; and all refused either to call on her or to receive her
	 in their homes.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson was furious. It was enough for him that Mrs. Jackson had
	 thought well of the suspected woman, and all his gallantry rose in her
	 defense. Professing to regard the attitude of the protesters as
	 nothing less than an affront to his Administration, he called upon the
	 men of the Cabinet, and upon the Vice President, to remonstrate with
	 their wives in Mrs. Eaton&rsquo;s behalf. But if any such remonstrances
	 were made, nothing came of them. &ldquo;For once in his life, Andrew
	 Jackson was defeated. Creeks and Spaniards and Redcoats he could conquer,
	 but the ladies of Washington never surrendered, and Peggy Eaton, though
	 her affairs became a national question, never got into Washington
   society.&rdquo; &sup1; The political effect of the episode was considerable.
	 Van Buren was
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span>
	 a widower, and, having no family to object, he showed Mrs. Eaton all
	 possible courtesy. On the other hand, Mrs. Calhoun was the leader of
	 those who refused Mrs. Eaton recognition. Jackson was not slow to note
	 these facts, and his opinion of Van Buren steadily rose, while he set
	 down Calhoun as an obdurate member of the &ldquo;conspiracy.&rdquo;
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_134-1" name="footer_134-1"></a>
	       &sup1; Brown, <i>Andrew Jackson,</i> p. 127.
</div>

<p>
	 Throughout the winter of 1829-30 the Calhoun and Van Buren factions
	 kept up a contest which daily became more acrimonious and open.
	 Already the clique around the President had secretly decided that in
	 1832 he must run again, with Van Buren as a mate, and that the New
	 Yorker should be the presidential candidate in 1836. Though irritated
	 by the Vice President&rsquo;s conduct in the Eaton affair and in other
	 matters, Jackson threw over the understanding of 1828 with reluctance.
	 Even when, on the last day of 1829, his friends, alarmed by the state
	 of his health, persuaded him to write a letter to a Tennessee judge
	 warmly commending Van Buren and expressing grave doubts about the
	 South Carolinian&mdash;a statement which, in the event of worst fears
	 being realized, would be of the utmost value to the Van Buren
	 men&mdash;he was unwilling to go the full length of an open break.
</p>

<p>
	 But Lewis and his coworkers were craftily laying
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>
	 the train of powder that would lead to an explosion, and in the spring
	 of 1830 they were ready to apply the match. When the President had been
	 worked up to the	right stage of suspicion, it was suddenly made known to
	 him that it was Calhoun, not Crawford, who in Monroe&rsquo;s Cabinet
	 circle in 1818 had urged that the conqueror of Florida be censured for
	 his bold deeds. This had the full effect desired. Jackson made a
	 peremptory demand upon the Vice President for an explanation of his
	 perfidy. Calhoun responded in a letter which explained and explained,
	 yet got nowhere. Whereupon Jackson replied in a haughty communication,
	 manifestly prepared by the men who were engineering the whole business,
	 declaring the former Secretary guilty of the most reprehensible
	 duplicity and severing all relations with him. This meant the end of
	 Calhoun&rsquo;s hopes, at all events for the present. He could never be
	 President while Jackson&rsquo;s influence lasted. Van Buren had won;
	 and the embittered South Carolinian could only turn for solace to the
   nullification movement, in which he was already deeply engulfed.
</p>

<p>
	 Pursuing their plans to the final stroke, the Administration managers
	 forced a reconstruction of the Cabinet, and all of Calhoun&rsquo;s
   supporters
   <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span>
	 were displaced. Louis McLane of Delaware became Secretary
	 of the Treasury; Lewis Cass of Michigan, Secretary of War; Levi
	 Woodbury of New Hampshire, Secretary of the Navy; and Roger B. Taney
	 of Maryland, Attorney-General. Van Buren also retired, in conformity
	 with Jackson&rsquo;s announced intention not to have any one in the
	 Cabinet who was a candidate for the succession; and Edward Livingston,
	 Jackson&rsquo;s old Louisiana friend, became Secretary of State.
</p>

<p>
	 It was decided that a fitting post for a successor while awaiting his
	 turn&mdash;particularly for one who was not popular&mdash;would be the
	 ministership to Great Britain; and Van Buren duly traveled to London
	 to take up the duties of this position. But when the appointment was
	 submitted to the Senate, Calhoun&rsquo;s friends adroitly managed
	 matters so that the Vice President should have the satisfaction of
	 preventing confirmation by his casting vote. &ldquo;It will kill him,
	 sir, kill him dead,&rdquo; declared the vengeful South Carolinian
	 to a doubting friend.  &ldquo;He will never kick, sir, never
	 kick.&rdquo; But no greater tactical error could have been committed.
	 Benton showed the keener insight when he informed the jubilant Calhoun
	 men that they had &ldquo;broken a minister,&rdquo; only to elect
	 a Vice President.
</p>

<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>

<h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER VII</a></h2>
<h3>THE WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE</h3>


<p>
	 <span class="smcap">The</span> United States came out of her second
	 war with Great Britain a proud and fearless nation, though her
	 record was not, on its face, glorious. She went to war shockingly
	 unprepared; the people were of divided opinion, and one great section
	 was in open revolt; the military leaders were without distinction; the
	 soldiery was poorly trained and equipped; finances were disordered;
	 the operations on land were mostly failures; and the privateers, which
	 achieved wonders in the early stages of the contest, were driven to
	 cover long before the close; for the restoration of peace the nation
	 had to thank England&rsquo;s war weariness far more than her own
	 successes; and the Treaty of Ghent did not so much as mention
	 impressment, captures, or any of the other matters mainly at issue when
	 the war was begun. Peace, however, brought gratitude, enthusiasm,
	 optimism. Defeats were quickly forgotten; and
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>
	 Jackson&rsquo;s victory at New Orleans atoned for the humiliations of
	 years. After all, the contest had been victorious in its larger outcome,
	 for the new world conditions were such as to insure that the claims and
	 practices which had troubled the relations of the United States and Great
	 Britain would never be revived. The carpings of critics were drowned in
	 the public rejoicings. The Hartford Convention dissolved unwept and unsung.
	 Flushed with pride and confidence, the country entered upon a new and
	 richer epoch.
</p>

<p>
	 The dominant tone of this dawning period was nationalism. The nation
	 was to be made great and rich and free; sectional interests and
	 ambitions were to be merged in the greater national purpose. Congress
	 voiced the sentiment of the day by freely laying tariffs to protect
	 newly risen manufactures, by appropriating money for
	 &ldquo;internal improvements,&rdquo; by establishing a second United
	 States Bank, and by giving full support to the annexation of territory
	 for the adjustment of border difficulties and the extension of the
	 country to its natural frontiers.
</p>

<p>
	 Under the leadership of John Marshall, the Supreme Court handed down
	 an imposing series of decisions restricting the powers of the States
   and
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span>
	 throwing open the floodgates for the expansion of national functions
	 and activities. Statesmen of all sections put the nation first in
	 their plans and policies as they had not always done in earlier days.
	 John C. Calhoun was destined shortly to take rank as the greatest of
	 sectionalists. Nevertheless, between 1815 and 1820 he voted for
	 protective tariffs, brought in a great bill for internal
	 improvements, and won from John Quincy Adams praise for being
	 &ldquo;above all sectional &hellip; prejudices more than any other
	 statesman of this union&rdquo; with whom he &ldquo;had
	 ever acted.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 The differences between the nationalist and state rights schools were,
	 however, deep-rooted&mdash;altogether too fundamental to be obliterated
	 by even the nationalizing swing of the war period; and in a brief time
	 the old controversy of Hamilton and Jefferson was renewed on the
	 former lines. The pull of political tradition and of sectional
	 interest was too strong to be resisted. In the commercial and
	 industrial East tradition and interest supported, in general, the
	 doctrine of broad national powers; and the same was true of the West
	 and Northwest. The South, however, inclined to limited national
	 powers, large functions for the States, and such a construction of the
	 Constitution
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span>
	 as would give the benefit of the doubt in all cases to the States.
</p>

<p>
	 The political theory current south of the Potomac and the Ohio made of
	 state rights a fetish. Yet the powerful sectional reaction which set
	 in after 1820 against the nationalizing tendency had as its main
	 impetus the injustice which the Southern people felt had been done to
	 them through the use of the nation&rsquo;s larger powers. They objected
	 to the protective tariff as a device which not only brought the South no
	 benefit but interfered with its markets and raised the cost of certain
	 of its staple supplies. They opposed internal improvements at national
	 expense because of their consolidating tendency, and because few of
	 the projects carried out were of large advantage to the Southern
	 people. They regarded the National Bank as at best useless; and they
	 resisted federal legislation imposing restrictions on slavery as
	 prejudicial to vested rights in the &ldquo;peculiar institution.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 After 1820 the pendulum swung rapidly back toward particularism. State
	 rights sentiment was freely expressed by men, both Southern and
	 Northern, whose views commanded respect; and in more than one
	 State&mdash;notably in Ohio and Georgia&mdash;bold
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span>
	 actions proclaimed this sentiment to be no mere matter of academic
	 opinion. Ohio in 1819 forcibly collected a tax on the United States
	 Bank in defiance of the Supreme Court&rsquo;s decision in the case
	 of M&rsquo;Culloch <i>vs.</i> Maryland; and in 1821 her Legislature
	 reaffirmed the doctrines of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions and
	 persisted in resistance, even after the Supreme Court had rendered a
	 decision &sup1; specifically against the position which the State had
	 taken. Judge Roane of Virginia, in a series of articles in the
	 <i>Richmond Enquirer</i>, argued that the Federal Union was a compact
	 among the States and that the nationalistic reasoning of his fellow
	 Virginian, Marshall, in the foregoing decisions was false; and Jefferson
	 heartily endorsed his views. In Cohens <i>vs.</i> Virginia, in 1821, the
	 Supreme Court held that it had appellate jurisdiction in a case decided
	 by a state court where the Constitution and laws of the United States
	 were involved, even though a State was a party; whereupon the Virginia
	 House of Delegates declared that the State&rsquo;s lawyers had been
	 right in their contention that final construction of the Constitution
	 lay with the courts of the States. Jefferson, also, gave this assertion
	 his
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>
	 support, and denounced the centralizing tendencies of the Judiciary,
	 &ldquo;which, working like gravity without any intermission, is to
	 press us at last into one consolidated mass.&rdquo;
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_142-1" name="footer_142-1"></a>
	       &sup1; Osborn <i>vs.</i> Bank of the United States.
</div>


<p>
	 In 1825 Jefferson actually proposed that the Virginia Legislature
	 should pass a set of resolutions pronouncing null and void the whole
	 body of federal laws on the subject of internal improvements. The
	 Georgia Legislature, aroused by growing antislavery activities in the
	 North, declared in 1827 that the remedy lay in &ldquo;a firm and
	 determined union of the people and the States of the South&rdquo;
	 against interference with the institutions of that section of the
	 country. Already Georgia had placed herself in an attitude of
	 resistance to the Federal Government upon the rights of the Indians
	 within her borders, and within the next decade she repeatedly nullified
	 decisions of the federal courts on this subject. In 1828 the South
	 Carolina Legislature adopted a series of eight resolutions denouncing
	 the lately enacted &ldquo;tariff of abominations,&rdquo; and a
	 report, originally drafted by Calhoun and commonly known as
	 <i>The South Carolina Exposition</i>, in which were to be found all of
	 the essentials of the constitutional argument underlying the
	 nullification movement of 1832.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>
	 When Jackson went into the White House, the country was therefore
	 fairly buzzing with discussions of constitutional questions. What was
	 the true character of the Constitution and of the Union established
	 under it? Were the States sovereign? Who should determine the limits
	 of state and federal powers? What remedy had a State against
	 unconstitutional measures of the National Government? Who should say
	 when an act was unconstitutional?
</p>

<p>
	 The South, in particular, was in an irritable frame of mind.
	 Agriculture was in a state of depression; manufacturing was not
	 developing as had been expected; the steadily mounting tariffs were
	 working economic disadvantage; the triumph of members of Congress and
	 of the Supreme Court who favored a loose construction of the
	 Constitution indicated that there would be no end of acts and
	 decisions contrary to what the South regarded as her own interests.
	 Some apprehensive people looked to Jackson for reassurance. But his
	 first message to Congress assumed that the tariff would continue as it
	 was, and, indeed, gave no promise of relief in any direction.
</p>

<p>
	 It was at this juncture that the whole controversy flared up
	 unexpectedly in one of the greatest
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span>
	 debates ever heard on the floor of our Congress or in the legislative
	 halls of any country. On December 29, 1829, Senator Samuel A. Foote of
	 Connecticut offered an innocent-looking resolution proposing a
	 temporary restriction of the sale of public lands to such lands as had
	 already been placed on the market. The suggestion was immediately
	 resented by western members, who professed to see in it a desire to
	 check the drain of eastern population to the West; and upon the
	 reconvening of Congress following the Christmas recess Senator Benton
	 of Missouri voiced in no uncertain terms the indignation of his State
	 and section. The discussion might easily have led to nothing more than
	 the laying of the resolution on the table; and in that event we should
	 never have heard of it. But it happened that one of the senators from
	 South Carolina, Robert Y. Hayne, saw in the situation what he took to be
	 a chance to deliver a telling blow for his own discontented section.
	 On the 19th of January he got the floor, and at the fag-end of a long
	 day he held his colleagues&rsquo; attention for an hour.
</p>

<p>
	 The thing that Hayne had in mind to do primarily was to draw the West
	 to the side of the South, in common opposition to the East. He
	 therefore
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span>
	 vigorously attacked the Foote resolution, agreeing with
	 Benton that it was an expression of Eastern jealousy and that its
	 adoption would greatly retard the development of the West. He laid
	 much stress upon the common interests of the Western and Southern
	 people and openly invited the one to an alliance with the other. He
	 deprecated the tendencies of the Federal Government to consolidation
	 and declared himself &ldquo;opposed, in any shape, to all
	 unnecessary extension of the powers or the influence of
	 the Legislature or Executive of the Union over the States,
	 or the people of the States.&rdquo; Throughout the speech ran
	 side by side the twin ideas of strict construction and state rights;
	 in every sentence breathed the protest of South Carolina against the
	 protective tariff.
</p>

<p>
	 Just as the South Carolinian began speaking, a shadow darkened the
	 doorway of the Senate chamber, and Daniel Webster stepped casually
	 inside. The Massachusetts member was at the time absorbed in the
	 preparation of certain cases that were coming up before the Supreme
	 Court, and he had given little attention either to Foote&rsquo;s
	 resolution or to the debate upon it. What he now heard, however,
	 quickly drove Carver&rsquo;s Lessee <i>vs.</i> John Jacob Astor
	 quite out of his mind. Aspersions
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span>
	 were being cast upon his beloved New England; the Constitution was
	 under attack; the Union itself was being called in question.
	 Webster&rsquo;s decision was instantaneous: Hayne must be
	 answered&mdash;and answered while his arguments were still hot.
</p>

<p>
	 &ldquo;Seeing the true grounds of the Constitution thus
	 attacked,&rdquo; the New Englander subsequently explained at a
	 public dinner in New York, &ldquo;I raised my voice in its favor,
	 I must confess, with no preparation or previous intention. I can hardly
	 say that I embarked in the contest from a sense of duty. It was an
	 instantaneous impulse of inclination, not acting against duty, I trust,
	 but hardly waiting for its suggestions. I felt it to be a contest for
	 the integrity of the Constitution, and I was ready to enter into it,
	 not thinking, or caring, personally, how I came out.&rdquo; In
	 a speech characterized by Henry Cabot Lodge as &ldquo;one of the
	 most effective retorts, one of the strongest pieces of destructive
	 criticism, ever uttered in the Senate,&rdquo; Webster now defended
	 his section against the charges of selfishness, jealousy, and
	 snobbishness that had been brought against it, and urged that the
	 Senate and the people be made to hear no more utterances, such as
	 those of Hayne, tending &ldquo;to
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span>
	 bring the Union into discussion, as a mere question of present and
	 temporary expediency.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 The debate was now fairly started, and the word quickly went round
	 that a battle of the giants was impending. Each foeman was worthy of
	 the other&rsquo;s steel. Hayne was representative of all that was
	 proudest and best in the South Carolina of his day. &ldquo;Nature
	 had lavished on him,&rdquo; says Benton, &ldquo;all the
	 gifts which lead to eminence in public, and to happiness in private,
	 life.&rdquo; He was tall, well-proportioned, graceful; his features were
	 clean-cut and expressive of both intelligence and amiability; his
	 manner was cordial and unaffected; his mind was vigorous and his
	 industry unremitting. Furthermore, he was an able lawyer, a fluent
	 orator, a persuasive debater, an adroit parliamentarian. Upon entering
	 the Senate at the early age of thirty-two, he had won prompt
	 recognition by a powerful speech in opposition to the tariff of 1824;
	 and by 1828, when he was re&euml;lected, he was known as the
	 South&rsquo;s ablest and boldest spokesman in the upper chamber.
</p>

<p>
	 Webster was an equally fitting representative of rugged New England.
	 Born nine years earlier than Hayne, he struggled up from a boyhood of
	 physical frailty and poverty to an honored place at the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span>
	 Boston bar, and in 1812, at the age of thirty, was elected to
	 Congress. To the Senate he brought, in 1827, qualities that gave him
	 at once a preeminent position. His massive head, beetling brow, flashing
	 eye, and stately carriage attracted instant attention wherever he went.
	 His physical impressiveness was matched by lofty traits of character
	 and by extraordinary powers of intellect; and by 1830 he had acquired a
	 reputation for forensic ability and legal acumen which were second to
   none.
</p>

<p>
	 When, therefore, on the 21st of January, Hayne rose to deliver his
	 <i>First Reply</i>, and Webster five days later took the floor to
	 begin his <i>Second Reply</i>&mdash;probably the greatest effort in
	 the history of American legislative oratory&mdash;the little chamber
	 then used by the Senate, but nowadays given over to the Supreme Court,
	 presented a spectacle fairly to be described as historic. Every senator
	 who could possibly be present answered at roll call. Here were
	 Webster&rsquo;s more notable fellow New Englanders&mdash;John Holmes
	 of Maine, Levi Woodbury of New Hampshire, Horatio Seymour of Vermont.
	 There were Mahlon Dickerson and Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey,
	 and John M. Clayton of Delaware. Here, John Tyler of Virginia,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span>
	 John Forsyth of Georgia, William R. King of Alabama; there, Hugh L.
	 White and Felix Grundy of Tennessee, and Thomas H. Benton of Missouri.
	 From the President&rsquo;s chair Hayne&rsquo;s distinguished fellow
	 South Carolinian, Calhoun, looked down upon the assemblage with
	 emotions which he vainly strove to conceal.
</p>

<p>
	 During the later stages of the discussion people of prominence from
	 adjoining States filled the hotels of the city and bombarded the
	 senators with requests for tickets of admission to the senate
	 galleries. Lines were formed, and when the doors were thrown open in
	 the morning every available inch of space was instantly filled with
	 interested and excited spectators. So great was the pressure that all
	 rules governing the admission of the public were waived. On the day of
	 Webster&rsquo;s greatest effort ladies were admitted to the seats of
	 the members, and the throng overflowed through the lobbies and down
	 the long stairways, quite beyond hearing distance. In the House of
	 Representatives the Speaker remained at his post, but the attendance
	 was so scant that no business could be transacted.
</p>

<p>
	 Hayne&rsquo;s speech&mdash;begun on the 21st and continued on the
	 25th of January&mdash;was the fullest and
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span>
	 most forceful exposition of the doctrines of strict construction,
	 state rights, and nullification that had ever fallen upon the ear of
	 Congress. It was no mere piece of abstract argumentation. Hayne was
	 not the man to shrink from personalities, and he boldly accused the
	 New England Federalists of disloyalty and Webster himself of complicity
	 in &ldquo;bargain and corruption.&rdquo; Thrusting and parrying,
	 he stirred his supporters to wild enthusiasm and moved even the
	 solemn-visaged Vice President to smiles of approval. The nationalists
	 winced and wondered whether their champion would be able to measure
	 up with so keen an antagonist. Webster sat staring into space, breaking
	 his reverie only now and then to make a few notes.
</p>

<p>
	 The debate reached a climax in Webster&rsquo;s powerful <i>Second
	 Reply</i>, on the 26th and 27th of January. Everything was favorable
	 for a magnificent effort: the hearing was brilliant, the theme was
	 vital, the speaker was in the prime of his matchless powers. On the
	 desk before the New Englander as he arose were only five small
	 letter-paper pages of notes. He spoke with such immediate preparation
	 merely as the labors of a single evening made possible. But it may be
	 doubted whether any forensic effort in our history was ever more
	 thoroughly prepared
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span>
	 for, because Webster <i>lived</i> his speech before he spoke it.
	 The origins of the Federal Union, the theories and applications of the
	 Constitution, the history and bearings of nullification&mdash;these
	 were matters with which years of study, observation, professional
	 activity, and association with men had made him absolutely familiar.
	 If any living American could answer Hayne and his fellow partizans,
	 Webster was the man to do it.
</p>

<p>
	 Forty-eight in the total of seventy-three pages of print filled by
	 this speech are taken up with a defense of New England against the
	 Southern charges of sectionalism and disloyalty. Few utterances of
	 the time are more familiar than the sentences bringing this part of
	 the oration to a close: &ldquo;Mr. President, I shall enter on
	 no encomium of Massachusetts; she needs none. There she is. Behold
	 her, and judge for yourselves. There is her history; the world knows
	 it by heart. &hellip; There is Boston, and Concord, and Lexington,
	 and Bunker Hill; and there they will remain forever.&rdquo; If this
	 had been all, the speech would have been only a spirited defense of
	 the good name of a section and would hardly have gained immortality.
	 It was the Union, however, that most needed defense; and for that
	 service the orator reserved his grandest efforts.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span>
	 From the opening of the discussion Webster&rsquo;s object had been
	 to &ldquo;force from Hayne or his supporters a full, frank, clear-cut
	 statement of what nullification meant; and then, by opposing to
	 this doctrine the Constitution as he understood it, to show its
	 utter inadequacy and fallaciousness either as constitutional law or
	 as a practical working scheme.&rdquo; &sup1; In the
	 Southerner&rsquo;s <i>First Reply</i> Webster found the statement
	 that he wanted; he now proceeded to demolish it. Many pages of print
	 would be required to reproduce, even in substance, the arguments which
	 he employed. Yet the fundamentals are so simple that they can be stated
	 in a dozen lines. Sovereignty, under our form of government, resides in
	 the people of the United States. The exercise of the powers of
	 sovereignty is entrusted by the people partly to the National Government
	 and partly to the state Governments. This division of functions is made
	 in the federal Constitution. If differences arise, as they must, as to
	 the precise nature of the division, the decision rests&mdash;not with
	 the state legislatures, as Hayne had said&mdash;but with the federal
	 courts, which were established in part for that very purpose. No State
	 has a right to &ldquo;nullify&rdquo; a federal law;
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span>
	 if one State has this right, all must have it, and the result can only
	 be conflicts that would plunge the Government into chaos and the people
	 ultimately into war. If the Constitution is not what the people want,
	 they can amend it; but as long as it stands, the Constitution and all
	 lawful government under it must be obeyed.
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_153-1" name="footer_153-1"></a>
	       &sup1; MacDonald, <i>Jacksonian Democracy,</i> p. 98.
</div>

<p>
	 The incomparably eloquent peroration penetrated to the heart of the
	 whole matter. The logic of nullification was disunion. Fine theories
	 might be spun and dazzling phrases made to convince men otherwise, but
	 the hard fact would remain. Hayne, Calhoun, and their like were
	 playing with fire. Already they were boldly weighing &ldquo;the
	 chances of preserving liberty when the bonds that unite us together
	 shall be broken asunder&rdquo;; already they were hanging over
	 the precipice of disunion, to see whether they could &ldquo;fathom
	 the depth of the abyss below.&rdquo; The last powerful words of
	 the speech were, therefore, a glorification of the Union:
</p>

<blockquote>
<p>
	 While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects
	 spread out before us, for us and our children. Beyond that I seek not
	 to penetrate the veil. God grant that in my day, at least, that
	 curtain may not rise. &hellip; When my eyes shall be turned to behold
	 for the last time
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span>
	 the sun in heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored
	 fragments of a once glorious Union; on States dissevered, discordant,
	 belligerent; on a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in
	 fraternal blood! Let their last feeble and lingering glance, rather,
	 behold the gorgeous ensign of the Republic, now known and honored
	 throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and trophies
	 streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, nor
	 a single star obscured, bearing for its motto no such miserable
	 interrogatory as &ldquo;What is all this worth?&rdquo; nor
	 those other words of delusion and folly &ldquo;Liberty first and
	 Union afterward&rdquo;; but everywhere, spread all over in
	 characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they
	 float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole
	 heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every American
	 heart&mdash;&ldquo;Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and
	 inseparable!&rdquo;
</p>
</blockquote>

<p>
	 Undaunted by the flood of eloquence that for four hours held the
	 Senate spellbound, Hayne replied in a long speech that touched the
	 zenith of his own masterful powers of argumentation. He conceded
	 nothing. Each State, he still maintained, is &ldquo;an
	 independent sovereignty&rdquo;; the Union is based upon a compact;
	 and every party to the compact has a right to interpret for itself
	 the terms of the agreement by which all are bound together. In a
	 short, crisp speech, traversing the main ground which he had already
	 gone over,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>
	 Webster exposed the inconsistencies and dangers involved in this
	 argument; and the debate was over. The Foote resolution, long since
	 forgotten, remained on the Senate calendar four months and was then
	 tabled. Webster went back to his cases; the politicians turned again
	 to their immediate concerns; the humdrum of congressional business was
	 resumed; and popular interest drifted to other things.
</p>

<p>
	 Both sides were well satisfied with the presentation of their views.
	 Certainly neither was converted to the position of the other. The
	 debate served, however, to set before the country with greater
	 clearness than ever before the two great systems of constitutional
	 interpretation that were struggling for mastery, and large numbers of
	 men whose ideas had been hazy were now led to adopt thoughtfully
	 either the one body of opinions or the other. The country was not yet
	 ready to follow the controversy to the end which Webster clearly
	 foresaw&mdash;civil war. But each side treasured its vitalized and
	 enriched arguments for use in a more strenuous day.
</p>

<p>
	 Advantage in the great discussion lay partly with Hayne and partly
	 with his brilliant antagonist. On the whole, the facts of history were
	 on the side
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>
	 of Hayne. Webster attempted to argue from the intent of the framers
	 of the Constitution and from early opinion concerning the nature of
	 the Union; but a careful appraisal of the evidence hardly bears out
	 his contentions. On economic matters also, notably the operation of
	 the protective tariff, he trod uncertain ground. He realized this fact
	 and as far as possible kept clear of economic discussion. The South
	 had real grievances, and Webster was well enough aware that they could
	 not be argued out of existence.
</p>

<p>
	 On the other hand, the Northerner was vastly superior to his opponent
	 in his handling of the theoretical issues of constitutional law; and
	 in his exposition of the practical difficulties that would attend the
	 operation of the principle of nullification he employed a fund of
	 argument that was simply unanswerable. The logic of the larger phases
	 of the situation lay, too, with him. If the Union for which he pleaded
	 was not the Union which the Fathers intended to establish or even that
	 which actually existed in the days of Washington and the elder Adams,
	 it was at all events the Union in which, by the close of the fourth
	 decade under the Constitution, a majority of the people of the United
	 States had come to believe. It was
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span>
	 the Union of Henry Clay, of Andrew Jackson, of Abraham Lincoln. And
	 the largest significance of Webster&rsquo;s arguments in 1830 arises
	 from the definiteness and force which they put into popular convictions
	 that until then were vague and inarticulate&mdash;convictions which,
	 as has been well said, &ldquo;went on broadening and deepening until,
	 thirty years afterward, they had a force sufficient to sustain the
	 North and enable her to triumph in the terrible struggle which resulted
	 in the preservation of national life.&rdquo; It was the <i>Second
	 Reply</i> to Hayne which, more than any other single event or utterance
	 between 1789 and 1860, &ldquo;compacted the States into a
	 nation.&rdquo;
</p>

<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>

<h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER VIII</a></h2>
<h3>TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION</h3>

<p>
	 <span class="smcap">It</span> was more than brilliant oratory that had
	 drawn to the Senate chamber the distinguished audiences faced by Webster
	 and Hayne in the great debate of 1830. The issues discussed touched the
	 vitality and permanence of the nation itself. Nullification was no mere
	 abstraction of the senator from South Carolina. It was a principle which
	 his State&mdash;and, for aught one could tell, his section&mdash;was
	 about to put into action. Already, in 1830, the air was tense with the
	 coming controversy.
</p>

<p>
	 South Carolina had traveled a long road, politically, since 1789. In
	 the days of Washington and the elder Adams the State was strongly
	 Federalist. In 1800 Jefferson secured its electoral vote. But the
	 Virginian&rsquo;s leadership was never fully accepted, and even before
	 the Republican party had elsewhere submitted to the inevitable
	 nationalization
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span>
	 the South Carolina membership was openly arrayed on the side of a
	 protective tariff, the National Bank, and internal improvements.
	 Calhoun and Cheves were for years among the most ardent exponents of
	 broad constitutional construction; Hayne himself was elected to the
	 Senate in 1822 as a nationalist, and over another candidate whose
	 chief handicap was that he had proposed that his State secede rather
	 than submit to the Missouri Compromise.
</p>

<p>
	 After 1824 sentiment rapidly shifted. The cause appeared to be the
	 tariff; but in reality deeper forces were at work. South Carolina was
	 an agricultural State devoted almost exclusively to the raising of
	 cotton and rice. Soil and climate made her such, and the
	 &ldquo;peculiar institution&rdquo; confirmed what Nature already
	 had decreed. But the planters were now beginning to feel keenly the
	 competition of the new cotton lands of the Gulf plains. As production
	 increased, the price of cotton fell. &ldquo;In 1816,&rdquo;
	 writes Professor Turner, &ldquo;the average price of middling
	 uplands &hellip; was nearly thirty cents, and South Carolina&rsquo;s
	 leaders favored the tariff; in 1820 it was seventeen cents, and the
	 South saw in the protective system a grievance; in 1824 it was
	 fourteen and three-quarters cents,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span>
	 and the South Carolinians denounced the tariff as
	 unconstitutional.&rdquo; &sup1;
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_160-1" name="footer_160-1"></a>
	       &sup1; Turner, <i>The Rise of the New West,</i> p. 325.
</div>

<p>
	 Men of the Clay-Adams school argued that the tariff stimulated
	 industry, doubled the profits of agriculture, augmented wealth,
	 and hence promoted the well-being of the nation as a whole. The
	 Southern planter was never able to discover in the protective
	 system any real advantage for himself, but as long as the tariffs
	 were moderate he was influenced by nationalistic sentiment to
	 accept them. The demand for protection on the part of the Northern
	 manufacturers seemed, however, insatiable. An act of 1824 raised
	 the duties on cotton and woolen goods. A measure of 1827 which
	 applied to woolens the ruinous principle already applied to cottons
	 was passed by the House and was laid on the table in the Senate
	 only by the casting vote of Vice President Calhoun. The climax was
	 reached in the Tariff Act of 1828, which the Southerners themselves
	 loaded with objectionable provisions in the vain hope of making it
	 so abominable that even New England congressmen would vote against it.
</p>

<p>
	 A few years of such legislation sufficed to rouse the South to a deep
	 feeling of grievance. It was no
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span>
	 longer a question of reasonable concession to the general national good.
	 A vast artificial economic system had been set up, whose benefits accrued
	 to the North and whose burdens fell disproportionately upon the South.
	 The tone and temper of the manufacturing sections and of the agricultural
	 West gave no promise of a change of policy. The obvious conclusion was
	 that the planting interests must find some means of bringing pressure to
	 bear for their own relief.
</p>

<p>
	 The means which they found was nullification; and it fell to South
	 Carolina, whose people were most ardent in their resentment of
	 anything that looked like discrimination, to put the remedy to the
	 test. The Legislature of this State had made an early beginning by
	 denouncing the tariff of 1824 as unconstitutional. In 1827 Robert J.
	 Turnbull, one of the abler political leaders, published under the
	 title of <i>The Crisis</i> a series of essays in which he boldly
	 proclaimed nullification as the remedy. In the following summer
	 Calhoun put the nullification doctrine into its first systematic
	 form in a paper&mdash;the so-called <i>Exposition</i>&mdash;which
	 for some time was known to the public only as the report of a
	 committee of the Legislature.
</p>

<p>
	 By 1829 the State was sharply divided into two
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span>
	 parties, the nationalists and the nullifiers. All were agreed that
	 the protective system was iniquitous and that it must be broken down.
	 The difference was merely as to method. The nationalists favored
	 working through the customary channels of legislative reform; the
	 nullifiers urged that the State interpose its authority to prevent
	 the enforcement of the objectionable laws. For a time the leaders
	 wavered. But the swing of public sentiment in the direction of
	 nullification was rapid and overwhelming, and one by one the
	 representatives in Congress and other men of prominence fell into
	 line. Hayne and McDuffie were among the first to give it their
	 support; and Calhoun, while he was for a time held back by his
	 political aspirations and by his obligations as Vice President,
	 came gradually to feel that his political future would be
	 worth little unless he had the support of his own State.
</p>

<p>
	 As the election of 1828 approached, the hope of the discontented
	 forces centered in Jackson. They did not overlook the fact that his
	 record was that of a moderate protectionist. But the same was true of
	 many South Carolinians and Georgians, and it seemed not at all
	 impossible that, as a Southern man and a cotton planter, he should
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>
	 undergo a change of heart no less decisive than that which Hayne and
	 Calhoun had experienced. Efforts to draw him out, however, proved not
	 very successful. Lewis saw to it that Jackson&rsquo;s utterances while
	 yet he was a candidate were safely colorless; and the single mention of
	 the tariff contained in the inaugural address was susceptible of the
	 most varied interpretations. The annual message of 1829 indicated
	 opposition to protection; on the other hand, the presidential message
	 of the next year not only asserted the full power of Congress to levy
	 protective duties but declared the abandonment of protection
	 &ldquo;neither to be expected or desired.&rdquo; Gradually
	 the antiprotectionist leaders were made to see that the tariff was not
	 a subject upon which the President felt keenly, and that therefore it
	 was useless to look to him for effective support.
</p>

<p>
	 Even the adroit efforts which were made to get from the incoming
	 executive expressions that could be interpreted as endorsements of
	 nullification were successfully fended off. For some months the
	 President gave no outward sign of his disapproval. With more than his
	 usual deliberateness, Jackson studied the situation, awaiting the
	 right moment to speak out with the maximum of effect.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span>
	 The occasion finally came on April 13, 1830, at a banquet held in
	 Washington in celebration of Jefferson&rsquo;s birthday. The Virginia
	 patron of democracy had been dead four years, and Jackson had become,
	 more truly than any other man, his successor. Jacksonian democracy was,
	 however, something very different from Jeffersonian, and never was the
	 contrast more evident than on this fateful evening. During the earlier
	 part of the festivities a series of prearranged toasts, accompanied by
	 short speeches, put before the assemblage the Jeffersonian teachings
	 in a light highly favorable&mdash;doubtless unwarrantably so&mdash;to
	 the ultra state rights theory. Then followed a number of volunteer
	 toasts. The President was, of course, accorded the honor of proposing
	 the first&mdash;and this gave Jackson his chance. Rising in his place
	 and drawing himself up to his full height, he raised his right hand,
	 looked straight at Calhoun and, amid breathless silence, exclaimed in
	 that crisp, harsh tone that had so often been heard above the crashing
	 of many rifles: &ldquo;Our Union! It must be preserved!&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 An account of the scene which is given by Isaac Hill, a member of the
	 Kitchen Cabinet and an eyewitness, is interesting:
</p>

<blockquote>
<p>
   <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span>
	 A proclamation of martial law in South Carolina and an order to arrest
	 Calhoun where he sat could not have come with more blinding,
	 staggering force. All hilarity ceased. The President, without adding
	 one word in the way of speech, lifted up his glass as a notice that
	 the toast was to be quaffed standing. Calhoun rose with the rest. His
	 glass so trembled in his hand that a little of the amber fluid
	 trickled down the side. Jackson stood silent and impassive. There was
	 no response to the toast. Calhoun waited until all sat down. Then he
	 slowly and with hesitating accent offered the second volunteer toast:
	 &ldquo;The Union! Next to Our Liberty Most Dear!&rdquo; Then,
	 after a minute&rsquo;s hesitation, and in a way that left doubt as to
	 whether he intended it for part of the toast or for the preface to a
	 speech, he added: &ldquo;May we all remember that it can only be
	 preserved by respecting the rights of the States and by distributing
	 equally the benefit and burden of the Union.&rdquo;
</p>
</blockquote>

<p>
	 The nullifiers had carefully planned the evening&rsquo;s proceedings
	 with a purpose to strengthen their cause with the country. They had not
	 reckoned on the President, and the dash of cold water which he had
	 administered caused them more anguish than any opposition that they
	 had yet encountered. The banquet broke up earlier than had been
	 expected, and the diners went off by twos and threes in eager
	 discussion of the scene that they had witnessed. Some were livid with
	 rage; some shook their heads in fear of civil war; but most
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span>
	 rejoiced in the splendid exhibition of executive dignity and patriotic
	 fervor which the President had given. Subsequently it transpired that
	 Jackson had acted on no mere impulse and that his course had been
	 carefully planned in consultation with Van Buren and other advisers.
</p>

<p>
	 Throughout the summer and autumn of 1830 both the State Rights and
	 Union parties in South Carolina worked feverishly to perfect their
	 organizations. The issue that both were making ready to meet was
	 nothing less than the election of a convention to nullify the tariff
	 laws. Those upholding nullification lost no opportunity to consolidate
	 their forces, and by the close of the year these were clearly in the
	 majority, although the unionist element contained many of the ablest
	 and most respected men in the State. Calhoun directed the nullifier
	 campaign, though he did not throw off all disguises until the summer
	 of the following year.
</p>

<p>
	 Though Jackson made no further public declarations, the views which he
	 expressed in private were usually not slow to reach the public ear. In
	 a letter to a committee of the Union party in response to an
	 invitation to attend a Fourth of July dinner the President intimated
	 that force might
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>
	 properly be employed if nullification should be attempted. And to a
	 South Carolina Congressman who was setting off on a trip home he said:
	 &ldquo;Tell them [the nullifiers] from me that they can talk and
	 write resolutions and print threats to their hearts&rsquo; content.
	 But if one drop of blood be shed there in defiance of the laws of
	 the United States, I will hang the first man of them I can get my
	 hands on to the first tree I can find.&rdquo; When Hayne
	 heard of this threat he expressed in Benton&rsquo;s hearing
	 a doubt as to whether the President would really hang anybody.
	 &ldquo;I tell you, Hayne,&rdquo; the Missourian replied,
	 &ldquo;when Jackson begins to talk about hanging, they can begin
	 to look for the ropes.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Meanwhile actual nullification awaited the decision of the Vice
	 President to surrender himself completely to the cause and to become
	 its avowed leader. Calhoun did not find this an easy decision to make.
	 Above all things he wanted to be President. He was not the author of
	 nullification; and although he did not fully realize until too late
	 how much his state rights leanings would cost him in the North, he was
	 shrewd enough to know that his political fortunes would not be
	 bettered by his becoming involved in a great sectional controversy.
	 Circumstances worked together, however, to force
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span>
	 Calhoun gradually into the position of chief prominence in the
	 dissenting movement. The tide of public opinion in his State swept him
	 along with it; the breach with Jackson severed the last tie with the
	 northern and western democracy; and his resentment of Van Buren&rsquo;s
	 rise to favor prompted words and acts which completed the isolation of
	 the South Carolinian. His party&rsquo;s enthusiastic acceptance of
	 Jackson as a candidate for re&euml;lection in 1832 and of &ldquo;Little
	 Van&rdquo; as a candidate for the vice presidency&mdash;and, by all
	 tokens, for the presidency four years later&mdash;was the last straw.
	 Broken and desperate, Calhoun sank back into the r&ocirc;le of an
	 extremist, sectional leader. There was no need of further concealment;
	 and in midsummer, 1831, he issued his famous <i>Address to the People
	 of South Carolina</i>, and this restatement of the <i>Exposition</i> of
	 1828 now became the avowed platform of the nullification party. The
	 <i>Fort Hill Letter</i> of August 28, 1832, addressed to Governor
	 Hamilton, was a simpler and clearer presentation of the same body of
	 doctrine.
</p>

<p>
	 Matters were at last brought to a head by a new piece of tariff
	 legislation which was passed in 1832 not to appease South Carolina but
	 to take advantage of a comfortable state of affairs that had arisen
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span>
	 in the national treasury. The public lands were again selling well, and
	 the late tariff laws were yielding lavishly. The national debt was
	 dwindling to the point of disappearance, and the country had more
	 money than it could use. Jackson therefore called upon Congress to
	 revise the tariff system so as to reduce the revenue, and in the
	 session of 1831-32 several bills to that end were brought forward. The
	 scale of duties finally embodied in the Act of July 14, 1832,
	 corrected many of the anomalies of the Act of 1828, but it cut off
	 some millions of revenue without making any substantial change in the
	 protective system. Virginia and North Carolina voted heavily for the
	 bill, but South Carolina and Georgia as vigorously opposed it; and the
	 nullifiers refused to see in it any concession to the tariff
	 principles for which they stood. &ldquo;I no longer consider the
	 question one of free trade,&rdquo; wrote Calhoun when the passage
	 of the bill was assured, &ldquo;but of consolidation.&rdquo; In an
	 address to their constituents the South Carolina delegation in Congress
	 declared that &ldquo;protection must now be regarded as the settled
	 policy of the country,&rdquo; that &ldquo;all hope from Congress
	 is irrevocably gone,&rdquo; and that it was for the people to decide
	 &ldquo;whether the rights and liberties which you received as a
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>
	 precious inheritance from an illustrious ancestry shall be tamely
	 surrendered without a struggle, or transmitted undiminished to your
	 posterity.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 In the disaffected State events now moved rapidly. The elections of
	 the early autumn were carried by the nullifiers, and the new
	 Legislature, acting on the recommendation of Governor Hamilton,
	 promptly called a state convention to consider whether the
	 &ldquo;federal compact&rdquo; had been violated and what remedy
	 should be adopted. The 162 delegates who gathered at Columbia on the
	 19th of November were, socially and politically, the &eacute;lite of
	 the State: Hamiltons, Haynes, Pinckneys, Butlers&mdash;almost all of
	 the great families of a State of great families were represented.
	 From the outset the convention was practically of one mind; and an
	 ordinance of nullification drawn up by a committee of twenty-one was
	 adopted within five days by a vote of 136 to 26.
</p>

<p>
	 The tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 were declared &ldquo;null, void,
	 and no law, nor binding upon this State, its officers or
	 citizens.&rdquo; None of the duties in question were to be permitted
	 to be collected in the State after February 1, 1833. Appeals to the
	 federal courts for enforcement of the invalidated
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>
	 acts were forbidden, and all officeholders, except members of the
	 Legislature, were required to take an oath to uphold the ordinance.
	 Calhoun had laboriously argued that nullification did not mean
	 disunion. But his contention was not sustained by the words of the
	 ordinance, which stated unequivocally that the people of the State
	 would not &ldquo;submit to the application of force on the
	 part of the federal Government to reduce this State to
	 obedience.&rdquo; Should force be used, the ordinance boldly
	 declared&mdash;indeed, should <i>any</i> action contrary to the will
	 of the people be taken to execute the measures declared
	 void&mdash;such efforts would be regarded as &ldquo;inconsistent
	 with the longer continuance of South Carolina in the Union,&rdquo;
	 and &ldquo;the people of this State&rdquo; would
   &ldquo;thenceforth hold themselves absolved from all further obligation
	 to maintain or preserve their political connection with the people
	 of the other States, and will forthwith proceed to organize a separate
	 Government, and to do all other acts and things which sovereign and
	 independent States may of right do.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 In accordance with the instructions of the convention, the Legislature
	 forthwith reassembled to pass the measures deemed necessary to enforce
	 the ordinance. A replevin act provided for the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span>
	 recovery of goods seized or detained for payment of duty; the use of
	 military force, including volunteers, to &ldquo;repel invasion&rdquo;
	 was authorized; and provision was made for the purchase of arms and
	 ammunition. Throughout the State a martial tone resounded. Threats of
	 secession and war were heard on every side. Nightly meetings were held
	 and demonstrations were organized. Blue cockades with a palmetto button
	 in the center became the most popular of ornaments. Medals were struck
	 bearing the inscription: &ldquo;John C. Calhoun, First President
	 of the Southern Confederacy.&rdquo; The Legislature, reassembling in
	 December, elected Hayne as Governor and chose Calhoun&mdash;who now
	 resigned the vice presidency&mdash;to take the vacant seat in the
	 Senate. In his first message to the Legislature Webster&rsquo;s former
	 antagonist declared his purpose to carry into full effect the
	 nullification ordinance and the legislation supplementary to it, and
	 expressed confidence that, if the sacred soil of the State should be
	 &ldquo;polluted by the footsteps of an invader,&rdquo; no one
	 of her sons would be found &ldquo;raising a parricidal arm against
	 our common mother.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Thus the proud commonwealth was panoplied for a contest of wits, and
	 perchance of arms, with
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span>
	 the nation. Could it hope to win? South Carolina had a case which had
	 been forcibly and plausibly presented.  It could count on a deep
	 reluctance of men in every part of the country to see the nation fall
	 into actual domestic combat. There were, however, a dozen reasons why
	 victory could not reasonably be looked for. One would have been
	 enough&mdash;the presence of Andrew Jackson in the White House.
</p>

<p>
	 Through federal officers and the leaders of the Union party Jackson
	 kept himself fully informed upon the situation, and six weeks before
	 the nullification convention was called he began preparations to meet
	 all eventualities. The naval authorities at Norfolk were directed to
	 be in readiness to dispatch a squadron to Charleston; the commanders
	 of the forts in Charleston Harbor were ordered to double their
	 vigilance and to defend their posts against any persons whatsoever;
	 troops were ordered from Fortress Monroe; and General Scott was sent
	 to take full command and to strengthen the defenses as he found
	 necessary. The South Carolinians were to be allowed to talk, and even
	 to adopt &ldquo;ordinances,&rdquo; to their hearts&rsquo;
	 content. But the moment they stepped across the line of disobedience
	 to the laws of the United States they
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span>
	 were to be made to feel the weight of the nation&rsquo;s
	 restraining hand.
</p>

<p>
	 &ldquo;The duty of the Executive is a plain one,&rdquo; wrote
	 the President to Joel R. Poinsett, a prominent South Carolina unionist;
	 &ldquo;the laws will be executed and the United States preserved by
	 all the constitutional and legal means he is invested with.&rdquo;
	 When the situation bore its most serious aspect Jackson received a call
	 from Sam Dale, who had been one of his dispatch bearers at the Battle of
	 New Orleans. &ldquo;General Dale,&rdquo; exclaimed the President during the
	 conversation, &ldquo;if this thing goes on, our country will be like
	 a bag of meal with both ends open. Pick it up in the middle or endwise,
	 and it will run out. I must tie the bag and save the country.&rdquo;
	 &ldquo;Dale,&rdquo; he exclaimed again later, &ldquo;they are trying me here;
	 you will witness it; but, by the God of heaven, I will uphold the
	 laws.&rdquo; &ldquo;I understood him to be referring to
	 nullification again,&rdquo; related Dale in his account of the
	 interview, &ldquo;and I expressed the hope that things would go
	 right.&rdquo; &ldquo;They <i>shall</i> go right, sir,&rdquo;
	 the President fairly shouted, shattering his pipe on the table
	 by way of further emphasis.
</p>

<p>
	 When Jackson heard that the convention at Columbia had taken the step
	 expected of it, he
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span>
	 made the following entry in his diary: &ldquo;South Carolina
	 has passed her ordinance of nullification and secession. As soon as it
	 can be had in authentic form, meet it with a proclamation.&rdquo;
	 The proclamation was issued December 10, 1832. Parton relates that the
	 President wrote the first draft of this proclamation under such a glow
	 of feeling that he was obliged &ldquo;to scatter the written pages
	 all over the table to let them dry,&rdquo; and that the document was
	 afterwards revised by his scholarly Secretary of State, Edward
	 Livingston. With Jackson supplying the ideas and spirit and Livingston
	 the literary form, the result was the ablest and most impressive state
	 paper of the period. It categorically denied the right of a State either
	 to annul a federal law or to secede from the Union. It admitted that the
	 laws complained of operated unequally but took the position that this
	 must be true of all revenue measures. It expressed the inflexible
	 determination of the Administration to repress and punish every form
	 of resistance to federal authority. Deep argument, solemn warning, and
	 fervent entreaty were skillfully combined. But the most powerful
	 effect was likely to be that produced by the President&rsquo;s
	 flaming denial&mdash;set in bold type in the contemporary
	 prints&mdash;of the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span>
	 Hayne-Calhoun creed: &ldquo;I consider the power to annul a law of
	 the United States, assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence
	 of the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the
	 Constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every
	 principle on which it was founded, and destructive of the great object
	 for which it was formed.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Throughout the North this vindication of national dignity and power
	 struck a responsive chord, and for once even the Adams and Clay men
	 found themselves in hearty agreement with the President. Bostonians
	 gathered in Faneuil Hall and New Yorkers in a great meeting in the
	 Park to shower encomiums upon the proclamation and upon its author.
	 The nullifiers did not at once recoil from the blow. The South
	 Carolina Legislature called upon Governor Hayne officially to warn
	 &ldquo;the good people of this State against the attempt of the
	 President of the United States to seduce them from their
	 allegiance&rdquo;; and the resulting counterblast, in the
	 form of a proclamation made public on the 20th of December, was as
	 vigorous as the liveliest &ldquo;fire-eater&rdquo; could have
	 wished. The Governor declared that the State would maintain
	 its sovereignty or be &ldquo;buried beneath its ruins.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span>
	 The date of the expected crisis&mdash;February 1, 1833, when the
	 nullification ordinance was to take effect&mdash;was now near at hand,
	 and on both sides preparations were pushed. During the interval,
	 however, the tide turned decidedly against the nullifiers. A call for
	 a general convention of the States &ldquo;to determine and consider
	 &hellip; questions of disputed power&rdquo; served only to draw out
	 strong expressions of disapproval of the South Carolina program,
	 showing that it could not expect even moral support from outside.
	 On the 16th of January Jackson asked Congress for authority to alter
	 or abolish certain ports of entry, to use force to execute the revenue
	 laws, and to try in the federal courts cases that might arise from the
	 present emergency. Five days later a bill on these lines&mdash;popularly
	 denominated the &ldquo;Force Bill&rdquo;&mdash;was introduced;
	 and while many men who had no sympathy with nullification drew back from
	 a plan involving the coercion of a State, it was soon settled that some
	 sort of measure for strengthening the President&rsquo;s hand would be
	 passed.
</p>

<p>
	 Meanwhile a way of escape from the whole difficulty was unexpectedly
	 opened. The friends of Van Buren began to fear that the disagreement
	 of North and South upon the tariff question would
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span>
	 cost their favorite the united support of the party in 1836. Accordingly
	 they set on foot a movement in Congress to bring about a moderate
	 reduction of the prevailing rates; and it was of course their hope that
	 the nullifiers would be induced to recede altogether from the position
	 which they had taken. Through Verplanck of New York, the Ways and Means
	 Committee of the House brought in a measure reducing the duties, within
	 two years, to about half the existing rates. Jackson approved the plan,
	 although personally he had little to do with it.
</p>

<p>
	 But though the Verplanck Bill could not muster sufficient support to
	 become law, it revived tariff discussion on promising lines, and it
	 brought nullification proceedings to a halt in the very nick of time.
	 Shortly before February 1, 1833, the leading nullifiers came together
	 in Charleston and entered into an extralegal agreement to postpone the
	 enforcement of the nullification ordinance until the outcome of the
	 new tariff debates should be known. The failure of the Verplanck
	 measure, however, left matters where they were, and civil war in South
	 Carolina again loomed ominously.
</p>

<p>
	 In this juncture patriots of all parties turned to the one man whose
	 leadership seemed indispensable
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>
	 in tariff legislation&mdash;the &ldquo;great pacificator,&rdquo;
	 Henry Clay, who after two years in private life had just taken his seat
	 in the Senate. Clay was no friend of Jackson or of Van Buren, and it
	 required much sacrifice of personal feeling to lend his services to a
	 program whose political benefits would almost certainly accrue to his
	 rivals. Finally, however, he yielded and on the 12th of February he rose
	 in the Senate and offered a compromise measure proposing that on all
	 articles which paid more than twenty per cent the amount in excess of
	 that rate should be reduced by stages until in 1842 it would entirely
	 disappear.
</p>

<p>
	 Stormy debates followed on both the Compromise Tariff and the Force
	 Bill, but before the session closed on the 4th of March both were on
	 the statute book. When, therefore, the South Carolina convention, in
	 accordance with an earlier proclamation of Governor Hamilton,
	 reassembled on the 11th of March, the wind had been taken out of the
	 nullifiers&rsquo; sails; the laws which they had
	 &ldquo;nullified&rdquo; had been repealed, and there was nothing for the
	 convention to do but to rescind the late ordinance and the legislative
	 measures supplementary to it. There was a chance, however, for one
	 final fling. By a vote of 132 to 19 the convention soberly
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>
	 adopted an ordinance nullifying the Force Bill and calling on the
	 Legislature to pass laws to prevent the execution of that
	 measure&mdash;which, indeed, nobody was now proposing to execute.
</p>

<p>
	 So the tempest passed. Both sides claimed victory, and with some show
	 of reason. So far as was possible without an actual test of strength,
	 the authority of the Federal Government had been vindicated and its
	 dignity maintained; the constitutional doctrines of Webster acquired a
	 new sanction; the fundamental point was enforced that a law&mdash;that
	 <i>every</i> law&mdash;enacted by Congress must be obeyed until repealed
	 or until set aside by the courts as unconstitutional. On the other hand,
	 the nullifiers had brought about the repeal of the laws to which they
	 objected and had been largely instrumental in turning the tariff
	 policy of the country for some decades into a new channel. Moreover
	 they expressed no regret for their acts and in no degree renounced the
	 views upon which those acts had been based. They submitted to the
	 authority of the United States, but on terms fixed by themselves. And,
	 what is more, they supplied practically every constitutional and
	 political argument to be used by their sons in 1860 to justify
	 secession.
</p>


<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER IX</a></h2>
<h3>THE WAR ON THE UNITED STATES BANK</h3>


<p>
	 &ldquo;<span class="smcap">Nothing</span> lacks now to complete the
	 love-feast,&rdquo; wrote Isaac Hill sardonically to Thomas H. Benton
	 after the collapse of nullification, &ldquo;but for Jackson
	 and Webster to solemnize the coalition [in support of the Union]
	 with a few mint-juleps! I think I could arrange it, if assured of
	 the co&ouml;peration of yourself and Blair on our side, and Jerry
	 Mason and Nick Biddle on theirs. But never fear, my friend. This
	 mixing of oil and water is only the temporary shake-up of
	 Nullification. Wait till Jackson gets at the Bank again, and then the
   scalping-knives will glisten once more.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 The South Carolina controversy had indeed brought Jacksonians and
	 anti-Jacksonians together. But once the tension was relaxed, there
	 began the conflict of interests which the New Hampshire editor had
	 predicted. Men fell again into their customary political
	 relationships; issues that for the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span>
	 moment had been pushed into the background&mdash;internal improvements,
	 public land policy, distribution of surplus revenue, and above all the
	 Bank&mdash;were revived in full vigor. Now, indeed, the President
	 entered upon the greatest task to which he had yet put his hand. To
	 curb nullification was a worthy achievement. But, after all, Congress
	 and an essentially united nation had stood firmly behind the Executive
	 at every stage of that performance. To destroy the United States Bank
	 was a different matter, for this institution had the full support of
	 one of the two great parties in which the people of the country were
	 now grouped; Jackson&rsquo;s own party was by no means a unit in
	 opposing it; and the prestige and influence of the Bank were such as
	 to enable it to make a powerful fight against any attempts to
	 annihilate it.
</p>

<p>
	 The second Bank of the United States was chartered in 1816 for twenty
	 years, with a capital of thirty-five million dollars, one-fifth of
	 which had been subscribed by the Government. For some time it was not
	 notably successful, partly because of bad management but mainly
	 because of the disturbance of business which the panic of 1819 had
	 produced. Furthermore, its power over local
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span>
	 banks and over the currency system made it unpopular in the West and
	 South, and certain States sought to cripple it by taxing out of
	 existence the several branches which the board of directors voted to
	 establish. In two notable decisions&mdash;M&rsquo;Culloch <i>vs.</i>
	 Maryland in 1819 and Osborn <i>vs.</i> United States Bank in
	 1824&mdash;the Supreme Court saved the institution by denying the
	 power of a State to impose taxation of the sort and by asserting
	 unequivocally the right of Congress to enact the legislation upon
	 which the Bank rested. And after Nicholas Biddle, a Philadelphia
	 lawyer-diplomat, succeeded Langdon Cheves as president of the Bank in
	 1823 an era of great prosperity set in.
</p>

<p>
	 The forces of opposition were never reconciled; indeed, every evidence
	 of the increasing strength of the Bank roused them to fresh hostility.
	 The verdict of the Supreme Court in support of the constitutionality
	 of the Act of 1816 carried conviction to few people who were not
	 already convinced. The restraints which the Bank imposed upon the
	 dubious operations of the southern and western banks were vigorously
	 resented. The Bank was regarded as a great financial monopoly, an
	 &ldquo;octopus,&rdquo; and Biddle as an autocrat bent only on
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>
	 dominating the entire banking and currency system of the country.
</p>

<p>
	 On Jackson&rsquo;s attitude toward the Bank before he became President
	 we have little direct information. But it is sufficiently clear that
	 eventually he came to share the hostile views of his Tennessee friends
	 and neighbors. In 1817 he refused to sign a memorial &ldquo;got up
	 by the aristocracy of Nashville&rdquo; for the establishment of a
	 branch in that town. When, ten years later, such a branch was installed,
	 General Thomas Cadwalader of Philadelphia, agent of the Bank, visited
	 the town to supervise the arrangements and became very friendly with
	 the &ldquo;lord of the Hermitage.&rdquo; But correspondence of
	 succeeding years, though filled with insinuating cordiality, failed to
	 bring out any expression of goodwill toward the institution such as the
	 agent manifestly coveted.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson seems to have carried to Washington in 1829 a deep distrust of
	 the Bank, and he was disposed to speak out boldly against it in his
	 inaugural address. But he was persuaded by his friends that this would
	 be ill-advised, and he therefore made no mention of the subject. Yet
	 he made no effort to conceal his attitude, for he wrote to Biddle a
	 few months after the inauguration that he did
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span>
	 not believe that Congress had power to charter a bank outside of the
	 District of Columbia, that he did not dislike the United States Bank
	 more than other banks, but that ever since he had read the history of
	 the South Sea Bubble he had been afraid of banks. After this
	 confession the writer hardly needed to confess that he was
	 &ldquo;no economist, no financier.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Most of the officers of the &ldquo;mother bank&rdquo; at
	 Philadelphia and of the branches were anti-Jackson men, and
	 Jackson&rsquo;s friends put the idea into his mind that the Bank had
	 used its influence against him in the late campaign. Specific charges
	 of partizanship were brought against Jeremiah Mason, president of the
	 branch at Portsmouth, New Hampshire; and although an investigation
	 showed the accusation to be groundless, Biddle&rsquo;s heated
	 defense of the branch had no effect save to rouse the Jacksonians to
	 a firmer determination to compass the downfall of the Bank.
</p>

<p>
	 Biddle labored manfully to stem the tide. He tried to improve his
	 personal relations with the President, and he even allowed Jackson men
	 to gain control of several of the western branches. The effort,
	 however, was in vain. When he thought the situation right, Biddle
	 brought forward a plan
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>
	 for a new charter which received the assent of most of the members of
	 the official Cabinet, as well as that of some of the
	 &ldquo;Kitchen&rdquo; group. But Jackson met the proposal with his unshakable
	 constitutional objections and, to Biddle&rsquo;s deep disappointment,
	 advanced in his first annual message to the formal, public assault.
	 The Bank&rsquo;s charter, he reminded Congress, would expire in 1836;
	 request for a new charter would probably soon be forthcoming; the
	 matter could not receive too early attention from the legislative
	 branch. &ldquo;Both the constitutionality and the expediency of
	 the law creating this bank,&rdquo; declared the President, &ldquo;are
	 well questioned by a large portion of our fellow-citizens; and it must
	 be admitted by all that it has failed in the great end of establishing
	 a uniform and sound currency.&rdquo; The first part of the statement
	 was true, but the second was distinctly unfair. The Bank, to be sure,
	 had not established &ldquo;a uniform and sound&rdquo; currency.
	 But it had accomplished much toward that end and was practically the
	 only agency that was wielding any influence in that direction. The
	 truth is that the more efficient the Bank proved in this task the
	 less popular it became among those elements of the people from which
	 Jackson mainly drew his strength.
</p>

<p>
   <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span>
	 Nothing came of the President&rsquo;s admonition except committee
	 reports in the two Houses, both favorable to the Bank; in fact, the
	 Senate report was copied almost verbatim from a statement supplied
	 by Biddle. A year later Jackson returned to the subject, this time
	 with an alternative plan for a national bank to be organized as a
	 branch of the Treasury and hence to have &ldquo;no means to
	 operate on the hopes, fears, or interests of large masses of the
	 community.&rdquo; In a set of autograph notes from which the second
	 message was prepared the existing Bank was declared not only
	 unconstitutional but dangerous to liberty, &ldquo;because
	 through its officers, loans, and participation in politics it could
	 build up or pull down parties or men, because it created a monopoly of
	 the money power, because much of the stock was owned by foreigners,
	 because it would always support him who supported it, and because it
	 weakened the state and strengthened the general government.&rdquo;
	 Congress paid no attention to either criticisms or recommendations,
	 and the supporters of the Bank took fresh heart.
</p>

<p>
	 When Congress again met, in December, 1831, a presidential election
	 was impending and everybody was wondering what part the bank question
	 would
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>
	 play. Most Democrats were of the opinion that the subject should
	 be kept in the background. After all, the present bank charter had
	 more than four years to run, and there seemed to be no reason for
	 injecting so thorny an issue into the campaign. With a view to keeping
	 the bank authorities quiet, two members of the reconstructed Cabinet,
	 Livingston and McLane, entered into a <i>modus vivendi</i> with Biddle
	 under which the Administration agreed not to push the issue until
	 after the election. In his annual report as Secretary of the Treasury,
	 McLane actually made an argument for rechartering the Bank; and in his
	 message of the 6th of December the President said that, while he still
	 held &ldquo;the opinions heretofore expressed in relation to the Bank
	 as at present organized,&rdquo; he would &ldquo;leave it for
	 the present to the investigation of an enlightened people and their
	 representatives.&rdquo; He had been persuaded that his own plan for a Bank,
	 suggested a year earlier, was not feasible.
</p>

<p>
	 Biddle now made a supreme mistake. Misled in some degree unquestionably
	 by the optimistic McLane, he got the idea that Jackson was weakening,
	 that the Democrats were afraid to take a stand on the subject until
	 after the election, and that now was the strategic time to strike for
	 a new
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span>
	 charter. In this belief he was further encouraged by Clay, Webster, and
	 other leading anti-Administration men, as well as by McDuffie, a Calhoun
	 supporter and chairman of the Ways and Means Committee of the House.
	 There was small doubt that a bill for a new charter could be carried in
	 both branches of Congress. Jackson must either sign it, argued
	 Biddle&rsquo;s advisers, or run grave risk of losing Pennsylvania and
	 other commercial States whose support was necessary to his election. On
	 the other hand, Biddle was repeatedly warned that an act for a new
	 charter would be vetoed. He chose to press the issue and on January 9,
	 1832, the formal application of the Bank for a renewal of its charter
	 was presented to Congress, and within a few weeks bills to recharter
	 were reported in both Houses.
</p>

<p>
	 Realizing that defeat or even a slender victory in Congress would be
	 fatal, the Bank flooded Washington with lobbyists, and Biddle himself
	 appeared upon the scene to lead the fight. The measure was carried by
	 safe majorities&mdash;in the Senate, on the 11th of June, by a vote of 28
	 to 20, and in the House on the 3d of July, by a vote of 107 to 86. To
	 the dismay of the bank forces, although it ought not to have been to
	 their surprise,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span>
	 Jackson was as good as his word. On the 10th of July the bill was
	 vetoed. The veto message as transmitted to the Senate was probably
	 written by Taney, but the ideas were Jackson&rsquo;s&mdash;ideas
	 which, so far as they relate to finance and banking operations,
	 have been properly characterized as &ldquo;in the main beneath
	 contempt.&rdquo; The message, however, was intended as a campaign
	 document, and as such it showed great ingenuity. It attacked the
	 Bank as a monopoly, a &ldquo;hydra of corruption,&rdquo;
	 and an instrumentality of federal encroachment on the rights of
	 the States, and in a score of ways appealed to the popular distrust
	 of capitalistic institutions. The message acquired importance, too,
	 from the President&rsquo;s extraordinary claim to the right of
	 judging both the constitutionality and the expediency of proposed
	 legislation, independently of Congress and the Courts.
</p>

<p>
	 The veto plunged the Senate into days of acrid debate. Clay pronounced
	 Jackson&rsquo;s construction of the veto power &ldquo;irreconcilable
	 with the genius of representative government.&rdquo; Webster
	 declared that responsibility for the ruin of the Bank and for the
	 disasters that might follow would have to be borne by the President
	 alone. Benton and other prominent members, however, painted Jackson as
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>
	 the savior of his country; and the second vote of 22 to 19 yielded a
	 narrower majority for the bill than the first had done. Thus the measure
	 perished.
</p>

<p>
	 The bank men received the veto with equanimity. They professed to
	 believe that the balderdash in which the message abounded would make
   converts for their side; they even printed thirty thousand copies of
	 the document for circulation. Events, however, did not sustain their
	 optimism. In the ensuing campaign the Bank became, by its own choice,
	 the leading issue. The National Republicans, whose nominee was Clay,
	 defended the institution and attacked the veto; the Jacksonians
	 reiterated on the stump every charge and argument that their leader
	 had taught them. The verdict was decisive. Jackson received 219 and
	 Clay 49 electoral votes.
</p>

<p>
	 The President was unquestionably right in interpreting his triumph as
	 an endorsement of the veto, and he naturally felt that the question
	 was settled. The officers and friends of the Bank still hoped,
	 however, to snatch victory from defeat. They had no expectation of
	 converting Jackson or of carrying a charter measure at an early date.
	 But they foresaw that to wind up the business of the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span>
	 Bank in 1836 it would be necessary to call in loans and to withdraw
	 a vast amount of currency from circulation, with the result of a
	 general disturbance, if not a severe crippling, of business. This,
	 they thought, would bring about an eleventh-hour measure giving the
	 Bank a new lease of life.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson, too, realized that a sudden termination of the activities of
	 the Bank would derange business and produce distress, and that under
	 these circumstances a charter might be wrung from Congress in spite of
	 a veto. But he had no intention of allowing matters to come to such a
	 pass. His plan was rather to cut off by degrees the activities of the
	 Bank, until at last they could be suspended altogether without a shock.
	 The most obvious means of doing this was to withdraw the heavy deposits
	 made by the Government; and to this course the President fully
	 committed himself as soon as the results of the election were known.
	 He was impelled, further, by the conviction&mdash;notwithstanding
	 unimpeachable evidence to the contrary&mdash;that the Bank was insolvent,
	 and by his indignation at the refusal of Biddle and his associates to
	 accept the electoral verdict as final. &ldquo;Biddle shan't have
	 the public money to break down the public administration with.
	 It&rsquo;s settled.
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span>
	 My mind&rsquo;s made up.&rdquo; So the President declared to Blair early
	 in 1833. And no one could have any reasonable doubt that decisive
	 action would follow threat.
</p>

<p>
	 It was not, however, all plain sailing. Under the terms of the charter
	 of 1816 public funds were to be deposited in the Bank and its branches
	 unless the Secretary of the Treasury should direct that they be placed
	 elsewhere; and such deposits elsewhere, together with actual
	 withdrawals, were to be reported to Congress, with reasons for such
	 action. McLane, the Secretary of the Treasury, was friendly toward the
	 Bank and could not be expected to give the necessary orders for
	 removal. This meant that the first step was to get a new head for the
	 Treasury. But McLane was too influential a man to be summarily
	 dismissed. Hence it was arranged that Livingston should become
	 Minister to France and that McLane should succeed him as Secretary of
	 State.
</p>

<p>
	 The choice of the new Secretary of the Treasury would have been a
	 clever stroke if things had worked out as Jackson expected. The
	 appointee was William J. Duane, son of the editor of the <i>Aurora</i>,
	 which had long been the most popular and influential newspaper in
	 Pennsylvania. This State
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>
	 was the seat of the &ldquo;mother bank&rdquo; and, although a Jackson
	 stronghold, a cordial supporter of the proscribed institution; so that
	 it was well worth while to forestall criticism in that quarter, so far
	 as might be, by having the order for removal issued by a Pennsylvanian.
	 Duane, however, accepted the post rather because he coveted office than
	 because he supported the policy of removal, and when the test came
	 Jackson found to his chagrin that he still had a Secretary who would
	 not take the desired action. There was nothing to do but procure
	 another; and this time he made no mistake. Duane, weakly protesting,
	 was dismissed, and Roger B. Taney, the Attorney-General, was appointed
	 in his stead. &ldquo;I am fully prepared to go with you firmly through
	 this business,&rdquo; Jackson was assured by the new Secretary,
	 &ldquo;and to meet all its consequences.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 The way was now clear, and an order was issued requiring all treasury
	 receipts after October 1, 1833, to be deposited in the Girard Bank of
	 Philadelphia and twenty-two other designated state banks. Deposits in
	 the United States Bank and its branches were not immediately
	 &ldquo;removed&rdquo;; they were left, rather, to be withdrawn as
	 the money was actually needed. Nevertheless there
	  <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span>
	 was considerable disturbance of business, and deputation after
	 deputation came to the White House to ask that Taney&rsquo;s order
	 be rescinded. Jackson, however, was sure that most of the trouble
	 was caused by Biddle and his associates, and to all these appeals
	 he remained absolutely deaf. After a time he refused so much as to
	 see the petitioners. In his message of the 3d of December he
	 assumed full responsibility for the removals, defending his course
	 mainly on the ground that the Bank had been &ldquo;actively
	 engaged in attempting to influence the elections of the public
	 officers by means of its money.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 From this point the question became entirely one of politics. The Bank
	 itself was doomed. On the one side, the National Republicans united in
	 the position that the Administration had been entirely in the wrong,
	 and that the welfare of the country demanded a great fiscal
	 institution of the character of the Bank. On the other side, the
	 Democrats, deriving, indeed, a new degree of unity from the
	 controversy on this issue, upheld the President&rsquo;s every word
	 and act. &ldquo;You may continue,&rdquo; said Benton to his
	 fellow partizans in the Senate, &ldquo;to be for a bank and for
	 Jackson, but you cannot be for this Bank and Jackson.&rdquo; Firmly
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span>
	 allied with the Bank interests, the National Republicans resolved to
	 bring all possible discomfiture upon the Administration.
</p>

<p>
	 The House of Representatives was controlled by the Democrats, and
	 little could be accomplished there. But the Senate contained not only
	 the three ablest anti-Jacksonians of the day&mdash;Clay, Webster,
	 Calhoun&mdash;but an absolute majority of anti-Administration men; and
	 there the attack was launched. On December 26, 1833, Clay introduced
	 two resolutions declaring that in the removal of the deposits the
	 President had &ldquo;assumed upon himself authority and power not
	 conferred by the Constitution and laws but in derogation of
	 both,&rdquo; and pronouncing Taney&rsquo;s statement of reasons
	 &ldquo;unsatisfactory and insufficient.&rdquo; After a stormy
	 debate, both resolutions in slightly amended form were carried by
	 substantial majorities.
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson was not in the habit of meekly swallowing censure, and on the
	 15th of April he sent to the Senate a formal protest, characterizing
	 the action of the body as &ldquo;unauthorized by the Constitution,
	 contrary to its spirit and to several of its express
	 provisions,&rdquo; and &ldquo;subversive of that distribution of
	 the powers of government which it has ordained and established.&rdquo;
	 Aside from a general defense of
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span>
	 his course, the chief point that the President made was that the
	 Constitution provided a procedure in cases of this kind, namely
	 impeachment, which alone could be properly resorted to if the
	 legislative branch desired to bring charges against the Executive.
	 The Senate was asked respectfully to spread the protest on its records.
	 This, however, it refused to do. On the contrary, it voted that the
	 right of protest could not be recognized; and it found additional
	 satisfaction in negativing an unusual number of the President&rsquo;s
	 nominations.
</p>

<p>
	 Throughout the remainder of his second Administration Jackson
	 maintained his hold upon the country and kept firm control in the
	 lower branch of Congress. Until very near the end, the Senate,
	 however, continued hostile. During the debate on the protest Benton
	 served notice that he would introduce, at each succeeding session, a
	 motion to expunge the resolution of censure. Such a motion was made in
	 1835, and again in 1836, without result. But at last, in January,
	 1837, after a debate lasting thirteen hours, the Senate adopted, by a
	 vote of 24 to 19, a resolution meeting the Jacksonian demand.
</p>

<blockquote>
<p>
	 The manuscript journal of the session of 1833-1834 was brought into
	 the Senate, and the secretary, in obedience
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span>
	 to the resolution, drew black lines around the resolution of censure,
	 and wrote across the face thereof, &ldquo;in strong letters,&rdquo;
	 the words: &ldquo;Expunged by order of the Senate, this sixteenth
	 day of January, in the year of our Lord 1837.&rdquo; Many members
	 withdrew rather than witness the proceeding; but a crowded gallery
	 looked on, while Benton strengthened his supporters by providing
	 &ldquo;an ample supply of cold hams, turkeys, rounds of beef,
	 pickles, wines, and cups of hot coffee&rdquo; in a near-by
	 committee-room. Jackson gave a dinner to the &ldquo;expungers&rdquo;
	 and their wives, and placed Benton at the head of the table. That
	 the action of the Senate was unconstitutional interested no one save
	 the lawyers, for the Bank was dead. Jackson was vindicated, and the
	 people were enthroned. &sup1;
</p>
</blockquote>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_198-1" name="footer_198-1"></a>
	       &sup1; MacDonald, <i>Jacksonian Democracy,</i> p. 239.
</div>

<p>
	 The struggle thus brought to a triumphant close was one of the
	 severest in American political history. In 1836 the Bank obtained a
	 charter from Pennsylvania, under the name of the Bank of the United
	 States of Pennsylvania, and all connection between it and the Federal
	 Government ceased. The institution and the controversies centering
	 about it left, however, a deep impress upon the financial and
	 political history of our fifth and sixth decades. It was the bank
	 issue, more than anything else, that consolidated the new political
	 parties of the period. It was that issue that
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span>
	 proved most conclusively the hold of Jackson upon public opinion.
	 And it was the destruction of the Bank that capped the mid-century
	 reaction against the rampant nationalism of the decade succeeding
	 the War of 1812. The Bank itself had been well managed, sound, and
	 of great service to the country. But it had also showed strong
	 monopolistic tendencies, and as a powerful capitalistic organization
	 it ran counter to the principles and prejudices which formed the very
	 warp and woof of Jacksonian democracy.
</p>

<p>
	 For more than a decade after the Bank was destroyed the United States
	 had a troubled financial history. The payment of the last dollar of
	 the national debt in 1834 gave point to a suggestion which Clay had
	 repeatedly offered that, as a means of avoiding an embarrassing
	 surplus, the proceeds of the sales of public lands should be
	 distributed according to population among the States. One bill on this
	 subject was killed by a veto in 1832, but another was finally approved
	 in 1836. Before distribution could be carried far, however, the
	 country was overtaken by the panic of 1837; and never again was there
	 a surplus to distribute. For seven years the funds of the Government
	 continued to be kept in state banks, until, in 1840,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span>
	 President Van Buren prevailed upon Congress to pass a measure setting
	 up an independent treasury system, thereby realizing the ultimate
	 purpose of the Jacksonians to divorce the Government from banks of
	 every sort. When the Whigs came into power in 1841, they promptly
	 abolished the independent Treasury with a view to resurrecting the
	 United States Bank. Tyler&rsquo;s vetoes, however, frustrated their
	 designs, and it remained for the Democrats in 1846 to revive the
	 independent Treasury and to organize it substantially as it operates
	 today.
</p>

<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER X</a></h2>
<h3>THE REMOVAL OF THE SOUTHERN INDIANS</h3>


<p>
	 <span class="smcap">It</span> was not by chance that the
	 Jacksonian period made large contribution to the working out of
	 the ultimate relations of the red man with his white rival and
	 conqueror. Jackson was himself an old frontier soldier, who never
	 doubted that it was part of the natural order of things that
	 conflict between the two peoples should go on until the weaker was
	 dispossessed or exterminated. The era was one in which the West
	 guided public policy; and it was the West that was chiefly interested
	 in further circumscribing Indian lands, trade, and influence. In
	 Jackson&rsquo;s day, too, the people ruled; and it was the adventurous,
	 pushing, land-hungry common folk who decreed that the red man had
	 lingered long enough in the Middle West and must now move on.
</p>

<p>
	 The pressure of the white population upon the Indian lands was felt
	 both in the Northwest and in
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span>
	 the Southwest; but the pressure was unevenly applied in the two
	 sections. North of the Ohio there was simply one great glacier-like
	 advance of the white settlers, driving westward before it practically
	 all of the natives who did not perish in the successive attempts to
	 roll back the wave of conquest upon the Alleghanies. The redskins were
	 pushed from Ohio into Indiana, from Indiana into Illinois, from Illinois
	 and Wisconsin into Iowa and Minnesota; the few tribal fragments which
	 by treaty arrangement remained behind formed only insignificant
	 &ldquo;islands&rdquo; in the midst of the fast-growing flood of white
	 population.
</p>

<p>
	 In the South the great streams of migration were those that flowed
	 down the Ohio, filling the back lands on each side, and thence down
	 the Mississippi to its mouth. Hence, instead of pressing the natives
	 steadily backward from a single direction, as in the North, the whites
	 hemmed them in on east, west, and north; while to the southward the
	 Gulf presented a relentless barrier. Powerful and populous tribes were
	 left high and dry in Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabama&mdash;peoples who
	 in their day of necessity could hope to find new homes only by long
	 migrations past the settled river districts that lay upon their
	 western frontiers.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span>
	 Of these encircled tribes, four were of chief importance: the Creeks,
	 the Cherokees, the Choctaws, and the Chickasaws. In 1825 the Creeks
	 numbered twenty thousand, and held between five and six million acres
	 of land in western Georgia and eastern Alabama. The Cherokees numbered
	 about nine thousand and had even greater areas, mainly in northwestern
	 Georgia, but to some extent also in northeastern Alabama and
	 southeastern Tennessee. The Choctaws, numbering twenty-one thousand,
	 and the Chickasaws, numbering thirty-six hundred, together held
	 upwards of sixteen million acres in Mississippi&mdash;approximately the
	 northern half of the State&mdash;and a million and a quarter acres in
	 western Alabama. The four peoples thus numbered fifty-three thousand
	 souls, and held ancestral lands aggregating over thirty-three million
	 acres, or nearly the combined area of Pennsylvania and New Jersey.
</p>

<p>
	 Furthermore, they were no longer savages. The Creeks were the lowest
	 in civilization; but even they had become more settled and less
	 warlike since their chastisement by Jackson in 1814. The Choctaws and
	 Chickasaws lived in frame houses, cultivated large stretches of land,
	 operated workshops and mills, maintained crude but orderly
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span>
	 governments, and were gradually accepting Christianity. Most advanced
	 of all were the Cherokees. As one writer has described them, they
	 &ldquo;had horses and cattle, goats, sheep, and swine. They raised maize,
	 cotton, tobacco, wheat, oats, and potatoes, and traded with their
	 products to New Orleans. They had gardens, and apple and peach
	 orchards. They had built roads, and they kept inns for travelers. They
	 manufactured cotton and wool. &hellip; One of their number had invented
	 an alphabet for their language. They had a civil government, imitated
	 from that of the United States.&rdquo; Under these improved
	 conditions all of the tribes were growing in numbers and acquiring
	 vested rights which it would be increasingly difficult to deny or to
	 disregard.
</p>

<p>
	 A good while before Jackson entered the White House the future of
	 these large, settled, and prosperous groups of red men began to
	 trouble the people of Georgia, Alabama, and other Southern States. The
	 Indians made but little use of the major part of their land; vast
	 tracts lay untrodden save by hunters. Naturally, as the white
	 population grew and the lands open for settlement became scarcer and
	 poorer, the rich tribal holdings were looked upon with covetous eyes.
	 In the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span>
	 decade following the War of 1812, when cotton cultivation was
	 spreading rapidly over the southern interior, the demand that they
	 be thrown open for occupation to white settlers became almost
	 irresistible.
</p>

<p>
	 Three things, obviously, could happen. The tribes could be allowed to
	 retain permanently their great domains, while the white population
	 flowed in around them; or the lands could be opened to the whites
	 under terms looking to a peaceful intermingling of the two peoples; or
	 the tribes could be induced or compelled to move <i>en masse</i> to new
	 homes beyond the Mississippi. The third plan was the only one ever
	 considered by most people to be feasible, although it offered great
	 difficulties and was carried out only after many delays.
</p>

<p>
	 The State which felt the situation most keenly was Georgia, partly
	 because there an older and denser population pressed more eagerly for
	 new lands, partly&mdash;it must be admitted&mdash;because lands
	 obtained by cession were, under the practice of that State, distributed
	 among the people by lottery. The first move in this direction was to
	 dispossess the Creeks. As far back as 1802, when Georgia made her final
	 cession of western lands to United States, the latter agreed to extinguish
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span>
	 the Indian title to lands within the State whenever it could be done
	 &ldquo;peaceably and on reasonable terms.&rdquo; This pledge the
	 Georgians never allowed the federal authorities to forget. After 1815
	 several large tracts were liberated. But by that date the State wanted
	 unbroken jurisdiction over all of the territory within her limits, and
	 her complaints of laxness on the part of the Federal Government in
   bringing this about became no less frequent than vigorous.
</p>

<p>
	 Near the close of his Administration President Monroe sent two
	 commissioners to procure a general cession; and at Indian Spring a
	 treaty was concluded in which the Creeks ceded practically all of
	 their lands between the Flint and the Chattahoochee rivers. The Senate
	 ratified the treaty, and the Georgians were elated. But investigation
	 showed that the Creeks who stood behind the agreement represented only
	 an insignificant fraction of the nation, and President Adams refused
	 to allow Troup, the irate Georgian Governor, to proceed with the
	 intended occupation until further negotiations should have taken
	 place. Stormy exchanges of views followed, in the course of which the
	 Governor more than once reminded Adams that Georgia was
	 &ldquo;sovereign on her own soil.&rdquo; But in
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span>
	 1826 and 1827 treaties were obtained finally extinguishing Creek titles
	 in the State. Land west of the Mississippi was promised to all Creeks who
	 would go there.
</p>

<p>
	 The problem of the Cherokees was more difficult. By a series of
	 treaties beginning in 1785 the United States had recognized this
	 people as a nation, capable of making peace and war, of owning the
	 lands within its boundaries, and of governing and punishing its own
	 citizens by its own laws. At the close of Jefferson&rsquo;s second
	 Administration the tribe seriously considered moving west of the
	 Mississippi, and shortly after the War of 1812 most of the northern
	 members resident in Tennessee took the long-deferred step. The refusal
	 of the Georgia members to go with the Tenneseeans disappointed the
	 land-hungry whites, and from that time the authorities of the State
	 labored incessantly both to break down the notion that the Cherokees
	 were a &ldquo;nation&rdquo; to be dealt with through diplomatic
	 channels, and to extend over them, in effect, the full sovereignty
	 of the State. In December, 1828, the Legislature took the bold step
	 of enacting that all white persons in the Cherokee territory should
	 be subject to the laws of Georgia; that after June 1, 1830, all
	 Indians resident in this territory should
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>
	 be subject to such laws as might be prescribed for them by the State;
	 and that after this date all laws made by the Cherokee Government
	 should be null and void.
</p>

<p>
	 When Jackson became President he found on his desk a vigorous protest
	 against this drastic piece of legislation. But appeal to him was
	 useless. He was on record as believing, in common with most
	 southwesterners, that Georgia had a rightful jurisdiction over her
	 Indian lands; and his Secretary of War, Eaton, was instructed to say
	 to the Cherokee representatives that their people would be expected
	 either to yield to Georgia&rsquo;s authority or to remove beyond the
	 Mississippi. In his first annual message, on December 8, 1829, the
	 President set forth the principles that guided him from first to last
	 in dealing with the Indian problem. It would be greatly to the
	 interest of the Indians themselves, he said, to remove to the ample
	 lands that would be set apart for them permanently in the West, where
	 each tribe could have its own home and its own government, subject to
	 no control by the United States except for the maintenance of peace on
	 the frontier and among the tribes. Forcible removal was not to be
	 contemplated; that would be cruel and unjust. But every effort was to
	 be made to
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>
	 bring about a voluntary migration. One thing was to be clearly
	 understood: any tribe or group that chose to remain in Georgia
	 must submit to the laws of the State and yield its claim to all land
	 which had not been improved. The President was not indifferent to the
	 well-being of the red men; but he refused to recognize the Cherokees
	 as a &ldquo;nation&rdquo; having &ldquo;rights&rdquo; as against
	 either Georgia or the United States. A few weeks after the message
	 was received Congress passed a bill creating an Indian reservation
	 beyond the Mississippi and appropriating five hundred thousand
	 dollars to aid in the removal of such Indians as should choose to
	 accept the offer of the Government.
</p>

<p>
	 The outlook for the Cherokees was now dark. Both the executive and
	 legislative branches of the Federal Government were committed to a
	 policy which offered only the alternatives of removal or subjection;
	 and, thus encouraged, the Georgia Legislature voted to proceed with
	 the extension of the full authority of the State over both the
	 Cherokees and the Creeks after June 1, 1830. To make matters worse,
	 the discovery of gold in the northeastern corner of the State in 1829
	 brought down upon the Cherokee lands a horde of scrambling, lawless
	 fortune seekers, numbered already in 1830
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>
	 by the thousand. None the less, the Cherokee opposition stiffened.
	 The Indian legislative council voted that all who accepted lands
	 beyond the Mississippi and settled on them should forfeit their
	 tribal membership, that those who sold their individual property
	 to emigrate should be flogged, and that those who voted to sell a
	 part or all of the tribal possessions should be put to death.
</p>

<p>
	 One resource remained to be exhausted in defense of the Indian claims;
	 this was the courts. But here again things went unfavorably. After
	 many delays a test case, Cherokee Nation <i>vs.</i> State of Georgia,
	 was placed upon the docket of the Supreme Court. The bill set forth the
	 plaintiff to be &ldquo;the Cherokee Nation of Indians, a foreign
	 State, not owning allegiance to the United States, nor to any State of
	 this union, nor to any prince, potentate, or State other than their
	 own,&rdquo; and it asked that the Court declare null the Georgia Acts of
	 1828 and 1829 and enjoin the Georgia officials from interfering with
	 Cherokee lands, mines, and other property, or with the persons of
	 Cherokees on account of anything done by them within the Cherokee
	 territory. The Indians were represented before the Court by two
	 attorneys, one of them being William Wirt; Georgia employed no counsel.
	 The
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>
	 opinion of the Court as announced at the January term, 1831, by Chief
	 Justice Marshall was that while the Cherokee nation was a State and had
	 uniformly been dealt with as such by the Federal Government since
	 1789, it was not a &ldquo;foreign State&rdquo; within the meaning
	 of the Constitution, and therefore was not entitled to sue in that
	 character in the courts of the United States. &ldquo;If it be
	 true,&rdquo; the decision concluded, &ldquo;that wrongs have
	 been inflicted and that still greater are to be apprehended, this is
	 not the tribunal which can redress the past or prevent the future.
	 The motion for an injunction is denied.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 The case was thus thrown out of court. Yet the Cherokees were
	 recognized as a &ldquo;domestic, dependent&rdquo; nation, and
	 there was nothing in the decision to indicate that the extension
	 of the laws of Georgia over them was valid and constitutional.
	 Indeed, in a second case that came up shortly, Worcester
	 <i>vs.</i> State of Georgia, the Court strongly backed up the
	 Indians&rsquo; contention. Worcester was a Presbyterian
	 missionary who was imprisoned for violation of a Georgia statute
	 forbidding white persons to reside in the Cherokee territory without
	 a license. The case was appealed to the Supreme Court, and in the
	 decision of March 10, 1832,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>
	 Marshall affirmed the status of the Cherokees as a
	 &ldquo;nation&rdquo; within whose territory &ldquo;the laws
	 of Georgia can have no force, and which the citizens of Georgia
	 have no right to enter but with the assent of the Cherokees
	 themselves or in conformity with treaties and with the acts
	 of Congress.&rdquo; The statute was accordingly declared to
	 be unconstitutional and Worcester was ordered to be discharged.
</p>

<p>
	 This ought to have been enough to protect the Cherokees in their
	 rights. But it was not, and for two reasons: the contempt of Georgia
	 for the Court&rsquo;s opinions, and the refusal of Jackson to restrain
	 the State in its headstrong course. Already the state authorities had
	 refused to take notice of a writ of error to the Supreme Court sued
	 out in December, 1830, in behalf of a condemned Cherokee, Corn Tassel,
	 and had permitted the execution of the unfortunate redskin. The state
	 court now refused to issue a writ of <i>habeas corpus</i> in behalf of
	 Worcester, and the prisoner was held&mdash;precisely as if the law under
	 which he was convicted had been pronounced constitutional&mdash;until he
	 was pardoned by the Governor a year later.
</p>

<p>
	 This action on the part of the State was, of
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span>
	 course, nothing less than nullification. Yet Jackson did not lift a
	 finger. &ldquo;John Marshall has made his decision,&rdquo; he is
	 reported to have said; &ldquo;now let him enforce it.&rdquo;
	 The South Carolinians were quick to seize upon the inconsistencies of
	 the situation. Nullification in their State was apparently one thing;
	 in Georgia, quite another. The very fact, however, that the Georgians
	 had successfully defied the federal Supreme Court did much to encourage
	 their neighbors in a course of similar boldness. Jackson&rsquo;s
	 leniency toward Georgia has never been wholly explained. He was
	 undoubtedly influenced by his sympathy with the purpose of the State
	 to establish its jurisdiction over all lands within its borders.
	 Furthermore he cherished an antipathy for Marshall which even led him
	 to refuse in 1835 to attend a memorial meeting in the great
	 jurist&rsquo;s honor. But these considerations do not wholly cover
	 the case. All that the historian can say is that the President chose
	 to take notice of the threats and acts of South Carolina and to ignore
	 the threats and acts of Georgia, without ever being troubled by the
	 inconsistency of his course. His political career affords many such
	 illustrations of the arbitrary and even erratic character of his mind.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span>
	 Meanwhile the great Indian migration was setting in. Emulating the
	 example of Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi extended their laws over
	 all of the Indian lands within their boundaries; and in all parts of
	 the South the red folk&mdash;some of them joyously, but most of them
	 sorrowfully&mdash;prepared to take up their long journey. In 1832 the
	 Creeks yielded to the United States all of their remaining lands east
	 of the Mississippi. By the spring of 1833 the Choctaws and Chickasaws
	 had done the same thing and were on their way westward. Only the
	 Cherokees remained, and in his message of December 3, 1833, Jackson
	 reiterated his earlier arguments for their removal. Realizing that
	 further resistance was useless, a portion of the tribe signified its
	 readiness to go. The remainder, however, held out, and it was only at
	 the close of 1835 that the long-desired treaty of cession could be
	 secured. All Cherokee lands east of the Mississippi were now
	 relinquished to the United States, which agreed to pay five million
	 dollars for them, to provide an adequate home in the new Indian
	 Territory created by Congress during the preceding year, and to bear
	 all the costs of removing the tribe thither.
</p>

<p>
	 It was not alone the South, however, that
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span>
	 witnessed widespread displacements of Indian populations in the
	 Jacksonian period. How the Black Hawk War of 1832 grew out of, and
	 in turn led to, removals in the remoter Northwest has been related
	 in another volume in this series. &sup1; And, in almost every western
	 State, surviving Indian titles were rapidly extinguished. Between
	 1829 and 1837 ninety-four Indian treaties, most of them providing
	 for transfers of territory, were concluded; and before Jackson went
	 out of office he was able to report to Congress that,
	 &ldquo;with the exception of two small bands living in Ohio and
	 Indiana, not exceeding fifteen hundred persons, and of the
	 Cherokees, all of the tribes on the east side of the Mississippi, and
	 extending from Lake Michigan to Florida, have entered into engagements
	 which will lead to their transplantation.&rdquo; With little delay
	 the Cherokees, too, were added to this list, although a group of
	 irreconcilables resisted until 1838, when they were forcibly ejected
	 by a contingent of United States troops under General Winfield Scott.
</p>

<div class="footer">
        <a id="footer_215-1" name="footer_215-1"></a>
	       &sup1; See <i>The Old Northwest,</i> by Frederic Austin Ogg
				 (in <i>The Chronicles of America</i>).
</div>

<p>
	 All of this was done not without strong protest from other people
	 besides the Indians. Some who
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>
	 objected did so for political effect. When Clay and Calhoun, for
	 example, thundered in the Senate against the removal treaties, they
	 were merely seeking to discredit the Administration; both held views
	 on Indian policy which were substantially the same as Jackson&rsquo;s.
	 But there was also objection on humanitarian grounds; and the Society
	 of Friends and other religious bodies engaged in converting and
	 educating the southern tribes used all possible influence to defeat
	 the plan of removal. On the whole, however, the country approved what
	 was being done. People felt that the further presence of large,
	 organized bodies of natives in the midst of a rapidly growing white
	 population, and of tribes setting themselves up as quasi-independent
	 nations within the bounds of the States, was an anomaly that could not
	 last; and they considered that, distressing as were many features of
	 the removals, both white man and red man would ultimately be better
	 off.
</p>

<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2><a href="#Contents">CHAPTER XI</a></h2>
<h3>THE JACKSONIAN SUCCESSION</h3>


<p>
	 &ldquo;<span class="smcap">Oh,</span> hang General Jackson,&rdquo;
	 exclaimed Fanny Kemble one day, after dinner, in the cabin of the
	 ship that brought her, in the summer of 1832, to the United States.
	 Even before she set foot on our shores, the brilliant English
	 actress was tired of the din of politics and bored by the incessant
	 repetition of the President&rsquo;s name. Subsequently she was
	 presented at the White House and had an opportunity to form her own
	 opinion of the &ldquo;monarch&rdquo; whose name and deeds were on
	 everybody&rsquo;s lips; and the impression was by no means
	 unfavorable. &ldquo;Very tall and thin he was,&rdquo; says her
	 journal, &ldquo;but erect and dignified; a good specimen of a fine
	 old, well-battered soldier; his manners perfectly simple and quiet,
	 and, therefore, very good.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Small wonder that the name of Jackson was heard wherever men and women
	 congregated in
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>
	 1832! Something more than half of the people of the country were at the
	 moment trying to elect the General to a second term as President, and
	 something less than half were putting forth their best efforts to prevent
	 such a &ldquo;calamity.&rdquo; Three years of Jacksonian rule had seen the civil
	 service revolutionized, the Cabinet banished from its traditional place
	 in the governmental system, and the conduct of the executive branch given
	 a wholly new character and bent. Internal improvements had been checked
	 by the Maysville Road veto. The United States Bank had been given a blow,
	 through another veto, which sent it staggering. Political fortunes had
	 been made and unmade by a wave of the President&rsquo;s hand. The first
	 attempt of a State to put the stability of the Union to the test had
	 brought the Chief Executive dramatically into the r&ocirc;le of defender
	 of the nation&rsquo;s dignity and perpetuity. No previous President had
	 so frequently challenged the attention of the public; none had kept himself
	 more continuously in the forefront of political controversy.
</p>

<p>
	 Frail health and close application to official duties prevented
	 Jackson from traveling extensively during his eight years in the White
	 House. He saw the Hermitage but once in this time, and
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span>
	 on but one occasion did he venture far from the capital. This was in
	 the summer of 1833, when he toured the Middle States and New England
	 northward as far as Concord, New Hampshire. Accompanied by Van Buren,
	 Lewis Cass, Levi Woodbury, and other men of prominence, the President
	 set off from Washington in early June. At Baltimore, Philadelphia, New
	 York, and intervening cities the party was received with all possible
	 demonstrations of regard. Processions moved through crowded streets;
	 artillery thundered salutes; banquet followed banquet; the enthusiasm
	 of the masses was unrestrained. At New York the furnishings of the
	 hotel suite occupied by the President were eventually auctioned off as
	 mementoes of the occasion.
</p>

<p>
	 New England was, in the main, enemy country. None the less, the
	 President was received there with unstinted goodwill. Edward Everett
	 said that only two other men had ever been welcomed in Boston as
	 Jackson was. They were Washington and La Fayette. The
	 President&rsquo;s determined stand against nullification was fresh in
	 mind, and the people, regardless of party, were not slow to express
	 their appreciation. Their cordiality was fully reciprocated.
	 &ldquo;He is amazingly tickled
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span>
	 with the Yankees,&rdquo; reports a
	 fellow traveler more noted for veracity than for elegance of speech,
	 &ldquo;and the more he sees on &rsquo;em, the better he likes
	 &rsquo;em. &lsquo;No nullification here,&rsquo; says he.
   &lsquo;No,&rsquo; says I, &lsquo;General; Mr. Calhoun would stand
	 no more chance down east than a stumped-tail bull in fly
	 time.&rsquo;&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 To the infinite disgust of John Quincy Adams, Harvard University
	 conferred upon the distinguished visitor the honorary degree of doctor
	 of laws. In the course of the ceremony one of the seniors delivered,
	 in Latin, a salutatory concluding with the words:
	 &ldquo;Harvard welcomes Jackson the President. She embraces Jackson
	 the Patriot.&rdquo; &ldquo;A splendid compliment, sir, a splendid
	 compliment,&rdquo; declared the honored guest after Woodbury had
	 translated the phrases for his benefit; &ldquo;but why
	 talk about so live a thing as patriotism in a dead
	 language?&rdquo; At the close of the exercises the students filed
	 past the President and were introduced to him, each greeting him,
	 &ldquo;to the infinite edification and amusement of the grizzly
	 old warrior,&rdquo; by his new title <i>Doctor</i> Jackson. The wits
	 of the opposition lost no opportunity to poke fun at the
	 President&rsquo;s accession to the brotherhood of scholars. As
	 he was closing a speech some days
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span>
	 later an auditor called out, &ldquo;You must give them a
	 little Latin, <i>Doctor</i>.&rdquo; In nowise abashed, the
	 President solemnly doffed his hat again, stepped to the front of
	 the platform, and resumed: &ldquo;<i>E pluribus unum</i>,
	 my friends, <i>sine qua non</i>!&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Life at the White House, as one writer has remarked, lost under
	 Jackson something of the good form of the Virginia r&eacute;gime,
	 but it lost nothing of the air of domesticity. Throughout the two
	 Administrations the mistress of the mansion was Mrs. Andrew Jackson
	 Donelson, wife of the President&rsquo;s secretary and in every
	 respect a very capable woman. Of formality there was little or none.
	 Major Lewis was a member of the presidential household, and other
	 intimates&mdash;Van Buren, Kendall, Blair, Hill&mdash;dropped in
	 at anytime, &ldquo;before breakfast, or in the evening,
	 as inclination prompted.&rdquo; The President was always accessible
	 to callers, whether or not their business was important. Yet he found
	 much time, especially in the evenings, for the enjoyment of his long
	 reed pipe with red clay bowl, in the intimacy of the White House
	 living room, with perhaps a Cabinet officer to read dispatches or
	 other state papers to him in a corner, while the ladies sewed and
	 chatted and half a dozen children played about the room.
</p>

<p>
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>
	 Social affairs there were, of course. But they were simple enough to
	 please the most ardent Jeffersonian&mdash;much too simple to please people
	 accustomed to somewhat rigorous etiquette. Thus George Bancroft, who
	 had the reputation of being one of Washington&rsquo;s most
	 punctilious gentlemen, thought well of Jackson&rsquo;s character but
	 very poorly of his levees. In describing a White House reception which
	 he attended in 1831, he wrote:</p>

<blockquote>
<p>
	 The old man stood in the center of a little circle, about large enough
   for a cotillion, and shook hands with everybody that offered. The
	 number of ladies who attended was small; nor were they brilliant. But
	 to compensate for it there was a throng of apprentices, boys of all
	 ages, men not civilized enough to walk about the room with their hats
	 off; the vilest promiscuous medley that ever was congregated in a
	 decent house; many of the lowest gathering round the doors, pouncing
	 with avidity upon the wine and refreshments, tearing the cake with the
	 ravenous keenness of intense hunger; starvelings, and fellows with
	 dirty faces and dirty manners; all the refuse that Washington could
	 turn forth from its workshops and stables.
</p>
</blockquote>

<p>
	 The &ldquo;people&rdquo; still ruled. Yet it was only the public receptions
	 that presented such scenes of disorder. The dinners which the President
	 occasionally gave were well appointed. A Philadelphia
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span>
	 gentleman who was once invited to the White House with two or three
	 friends testifies that &ldquo;the dinner was very neat and served
	 in excellent taste, while the wines were of the choicest qualities.
	 The President himself dined on the simplest fare: bread, milk, and
	 vegetables.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson was never a rich man, and throughout his stay in the White
	 House he found it no easy matter to make ends meet. He entertained his
	 personal friends and official guests royally. He lavished hospitality
	 upon the general public, sometimes spending as much as a thousand or
	 fifteen hundred dollars on a single levee. He drew a sharp line
	 between personal and public expenditures, and met out of his own
	 pocket outlays that under administrations both before and after were
	 charged to the public account. He loaned many thousands of dollars, in
	 small amounts, to needy friends, to old comrades in arms, and
	 especially to widows and orphans of his soldiery and of his political
	 supporters; and a large proportion of these debts he not only never
	 collected but actually forgot. Receipts from the Hermitage farm during
	 his years of absence were small, and fire in 1834 made necessary a
	 rebuilding of the family residence at considerable cost. The upshot
	 was that when, in 1837, the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span>
	 General was preparing to leave Washington, he had to scrape together
	 every available dollar in cash, and in addition pledge the cotton crop
	 of his plantation six months ahead for a loan of six thousand dollars,
	 in order to pay the bills outstanding against him in the capital.
</p>

<p>
	 Meanwhile the country came to the election of 1836. From the time of
	 Van Buren&rsquo;s withdrawal from the Cabinet in 1831 to become, with
	 Jackson&rsquo;s full approval, a candidate for the vice presidency,
	 there never was doubt that the New Yorker would be the Democratic
	 presidential nominee in 1836, or that his election would mean a
	 continuation, in most respects, of the Jacksonian r&eacute;gime.
	 Never did a President more clearly pick his successor. There was,
	 of course, some protest within the party. Van Buren was not popular,
	 and it required all of the personal and official influence that the
	 President could bring to bear, backed up by judicious use of the
	 patronage, to carry his program through. At that, his own State
	 rebelled and, through a resolution of the Legislature, put itself
	 behind the candidacy of Senator Hugh L. White. The bold actions of
	 his second Administration, defiant alike of precedent and opposition,
	 had alienated many of the President&rsquo;s more intelligent and
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>
	 conservative followers. Yet the allegiance of the masses was
	 unshaken; and when the Democratic convention assembled at Baltimore in
	 May, 1835,&mdash;a year and a half before the election&mdash;the
	 nomination of Van Buren was secured without a dissenting vote. There
	 was no need to adopt a platform; everybody understood that
	 Jackson&rsquo;s policies were the platform, and that Jackson himself
	 was as truly before the electorate as if he had been a candidate for a
	 third term. In his letter of acceptance Van Buren met all expectations
	 by declaring his purpose &ldquo;to tread generally in the footsteps
	 of President Jackson.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 The anti-Administration forces entered the campaign with no flattering
	 prospects. Since 1832 their opposition to &ldquo;executive
	 usurpation&rdquo; had won for them a new party name,
	 &ldquo;Whig.&rdquo; But neither their opposition nor any other circumstance
	 had given them party solidarity. National Republicans, anti-Masons,
	 converted Jacksonians, state rights men&mdash;upon what broad and
	 constructive platform could they hope to unite? They had no lack of
	 able presidential aspirants. There was Clay, the National Republican
	 candidate in 1832; there was Webster, of whom Jackson once said that
	 he would never be President because he was
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span>
	 &ldquo;too far east, knows too much, and is too honest&rdquo;;
	 and there were lesser lights, such as Judge John McLean. But, again,
	 how could the many discordant groups be rallied to the support of any
	 single leader?
</p>

<p>
	 Jackson predicted in 1834 that his opponents would nominate William
	 Henry Harrison, because &ldquo;they have got to take up a soldier;
	 they have tried orators enough.&rdquo; The prophecy was a
	 shrewd one, and in 1840 it was fulfilled to the letter. Upon the present
	 occasion, however, the leaders decided to place no single nominee in the
	 field, but rather to bring forward a number of candidates who could be
	 expected to develop local strength and so to split the vote as to
	 throw the final choice into the House of Representatives. This seemed
	 the only hope of circumventing Van Buren&rsquo;s election. Four sectional
	 candidates entered the race: Webster was backed by New England; the
	 Northwest united on Harrison; the Southwest joined the Tennessee revolters
	 in support of White; Ohio had her own candidate in the person of McLean.
</p>

<p>
	 The plan was ingenious, but it did not work. Van Buren received 170
	 electoral votes against 124 in spite of his opponents. He carried
	 fifteen of the twenty-six States, including four in New England.
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span>
	 Harrison received 73 votes, White 26 (including those of Tennessee),
	 and Webster 14. South Carolina refused to support any of the
	 candidates on either side and threw away her votes on W.P. Mangum of
	 North Carolina. The Democrats kept control of both branches of
	 Congress.
</p>

<p>
	 Victory, therefore, rested with the Jacksonians&mdash;which means
	 with Jackson himself. The Democrats would have control of both the
	 executive and legislative branches of the Government for some years
	 to come; the Bank would not soon be re-chartered; the veto power
	 would remain intact; federal expenditure upon internal improvements
	 had been curbed, and the &ldquo;American system&rdquo; had been
	 checked; the national debt was discharged and revenue was superabundant;
	 Jackson could look back over the record of his Administrations with
	 pride and forward to the rule of &ldquo;Little Van&rdquo;
	 with satisfaction. &ldquo;When I review the arduous
	 administration through which I have passed,&rdquo;
	 declared the President soon after the results of the election were
	 made known, &ldquo;the formidable opposition, to its very close,
	 of the combined talents, wealth, and power of the whole aristocracy
	 of the United States, aided as it is by the moneyed monopolies of
	 the whole country with their corrupting
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span>
	 influence, with which we had to contend, I am truly thankful to my
	 God for this happy result.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Congress met on the 5th of December for the closing session of the
	 Administration. The note of victory pervaded the President&rsquo;s
	 message. Yet there was one more triumph to be won: the resolution
	 of censure voted by the Senate in 1834 was still officially on the
	 record book. Now it was that Benton finally procured the passage
	 of his expunging resolution, although not until both branches of
	 Congress had been dragged into controversy more personal and acrid,
	 if possible, than any in the past eight years. The action taken was
	 probably unconstitutional. But Jackson&rsquo;s
	 &ldquo;honor&rdquo; was vindicated, and that was all that he and
	 his friends saw, or cared to see, in the proceeding.
</p>

<p>
	 As early as 1831 the President conceived the idea of issuing a
	 farewell address to the people upon the eve of his retirement;
	 and a few weeks before the election of Van Buren he sent to
	 Taney a list of subjects which he proposed to touch upon in
	 the document, requesting him to &ldquo;throw on
	 paper&rdquo; his ideas concerning them. The address was
	 issued on March 4, 1837, and followed closely the copy
	 subsequently found in Taney&rsquo;s handwriting in the Jackson
	 manuscripts. Its contents were thoroughly
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>
	 commonplace, being indeed hardly more than a r&eacute;sum&eacute;
	 of the eight annual messages; and it might well have been dismissed
	 as the amiable musings of a garrulous old man. But nothing associated
	 with the name of Jackson ever failed to stir controversy. The Whigs
	 ridiculed the egotism which underlay the palpable imitation of
	 Washington. &ldquo;Happily,&rdquo; said the New York <i>American</i>,
	 &ldquo;it is the last humbug which the mischievous popularity of
	 this illiterate, violent, vain, and iron-willed soldier can impose
	 upon a confiding and credulous people.&rdquo; The Democrats,
	 however, lauded the address, praised the wisdom and sincerity of its
	 author, and laid away among their most valued mementoes the white
	 satin copies which admiring friends scattered broadcast over the
	 country.
</p>

<p>
	 Showered with evidences of undiminished popularity, the General came
	 down to his last day in office. One enthusiast sent him a light wagon
	 made entirely of hickory sticks with the bark upon them. Another
	 presented a phaeton made of wood taken from the old frigate
	 <i>Constitution</i>. A third capped the climax by forwarding from
	 New York a cheese four feet in diameter, two feet thick, and weighing
	 fourteen hundred pounds&mdash;twice as
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>
	 large, the <i>Globe</i> fondly pointed out, as the cheese presented
	 to Jefferson under similar circumstances a quarter of a century
	 earlier. From all parts of the country came callers, singly
	 and in delegations, to pay their respects and to assure the outgoing
	 Chief of their goodwill and admiration. March 4, 1837, was a raw,
	 disagreeable day. But Jackson, pale and racked by disease, rode with
	 his chosen successor to the place where he had himself assumed office
	 eight years before, and sat uncovered while the oath was administered
	 and the inaugural delivered. The suave, elegantly dressed Van Buren
	 was politely applauded as the new Chief to whom respect was due. But
	 it was the tall, haggard, white-haired soldier-politician who had put
	 Van Buren where he was who awoke the spontaneous enthusiasm of the
	 crowds.
</p>

<p>
	 Three days after the inauguration Jackson started for the Hermitage.
	 His trip became a series of ovations, and he was obliged several times
	 to pause for rest. At last he reached Nashville, where once again, as
	 in the old days of the Indian wars, he was received with an acclaim
	 deeply tinged by personal friendship and neighborly pride. A great
	 banquet in his honor was presided over by James K. Polk, now Speaker
	 of the national House
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span>
	 of Representatives; and the orators vied one with another in
	 extolling his virtues and depicting his services to
	 the country. Then Jackson went on to the homestead whose
	 seclusion he coveted.
</p>

<p>
	 No one knew better than the ex-President himself that his course was
	 almost run. He was seventy years of age and seldom free from pain for
	 an hour. He considered himself, moreover, a poor man&mdash;mainly, it
	 appears, because he went back to Tennessee owing ten thousand dollars
	 and with only ninety dollars in his pockets. He was, however, only
	 &ldquo;land poor,&rdquo; for his plantation of twenty-six hundred
	 acres was rich and valuable, and he had a hundred and forty
	 slaves&mdash;&ldquo;servants&rdquo; he always called
	 them&mdash;besides large numbers of horses and cattle. A year
	 or two of thrifty supervision brought his lands and herds back to
	 liberal yields; his debts were soon paid off; and notwithstanding
	 heavy outlays for his adopted son, whose investments invariably turned
	 out badly, he was soon able to put aside all anxiety over pecuniary
	 matters.
</p>

<p>
	 Established again in his old home, surrounded by congenial relatives
	 and friends, respected by neighbors without regard to politics, and
	 visited from time to time by notable foreigners and Americans,
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>
	 Jackson found much of satisfaction in his declining years. For a time
	 he fully lived up to the promise made to Benton and Blair that he would
	 keep clear of politics. His interest in the fortunes of his party,
	 however, was not diminished by his retirement from public life. He
	 corresponded freely with Van Buren, whose policies he in most respects
	 approved; and as the campaign of 1840 approached the &ldquo;old
	 war-horse began once more to sniff the battle from afar.&rdquo;
	 Admitting to his friends that the situation looked &ldquo;a little
	 dubious,&rdquo; he exerted himself powerfully to bring about the
	 re&euml;lection of the New Yorker. He wrote a letter belittling the
	 military qualities of the Whig candidate, thereby probably doing the
	 Democratic cause more harm than good; and finally, to avert the
	 humiliation of a Whig victory in Tennessee, he &ldquo;took the
	 stump&rdquo; and denounced the enemy up and down through all western
	 Tennessee and southern Kentucky. But &ldquo;Tippecanoe and Tyler
	 too&rdquo; was too much for him; the Whig candidates carried both
	 Tennessee and Kentucky and won the nation-wide contest by 234 to
	 60 electoral votes.
</p>

<p>
	 The old warrior took the defeat&mdash;<i>his</i> defeat, he always
	 regarded it&mdash;philosophically, and at once began to lay plans
	 for a recovery of Democratic
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>
	 supremacy in 1844. For another quadrennium his hand was on the party
	 throttle. When men speculated as to whether Van Buren, General Cass,
	 General Butler, or Senator Benton would be the standard bearer in
	 1844, they always asked what Jackson&rsquo;s edict on the subject
	 would be; and the final selection of James K. Polk, while not fully
	 dictated by the ex-President, was the result of a compromise in which
	 his advice played a prominent part. Though past seventy-seven and
	 hardly able to sign his name, Jackson threw himself into the campaign
	 and undoubtedly contributed to the election of his fellow-Tenneseean.
	 His satisfaction with the outcome and with the annexation of Texas
	 which quickly followed found expression in a barbecue attended by all
	 the Democrats of the neighborhood and by some of note from a distance.
	 &ldquo;We have restored the Government to sound principles,&rdquo;
	 declared the host in a brief, faltering speech from the Hermitage
	 portico, &ldquo;and extended the area of our institutions to the
	 Rio Grande. Now for Oregon and Fifty-four-forty.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 Oregon&mdash;although not to fifty-four forty&mdash;was soon to be
	 duly made American soil. But Jackson did not live to witness the event.
	 Early in 1845 his health began to fail rapidly and on the
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span>
	 very day of Polk&rsquo;s inauguration he was at the point of death.
	 Rallying, he struggled manfully for three months against the combined
	 effects of consumption, dropsy, and dysentery. But on Sunday, the 8th
	 of June, the end came.  In accordance with a pledge which he had given
	 his wife years before, he had become a communicant of the Presbyterian
	 church; and his last words to the friends about his bedside were
	 messages of Christian cheer. After two days the body was laid to rest
	 in the Hermitage garden, beside the grave of the companion whose loss
	 he had never ceased to mourn with all the feeling of which his great
	 nature was capable. The authorities at the national capital ordered
	 public honors to be paid to the ex-President, and gatherings in all
	 parts of the country listened with much show of feeling to appropriate
	 eulogies.
</p>

<hr class="break" />

<p>
	 &ldquo;General Jackson,&rdquo; said Daniel Webster to Thurlow Weed in
	 1837, &ldquo;is an honest and upright man. He does what he thinks
	 is right, and does it with all his might. He has a violent temper,
	 which leads him often to hasty conclusions. It also causes him to
	 view as personal to himself the public acts of other men. For this
	 reason there is great difference between Jackson angry and Jackson in
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>
	 good humor. When he is calm, his judgment is good; when angry, it
	 is usually bad. &hellip; His patriotism is no more to be questioned
	 than that of Washington. He is the greatest General we have and,
	 except Washington, the greatest we ever had.&rdquo;
</p>

<p>
	 To this characterization of Andrew Jackson by his greatest American
	 contemporary it is impossible to make noteworthy addition. His was a
	 character of striking contradictions. His personal virtues were
	 honesty, bravery, open-heartedness, chivalry toward women,
	 hospitality, steadfastness. His personal faults were irascibility,
	 egotism, stubbornness, vindictiveness, and intolerance of the opinions
	 of others. He was not a statesman; yet some of the highest qualities
	 of statesmanship were in him. He had a perception of the public will
	 which has rarely been surpassed; and in most, if not all, of the great
	 issues of his time he had a grasp of the right end of the question.
</p>

<p>
	 The country came to the belief that the National Bank should not be
	 revived. It accepted and perpetuated Van Buren&rsquo;s independent
	 treasury plan. The annexation of Texas, which Jackson strongly favored,
	 became an accomplished fact with the approval of a majority of the
	 people. The moderated protective tariff to which Jackson inclined
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>
	 was kept up until the Civil War. The removal of the Indians to
	 reservations beyond the Mississippi fell in with the views of the
	 public upon that subject and inaugurated an Indian policy which was
	 closely adhered to for more than half a century. In his vindication
	 of executive independence Jackson broke new ground, crudely enough it
	 is true; yet, whatever the merits of his ideas at the moment, they
	 reshaped men&rsquo;s conception of the presidency and helped make
	 that office the power that it is today. The strong stand taken against
	 nullification clarified popular opinion upon the nature of the Union and
	 lent new and powerful support to national vigor and dignity.
</p>

<p>
	 Over against these achievements must be placed the introduction of the
	 Spoils System, which debauched the Civil Service and did the country
	 lasting harm; yet Jackson only responded to public opinion which held
	 &ldquo;rotation in office to be the cardinal principle of
	 democracy.&rdquo; It needed a half-century of experience to convince the
	 American people of this fallacy and to place the national Civil Service
	 beyond the reach of spoilsmen. Even now public opinion is slow to
	 realize that efficiency in office can be secured only by experience
	 and relative permanence.
</p>

<div class="chapterhead">
   <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span>
   <br /><br /><br />
</div>
<h2><a href="#Contents">BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</a></h2>

<p>
	 <span class="smcap">The</span> events of the period covered in this
	 volume are described with some fullness in all of the general American
	 histories. Of these, two are especially noteworthy for literary quality
	 and other elements of popular interest: Woodrow Wilson&rsquo;s
	 <i>History of the American People</i>, 5 vols. (1902), and John B.
	 McMaster&rsquo;s <i>History of the People of the United States</i>,
	 8 vols. (1883-1913). The Jacksonian epoch is treated in Wilson&rsquo;s
	 fourth volume and in McMaster&rsquo;s fifth and sixth volumes.
	 On similar lines, but with more emphasis on political and
	 constitutional matters, is James Schouler&rsquo;s <i>History of the
	 United States under the Constitution</i>, 7 vols. (1880-1913), vols.
	 III-IV. One seeking a scholarly view of the period, in an adequate
	 literary setting, can hardly do better, however, than to read Frederick J.
	 Turner&rsquo;s <i>Rise of the New West</i> (1906) and William
	 MacDonald&rsquo;s <i>Jacksonian Democracy</i> (1906). These are volumes
	 XIV and XV in <i>The American Nation</i>, edited by Albert B. Hart.
</p>

<p>
	 Biographies are numerous and in a number of instances excellent. Of
	 lives of Jackson, upwards of a dozen have been published. The most
	 recent and in every respect the best is John S. Bassett&rsquo;s
	 <i>Life of Andrew Jackson</i>, 2 vols. (1911). This work is based
	 throughout on the sources; its literary quality is above the average
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>
	 and it appraises Jackson and his times in an unimpeachable spirit of
	 fairness. Within very limited space, William G. Brown&rsquo;s
	 <i>Andrew Jackson</i> (1900) tells the story of Jackson admirably;
	 and a good biography, marred only by a lack of sympathy and by
	 occasional inaccuracy in details, is William G. Sumner&rsquo;s
	 <i>Andrew Jackson</i> (rev. ed., 1899). Of older biographies,
	 the most important is James Parton&rsquo;s <i>Life of Andrew
	 Jackson</i>, 3 vols. (1861). This work is sketchy, full of irrelevant
	 or unimportant matter, and uncritical; but for a half-century it was
	 the repository from which historians and biographers chiefly drew in
	 dealing with Jackson&rsquo;s epoch. John H. Eaton&rsquo;s <i>Life of
	 Andrew Jackson</i> (1842) describes Jackson&rsquo;s earlier career,
	 mainly on the military side; but it never rises above the level of a
	 campaign document.
</p>

<p>
	 Among biographies of Jackson&rsquo;s contemporaries may be mentioned
	 George T. Curtis, <i>Life of Daniel Webster</i>, 2 vols. (1870); Henry
	 C. Lodge, <i>Daniel Webster</i> (1883); John B. McMaster, <i>Daniel
	 Webster</i> (1902); Frederic A. Ogg, <i>Daniel Webster</i> (1914);
	 Carl Schurz, <i>Henry Clay</i>, 2 vols. (1887); Gaillard Hunt, <i>John C.
	 Calhoun</i> (1908); William M. Meigs, <i>The Life of John Caldwell
	 Calhoun</i>, 2 vols. (1917); John T. Morse, <i>John Quincy Adams</i>
	 (1882); Edward M. Shepard, <i>Martin Van Buren</i> (1888); Theodore
	 Roosevelt, <i>Thomas Hart Benton</i> (1888); and Theodore D. Jervey,
	 <i>Robert Y. Hayne and His Times</i> (1909).
</p>

<p>
	 On many topics the reader will do well to go to monographs or other
	 special works. Thus Jackson&rsquo;s policy of removals from public
	 office is presented with good perspective in Carl R. Fish, <i>The Civil
	 Service and the Patronage</i> (Harvard Historical Studies, xi, 1905). The
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span>
	 history of the bank controversy is best told in Ralph C. H. Catterall,
	 <i>The Second Bank of the United States</i> (1903); and interesting
	 chapters in the country&rsquo;s financial history are presented in
	 Edward G. Bourne, <i>History of the Surplus Revenue of 1837</i> (1885),
	 and David Kinley, <i>The History, Organization, and Influence of the
	 Independent Treasury of the United States</i> (1893). On the tariff one
	 should consult Frank W. Taussig, <i>Tariff History of the United States</i>
	 (6th ed., 1914) and Edward Stanwood, <i>American Tariff Controversies</i>,
	 2 vols. (1903).  Similarly illuminating studies of nullification are David
	 F. Houston,  <i>Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina</i>
	 (Harvard Historical Studies, III, 1896) and Ulrich B. Phillips, <i>Georgia
	 and State Rights</i> (American Historical Association Reports, 1901, II).
</p>

<p>
	 Aside from newspapers, and from collections of public documents of
	 private correspondence, which cannot be enumerated here, the source
	 materials for the period fall into two main classes: books of
	 autobiography and reminiscence, and the writings of travelers. Most
	 conspicuous in the first group is Thomas H. Benton, <i>Thirty Years&rsquo;
	 View; or, a History of the Working of the American Government for
	 Thirty Years, from 1820 to 1850</i>, 2 vols. (1854). Benton was an active
	 member of the Senate throughout the Jacksonian period, and his book
	 gives an interesting and valuable first-hand account of the public
	 affairs of the time. Amos Kendall&rsquo;s <i>Autobiography</i> (1872)
	 is, unfortunately, hardly more than a collection of papers and scattered
	 memoranda. Nathan Sargent&rsquo;s <i>Public Men and Events, 1817-1853</i>,
	 2 vols. (1875), consists of chatty sketches, with an anti-Jackson slant.
	 Other books of contemporary reminiscence are Lyman Beecher&rsquo;s
	 <i>Autobiography</i>, 2 vols. (1863-65);
	 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span>
	 Robert Mayo&rsquo;s <i>Political Sketches of Eight Years in Washington</i>
	 (1839); and S.C. Goodrich&rsquo;s <i>Recollections of a Lifetime</i>, 2
	 vols. (1856). The one monumental diary is John Quincy Adams, <i>Memoirs;
	 Comprising Portions of his Diary from 1795 to 1848</i> (ed. by Charles F.
	 Adams, 12 vols., 1874-77). All things considered, there is no more
	 important nonofficial source for the period.
</p>

<p>
	 In Jackson&rsquo;s day the United States was visited by an extraordinary
	 number of Europeans who forthwith wrote books descriptive of what they
	 had seen. Two of the most interesting&mdash;although the least
	 flattering&mdash;of these works are Charles Dickens&rsquo;s <i>American
	 Notes for General Circulation</i> (1842, and many reprints) and Mrs.
	 Frances E. Trollope&rsquo;s <i>Domestic Manners of the Americans</i>
	 (1832). Two very readable and generally sympathetic English accounts
	 are Frances A. Kemble&rsquo;s <i>Journal, 1832-1833</i>, 2 vols. (1835)
	 and Harriet Martineau&rsquo;s <i>Society in America</i>, 3 vols. (2d ed.,
	 1837). The principal French work of the sort is M. Chevalier,
	 <i>Society, Manners, and Politics in the United States</i> (Eng. trans.
	 from 3d French ed., 1839). Political conditions in the country are
	 described in Alexis de Tocqueville, <i>Democracy in America</i> (Eng. trans.
	 by Reeve in 2 vols., 1862), and the economic situation is set forth in
	 detail in James S. Buckingham, <i>America, Historical, Statistical and
	 Descriptive</i>, 2 vols. (1841), and <i>The Slave States of America</i>,
	 2 vols. (1842).
</p>

<hr class="main" />
		<div class="chapterhead">
      <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span>
			<br /><br /><br />
    </div>
		<h2><a href="#Contents">INDEX</a></h2>
    <h3>A</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
    	  Adams, John, Jackson makes acquaintance of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.<br />
        Adams, J. Q., Secretary of State,
				   and Jackson&rsquo;s Florida expedition, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
           candidate for presidency, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>-<a href="#Page_77">77</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_82">82</a>-<a href="#Page_83">83</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_87">87</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_88">88</a>-<a href="#Page_93">93</a>;
           and Jackson, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_93">93</a>-<a href="#Page_94">94</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;
           diary quoted, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;
					 &ldquo;corrupt bargain,&rdquo; <a href="#Page_89">89</a>-<a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;
					 elected, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;
           as President, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>-<a href="#Page_100">100</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_104">104</a>-<a href="#Page_106">106</a>;
           personal characteristics, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>-<a href="#Page_97">97</a>;
           abolishes patronage, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>-<a href="#Page_98">98</a>;
					 and internal improvements, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;
					 candidate for re&euml;lection (1828), <a href="#Page_106">106</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_109">109</a>-<a href="#Page_110">110</a>;
					 no enthusiasm for, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;
					 on Calhoun, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
					 and Indian question, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;
					 biography, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.<br />
        Alabama, Indians in, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.<br />
				Ambrister, Robert, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.<br />
				<i>American</i>, New York, quoted, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.<br />
        Apalachicola River,
  			   Nicholls builds fort on, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;
					 Jackson&rsquo;s army marches down, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.<br />
					 Arbuthnot, Alexander, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.<br />
				<i>Aurora</i>, Pennsylvania newspaper, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.<br />
   </div>
	 <h3>B</h3>
	 <div class="letterdate">
				Baltimore, welcomes Jackson, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;
           Democratic convention at (1835), <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.<br />
				Bancroft, George, quoted, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>. <br />
				Bank, United States,
  			   Jackson&rsquo;s attitude toward, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_184">184</a>-<a href="#Page_188">188</a>;
  				 Adams and, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;
  				 established, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;
  				 and the South, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;
  				 war on, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-<a href="#Page_200">200</a>;
  				 Congress supports, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;
  				 Jackson plans reorganization of, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;
  				 bill to recharter, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>-<a href="#Page_191">191</a>;
  				 bill vetoed, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;
  				 as political issue, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;
  				 believed insolvent by Jackson, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>-<a href="#Page_193">193</a>;
  				 removal of deposits, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>-<a href="#Page_195">195</a>;
           senate censures Jackson for removal, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>-<a href="#Page_198">198</a>;
  				 Whigs try to resurrect (1841), <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;
           bibliography, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.<br />
				Barry, W. T., Postmaster-General, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.<br />
				Bassett, J. S., biographer of Jackson, cited, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;
  			   quoted, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.<br />
				Benton, Jesse, Jackson encounters, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.<br />
        Benton, T. H., <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;
  				 Jackson fights with, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;
  				 quoted, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;
  				 introduces bills against Adams, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;
  				 on Van Buren&rsquo;s defeat as minister, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
  				 on Foote&rsquo;s resolution, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;
  				 on Hayne, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;
  				 and United States Bank question,
					 <a href="#Page_190">190</a>-<a href="#Page_191">191</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;
  				 and censure of Jackson, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;
           biography, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.<br />
				Berrien, J. M., Attorney-General, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.<br />
				Biddle, Nicholas, President of United States Bank,
				   <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_185">185</a>-<a href="#Page_186">186</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_195">195</a>. <br />
				Black Hawk War, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.<br />
				Blair, F. P., editor of the <i>Globe</i>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_232">232</a>. <br />
        Blount, William, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
           Governor of Tennessee, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.<br />
				Borgne, Lake, British army at, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.<br />
        <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span>
				Boston,
				   endorses Jackson&rsquo;s proclamation to South Carolina, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;
					 welcomes President Jackson, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.<br />
				Bowyer, Fort, British attempt to destroy, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.<br />
				Branch, John, Secretary of Navy, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.<br />
				Brown, Jacob, of New York, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.<br />
				Buchanan, James, author of &ldquo;corrupt bargain,&rdquo; <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.<br />
				Burr, Aaron, Jackson makes acquaintance of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
  			   opinion of Jackson, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.<br />
				Butler, General, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.<br />
   </div>
	 <h3>C</h3>
	 <div class="letterdate">
				Cabinet, Jackson&rsquo;s,
				   <a href="#Page_117">117</a>-<a href="#Page_118">118</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_129">129</a>-<a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_135">135</a>-<a href="#Page_136">136</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_193">193</a>-<a href="#Page_194">194</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;
           Kitchen, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>-<a href="#Page_131">131</a>. <br />
				Cadwalader, General Thomas,
				   <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.<br />
				Calhoun, J. C.,
				   father makes home at Waxhaw, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;
					 Secretary of War, and Jackson&rsquo;s Florida expedition,
					 <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
					 aspirant for presidency,
					 <a href="#Page_77">77</a>-<a href="#Page_78">78</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;
					 Jackson&rsquo;s attitude toward, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
					 candidate for vice presidency, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
					 elected, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;
					 described by Adams, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;
					 <ins title="Transcriber's Note: Changed from re-elected.">
					 re&euml;lected</ins>
					 to vice presidency, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;
					 Eaton controversy, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-<a href="#Page_134">134</a>;
					 against Van Buren, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;
					 sectionalist, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
					 at Hayne-Webster debate, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;
					 change in political ideas, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;
					 <i>Exposition</i>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;
					 and nullification, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_164">164</a>-<a href="#Page_165">165</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_166">166</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_167">167</a>-<a href="#Page_168">168</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;
					 seeks support of South Carolina, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;
					 <i>Address to the People of South Carolina</i>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;
					 <i>Fort Hill Letter</i>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;
					 and tariff, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;
					 resigns vice presidency, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;
					 in Senate, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;
					 on Indian policy, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;
					 bibliography, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.<br />
				Calhoun, Mrs. J. C., <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.<br />
				Calhoun, Rebecca, marries Andrew Pickens, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.<br />
				Callava, Jos&eacute;, Governor of Florida,
				   <a href="#Page_58">58</a>-<a href="#Page_59">59</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.<br />
				Campbell, G. W., Senator from Tennessee, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.<br />
				Carrickfergus (Ireland), home of Jackson&rsquo;s father,
				   <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.<br />
				Carroll, William, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.<br />
				Cass, Lewis, Secretary of War, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
   			   accompanies Jackson to New England, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;
					 possible candidate for presidency, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.<br />
				Castlereagh, Robert Stewart, Lord Viscount, quoted, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.<br />
				Caucus as nominating device,
				   <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-<a href="#Page_82">82</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.<br />
				Charleston (S. C.),
  			   Andrew Jackson&rsquo;s father arrives at, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;
  				 Jackson in, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;
					 preparations against, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;
					 nullifiers meet at, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>. <br />
				Cherokee Indians, number, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;
				  location, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;
					civilization, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;
					and Georgia, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>-<a href="#Page_213">213</a>;
					treaty with, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;
					remainder removed from the East, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.<br />
			  Cherokee Nation <i>vs.</i> State of Georgia,
				  <a href="#Page_210">210</a>-<a href="#Page_211">211</a>.<br />
			  Cheves, Langdon,
				  exponent of broad constitutional construction, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;
					President of United States Bank, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.<br />
			  Chickasaw Indians,
				  number, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;
					location, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;
					civilization, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>-<a href="#Page_204">204</a>;
					removed, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.<br />
			  Choctaw Indians,
				  number, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;
					location, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;
					civilization, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>-<a href="#Page_204">204</a>;
          removed, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.<br />
				Cincinnati greets Jackson, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.<br />
				Civil service, Adams and,
				   <a href="#Page_97">97</a>-<a href="#Page_98">98</a>;
           bibliography,  <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;
					 <i>see also</i> Spoils System.<br />
				Claiborne, W. C. C., Governor-General and Intendant of Louisiana,
				    <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.<br />
				Clay, Henry,
				    quoted, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;
						and Jackson&rsquo;s Florida expedition,
						<a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;
						candidate for presidency (1824), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>,
						<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span>
				    <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>,
						<a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>,
						<a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;
						and Jackson, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
						&ldquo;corrupt bargain,&rdquo;
				    <a href="#Page_89">89</a>-<a href="#Page_92">92</a>;
						<a href="#Page_96">96</a>;
						Secretary of State, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>,
						<a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;
						and nationalism, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;
						loses hope of presidency, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;
            Compromise Tariff, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
						and United States Bank,
						<a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;
						on veto power, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;
				    nominee of National Republican party (1832),
						<a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;
						on disposal of proceeds from public lands, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;
						on removal of Indians,
						<a href="#Page_215">215</a>-<a href="#Page_216">216</a>.<br />
					Clayton, J. M., of Delaware, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.<br />
					Clinton, DeWitt, toasted at Tammany dinner, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.<br />
					Cochrane, Sir Alexander Inglis, Admiral,
					  sends news of peace to Jackson, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.<br />
					Cocke, General John, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.<br />
					Cohens <i>vs.</i> Virginia, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.<br />
					Columbia (S. C.), ordinance of nullification drawn up at,
					  <a href="#Page_170">170</a>-<a href="#Page_171">171</a>,
						<a href="#Page_174">174</a>.<br />
				  <i>Columbian Observer</i> of Philadelphia,
					  <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.<br />
					Concord (N. H.), Jackson goes to, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.<br />
					Congress, question of Jackson&rsquo;s Florida expedition,
					  <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-<a href="#Page_63">63</a>;
						and Adams, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>-<a href="#Page_105">105</a>;
						nationalistic laws, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;
 						Webster-Hayne debate,
						<a href="#Page_145">145</a>-<a href="#Page_157">157</a>;
						Force Bill, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>,
						<a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;
				    Verplanck Bill, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;
						and United States Bank, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>,
						<a href="#Page_189">189</a>-<a href="#Page_191">191</a>,
						<a href="#Page_196">196</a>;
						Senate censures Jackson,
						<a href="#Page_196">196</a>-<a href="#Page_198">198</a>,
						<a href="#Page_228">228</a>;
						Senate ratifies Indian treaty, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;
						creates Indian reservation, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.<br />
					Constitution,
					  Adams for liberal construction, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;
						amendment proposed, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;
						questions in 1828, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
						Webster-Hayne debate,
						<a href="#Page_145">145</a>-<a href="#Page_157">157</a>.<br />
					Corn Tassel, Cherokee executed in Georgia, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.<br />
					Cotton, influence of price on sentiment of South Carolina,
					  <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.<br />
					Crawford, W. H., at Waxhaw settlement, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;
  					and Jackson, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
  				  supported by Van Buren, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
  				  candidate for presidency, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>,
					  <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>,
					  <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;
  				  health fails, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>-<a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
  				  supporters ally themselves to Jackson, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.<br />
					Creek Indians, and Tecumseh, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
  				  massacre at Fort Mims, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
  					outbreak in South, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>-<a href="#Page_36">36</a>;
						<a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>-<a href="#Page_55">55</a>;
  					treaty with, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>-<a href="#Page_38">38</a>;
  					number, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;
  					location, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;
  					civilization, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;
  					dispossessed, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>-<a href="#Page_207">207</a>,
						<a href="#Page_214">214</a>;
  					<i>see also</i> Creek War, Seminole War.<br />
					Creek War, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>-<a href="#Page_38">38</a>.<br />
					Cumberland River, Jackson&rsquo;s army down the, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.<br />
   </div>
	 <h3>D</h3>
	 <div class="letterdate">
				Dale, Sam, and Jackson, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.<br />
				Davie, W. R., Governor of North Carolina, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.<br />
				Democratic party, and United States Bank, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;
  			   convention (1835), <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.<br />
				Dickerson, Mahlon, of New Jersey, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.<br />
				Dickinson, Charles, killed in duel by Jackson, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.<br />
				Donelson, A. J., nephew and private secretary of Jackson,
				   <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.<br />
				Donelson, Mrs. A. J., mistress of White House,
				   <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.<br />
				Donelson, John,
  			   helps found Nashville, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;
  				 Jackson marries daughter of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>. <br />
				Duane, W. J., Secretary of Treasury,
				   <a href="#Page_193">193</a>-<a href="#Page_194">194</a>.<br />
   </div>
   <h3>E</h3>
	 <div class="letterdate">
				Earl, R. E. W.,
				   artist engaged in painting portraits of Jackson,
					 <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.<br />
				Eaton, J. H.,
				   and Jackson, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>-<a href="#Page_8">8</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;
					 Secretary of War,
					 <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.<br />
				Eaton, Mrs. J. H., <a href="#Page_88">88</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-<a href="#Page_134">134</a>.<br />
				Elections, Presidential, of 1824,
				   <a href="#Page_82">82</a>-<a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_95">95</a>-<a href="#Page_96">96</a>;
					 manner of selecting President an issue of 1824, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
					 <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span>
					 &ldquo;corrupt bargain,&rdquo; <a href="#Page_89">89</a>-<a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;
					 proposed amendment to Constitution providing direct, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;
					 campaign of 1828, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>-<a href="#Page_110">110</a>;
					 of 1832, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;
					 of 1836, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-<a href="#Page_227">227</a>;
					 of 1840, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;
					 of 1844, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.<br />
				England, frontiersman&rsquo;s attitude toward, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
				   <i>see also</i> War of 1812.<br />
				Everett, Edward, cited, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.<br />
   </div>

	 <h3>F</h3>
	 <div class="letterdate">
	 			Finance, national debt paid, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;
				   Government funds in state banks, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;
					 independent treasury system, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>-<a href="#Page_200">200</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;
					 <i>see also</i> Bank, United States; Tariff.<br />
				Florida and Jackson, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_27">27</a>-<a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_30">30</a>-<a href="#Page_31">31</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_39">39</a>-<a href="#Page_40">40</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_51">51</a>-<a href="#Page_61">61</a>;
					 Southwest longs for conquest of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;
					 encourages Indian uprising, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
					 Spain and, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_55">55</a>-<a href="#Page_56">56</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;
					 controversy over Jackson&rsquo;s expedition,
					 <a href="#Page_61">61</a>-<a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
					 United States treaty with Spain, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.<br />
				Foote, S. A., of Connecticut, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.<br />
				Force Bill, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
  			   nullified by South Carolina convention, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.<br />
				Forsyth, John, of Georgia, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.<br />
				Fowltown, fight at,
				   <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.<br />
				Franklin, &ldquo;Western District&rdquo; tries to set up State of,
				   <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.<br />
				Frelinghuysen, Theodore, of New Jersey, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.<br />
				Friends, Society of,
				   protest removal of Indians, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.<br />
   </div>
   <h3>G</h3>
	 <div class="letterdate">
			  Gaines, General E. P., <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.<br />
				Gallatin, Albert,
  			   Jackson makes acquaintance of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
           describes Jackson, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.<br />
					 <i>Gazette</i>, Nashville, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.<br />
					 <i>General Neville</i> (river boat),
					 Jackson travels down Ohio on, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.<br />
				Georgia, and state rights, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
					 and tariff, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;
					 Indians of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_205">205</a> <i>et seq.</i>;
					 nullification, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.<br />
				Ghent, Treaty of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.<br />
				Gibbs, General, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.<br />
				Girard Bank of Philadelphia,
				   treasury receipts to be deposited in, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.<br />
        <i>Globe</i>, administration organ, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_230">230</a>. <br />
				Green, Duff,
				   party manager for Jackson, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;
					 edits <i>United States Telegraph</i>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;
					 in Kitchen Cabinet, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.<br />
				Grundy, Felix, of Tennessee, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.<br />
   </div>
	 <h3>H</h3>
	 <div class="letterdate">
				Hall, D. A.,
				   Federal district judge in New Orleans, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.<br />
				Hamilton J. A.,
				   <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.<br />
				Hamilton, James, Governor of South Carolina,
				   <a href="#Page_168">168</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.<br />
				Harrisburg (Penn.), nominating convention at,
				   <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.<br />
				Harrison, W. H.,
  			   Governor of Indiana, at Tippecanoe, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
  				 Jackson offers aid to, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;
  				 resigns commission, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;
  				 candidate for presidency,
					 <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-<a href="#Page_227">227</a>.<br />
			  Hartford Convention, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.<br />
				Harvard University confers degree on Jackson,
				   <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.<br />
				Havana, Jackson sends Spaniards to, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.<br />
				Hayne, R. Y., <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;
  			   speech in Congress, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>-<a href="#Page_145">145</a>;
  				 debate with Webster, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>-<a href="#Page_157">157</a>;
  				 personal characteristics, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;
  				 change in political ideas, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;
  				 and nullification, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;
  				 elected Governor of South Carolina, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;
  				 biography, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.<br />
				Hermitage, The, Jackson&rsquo;s home,
				   <a href="#Page_19">19</a>-<a href="#Page_20">20</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_67">67</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_68">68</a>-<a href="#Page_72">72</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_102">102</a>-<a href="#Page_103">103</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.<br />
				Hill, Isaac, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;
  				 Senate rejects nomination of, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;
  				 in Kitchen Cabinet, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;
  				 quoted,
					 <a href="#Page_164">164</a>-<a href="#Page_165">165</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<br />
				Holmes, John, of Maine, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.<br />
				<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span>
				Horseshoe Bend, battle with Creeks at, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.<br />
				Houston, Sam, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.<br />
				Hunter&rsquo;s Hill,
				   Jackson&rsquo;s plantation near Nashville,
					 <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>. <br />
				Huntsville (Ala.), Jackson brings forces together at,
				   <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.<br />
   </div>
   <h3>I</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				Indian Queen Tavern (the Wigwam), <a href="#Page_115">115</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.<br />
				Indian Territory created (1834), <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.<br />
				Indians, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
  			   hostility near Nashville, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;
  				 Creek War, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>-<a href="#Page_38">38</a>;
  				 Seminole War,
					    <a href="#Page_54">54</a>-<a href="#Page_58">58</a>;
  				 removal of,
					    <a href="#Page_201">201</a>-<a href="#Page_216">216</a>,
							<a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
           <i>see also</i> names of tribes.<br />
				Ingham, S. D., Secretary of Treasury, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.<br />
				Internal improvements, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;
				   Jackson on, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;
					 issue in 1824, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
					 Adams and, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>,
					    <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;
					 South opposes, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;
					 South Carolina and, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;
					 Maysville Road veto, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.<br />
   </div>

	 <h3>J</h3>
	 <div class="letterdate">
				Jackson, Andrew, father of the President,
				   <a href="#Page_1">1</a>-<a href="#Page_3">3</a>.<br />
				Jackson, Andrew,
           birth (1767), <a href="#Page_3">3</a>-<a href="#Page_4">4</a>;
  				 birthplace, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>-<a href="#Page_5">5</a>;
  				 early life, <a href="#Page_5">5</a> <i>et seq.</i>;
  				 personal characteristics, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_20">20</a>-<a href="#Page_21">21</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_234">234</a>-<a href="#Page_235">235</a>;
  				 education, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;
  				 in the Revolution, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>-<a href="#Page_9">9</a>;
					 attitude toward British, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;
  				 business enterprises,
					 <a href="#Page_9">9</a>-<a href="#Page_10">10</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_19">19</a>-<a href="#Page_20">20</a>;
  				 in Charleston, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>-<a href="#Page_10">10</a>;
  				 admitted to bar, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;
					 goes to Tennessee, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>-<a href="#Page_14">14</a>;
  				 as &ldquo;solicitor&rdquo; in Nashville,
					 <a href="#Page_14">14</a>-<a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
  				 marriage, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;
  				 represents Tennessee in Congress,
					 <a href="#Page_16">16</a>-<a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
  				 in Senate,
					 <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-<a href="#Page_18">18</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;
  				 as judge in Tennessee, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>-<a href="#Page_19">19</a>;
  				 quarrels, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>-<a href="#Page_21">21</a>;
  				 in War of 1812, <a href="#Page_26">26</a> <i>et seq.</i>;
  				 nicknamed &ldquo;Old Hickory,&rdquo;
					 <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;
  				 in Creek War, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>-<a href="#Page_38">38</a>;
  				 at New Orleans,
					 <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-<a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_45">45</a>-<a href="#Page_50">50</a>;
  				 popularity,
					 <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_63">63</a>-<a href="#Page_64">64</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_229">229</a>-<a href="#Page_230">230</a>;
  				 in Seminole War, and Florida expedition,
					 <a href="#Page_55">55</a>-<a href="#Page_61">61</a>;
  				 controversy about Florida expedition,
					 <a href="#Page_61">61</a>-<a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
  				 as Governor of Florida,
					 <a href="#Page_64">64</a>-<a href="#Page_67">67</a>;
  				 life at the Hermitage,
					 <a href="#Page_68">68</a>-<a href="#Page_72">72</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_102">102</a>-<a href="#Page_103">103</a>;
  				 candidate for presidency (1824),
					 <a href="#Page_73">73</a> <i>et seq.</i>,
					 <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;
  				 and tariff,
					 <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_162">162</a>-<a href="#Page_163">163</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_235">235</a>-<a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
  				 and Adams, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_93">93</a>-<a href="#Page_94">94</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;
  				 and Crawford, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
  				 and Clay, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
  				 and Calhoun, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_134">134</a>-<a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
  				 candidate for presidency (1828), <a href="#Page_100">100</a> <i>et seq.</i>;
  				 resigns from Senate, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;
  				 as a politician,
					 <a href="#Page_107">107</a>-<a href="#Page_108">108</a>;
  				 election, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>-<a href="#Page_110">110</a>;
  				 journey to Washington, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>-<a href="#Page_115">115</a>;
  				 as President-elect, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>-<a href="#Page_119">119</a>;
  				 Cabinet,
					 <a href="#Page_117">117</a>-<a href="#Page_118">118</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_129">129</a>-<a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_135">135</a>-<a href="#Page_136">136</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_193">193</a>-<a href="#Page_194">194</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;
  				 inauguration,
					 <a href="#Page_119">119</a>-<a href="#Page_124">124</a>;
  				 and Spoils System,
					 <a href="#Page_124">124</a>-<a href="#Page_127">127</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
  				 and Congress, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;
  				 Kitchen Cabinet,
					 <a href="#Page_130">130</a>-<a href="#Page_131">131</a>;
  				 Eaton controversy, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-<a href="#Page_134">134</a>;
  				 toast to the Union,
					 <a href="#Page_164">164</a>-<a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
  				 and nullification, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_173">173</a>-<a href="#Page_177">177</a>;
  				 candidate for re&euml;lection (1832),
					 <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;
  				 proclamation to South Carolina (1832),
					 <a href="#Page_175">175</a>-<a href="#Page_176">176</a>;
  				 Force Bill,
					 <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;
  				 and United States Bank,
					 <a href="#Page_182">182</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_184">184</a> <i>et seq.</i>,
					 <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;
  				 censured by Senate,
					 <a href="#Page_196">196</a>-<a href="#Page_198">198</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;
  				 and Indian policy,
					 <a href="#Page_208">208</a>-<a href="#Page_209">209</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_214">214</a>-<a href="#Page_216">216</a>;
  				 and Georgia, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;
  				 journeys to New England, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;
  				 Harvard confers degree on, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;
  				 life at White House, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>-<a href="#Page_223">223</a>;
  				 his finances, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>-<a href="#Page_224">224</a>;
  				 political influence,
					 <a href="#Page_224">224</a>-<a href="#Page_228">228</a>;
  				 farewell address,
					 <a href="#Page_228">228</a>-<a href="#Page_229">229</a>;
  				 return to Nashville, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;
  				 last years, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>-<a href="#Page_234">234</a>;
  				 death (1845), <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;
  				 Webster&rsquo;s characterization of,
					 <a href="#Page_234">234</a>-<a href="#Page_235">235</a>;
  				 achievements,
					 <a href="#Page_235">235</a>-<a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
  				 bibliography,
					 <a href="#Page_237">237</a>-<a href="#Page_238">238</a>.<br />
				Jackson, Mrs. Andrew, mother of the President,
				   <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span>
				   <a href="#Page_3">3</a>-<a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_8">8</a>-<a href="#Page_9">9</a>.<br />
				Jackson, Mrs. Andrew, wife of the President,
				   <a href="#Page_48">48</a>-<a href="#Page_50">50</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;
  				 quoted,
					 <a href="#Page_65">65</a>-<a href="#Page_66">66</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_68">68</a>-<a href="#Page_69">69</a>;
  				 death, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>-<a href="#Page_112">112</a>.<br />
				Jackson, Fort, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;
				   Treaty of, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.<br />
				Jamaica, British from, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.<br />
				Jefferson, Thomas, Jackson makes acquaintance of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
  			   on Jackson, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;
  				 candidate of the masses, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;
  				 and State rights, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_141">141</a>-<a href="#Page_142">142</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.<br />
				Jonesboro (Tenn.), Jackson&rsquo;s traveling party at, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.<br />
   </div>

	 <h3>K</h3>
	 <div class="letterdate">
				Kemble, Fanny, and Jackson, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.<br />
				Kendall, Amos, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;
           in Kitchen Cabinet, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.<br />
				Kentucky made a State (1791), <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.<br />
				Key, F. S., at Jackson&rsquo;s inauguration, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.<br />
				King, W. R., of Alabama, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.<br />
				Kitchen Cabinet, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>-<a href="#Page_131">131</a>.<br />
				Knoxville (Tenn.), <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
				  convention at, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.<br />
			  Kremer, George, and &ldquo;corrupt bargain,&rdquo;
				  <a href="#Page_89">89</a>-<a href="#Page_91">91</a>.<br />
		</div>

		<h3>L</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				La Fayette, Marquis de, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;
  			   and Jackson, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>-<a href="#Page_72">72</a>.<br />
				Lavasseur, secretary to La Fayette, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.<br />
				Lewis, Major W. B., <a href="#Page_63">63</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_134">134</a>-<a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
  				 campaign manager for Jackson, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;
  				 accompanies Jackson to Washington, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;
  				 in Kitchen Cabinet, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.<br />
				Livingston, Edward, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;
  			   Jackson makes acquaintance of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
  				 declines place in cabinet, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;
  				 Secretary of State, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
  				 and proclamation to South Carolina, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;
  				 and United States Bank, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;
  				 minister to France, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.<br />
				Lodge, H. C., quoted, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.<br />
				Louisville greets Jackson, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.<br />
		</div>

		<h3>M</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				Macay, Spruce,
				   lawyer with whom Jackson studied, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.<br />
				M&rsquo;Culloch <i>vs.</i> Maryland (1819), <a href="#Page_141">141</a>,
				<a href="#Page_183">183</a>.<br />
				MacDonald, William, <i>Jacksonian Democracy</i>, quoted, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.<br />
				McDuffie, George, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.<br />
				McKemy family at whose home Jackson is said to have been born,
				   <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.<br />
				McLane, Louis, Secretary of Treasury, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
            and United States Bank, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>. <br />
				McLean, John, Postmaster-General, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;
				   candidate for presidency, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.<br />
				McNairy, John,
				   <a href="#Page_12">12</a>-<a href="#Page_13">13</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.<br />
				Mangum, W. P., of North Carolina, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.<br />
				Marshall, John, Chief-Justice,
  			   at Jackson&rsquo;s inauguration, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>,
					    <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;
  				 and State rights, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>,
					    <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
  				 on Cherokee nation, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;
  				 and Jackson, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.<br />
				Martinsville (N. C.), Jackson practices law at, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.<br />
				Mason, Jeremiah, branch bank president, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.<br />
				Maysville Road veto, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.<br />
				Mims, Fort (Ala.), massacre at, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.<br />
				Mississippi and Indians, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.<br />
				Mississippi Valley, British plan assault on, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.<br />
				Missouri Compromise, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.<br />
				Mobile,
				   Jackson and, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;
					 Congress authorizes taking of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.<br />
				Monroe, Fortress, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.<br />
				Monroe, James, Secretary of War, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;
  			   Jackson writes to, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;
  				 and Jackson&rsquo;s Florida expedition, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>,
					    <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>,
							<a href="#Page_67">67</a>;
  				 Jackson supports, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
  				 Adams confers with, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;
  				 popular approval of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;
  				 and Indian question, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.<br />
				Monticello, home of Jefferson, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.
				<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span>
				<br />
				Morganton (N. C.), <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
				   Jackson joins traveling party at, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.<br />
	</div>
 <h3>N</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				Nashville (Tenn.), founded, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;
  			   Jackson goes to, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>-<a href="#Page_14">14</a>;
  				 in 1789, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;
  				 Phillips reaches, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
  				 Jackson&rsquo;s army assembles at, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;
  				 entertains Jackson, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;
  				 Jackson in, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.<br />
				Natchez (Miss.), Jackson&rsquo;s troops in,
				   <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.<br />
				<i>National Intelligencer</i>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.<br />
				National Republican party, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;
  			defends United States Bank, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;
  			joins Whigs, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.<br />
				Negro Fort, Nicholls&rsquo;s,
				   <a href="#Page_53">53</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.<br />
				New England receives President Jackson,
				   <a href="#Page_219">219</a>-<a href="#Page_220">220</a>.<br />
				New Orleans, news of War of 1812 reaches, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
  			   Jackson and, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-<a href="#Page_43">43</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_45">45</a>-<a href="#Page_50">50</a>;
  			gunboats sent from, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>. <br />
				New Orleans Territory,
				   Jackson denied governorship of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>. <br />
				New York (State) controls vice presidency,
				   <a href="#Page_75">75</a>-<a href="#Page_76">76</a>. <br />
				New York City,
  			   f&ecirc;tes Jackson, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;
					 and nullification, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.<br />
				Nicholls, Colonel Edward, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_52">52</a>-<a href="#Page_53">53</a>.<br />
				Nolte describes Jackson and his wife,
				   <a href="#Page_49">49</a>-<a href="#Page_50">50</a>.<br />
				North Carolina,
  			   claims to be Jackson's birthplace, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;
  				 and tariff, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.<br />
				Nullification,
				   <a href="#Page_161">161</a>-<a href="#Page_180">180</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
					 and Jefferson, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
					 Georgia and, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;
					 <i>South Carolina Exposition</i>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
					 Hayne on, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;
					 Webster on, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_152">152</a>-<a href="#Page_153">153</a>;
					 Calhoun and, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_162">162</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_164">164</a>-<a href="#Page_165">165</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_166">166</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_167">167</a>-<a href="#Page_168">168</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;
					 Turnbull&rsquo;s <i>Crisis</i>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;
					 Calhoun&rsquo;s <i>Exposition</i>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;
					 Jackson and, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_173">173</a>-<a href="#Page_177">177</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;
					 South Carolina&rsquo;s ordinance of,
					 <a href="#Page_170">170</a>-<a href="#Page_171">171</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_179">179</a>-<a href="#Page_180">180</a>;
					 Force Bill, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;
					 Compromise Tariff,
					 <a href="#Page_178">178</a>-<a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
					 bibliography, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.<br />
    </div>
    <h3>O</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				Ohio on State rights, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.<br />
				O&rsquo;Neil, &ldquo;Peggy,&rdquo; <i>see</i> Eaton, Mrs. J. H.<br />
				O&rsquo;Neil&rsquo;s Tavern, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>-<a href="#Page_88">88</a>.<br />
				Onis, Luis de, Spanish Minister, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.<br />
				Oregon, Jackson desires extension in, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.<br />
				Osborn <i>vs.</i> United States Bank (1824), <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.<br />
    </div>

		<h3>P</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				Pakenham, General Sir Edward, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.<br />
				Panama Congress (1826), <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.<br />
				Parton, James, biographer of Jackson, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;
  			   cited, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_18">18</a>-<a href="#Page_19">19</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.<br />
				Peale, picture of Jackson by, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.<br />
				Pennsylvania, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>-<a href="#Page_194">194</a>;
		       grants Bank charter, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.<br />
				Pensacola, Jackson and, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;
					 Nicholls at, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
					 Spanish in, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;
					 toast to, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.<br />
				Philadelphia, national capital, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
				   f&ecirc;tes Jackson, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.<br />
				Phillips, William, &ldquo;Billy,&rdquo;
				   courier, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_24">24</a>-<a href="#Page_25">25</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.<br />
				Pickens, Andrew, at Waxhaw settlement, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.<br />
				Pittsburgh greets Jackson, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.<br />
				Poinsett, J. R., of South Carolina, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.<br />
				Political parties, no party lines in 1822, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;
  			   <i>see also</i> Democratic, National Republican, Republican, Whig.<br />
				Polk, J. K.,
				   <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.<br />
				Public lands,
				   Adams and, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;
					 Foote&rsquo;s resolution (1829),
					 <a href="#Page_144">144</a>-<a href="#Page_145">145</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;
					 sale of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.<br />
   </div>
   <h3>R</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				Randolph, John, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.<br />
				&ldquo;Red Sticks,&rdquo; name for Creek braves,
				   <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.<br />
				Reid, John, biographer of Jackson, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.<br />
				<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span>
				Republican party,
           and Constitution, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;
           supports Jackson, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.<br />
				Rhea, John, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.<br />
				&ldquo;Rhea letter,&rdquo; <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.<br />
				<i>Richmond Enquirer</i>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.<br />
				Roane, Judge, of Virginia, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.<br />
				Robertson, James, helps found Nashville, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.<br />
				Rush, Richard, cited, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.<br />
		</div>

		<h3>S</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				St. Augustine, Jackson and, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;
				   Spaniards in, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.<br />
				St. Marks, Spaniards in, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;
				   Jackson and, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.<br />
				Salisbury (N. C.), <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
				   Jackson studies law at, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>-<a href="#Page_11">11</a>.<br />
				Scott, General Winfield, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.<br />
				Scott, Fort, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.<br />
				Seminole Indians, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.<br />
				Seminole War, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>-<a href="#Page_58">58</a>.<br />
				Sevier, John, Governor of Tennessee, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.<br />
				Seymour, Horatio, of Vermont, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.<br />
				Slavery, South resists federal legislation on, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.<br />
				South, The, on State rights,
				   <a href="#Page_139">139</a>-<a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
					 and United States Bank, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;
					 and tariff, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>-<a href="#Page_161">161</a>;
					 <i>see also</i> names of States.<br />
				South Carolina,
  			   claims to be birthplace of Jackson, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;
  				 and tariff,
					 <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
  				 <i>see also</i> Nullification.<br />
				<i>South Carolina Exposition</i>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.<br />
				&ldquo;Southwest Territory,&rdquo; <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.<br />
				Spain, and Florida, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_55">55</a>-<a href="#Page_56">56</a>;
				   treaty with, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
					 <i>see also</i> Florida.<br />
				Spoils System, Jackson and,
				<a href="#Page_124">124</a>-<a href="#Page_127">127</a>,
				<a href="#Page_236">236</a>.<br />
				State rights, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>-<a href="#Page_140">140</a>;
				  Hayne on, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;
					Webster on, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;
					<i>see also</i> Nullification.<br />
			  Story, Judge Joseph, quoted, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.<br />
				Strother, Fort, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.<br />
				Supreme Court,
  			   on State rights,
					 <a href="#Page_138">138</a>-<a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
  				 on United States Bank, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;
  				 on Indian rights,
					 <a href="#Page_210">210</a>-<a href="#Page_212">212</a>;
  				 Georgia defies,
					 <a href="#Page_212">212</a>-<a href="#Page_213">213</a>.<br />
				Suwanee (Fla.), Jackson at, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.<br />
				Swann, Thomas, Jackson and, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.<br />
   </div>
   <h3>T</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				Tammany entertains Jackson, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.<br />
				Taney, R. B., Attorney-General, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
           writes for Jackson, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;
					 Secretary of Treasury, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_196">196</a>. <br />
				Tariff, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_158">158</a> <i>et seq.</i>;
					 Jackson and, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_162">162</a>-<a href="#Page_163">163</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_235">235</a>-<a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
					 Adams and, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;
					 Calhoun votes for protection, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
					 South opposes protective, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_159">159</a>-<a href="#Page_160">160</a>;
					 woolens bill (1827), <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;
					 Act of 1824, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;
					 Act of 1828, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;
					 Act of 1832, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;
					 Force Bill, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_179">179</a>,  <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;
					 Verplanck Bill, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;
					 Compromise Tariff, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
					 bibliography, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;
					 <i>see also</i> Nullification.<br />
				Tecumseh works among Southern Indians,
				   <a href="#Page_25">25</a>-<a href="#Page_26">26</a>.<br />
				Tennessee,
				   admitted as State (1796), <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
					 meaning of name, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
					 Legislature favors Jackson&rsquo;s nomination,
					 <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;
					 Indians, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.<br />
				Texas, Jackson favors annexation, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.<br />
				Tippecanoe, Battle of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.<br />
				Tohopeka, battle at, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.<br />
				Troup, G. M., Governor of Georgia, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.<br />
				Turnbull, R. J., <i>The Crisis</i>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.<br />
				Turner, F. J., <i>The Rise of the New West</i>;
				   quoted, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>-<a href="#Page_160">160</a>.<br />
				Twelve-mile Creek, Jackson&rsquo;s father settles on,
				   <a href="#Page_2">2</a>.<br />
				Tyler, John,
				   President, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;
					 Bank vetoes, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.<br />
	 </div>

   <h3>U</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				Union County (N. C.),
				   Jackson&rsquo;s father settles in, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>. <br />
				<i>United States Telegraph</i>, of Washington, Jackson organ,
				<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span>
				   <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_130">130</a>. <br />
		</div>

		<h3>V</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				Van Buren, Martin, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;
           supports Jackson, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>-<a href="#Page_104">104</a>;
  				 Governor of New York, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>-<a href="#Page_117">117</a>;
					 Secretary of State, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;
  				 in Kitchen Cabinet, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;
					 aims at presidency,
					 <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-<a href="#Page_134">134</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
  				 in Eaton controversy, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>-<a href="#Page_134">134</a>;
  				 appointment as minister to Great Britain not ratified, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
					 advises Jackson, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;
					 candidate for vice presidency, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;
					 sets up independent treasury system, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;
					 candidate for presidency,
					 <a href="#Page_224">224</a>-<a href="#Page_225">225</a>;
					 election, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-<a href="#Page_227">227</a>;
					 inauguration, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;
  				 biography, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.<br />
				Verplanck, J. C., of New York, tariff bill, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.<br />
        Virginia,
				   controls presidency, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>-<a href="#Page_76">76</a>;
					 and State rights, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>-<a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
					 and tariff, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.<br />
    </div>

    <h3>W</h3>
    <div class="letterdate">
				War of 1812, <a href="#Page_24">24</a> <i>et seq.</i>,
				   <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_137">137</a>-<a href="#Page_138">138</a>. <br />
				Washington, George, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>. <br />
				Washington,
				   captured, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;
        Jackson journeys to, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>-<a href="#Page_51">51</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_85">85</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_114">114</a>-<a href="#Page_115">115</a>.<br />
				Waxhaw settlement, Jackson family at, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;
				   notable people from, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;
					 in the Revolution, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.<br />
				Weathersford, Creek half-breed, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.<br />
				Webster, Daniel, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;
 					 quoted, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>-<a href="#Page_116">116</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;
 					 constitutional debate (1830), <a href="#Page_145">145</a>-<a href="#Page_157">157</a>;
					 life and characteristics, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>-<a href="#Page_148">148</a>;
					 Jackson&rsquo;s estimate of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>-<a href="#Page_226">226</a>;
 					 on Jackson, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>-<a href="#Page_235">235</a>;
					 bibliography, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.<br />
        Webster, Ezekiel, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.<br />
				West, The, and War of 1812, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
				   and Indian policy, <a href="#Page_201">201</a> <i>et seq.</i><br />
				&ldquo;Western District&rdquo; tries to set up State, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>. <br />
				Whig party, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;
 				   tries to resurrect United States Bank, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.<br />
				White, H. L., of Tennessee, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;
				   candidate for presidency, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>,
					 <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>. <br />
				Wilkinson, General James, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.<br />
				Wirt, William, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.<br />
				Woodbury, Levi, Secretary of Navy, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>,
				   <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.<br />
				Worcester <i>vs</i>. State of Georgia,
				   <a href="#Page_211">211</a>-<a href="#Page_212">212</a>.<br />
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    </div>
		<h2><a href="#Contents">The Chronicles of America Series</a></h2>
    <ol>
			 <li>The Red Man's Continent<br /> by Ellsworth Huntington</li>
       <li>The Spanish Conquerors<br /> by Irving Berdine Richman</li>
       <li>Elizabethan Sea-Dogs<br />  by William Charles Henry Wood</li>
       <li>The Crusaders of New France<br />  by William Bennett Munro</li>
       <li>Pioneers of the Old South<br />  by Mary Johnson</li>
       <li>The Fathers of New England<br />  by Charles McLean Andrews</li>
       <li>Dutch and English on the Hudson<br />  by Maud Wilder Goodwin</li>
       <li>The Quaker Colonies<br />  by Sydney George Fisher</li>
       <li>Colonial Folkways<br /> by Charles McLean Andrews</li>
       <li>The Conquest of New France<br />  by George McKinnon Wrong</li>
			 <li>The Eve of the Revolution<br />  by Carl Lotus Becker</li>
       <li>Washington and His Comrades in Arms<br />  by George McKinnon Wrong</li>
       <li>The Fathers of the Constitution<br />  by Max Farrand</li>
       <li>Washington and His Colleagues<br />  by Henry Jones Ford</li>
       <li>Jefferson and his Colleagues<br />  by Allen Johnson</li>
       <li>John Marshall and the Constitution<br />  by Edward Samuel Corwin</li>
       <li>The Fight for a Free Sea<br />  by Ralph Delahaye Paine</li>
			 <li>Pioneers of the Old Southwest<br />  by Constance Lindsay Skinner</li>
       <li>The Old Northwest<br />  by Frederic Austin Ogg</li>
       <li>The Reign of Andrew Jackson<br />  by Frederic Austin Ogg</li>
       <li>The Paths of Inland Commerce<br />  by Archer Butler Hulbert</li>
       <li>Adventurers of Oregon<br />  by Constance Lindsay Skinner</li>
       <li>The Spanish Borderlands<br />  by Herbert E. Bolton</li>
       <li>Texas and the Mexican War<br />  by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson</li>
       <li>The Forty-Niners<br />  by Stewart Edward White</li>
       <li>The Passing of the Frontier<br />  by Emerson Hough</li>
			 <li>The Cotton Kingdom<br />  by William E. Dodd</li>
       <li>The Anti-Slavery Crusade<br />  by Jesse Macy</li>
       <li>Abraham Lincoln and the Union<br />  by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson</li>
       <li>The Day of the Confederacy<br />  by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson</li>
       <li>Captains of the Civil War<br />  by William Charles Henry Wood</li>
       <li>The Sequel of Appomattox<br />  by Walter Lynwood Fleming</li>
			 <li>The American Spirit in Education<br />  by Edwin E. Slosson</li>
       <li>The American Spirit in Literature<br />  by Bliss Perry</li>
			 <li>Our Foreigners<br />  by Samuel Peter Orth</li>
       <li>The Old Merchant Marine<br />  by Ralph Delahaye Paine</li>
       <li>The Age of Invention<br />  by Holland Thompson</li>
       <li>The Railroad Builders<br />  by John Moody</li>
       <li>The Age of Big Business<br />  by Burton Jesse Hendrick</li>
       <li>The Armies of Labor<br />  by Samuel Peter Orth</li>
       <li>The Masters of Capital<br />  by John Moody</li>
       <li>The New South<br />  by Holland Thompson</li>
			 <li>The Boss and the Machine<br />  by Samuel Peter Orth</li>
       <li>The Cleveland Era<br />  by Henry Jones Ford</li>
       <li>The Agrarian Crusade<br />  by Solon Justus Buck</li>
       <li>The Path of Empire<br />  by Carl Russell Fish</li>
       <li>Theodore Roosevelt and His Times<br />  by Harold Howland</li>
       <li>Woodrow Wilson and the World War<br />  by Charles Seymour</li>
			 <li>The Canadian Dominion<br />  by Oscar D. Skelton</li>
       <li>The Hispanic Nations of the New World<br />  by William R. Shepherd</li>
    </ol>

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