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    <h1>
      THE LIFE OF THOMAS PAINE
    </h1>
    <h3>
      WITH A HISTORY OF HIS LITERARY, POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS CAREER IN AMERICA
      FRANCE, AND ENGLAND
    </h3>
    <h2>
      By Moncure Daniel Conway
    </h2>
    <p>
      <br />
    </p>
    <h4>
      To Which Is Added A Sketch Of Paine By William Cobbett
    </h4>
    <p>
      <br />
    </p>
    <h3>
      VOLUME I. (of II) <br /><br /> 1893
    </h3>
    <p>
      <br />
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%">
      <img alt="frontispiece (35K)" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:m:moncure-daniel-conway-the-life-of-thomas-paine-volume-1-frontispiece.jpg" width="100%" /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%">
      <img alt="titlepage (40K)" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:m:moncure-daniel-conway-the-life-of-thomas-paine-volume-1-titlepage.jpg" width="100%" /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <hr />
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <h2>
      Contents
    </h2>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2H_PREF"> PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION. </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2H_PREF2"> PREFACE. </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> THE LIFE OF THOMAS PAINE. </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I. EARLY INFLUENCES </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II. EARLY STRUGGLES </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III. DOMESTIC TROUBLE </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0007"> <big><b>{1774}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV. THE NEW WORLD </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0009"> <big><b>{1775}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V. LIBERTY AND EQUALITY </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0011"> <big><b>{1776}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0006"> CHAPTER VI. "COMMON SENSE" </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII. UNDER THE BANNER OF INDEPENDENCE
      </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0014"> <big><b>{1777}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII. SOLDIER AND SECRETARY </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0016"> <big><b>{1778}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX. FRENCH AID, AND THE PAINE-DEANE
      CONTROVERSY. </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0018"> <big><b>{1779}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0010"> CHAPTER X. A STORY BY GOUVERNEUR MORRIS </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0011"> CHAPTER XI. CAUSE, COUNTRY, SELF </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0021"> <big><b>{1780}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0012"> CHAPTER XII. A JOURNEY TO FRANCE </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0023"> <big><b>{1781}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0013"> CHAPTER XIII. THE MUZZLED OX TREADING OUT THE
      GRAIN. </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0025"> <big><b>{1782}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0026"> <big><b>{1783}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0014"> CHAPTER XIV. GREAT WASHINGTON AND POOR PAINE </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0028"> <big><b>{1784}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0029"> <big><b>{1785}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0015"> CHAPTER XV. PONTIFICAL AND POLITICAL INVENTIONS
      </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0031"> <big><b>{1786}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0032"> <big><b>{1787}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0016"> CHAPTER XVI. RETURNING TO THE OLD HOME </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0034"> <big><b>{1788}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0017"> CHAPTER XVII. A BRITISH LION WITH AN AMERICAN
      HEART </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0036"> <big><b>{1789}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0018"> CHAPTER XVIII. PAINE'S LETTERS TO JEFFERSON IN
      PARIS </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0019"> CHAPTER XIX. THE KEY OF THE BASTILLE </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0039"> <big><b>{1790}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0020"> CHAPTER XX. "THE RIGHTS OF MAN" </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0041"> <big><b>{1791}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2H_PART"> Part I. of "The Rights of Man" was printed by
      Johnson in time for the </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0021"> CHAPTER XXI. FOUNDING THE EUROPEAN REPUBLIC </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0044"> <big><b>{1792}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0022"> CHAPTER XXII. THE RIGHT OF EVOLUTION </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0023"> CHAPTER XXIII. THE DEPUTY FOR CALAIS IN THE
      CONVENTION </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc">
      <a href="#link2HCH0024"> CHAPTER XXIV. OUTLAWED IN ENGLAND </a>
    </p>
    <p class="toc2">
      <a href="#link2H_4_0048"> <big><b>{1793}</b></big> </a>
    </p>
    <p>
      <br /> <br />
    </p>
    <hr />
    <p>
      <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_PREF" id="link2H_PREF">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the Preface to the first edition of this work, it was my painful duty
      to remark with severity on the dissemination of libels on Paine in a work
      of such importance as Mr. Leslie Stephen's "History of English Thought in
      the Eighteenth Century." The necessity of doing so was impressed on me by
      the repetition of some of Mr. Stephen's unfounded disparagements in Mr. O.
      B. Frothingham's "Recollections and Impressions." I have now the
      satisfaction of introducing this edition with retractations by both of
      those authors. Mr. Frothingham, in a letter which he authorizes me to use,
      says: "Your charge is true, and I hasten to say <i>peccavi</i> The truth
      is that I never made a study of Paine, but took Stephen's estimates. Now
      my mistake is clear, and I am willing to stand in the cold with nothing on
      but a hair shirt Your vindication of Paine is complete." Mr. Frothingham
      adds that in any future edition of his work the statements shall be
      altered. The note of Mr. Leslie Stephen appeared in The National Reformer,
      September 11, 1892, to which it was sent by a correspondent, at his
      desire; for it equally relates to strictures in a pamphlet by the editor
      of that journal, Mr. John M. Robertson.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The account which I gave of Paine in the book upon the Eighteenth Century
      was, I have no doubt, erroneous. My only excuse, if it be an excuse, was
      the old one, 'pure ignorance.' I will not ask whether or how far the
      ignorance was excusable.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Conway pointed out the error in an article contributed, I think, to
      the Fortnightly Review at the time. He has, no doubt, added, since then,
      to his exposure of my (and other people's) blunders, and I hope to read
      his book soon. Meanwhile, I must state that in consequence of the <i>Fortnightly</i>
      article, I altered the statements in the second edition of my book. I have
      no copy at hand [Mr. S. writes from the country] and cannot say what
      alterations precisely I made, though it is very possible that they were
      inadequate, as for certain reasons I was unable to attend properly to the
      revision. If a third edition should ever be required, I would go into the
      question more thoroughly. I have since that time read some letters upon
      Paine contributed by Mr. Conway to the <i>New York Nation</i>. I had seen
      the announcement of his new publication, and had made up my mind to take
      the first opportunity of going into the question again with Mr. Conway's
      additional information. I hope that I may be able to write Paine's life
      for the Dictionary of National Biography, and if so, shall have the best
      opportunity for putting on record my final judgment It will be a great
      pleasure to me if I find, as I expect to find, that he was greatly
      maligned, and to make some redress for my previous misguided remarks."
    </p>
    <p>
      It is indeed to be hoped that Mr. Stephen will write the Life in the
      Dictionary, whose list of subjects for the coming volume, inserted in the
      <i>Athenæum</i> since his above retraction, designates Thomas Paine as an
      "infidel" writer. Mr. Stephen can do much to terminate the carefully
      fostered ignorance of which he has found himself a victim. In advance of
      his further treatment of the subject, and with perfect confidence in his
      justice, I here place by the side of my original criticism a retraction of
      anything that may seem to include him among authors who have shown a lack
      of magnanimity towards Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      The general statement (First Preface, p. xvi) must, however, remain; for
      recent discussions reveal a few unorthodox writers willing to throw, or to
      leave, "a traditionally hated head to the orthodox mob." On the other
      hand, some apology is due for this phrase. No orthodox mob is found. Here
      and there some halloo of the old Paine hunt is heard dying away in the
      distance, but the conservative religious and political press, American and
      English, has generally revised the traditional notions, and estimated the
      evidence with substantial justice. Nearly all of the most influential
      journals have dealt with the evidence submitted; their articles have been
      carefully read by me, and in very few are the old prejudices against Paine
      discoverable. Were these estimates of Paine collected with those of former
      times the volume would measure this century's advance in political
      liberty, and religious civilization.
    </p>
    <p>
      My occasionally polemical treatment of the subject has been regretted by
      several reviewers, but its necessity, I submit, is the thing to be
      regretted. Being satisfied that Paine was not merely an interesting
      figure, but that a faithful investigation of his life would bring to light
      important facts of history, I found it impossible to deal with him as an
      ordinary subject of inquiry. It were vain to try and persuade people to
      take seriously a man tarred, feathered, pilloried, pelted. It was not
      whitewashing Paine needed, but removal of the pitch, and release from the
      pillory. There must first of all be an appeal against such sentence. And
      because the wrongs represented a league of prejudices, the pleadings had
      to be in several tribunals&mdash;moral, religious, political, social,&mdash;before
      the man could be seen at all, much less accorded the attention necessary
      for disclosure of the history suppressed through his degradation. Paine's
      personal vindication would still have required only a pamphlet, but that
      it was ancillary to the historic revelations which constitute the larger
      part of this work. A wiser writer&mdash;unless too wise to touch Paine at
      all&mdash;might have concealed such sympathies as those pervading this
      biography; but where sympathies exist the reader is entitled to know them,
      and the author subjects himself to a severer self-criticism if only in
      view of the vigilance he must excite. I have no feeling towards Paine
      inconsistent with recognition of his faults and errors. My vindication of
      him has been the production of evidence that removed my own early and
      baseless prejudices, and rendered it possible for me to study his career
      genuinely, so that others might do the same. The phantasmal Paine cleared
      away, my polemic ends. I have endeavored to portray the real Paine, and
      have brought to light some things unfavorable to him which his enemies had
      not discovered, and, I believe, could never have discovered.
    </p>
    <p>
      The <i>errata</i> in the first edition are few and of slight importance. I
      wish to retract a suggestion made in my apology for Washington which I
      have discovered to be erroneous. It was suggested (vol. ii., pp. 173 and
      382) that Washington's failure to answer Paine's private letter of
      September 20,1795, asking an explanation of his neglect while he (Paine)
      was in prison and his life in peril, may have been due to its interception
      by Pickering (who had by a suppression of documents sealed the sad fate of
      his predecessor in office, Edmund Randolph). I have, however, discovered
      that Paine's letter did reach Washington.
    </p>
    <p>
      I would be glad if my own investigations, continued while preparing an
      edition of Paine's works, or any of my reviewers, had enabled me to
      relieve the shades with which certain famous names are touched by
      documentary facts in this history. The publication of those relating to
      Gouverneur Morris, while American Minister in France, was for personal
      reasons especially painful to myself. Though such publication was not of
      any importance to Paine's reputation, it was essential to a fair judgment
      of others&mdash;especially of Washington,&mdash;and to any clear
      comprehension of the relations between France and the United States at
      that period. As the correspondence between Gouverneur Morris and the
      French Minister concerning Paine, after his imprisonment, is in French,
      and the originals (in Paris) are not easily accessible to American and
      English readers, I have concluded to copy them here.
    </p>
    <p>
      À Paris le 14 février 1794 26 pluviôse.
    </p>
    <p>
      Le Ministre plénipotentiaire des États Unis de l'Amérique près la
      République française au Ministre des Affaires Étrangères.
    </p>
    <p>
      Monsieur:
    </p>
    <p>
      Thomas Paine vient de s'addresser à moi pour que je le reclame comme
      Citoyen des États Unis. Voici (je crois) les Faits que le regardent. Il
      est né en Angleterre. Devenu ensuite Citoyen des États Unis il s'y est
      acquise une grande célébrité par des Écrits révolutionnaires. En
      consequence il fut adopté Citoyen français et ensuite élu membre de la
      Convention. Sa conduite depuis cette Epoque n'est pas de mon ressort
      J'ignore la cause de sa Détention actuelle dans la prison du Luxembourg,
      mais je vous prie Monsieur (si des raisons qui ne me sont pas connues
      s'opposent à sa liberation) de vouloir bien m'en instruire pour que je
      puisse les communiquer au Gouvernement des États Unis.
    </p>
    <p>
      J'ai l'honneur d'être, Monsieur,
    </p>
    <p>
      Votre très humble Serviteur,
    </p>
    <p>
      Gouv. Morris.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paris, 1 Ventôse l'An 2d. de la Républic une et indivisible.
    </p>
    <p>
      Le ministre des Affaires Étrangères au Ministre Plénipotentiaire des-États
      Unis de l'Amérique près la République Française.
    </p>
    <p>
      Par votre lettre du 26 du mois dernier, vous réclames la liberté de Thomas
      Paine, comme Citoyen américain. Né en Angleterre, cet ex-deputé est devenu
      successivement Citoyen Américain et Citoyen français. En acceptant ce
      dernier titre et en remplissant une place dans le corps législatif, il
      s'est soumis aux lois de la République et il a renoncé de fait à la
      protection que le droit des gens et les traités conclus avec les États
      Unis auraient pu lui assurer.
    </p>
    <p>
      J'ignore les motifs de sa détention mais je dois présumer qu'ils sont bien
      fondés. Je vais néanmoins soumettre au Comité de Salut public la demande
      que vous m'avez adressée et je m'empresserai de vous faire connaître sa
      decision.
    </p>
    <p>
      DEFORGES.
    </p>
    <p>
      The translations of these letters are on page 120, vol ii., of this work.
      No other letters on the subject between these Ministers are known. The
      reader may judge whether there is anything in the American Minister's
      application to warrant the opening assertion in that of Deforgues. Morris
      forwarded the latter to his government, but withheld his application, of
      which no copy exists in the State Archives at Washington.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2H_PREF2" id="link2H_PREF2">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
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    <div style="height: 4em;">
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    <h2>
      PREFACE.
    </h2>
    <p>
      At Hornsey, England, I saw a small square mahogany table, bearing at its
      centre the following words: "This Plate is inscribed by Thos. Clio Rickman
      in Remembrance of his dear friend Thomas Paine, who on this table in the
      year 1792 wrote several of his invaluable Works."
    </p>
    <p>
      The works written by Paine in Rickman's house were the second part of "The
      Rights of Man," and "A Letter to the Addressers." Of these two books vast
      numbers were circulated, and though the government prosecuted them, they
      probably contributed largely to make political progress in England
      evolutionary instead of revolutionary. On this table he set forth
      constitutional reforms that might be peacefully obtained, and which have
      been substantially obtained And here he warned the "Addressers,"
      petitioning the throne for suppression of his works: "It is dangerous in
      any government to say to a nation, <i>Thou shalt not read</i>. This is now
      done in Spain, and was formerly done under the old government of France;
      but it served to procure the downfall of the latter, and is subverting
      that of the former; and it will have the same tendency in all countries;
      because Thought, by some means or other, is got abroad in the world, and
      cannot be restrained, though reading may."
    </p>
    <p>
      At this table the Quaker chieftain, whom Danton rallied for hoping to make
      revolutions with rose-water, unsheathed his pen and animated his Round
      Table of Reformers for a conflict free from the bloodshed he had witnessed
      in America, and saw threatening France. This little table was the field
      chosen for the battle of free speech; its abundant ink-spots were the shed
      blood of hearts transfused with humanity. I do not wonder that Rickman was
      wont to show the table to his visitors, or that its present owner, Edward
      Truelove&mdash;a bookseller who has suffered imprisonment for selling
      proscribed books,&mdash;should regard it with reverence.
    </p>
    <p>
      The table is what was once called a candle-stand, and there stood on it,
      in my vision, Paine's clear, honest candle, lit from his "inner light,"
      now covered by a bushel of prejudice. I myself had once supposed his light
      an infernal torch; now I sat at the ink-spotted candle-stand to write the
      first page of this history, for which I can invoke nothing higher than the
      justice that inspired what Thomas Paine here wrote.
    </p>
    <p>
      The educated ignorance concerning Paine is astounding. I once heard an
      English prelate speak of "the vulgar atheism of Paine." Paine founded the
      first theistic society in Christendom; his will closes with the words, "I
      die in perfect composure, and resignation to the will of my Creator, God."
      But what can be expected of an English prelate when an historian like
      Jared Sparks, an old Unitarian minister, could suggest that a letter
      written by Franklin, to persuade some one not to publish a certain attack
      on religion, was "probably" addressed to Paine. (Franklin's "Writings,"
      vol. x., p. 281.) Paine never wrote a page that Franklin could have so
      regarded, nor anything in the way of religious controversy until three
      years after Franklin's death. "The remarks in the above letter," says
      Sparks, "are strictly applicable to the deistical writings which Paine
      afterwards published." On the contrary, they are strictly inapplicable.
      They imply that the writer had denied a "particular providence," which
      Paine never denied, and it is asked, "If men are so wicked with religion,
      what would they be without it?" Paine's "deism" differed from Franklin's
      only in being more fervently religious. No one who had really read Paine
      could imagine the above question addressed to the author to whom the
      Bishop of Llandaff wrote: "There is a philosophical sublimity in some of
      your ideas when speaking of the Creator of the Universe." The reader may
      observe at work, in this example, the tiny builder, prejudice, which has
      produced the large formation of Paine mythology. Sparks, having got his
      notion of Paine's religion at secondhand, becomes unwittingly a weighty
      authority for those who have a case to make out. The American Tract
      Society published a tract entitled "Don't Unchain the Tiger," in which it
      is said: "When an infidel production was submitted&mdash;probably by Paine&mdash;to
      Benjamin Franklin, in manuscript, he returned it to the author, with a
      letter from which the following is extracted: 'I would advise you not to
      attempt unchaining the Tiger, but to burn this piece before it is seen by
      any other person.'" Thus our Homer of American history nods, and a tract
      floats through the world misrepresenting both Paine and Franklin, whose
      rebuke is turned from some anti-religious essay against his own
      convictions. Having enjoyed the personal friendship of Mr. Sparks, while
      at college, and known his charity to all opinions, I feel certain that he
      was an unconscious victim of the Paine mythology to which he added. His
      own creed was, in essence, little different from Paine's. But how many
      good, and even liberal, people will find by the facts disclosed in this
      volume that they have been accepting the Paine mythology and contributing
      to it? It is a notable fact that the most effective distortions of Paine's
      character and work have proceeded from unorthodox writers&mdash;some of
      whom seem not above throwing a traditionally hated head to the orthodox
      mob. A recent instance is the account given of Paine in Leslie Stephen's
      "History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century." On its appearance
      I recognized the old effigy of Paine elaborately constructed by Oldys and
      Cheetham, and while writing a paper on the subject (Fortnightly Review,
      March, 1879) discovered that those libels were the only "biographies" of
      Paine in the London Library, which (as I knew) was used by Mr. Stephen.
      The result was a serious miscarriage of historical and literary justice.
      In his second edition Mr. Stephen adds that the portrait presented "is
      drawn by an enemy," but on this Mr. Robertson pertinently asks why it was
      allowed to stand? ("Thomas Paine: an Investigation," by John M. Robertson,
      London, 1888). Mr. Stephen, eminent as an agnostic and editor of a
      biographical dictionary, is assumed to be competent, and his
      disparagements of a fellow heretic necessitated by verified facts. His
      scholarly style has given new lease to vulgar slanders. Some who had
      discovered their untruth, as uttered by Paine's personal enemies, have
      taken them back on Mr. Stephen's authority. Even brave O. B. Frothingham,
      in his high estimate of Paine, introduces one or two of Mr. Stephen's
      depreciations (Frothingham's "Recollection and Impressions," 1891).
    </p>
    <p>
      There has been a sad absence of magnanimity among eminent historians and
      scholars in dealing with Paine. The vignette in Oldys&mdash;Paine with his
      "Rights of Man" preaching to apes;&mdash;the Tract Society's picture of
      Paine's death-bed&mdash;hair on end, grasping a bottle,&mdash;might have
      excited their inquiry. Goethe, seeing Spinoza's face de-monized on a
      tract, was moved to studies of that philosopher which ended in recognition
      of his greatness. The chivalry of Goethe is indeed almost as rare as his
      genius, but one might have expected in students of history an historic
      instinct keen enough to suspect in the real Paine some proportion to his
      monumental mythology, and the pyramidal cairn of curses covering his
      grave. What other last-century writer on political and religious issues
      survives in the hatred and devotion of a time engaged with new problems?
      What power is confessed in that writer who was set in the place of a
      decadent Satan, hostility to him being a sort of sixth point of Calvinism,
      and fortieth article of the Church? Large indeed must have been the
      influence of a man still perennially denounced by sectarians after
      heretical progress has left him comparatively orthodox, and retained as
      the figure-head of "Freethought" after his theism has been abandoned by
      its leaders. "Religion," said Paine, "has two principal enemies,
      Fanaticism and Infidelity." It was his strange destiny to be made a
      battle-field between these enemies. In the smoke of the conflict the man
      has been hidden. In the catalogue of the British Museum Library I counted
      327 entries of books by or concerning Thomas Paine, who in most of them is
      a man-shaped or devil-shaped shuttlecock tossed between fanatical and
      "infidel" rackets.
    </p>
    <p>
      Here surely were phenomena enough to attract the historic sense of a
      scientific age, yet they are counterpart of an historic suppression of the
      most famous author of his time. The meagre references to Paine by other
      than controversial writers are perfunctory; by most historians he is
      either wronged or ignored. Before me are two histories of "American
      Slavery" by eminent members of Congress; neither mentions that Paine was
      the first political writer who advocated and devised a scheme of
      emancipation. Here is the latest "Life of Washington" (1889), by another
      member of Congress, who manages to exclude even the name of the man who,
      as we shall see, chiefly converted Washington to the cause of
      independence. And here is a history of the "American Revolution" (1891),
      by John Fiske, who, while recognizing the effect of "Common Sense,"
      reveals his ignorance of that pamphlet, and of all Paine's works, by
      describing it as full of scurrilous abuse of the English people,&mdash;whom
      Paine regarded as fellow-sufferers with the Americans under royal
      despotism.
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be said for these contemporaries that the task of sifting out the
      facts about Paine was formidable. The intimidated historians of the last
      generation, passing by this famous figure, left an historic vacuum, which
      has been filled with mingled fact and fable to an extent hardly manageable
      by any not prepared to give some years to the task. Our historians, might,
      however, have read Paine's works, which are rather historical documents
      than literary productions. None of them seem to have done this, and the
      omission appears in many a flaw in their works. The reader of some
      documents in this volume, left until now to slumber in accessible
      archives, will get some idea of the cost to historic truth of this long
      timidity and negligence. But some of the results are more deplorable and
      irreparable, and one of these must here be disclosed.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1802 an English friend of Paine, Redman Yorke, visited him in Paris. In
      a letter written at the time Yorke states that Paine had for some time
      been preparing memoirs of his own life, and his correspondence, and showed
      him two volumes of the same. In a letter of Jan. 25, 1805, to Jefferson,
      Paine speaks of his wish to publish his works, which will make, with his
      manuscripts, five octavo volumes of four hundred pages each. Besides which
      he means to publish "a miscellaneous volume of correspondence, essays, and
      some pieces of poetry." He had also, he says, prepared historical
      prefaces, stating the circumstances under which each work was written. All
      of which confirms Yorke's statement, and shows that Paine had prepared at
      least two volumes of autobiographic matter and correspondence. Paine never
      carried out the design mentioned to Jefferson, and his manuscripts passed
      by bequest to Madame Bonneville. This lady, after Paine's death, published
      a fragment of Paine's third part of "The Age of Reason," but it was
      afterwards found that she had erased passages that might offend the
      orthodox. Madame Bonneville returned to her husband in Paris, and the
      French "Biographical Dictionary" states that in 1829 she, as the
      depositary of Paine's papers, began "editing" his life. This, which could
      only have been the autobiography, was never published. She had become a
      Roman Catholic. On returning (1833) to America, where her son, General
      Bonneville, also a Catholic, was in military service, she had personal as
      well as religious reasons for suppressing the memoirs. She might naturally
      have feared the revival of an old scandal concerning her relations with
      Paine. The same motives may have prevented her son from publishing Paine's
      memoirs and manuscripts. Madame Bonneville died at the house of the
      General, in St. Louis. I have a note from his widow, Mrs. Sue Bonneville,
      in which she says: "The papers you speak of regarding Thomas Paine are all
      destroyed&mdash;at least all which the General had in his possession. On
      his leaving St. Louis for an indefinite time all his effects&mdash;a
      handsome library and valuable papers included&mdash;were stored away, and
      during his absence the store-house burned down, and all that the General
      stored away were burned."
    </p>
    <p>
      There can be little doubt that among these papers burned in St. Louis were
      the two volumes of Paine's autobiography and correspondence seen by Redman
      Yorke in 1802. Even a slight acquaintance with Paine's career would enable
      one to recognize this as a catastrophe. No man was more intimately
      acquainted with the inside history of the revolutionary movement, or so
      competent to record it. Franklin had deposited with him his notes and
      papers concerning the American Revolution. He was the only Girondist who
      survived the French Revolution who was able to tell their secret history.
      His personal acquaintance included nearly every great or famous man of his
      time, in England, America, France. From this witness must have come
      testimonies, facts, anecdotes, not to be derived from other sources,
      concerning Franklin, Goldsmith, Ferguson, Rittenhouse, Rush, Fulton,
      Washington, Jefferson, Monroe, the Adamses, Lees, Morrises, Condorcet,
      Vergennes, Sievès, Lafayette, Danton, Genet, Brissot, Robespierre, Marat,
      Burke, Erskine, and a hundred others. All this, and probably invaluable
      letters from these men, have been lost through the timidity of a woman
      before the theological "boycott" on the memory of a theist, and the
      indifference of this country to its most important materials of History.
    </p>
    <p>
      When I undertook the biography of Edmund Randolph I found that the great
      mass of his correspondence had been similarly destroyed by fire in New
      Orleans, and probably a like fate will befall the Madison papers, Monroe
      papers, and others, our national neglect of which will appear criminal to
      posterity. After searching through six States to gather documents
      concerning Randolph which should all have been in Washington City, the
      writer petitioned the Library Committee of Congress to initiate some
      action towards the preservation of our historical manuscripts. The
      Committee promptly and unanimously approved the proposal, a definite
      scheme was reported by the Librarian of Congress, and&mdash;there the
      matter rests. As the plan does not include any device for advancing
      partisan interests, it stands a fair chance of remaining in our national
      <i>oubliette</i> of intellectual <i>desiderata</i>.
    </p>
    <p>
      In writing the "Life of Paine" I have not been saved much labor by
      predecessors in the same field They have all been rather controversial
      pamphleteers than biographers, and I have been unable to accept any of
      their statements without verification. They have been useful, however, in
      pointing out regions of inquiry, and several of them&mdash;Rickman,
      Sherwin, Linton&mdash;contain valuable citations from contemporary papers.
      The truest delineation of Paine is the biographical sketch by his friend
      Rickman. The "Life" by Vale, and sketches by Richard Carlile, Blanchard,
      and others, belong to the controversial <i>collectanea</i> in which
      Paine's posthumous career is traceable. The hostile accounts of Paine,
      chiefly found in tracts and encyclopaedias, are mere repetitions of those
      written by George Chalmers and James Cheetham.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first of these was published in 1791 under the title: "The Life of
      Thomas Pain, Author of 'The Rights of Men,' with a Defence of his
      Writings. By Francis Oldys, A.M., of the University of Pennsylvania.
      London. Printed for John Stock-dale, Pickadilly." This writer, who begins
      his vivisection of Paine by accusing him of adding "e" to his name,
      assumed in his own case an imposing pseudonym. George Chalmers never had
      any connection with the University of Philadelphia, nor any such degree.
      Sherwin (1819) states that Chalmers admitted having received L500 from
      Lord Hawksbury, in whose bureau he was a clerk, for writing the book; but
      though I can find no denial of this I cannot verify it. In his later
      editions the author claims that his book had checked the influence of
      Paine, then in England, and his "Rights of Man," which gave the government
      such alarm that subsidies were paid several journals to counteract their
      effect. (See the letter of Freching, cited from the Vansitart Papers,
      British Museum, by W. H. Smith, in the <i>Century</i>, August, 1891.) It
      is noticeable that Oldys, in his first edition, entitles his work a
      "Defence" of Paine's writings&mdash;a trick which no doubt carried this
      elaborate libel into the hands of many "Paineites." The third edition has,
      "With a Review of his Writings." In a later edition we find the vignette
      of Paine surrounded by apes. Cobbett's biographer, Edward Smith, describes
      the book as "one of the most horrible collections of abuse which even that
      venal day produced." The work was indeed so overweighted with venom that
      it was sinking into oblivion when Cobbett reproduced its libels in
      America, for which he did penance through many years. My reader will
      perceive, in the earlier chapters of this work, that Chalmers tracked
      Paine in England with enterprise, but there were few facts that he did not
      manage to twist into his strand of slander.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1809, not long after Paine's death, James Cheetham's "Life of Thomas
      Paine" appeared in New York. Cheetham had been a hatter in Manchester,
      England, and would probably have continued in that respectable occupation
      had it not been for Paine. When Paine visited England and there published
      "The Rights of Man" Cheetham became one of his idolaters, took to
      political writing, and presently emigrated to America. He became editor of
      <i>The American Citizen</i>, in New York. The cause of Cheetham's enmity
      to Paine was the discovery by the latter that he was betraying the
      Jeffersonian party while his paper was enjoying its official patronage.
      His exposure of the editor was remorseless; the editor replied with
      personal vituperation; and Paine was about instituting a suit for libel
      when he died. Of Cheetham's ingenuity in falsehood one or two specimens
      may be given. During Paine's trial in London, for writing "The Rights of
      Man," a hostile witness gave testimony which the judge pronounced
      "impertinent"; Cheetham prints it "important" He says that Madame de
      Bonneville accompanied Paine on his return from France in 1802; she did
      not arrive until a year later. He says that when Paine was near his end
      Monroe wrote asking him to acknowledge a debt for money loaned in Paris,
      and that Paine made no reply. But before me is Monroe's statement, while
      President, that for his advances to Paine "no claim was ever presented on
      my part, nor is any indemnity now desired." Cheetham's book is one of the
      most malicious ever written, and nothing in it can be trusted.
    </p>
    <p>
      Having proposed to myself to write a critical and impartial history of the
      man and his career, I found the vast Paine literature, however interesting
      as a shadow measuring him who cast it, containing conventionalized
      effigies of the man as evolved by friend and foe in their long struggle.
      But that war has ended among educated people. In the laborious work of
      searching out the real Paine I have found a general appreciation of its
      importance, and it will be seen in the following pages that generous
      assistance has been rendered by English clergymen, by official persons in
      Europe and America, by persons of all beliefs and no beliefs. In no
      instance have I been impeded by any prejudice, religious or political. The
      curators of archives, private collectors, owners of important documents
      bearing on the subject, have welcomed my effort to bring the truth to
      light. The mass of material thus accumulated is great, and its compression
      has been a difficult task. But the interest that led me to the subject has
      increased at every step; the story has abounded in thrilling episodes and
      dramatic surprises; and I have proceeded with a growing conviction that
      the simple facts, dispassionately told, would prove of importance far
      wider than Paine's personality, and find welcome with all students of
      history. I have brought to my task a love for it, the studies of some
      years, and results of personal researches made in Europe and America:
      qualifications which I countless than another which I venture to claim&mdash;the
      sense of responsibility, acquired by a public teacher of long service, for
      his words, which, be they truths or errors, take on life, and work their
      good or evil to all generations.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h1>
      THE LIFE OF THOMAS PAINE.
    </h1>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER I. EARLY INFLUENCES
    </h2>
    <p>
      The history here undertaken is that of an English mechanic, of Quaker
      training, caught in political cyclones of the last century, and set at the
      centre of its revolutions, in the old world and the new.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the church register of Euston Parish, near Thetford, England, occurs
      this entry: "1734. Joseph Pain and Frances Cocke were married June 20th."
      These were the parents of Thomas Paine. The present rector of Euston
      Church, Lord Charles Fitz Roy, tells me that the name is there plainly
      "Pain," but in the Thetford town-records of that time it is officially
      entered "Joseph Paine."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine and Cocke are distinguished names in the history of Norfolk County.
      In the sixteenth century Newhall Manor, on the road between Thetford and
      Norwich, belonged to a Paine family. In 1553 Thomas Paine, Gent., was, by
      license from Queen Mary, trustee for the Lady Elizabeth, daughter of Henry
      VIII., by Queen Anne Bullen. In St. Thomas Church, Norwich, stands the
      monument of Sir Joseph Paine, Knt, the most famous mayor and benefactor of
      that city in the seventeenth century. In St. John the Baptist Church is
      the memorial of Justice Francis Cocke (d. 1628). Whether our later Joseph
      and Thomas were related to these earlier Paines has not been ascertained,
      but Mr. E. Chester Waters, of London, an antiquarian especially learned in
      family histories, expressed to me his belief that the Norfolk County
      Paines are of one stock. There is equal probability that John Cocke,
      Deputy Recorder of Thetford in 1629, pretty certainly ancestor of Thomas
      Paine's mother, was related to Richard Cock, of Norwich, author of
      "English Law, or a Summary Survey of the Household of God upon Earth"
      (London, 1651). The author of "The Rights of Man" may therefore be a
      confutation of his own dictum: "An hereditary governor is as inconsistent
      as an hereditary author." One Thomas Payne, of the Norfolk County family,
      was awarded L20 by the Council of State (1650) "for his sufferings by
      printing a book for the cause of Parliament." Among the sequestrators of
      royalist church livings was Charles George Cock, "student of Christian
      Law, of the Society of the Inner Temple, now (1651) resident of Norwich."
      In Blomefields "History of Norfolk County" other notes may be found
      suggesting that whatever may have been our author's genealogy he was
      spiritually descended from these old radicals.
    </p>
    <p>
      At Thetford I explored a manuscript&mdash;"Freeman's Register Book"
      (1610-1756)&mdash;and found that Joseph Paine (our author's father) was
      made a freeman of Thetford April 18, 1737, and Henry Cock May 16,1740. The
      freemen of this borough were then usually respectable tradesmen. Their
      privileges amounted to little more than the right of pasturage on the
      commons. The appointment did not imply high position, but popularity and
      influence. Frances Cocke had no doubt resided in Euston Parish, where she
      was married. She was a member of the Church of England and daughter of an
      attorney of Thetford. Her husband was a Quaker and is said to have been
      disowned by the Society of Friends for being married by a priest. A search
      made for me by official members of that Society in Norfolk County failed
      to discover either the membership or disownment of any one of the name.
      Joseph's father, a farmer, was probably a Quaker. Had the son (b. 1708)
      been a Quaker by conversion he would hardly have defied the rules of the
      Society at twenty-six.
    </p>
    <p>
      Joseph was eleven years younger than his wife. According to Oldys he was
      "a reputable citizen and though poor an honest man," but his wife was "a
      woman of sour temper and an eccentric character." Thomas Paine's writings
      contain several affectionate allusions to his father, but none to his
      mother. "They say best men are moulded out of faults," and the moulding
      begins before birth.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thomas Paine was born January 29, 1736-7, at Thetford. The plain brick
      house was in Bridge Street (now White Hart) and has recently made way for
      a pretty garden. I was inclined to adopt a more picturesque tradition that
      the birthplace was in old Heathen man Street, as more appropriate for a <i>paien</i>
      (no doubt the origin of Paine's name), who also bore the name of the
      doubting disciple. An appeal for allowances might be based on such a
      conjunction of auspices, but a manuscript of Paine's friend Rickman, just
      found by Dr. Clair J. Grece, identifies the house beyond question.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thomas Paine is said by most of his biographers to have never been
      baptized. This rests solely on a statement by Oldys:
    </p>
    <p>
      "It arose probably from the tenets of the father, and from the
      eccentricity of the mother, that our author was never baptized, though he
      was privately named; and never received, like true Christians, into the
      bosom of any church, though he was indeed confirmed by the bishop of
      Norwich: This last circumstance was owing to the orthodox zeal of Mistress
      Cocke, his aunt, a woman of such goodness, that though she lived on a
      small annuity, she imparted much of this little to his mother.
    </p>
    <p>
      "As he was not baptized, the baptism of Thomas Pain is not entered on the
      parish books of Thetford. It is a remarkable fact, that the leaves of the
      two registers of the parishes of St. Cuthbert's and St. Peter's, in
      Thetford, containing the marriages, births, and burials, from the end of
      1733, to the beginning of 1737, have been completely cut out. Thus, a
      felony has been committed against the public, and an injury done to
      individuals, by a hand very malicious and wholly unknown. Whether our
      author, when he resided in Thetford in 1787, looked into these registers
      for his own birth; what he saw, or what he did, we will not conjecture.
      They contain the baptism of his sister Elizabeth, on the 28th of August,
      1738."
    </p>
    <p>
      This is Oldysian. Of course, if there was any mischief Paine did it,
      albeit against his own interests. But a recent examination shows that
      there has been no mutilation of the registers. St Peter's and St.
      Cuthbert's had at the time one minister. In 1736, just before Paine's
      birth, the minister (John Price) died, and his successor (Thomas Vaughan)
      appears to have entered on his duties in March, 1737. A little before and
      during this interregnum the registers were neglected. In St Cuthbert's
      register is the entry: "Elizabeth, Daughter of Joseph Payne and Frances
      his wife of this parish, was born Aug't the 29th, 1738, baptized September
      ye 20, 1738." This (which Oldys has got inaccurately, <i>suo more</i>)
      renders it probable that Thomas Paine was also baptized. Indeed, he would
      hardly have been confirmed otherwise.
    </p>
    <p>
      The old historian of Norfolk County, Francis Blomefield, introduces us to
      Thetford (Sitomagus, Tedford, Theford, "People of the Ford") with a strain
      of poetry:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "No situation but may envy thee,
     Holding such intimacy with the sea,
     Many do that, but my delighted muse
     Says, Neptune's fairest daughter is the Little Ouse."
</pre>
    <p>
      After reading Blomefield's history of the ancient town, and that of
      Martin, and after strolling through the quaint streets, I thought some
      poet should add to this praise for picturesqueness some tribute on
      Thetford's historic vistas. There is indeed "a beauty buried everywhere,"
      as Browning says.
    </p>
    <p>
      Evelyn, visiting his friend Lord Arlington at Euston in September, 1677,
      writes:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I went to Thetford, the Burrough Towne, where stand the ruines of a
      religious house; there is a round mountaine artificially raised, either
      for some castle or monument, which makes a pretty landscape. As we went
      and returned, a tumbler shew'd his extraordinary addresse in the Warren. I
      also saw the Decoy, much pleas'd with the stratagem."
    </p>
    <p>
      Evelyn leaves his own figure, his princely friends, and the tumbler in the
      foreground of "a pretty landscape" visible to the antiquarian all around
      Thetford, whose roads, fully followed, would lead past the great scenes of
      English history. In general appearance the town (population under five
      thousand) conveys the pleasant impression of a fairly composite picture of
      its eras and generations. There is a continuity between the old Grammar
      School, occupying the site of the ancient cathedral, and a new Mechanics'
      Institute in the old Guildhall. The old churches summon their flocks from
      eccentric streets suggestive of literal sheep-paths. Of the ignorance with
      which our democratic age sweeps away as cobwebs fine threads woven by the
      past around the present, Thetford showed few signs, but it is sad to find
      "Guildhall" effacing "Heathenman" Street, which pointed across a thousand
      years to the march of the "heathen men" (Danes) of Anglo-Saxon chronicles.
    </p>
    <p>
      "A. 870. This year the [heathen] army rode across Mer-cia into East
      Anglia, and took up their winter quarters in Thetford; and the same winter
      King Edmund fought against them, and the Danes got the victory, and slew
      the king, and subdued all the land, and destroyed all the ministers which
      they came to. The names of their chiefs who slew the king were Hingwar and
      Habba."
    </p>
    <p>
      If old Heathenman Street be followed historically, it would lead to Bury
      St. Edmunds, where, on the spot of his coronation, the young king "was
      placed in a goodly shrine, richly adorned with jewels and precious
      stones," and a royal saint added to the calendar. The blood of St. Edmund
      reconsecrated Thetford.
    </p>
    <p>
      "A. 1094. Then at Candlemas the king [William Rufus] went to Hastings, and
      whilst he waited there for a fair wind he caused the monastery on the
      field of battle to be consecrated; and he took the staff from Herbert
      Losange, bishop of Thetford."
    </p>
    <p>
      The letters of this Bishop Herbert, discovered at Brussels, give him an
      honorable place in the list of Thetford authors; wherein also occur the
      names of Richard of Thetford, author of a treatise on preaching, Jeffrey
      de Rocherio, who began a history of the monarchy, and John Brame, writer
      and translator of various treatises. The works of these Thetford authors
      are preserved at Cambridge, England.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thetford was, in a way, connected with the first newspaper enterprise. Its
      member of Parliament, Sir Joseph Williamson, edited the <i>London Gazette</i>,
      established by the Crown to support its own policy. The Crown claimed the
      sole right to issue any journal, and its license was necessary for every
      book. In 1674 Sir Joseph, being Secretary of State (he bought the office
      for L5,000), had control of the <i>Gazette</i> and of literature. In that
      year, when Milton died, his treatise on "Christian Doctrine" was brought
      to Williamson for license. He said he could "countenance nothing of
      Milton's writings," and the treatise was locked up by this first English
      editor, to be discovered a hundred and forty-nine years later.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his way to the Grammar School (founded by bequest of Sir Richard
      Fulmerston, 1566) Paine might daily read an inscription set in the
      Fulmerston almshouse wall: "Follow peace and holines with all men without
      the which no man shall see the Lord." But many memorials would remind him
      of how Williamson, a poor rector's son, had sold his talent to a political
      lord and reached power to buy and sell Cabinet offices, while suppressing
      Milton. Thomas Paine, with more talent than Williamson to dispose of, was
      born in a time semi-barbaric at its best, and savage at its worst. Having
      got in the Quaker meeting an old head on his young shoulders, he must bear
      about a burden against most things around him. The old churches were
      satanic steeple-houses, and if he strolled over to that in which his
      parents were married, at Euston, its new splendors were accused by
      surrounding squalor.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. F. H. Millington of Thetford, who has told Williamson's story,* has
      made for me a search into Paine's time there.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In Paine's boyhood [says Mr. Millington in a letter I have from him] the
      town (about 2,000 inhabitants) possessed a corporation with mayor,
      aldermen, sword-bearers, macemen, recorder. The corporation was a corrupt
      body, under the dominance of the Duke of Grafton, a prominent member of
      the Whig government. Both members of Parliament (Hon. C. Fitzroy, and Lord
      Augustus Fitzroy) were nominees of Grafton. The people had no interest and
      no power, and I do not think politics were of any account in Paine's
      childhood. From Paine's 'Rights of Man' (Part ii., p. 108) it is clear
      that his native town was the model in his mind when he wrote on charters
      and corporations. The Lent Assizes for the Eastern Circuit were held here,
      and Paine would be familiar with the procedure and pomp of a court of
      justice. He would also be familiar with the sight of men and women hung
      for trivial offences. Thetford was on the main road to London, and was a
      posting centre.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Sir Joseph Williamson, Knt., A.D. 1630-1701. A Page in
     the History of Thetford."   A very valuable contribution to
     local history.
</pre>
    <p>
      Paine would be familiar with the faces and equipages of some of the great
      Whig nobles in Norfolk. Walpole might pass through on his way to Houghton.
      The river Ouse was navigable to Lynn, and Paine would probably go on a
      barge to that flourishing seaport. Bury St. Edmunds was a provincial
      capital for the nobility and gentry of the district. It was twelve miles
      from Thetford, and in closest connection with it The religious life of
      Thetford would be quiet. The churches were poor, having been robbed at the
      reformation. The Quakers were the only non-conformists in the town. There
      is a tradition that Wesley visited the town; if he did Paine would no
      doubt be among his hearers. On the whole, I think it easy to trace in
      Paine's works the influence of his boyhood here. He would see the
      corrupting influence of the aristocracy, the pomp of law, the evils of the
      unreformed corporations; the ruins of great ecclesiastical establishments,
      much more perfect than now, would bring to his mind what a power the
      church had been. Being of a mechanical turn of mind no doubt he had often
      played about the paper-mill which was, and is, worked by water-power."
    </p>
    <p>
      When Paine was a lad the grand gentlemen who purloined parks and mansions
      from the Treasury were sending children to the gallows for small thefts
      instigated by hunger. In his thirteenth year he might have seen under the
      shadow of Ely Minster, in that region, the execution of Amy Hutchinson,
      aged seventeen, for poisoning her husband. "Her face and hands were
      smeared with tar, and having a garment daubed with pitch, after a short
      prayer the executioner strangled her, and twenty minutes after the fire
      was kindled and burnt half an hour." (Notes and Queries, 27 September,
      1873.) Against the prevailing savagery a human protest was rarely heard
      outside the Quaker meeting. Whether disowned or not, Paine's father
      remained a Quaker, and is so registered at burial; and his eminent son has
      repeatedly mentioned his own training in the principles of that Society.
      Remembering the extent to which Paine's Quakerism had influenced his
      political theories, and instances of their bearing on great events, I
      found something impressive in the little meeting-house in Cage Lane,
      Thetford. This was his more important birthplace. Its small windows and
      one door open on the tombless graveyard at the back,&mdash;perhaps that
      they might not be smashed by the mob, or admit the ribaldry of the street.
      The interior is hardly large enough to seat fifty people. Plymouth
      Brethren have for some years occupied the place, but I was told that the
      congregation, reduced to four or five, would soon cease to gather there.
      Adjoining the meeting-house, and in contact with it, stands the ancient
      Cage, which still remains to explain the name "Cage Lane." In its front
      are two arches, once iron-grated; at one stood the pillory, at the other
      the stocks,&mdash;the latter remembered by some now living.
    </p>
    <p>
      On "first day," when his schoolmates went in fine clothes to grand
      churches, to see gay people, and hear fine music, little Thomas, dressed
      in drab, crept affrighted past the stocks to his childhood's pillory in
      the dismal meeting-house. For him no beauty or mirth, no music but the
      oaths of the pilloried, or shrieks of those awaiting the gallows, There
      could be no silent meeting in Cage Lane. Testimonies of the "Spirit"
      against inhumanity, delivered beside instruments of legal torture, bred
      pity in the child, who had a poetic temperament. The earliest glimpses we
      have of his childhood are in lines written on a fly caught in a spider's
      web, and an epitaph for a crow which he buried in the garden:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "Here lies the body of John Crow,
     Who once was high, but now is low;
     Ye brother Crows take warning all,
     For as you rise, so must you fall."
</pre>
    <p>
      This was when he was eight years of age. It seems doubtful whether the
      child was weeping or smiling, but the humor, if it be such, is grim, and
      did not last long. He had even then already, as we shall see, gained in
      the Quaker meeting a feeling that "God was too good" to redeem man by his
      son's death, as his Aunt Cocke instructed him, and a heart so precocious
      was a sad birthright in the Thetford of that day. We look in vain for
      anything that can be described as true boyhood in Paine. Oldys was
      informed, no doubt rightly, that "he was deemed a sharp boy, of unsettled
      application; but he left no performances which denote juvenile vigour or
      uncommon attainments." There are, indeed, various indications that, in one
      way and another, Thetford and Quakerism together managed to make the early
      years of their famous son miserable. Had there been no Quakerism there had
      been no Thomas Paine; his consciousness of this finds full recognition in
      his works; yet he says:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Though I reverence their philanthropy, I cannot help smiling at the
      conceit, that if the taste of a Quaker had been consulted at the creation,
      what a silent and drab-coloured creation it would have been! Not a flower
      would have blossomed its gaieties, nor a bird been permitted to sing."
    </p>
    <p>
      There is a pathos under his smile at this conceit. Paine wrote it in later
      life, amid the flowers and birds of his garden, which he loved, but whose
      gaieties he could never imitate. He with difficulty freed himself from his
      early addiction to an unfashionable garb; he rarely entered a theatre, and
      could never enjoy cards.
    </p>
    <p>
      By the light of the foregoing facts we may appreciate the few casual
      reminiscences of his school-days found in Paine's writings:
    </p>
    <p>
      "My parents were not able to give me a shilling, beyond what they gave me
      in education; and to do this they distressed themselves.
    </p>
    <p>
      "My father being of the Quaker profession, it was my good fortune to have
      an exceeding good moral education, and a tolerable stock of useful
      learning. Though I went to the grammar school (the same school, Thetford
      in Norfolk, that the present counsellor Mingay went to, and under the same
      master), I did not learn Latin, not only because I had no inclination to
      learn languages, but because of the objection the Quakers have against the
      books in which the language is taught. But this did not prevent me from
      being acquainted with the subjects of all the Latin books used in the
      school The natural bent of my mind was to science. I had some turn, and I
      believe some talent, for poetry; but this I rather repressed than
      encouraged, as leading too much into the field of imagination.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I happened, when a schoolboy, to pick up a pleasing natural history of
      Virginia, and my inclination from that day of seeing the western side of
      the Atlantic never left me."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine does not mention his proficiency in mathematics, for which he was
      always distinguished. To my own mind his "turn" for poetry possesses much
      significance in the light of his career. In excluding poets from his
      "Republic" Plato may have had more reasons than he has assigned. The
      poetic temperament and power, repressed in the purely literary direction,
      are apt to break out in glowing visions of ideal society and fiery
      denunciations of the unlovely world.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine was not under the master of Thetford School (Colman), who taught
      Latin, but under the usher, Mr. William Knowler, who admitted the Quaker
      lad to some intimacy, and related to him his adventures while serving on a
      man-of-war. Paine's father had a small farm, but he also carried on a
      stay-making business in Thetford, and his son was removed from school, at
      the age of thirteen, to be taught the art and mystery of making stays. To
      that he stuck for nearly five years. But his father became poorer, his
      mother probably more discontented, and the boy began to dream over the
      adventures of Master Knowler on a man-of-war.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0002" id="link2HCH0002">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER II. EARLY STRUGGLES
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the middle of the eighteenth century England and France were contending
      for empire in India and in America. For some service the ship <i>Terrible</i>,
      Captain Death, was fitted out, and Thomas Paine made an effort to sail on
      her. It seems, however, that he was overtaken by his father on board, and
      carried home again. "From this adventure I was happily prevented by the
      affectionate and moral remonstrances of a good father, who from the habits
      of his life, being of the Quaker profession, looked on me as lost." This
      privateer lost in an engagement one hundred and seventy-five of its two
      hundred men. Thomas was then in his seventeenth year. The effect of the
      paternal remonstrances, unsupported by any congenial outlook at Thetford,
      soon wore off, and, on the formal declaration of war against France
      (1756), he was again seized with the longing for heroic adventure, and
      went to sea on the <i>King of Prussia</i>, privateer, Captain Mendez. Of
      that he soon got enough, but he did not return home.
    </p>
    <p>
      Of Paine's adventures with the privateer there is no record. Of yet more
      momentous events of his life for some years there is known nothing beyond
      the barest outline. In his twentieth year he found work in London (with
      Mr. Morris, stay-maker, Hanover Street, Longacre), and there remained near
      two years. These were fruitful years. "As soon as I was able I purchased a
      pair of globes, and attended the philosophical lectures of Martin and
      Ferguson, and became afterwards acquainted with Dr. Bevis, of the society
      called the Royal Society, then living in the Temple, and an excellent
      astronomer."
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1758 Paine found employment at Dover with a stay-maker named Grace. In
      April, 1759, he repaired to Sandwich, Kent, where he established himself
      as a master stay-maker. There is a tradition at Sandwich that he collected
      a congregation in his room in the market-place, and preached to them "as
      an independent, or a Methodist" Here, at twenty-two, he married Mary
      Lambert. She was an orphan and a waiting-woman to Mrs. Richard Solly, wife
      of a woollen-draper in Sandwich. The Rev. Horace Gilder, Rector of St.
      Peter's, Sandwich, has kindly referred to the register, and finds the
      entry: "Thomas Pain, of the parish of St. Peters, in the town of Sandwich,
      in Kent, bachelor, and Mary Lambert, of the same parish, spinster, were
      married in this church, by licence, this 27th day of Sept., 1759, by me
      William Bunce, Rector." Signed "Thomas Pain, Mary Lambert In the presence
      of Thomas Taylor, Maria Solly, John Joslin."
    </p>
    <p>
      The young couple began housekeeping on Dolphin Key, but Paine's business
      did not thrive, and he went to Margate. There, in 1760, his wife died,
      Paine then concluded to abandon the stay-making business. His wife's
      father had once been an exciseman. Paine resolved to prepare himself for
      that office, and corresponded with his father on the subject. The project
      found favor, and Paine, after passing some months of study in London,
      returned to Thetford in July, 1761. Here, while acting as a supernumerary
      officer of excise, he continued his studies, and enjoyed the friendship of
      Mr. Cock-sedge, the Recorder of Thetford. On 1 December, 1762, he was
      appointed to guage brewers' casks at Grantham. On 8 August, 1764, he was
      set to watch smugglers at Alford.
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus Thomas Paine, in his twenty-fifth year, was engaged in executing
      Excise Acts, whose application to America prepared the way for
      independence. Under pressure of two great hungers&mdash;for bread, for
      science&mdash;the young exciseman took little interest in politics. "I had
      no disposition for what is called politics. It presented to my mind no
      other idea than is contained in the word jockey-ship." The excise, though
      a Whig measure, was odious to the people, and smuggling was regarded as
      not only venial but clever. Within two years after an excise of £1 per
      gallon was laid on spirits (1746), twelve thousand persons were convicted
      for offences against the Act, which then became a dead letter. Paine's
      post at Alford was a dangerous one. The exciseman who pounced on a party
      of smugglers got a special reward, but he risked his life. The salary was
      only fifty pounds, the promotions few, and the excise service had fallen
      into usages of negligence and corruption to which Paine was the first to
      call public attention. "After tax, charity, and fitting expenses are
      deducted, there remains very little more than forty-six pounds; and the
      expenses of housekeeping in many places cannot be brought under fourteen
      pounds a year, besides the purchase at first, and the hazard of life,
      which reduces it to thirty-two pounds per annum, or one shilling and
      ninepence farthing per day."
    </p>
    <p>
      It is hardly wonderful that Paine with his globes and scientific books
      should on one occasion have fallen in with the common practice of
      excisemen called "stamping,"&mdash;that is, setting down surveys of work
      on his books, at home, without always actually travelling to the traders'
      premises and examining specimens. These detective rounds were generally
      offensive to the warehouse people so visited, and the scrutiny had become
      somewhat formal. For this case of "stamping," frankly confessed, Paine was
      discharged from office, 27 August, 1765.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     *  I am indebted to Mr. G. J. Holyoake for documents that
     shed full light on an incident which Oldys has carefully
     left in the half-light congenial to his insinuations. The
     minute of the Board of Excise, dated 27 August, 1765, is as
     follows:
</pre>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine, officer of Alford (Lincolnshire), Grantham collection,
      having on July 11th stamped the whole ride, as appears by the specimens
      not being signed in any part thereof, though proper entry was shown in
      journal, and the victuallers stocks drawn down in his books as if the same
      had been surveyed that day, as by William Swallow, Supervisor's letter of
      3rd instant, and the collector's report thereon, also by the said Paine's
      own confession of the 13th instant, ordered to be discharged; that Robert
      Peat, dropped malt assistant in Lynn collection, succeed him."
    </p>
    <p>
      The following is Paine's petition for restoration:
    </p>
    <p>
      "London, July 3, 1766. Honourable Sirs,&mdash;In humble obedience to your
      honours' letter of discharge hearing date August 29, 1765, I delivered up
      my commission and since that time have given you no trouble. I confess the
      justice of your honours' displeasure and humbly beg to add my thanks for
      the candour and lenity with which you at that unfortunate time indulged
      me. And though the nature of the report and my own confession cut off all
      expectations of enjoying your honours' favour then, yet I humbly hope it
      has not finally excluded me therefrom, upon which hope I humbly presume to
      entreat your honours to restore me. The time I enjoyed my former
      commission was short and unfortunate&mdash;an officer only a single year.
      No complaint of the least dishonesty or intemperance ever appeared against
      me; and, if I am so happy as to succeed in this, my humble petition, I
      will endeavour that my future conduct shall as much engage your honours'
      approbation as my former has merited your displeasure. I am, your honours'
      most dutiful humble servant, Thomas Paine."
    </p>
    <p>
      Board's minute: "July 4, 1766. Ordered that he be restored on a proper
      vacancy."
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. S. F. Dun, for thirty-three years an officer of excise, discovered the
      facts connected with Paine's discharge, and also saw Paine's letter and
      entry books. In a letter before me he says: "I consider Mr. Paine's
      restoration as creditable to him as to the then Board of Excise."
    </p>
    <p>
      After Paine's dismission he supported himself as a journeyman with Mr.
      Gudgeon, a stay-maker of Diss, Norfolk, where he is said to have
      frequently quarrelled with his fellow-workmen. To be cast back on the
      odious work, to be discharged and penniless at twenty-eight, could hardly
      soothe the poor man's temper, and I suppose he did not remain long at
      Diss. He is traceable in 1766 in Lincolnshire, by his casual mention of
      the date in connection with an incident related in his fragment on
      "Forgetfulness." He was on a visit at the house of a widow lady in a
      village of the Lincolnshire fens, and as they were walking in the garden,
      in the summer evening, they beheld at some distance a white figure moving.
      He quitted Mrs. E. and pursued the figure, and when he at length reached
      out his hand, "the idea struck me," he says, "will my hand pass through
      the air, or shall I feel anything?" It proved to be a love-distracted
      maiden who, on hearing of the marriage of one she supposed her lover,
      meant to drown herself in a neighboring pond.
    </p>
    <p>
      That Thomas Paine should sue for an office worth, beyond its expenses,
      thirty-two pounds, argues not merely penury, but an amazing
      unconsciousness, in his twenty-ninth year, of his powers. In London, for
      some months there stood between him and starvation only a salary of
      twenty-five pounds, given him by a Mr. Noble for teaching English in his
      academy in Goodman's Fields. This was the year 1766, for though Paine was
      restored to the excise on July 11th of this year no place was found for
      him. In January, 1767, he was employed by Mr. Gardiner in his school at
      Kensington. Rickman and others have assigned to this time Paine's
      attendance of lectures at the Royal Society, which I have however
      connected with his twentieth year. He certainly could not have afforded
      globes during this pauperized year 1766. In reply to Rickman's allusion to
      the lowly situations he had been in at this time, Paine remarked: "Here I
      derived considerable information; indeed I have seldom passed five minutes
      of my life, however circumstanced, in which I did not acquire some
      knowledge."
    </p>
    <p>
      According to Oldys he remained in the school at Kensington but three
      months. "His desire of preaching now returned on him," says the same
      author, "but applying to his old master for a certificate of his
      qualifications, to the bishop of London, Mr. Noble told his former usher,
      that since he was only an English scholar he could not recommend him as a
      proper candidate for ordination in the church." It would thus appear that
      Paine had not parted from his employer in Goodman's Fields in any
      unpleasant way. Of his relation with his pupils only one trace remains&mdash;a
      letter in which he introduces one of them to General Knox, September 17,
      1783: "Old friend, I just take the opportunity of sending my respects to
      you by Mr. Darby, a gentleman who was formerly a pupil of mine in
      England."
    </p>
    <p>
      Oldys says that Paine, "without regular orders," preached in Moorfields
      and elsewhere in England, "as he was urged by his necessities or directed
      by his spirit." Although Paine's friendly biographers have omitted this
      preaching episode, it is too creditable to Paine's standing with the
      teacher with whom he had served a year for Oldys to have invented it. It
      is droll to think that the Church of England should ever have had an offer
      of Thomas Paine's services. The Quakerism in which he had been nurtured
      had never been formally adopted by him, and it offered no opportunities
      for the impulse to preach which seems to mark a phase in the life of every
      active English brain.
    </p>
    <p>
      On May 15, 1767, Paine was appointed excise officer at Grampound,
      Cornwall, but "prayed leave to wait another vacancy." On February 19,
      1768, he was appointed officer at Lewes, Sussex, whither, after a brief
      visit to Thetford, he repaired.
    </p>
    <p>
      Not very unlike the old Norfolk borough in which Paine was born was Lewes,
      and with even literally an Ouse flowing through it Here also marched the
      "Heathen Men," who have left only the legend of a wounded son of Harold
      nursed into health by a Christian maiden. The ruined castle commands a
      grander landscape than the height of Thetford, and much the same historic
      views. Seven centuries before Paine opened his office in Lewes came
      Harold's son, possibly to take charge of the excise as established by
      Edward the Confessor, just deceased.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Paine" was an historic name in Lewes also. In 1688 two French refugees,
      William and Aaron Paine, came to the ancient town, and found there as much
      religious persecution as in France. It was directed chiefly against the
      Quakers. But when Thomas Paine went to dwell there the Quakers and the
      "powers that be" had reached a <i>modus vivendi</i>, and the new exciseman
      fixed his abode with a venerable Friend, Samuel Ollive, a tobacconist. The
      house then adjoined a Quaker meetinghouse, now a Unitarian chapel. It is a
      quaint house, always known and described as "the house with the monkey on
      it." The projecting roof is supported by a female nondescript rather more
      human than anthropoid. I was politely shown through the house by its
      occupant, Mr. Champion, and observed in the cellar traces of Samuel
      Ollive's&mdash;afterward Paine's&mdash;tobacco mill. The best room
      upstairs long bore on its wall "Tom Paine's study." The plaster has now
      flaked off, but the proprietor, Mr. Alfred Hammond, told me that he
      remembers it there in 1840. Not far from the house is the old mansion of
      the Shelleys,&mdash;still called "The Shelleys,"&mdash;ancestors of a poet
      born with the "Rights of Man," and a child of Paine's revolution. And&mdash;such
      are the moral zones and poles in every English town&mdash;here in the
      graveyard of Jireh Chapel&mdash;is the tomb of William Huntington S. S.
      [Sinner Saved] bearing this epitaph:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Here lies the Coalheaver, beloved of God, but abhorred of men: the
      omniscient Judge, at the grand assize, shall ratify and confirm that to
      the confusion of many thousands; for England and its metropolis shall know
      that there hath been a prophet among them. W. H: S. S."
    </p>
    <p>
      While Paine was at Lewes this Hunt <i>alias</i> Huntington was a pious
      tramp in that part of England, well known to the police. Yet in his
      rubbish there is one realistic story of tramp-life which incidentally
      portrays an exciseman of the time. Huntington (born 1744), one of the
      eleven children of a day-laborer earning from seven to nine shillings a
      week in Kent, was sent by some friends to an infant school.
    </p>
    <p>
      "And here I remember to have heard my mistress reprove me for something
      wrong, telling me that God Almighty took notice of children's sins. It
      stuck to my conscience a great while; and who this God Almighty could be I
      could not conjecture; and how he could know my sins without asking my
      mother I could not conceive. At that time there was a person named
      Godfrey, an exciseman in the town, a man of a stern and hard-favoured
      countenance, whom I took notice of for having a stick covered with
      figures, and an ink-bottle hanging at the button-hole of his coat. I
      imagined that man to be employed by God Almighty to take notice, and keep
      an account of children's sins; and once I got into the market-house, and
      watched him very narrowly, and found that he was always in a hurry by his
      walking so fast; and I thought he had need to hurry, as he must have a
      deal to do to find out all the sins of children. I watched him out of one
      shop into another, all about the town, and from that time eyed him as a
      most formidable being, and the greatest enemy I had in all the world."
    </p>
    <p>
      To the shopkeepers this exciseman was really an adversary and an accuser,
      and one can well believe that his very physiognomy would be affected by
      such work, and the chronic consciousness of being unwelcome. We may
      picture Paine among the producers of Lewes&mdash;with but four or five
      thousand people, then a notorious seat of smugglers&mdash;with his stick
      and ink-bottle; his face prematurely aged, and gathering the lines and the
      keen look which mask for casual eyes the fundamental candor and kindliness
      of his face.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine's surveys extended to Brighton; the brilliant city of our time being
      then a small fishing-town known as Brighthelmston. It was scarce ten miles
      distant, and had no magistrates, offenders being taken to Lewes. There was
      a good deal of religious excitement in the neighborhood about the time
      Paine went there to reside, owing to the preaching of Rev. George
      Whitefield, chaplain of Lady Huntingdon, at a chapel built by her ladyship
      at Brighthelmston. Lady Huntingdon already had a quasi-miraculous fame
      which in Catholic times would have caused her to be honored as St. Selina.
      In those days a pious countess was more miraculous than the dream that
      foretold about Lady Huntingdon's coming. Surrounded by crowds, she had to
      send for her chaplain, Whitefield, who preached in a field till a chapel
      was built. At the time when Lady Huntingdon was exhorting the poor
      villagers of Brighton, two relatives of hers, Governor Shirley of
      Massachusetts and his aide-de-camp Colonel George Washington, were
      preparing the way for the great events in which Paine was to bear a part.
    </p>
    <p>
      When Paine went on his survey he might have observed the Washington motto,
      possibly a trace of the pious countess, which long remained on a house in
      Brighton: <i>Exitus acta probat</i>. There was an ancient Washington who
      fought at the battle of Lewes; but probably if our exciseman ever thought
      of any Washington at all it was of the anomalous Colonel in Virginia
      founding a colonial association to disuse excisable articles imported from
      England. But if such transatlantic phenomena, or the preaching of
      Whitefield in the neighborhood, concerned Paine at all, no trace of their
      impression is now discoverable. And if there were any protest in him at
      that time, when the English government had reached its nadir of
      corruption, it cannot be heard. He appears to have been conventionally
      patriotic, and was regarded as the Lewes laureate. He wrote an election
      song for the Whig candidate at New Shoreham, for which the said candidate,
      (Rumbold by name) paid him three guineas; and he wrote a song on the death
      of General Wolfe, which, when published some years later, was set to
      music, and enjoyed popularity in the Anacreontic and other societies.
      While Britannia mourns for her Wolfe, the sire of the gods sends his
      messengers to console "the disconsolate dame," assuring her that her hero
      is not dead but summoned to lead "the armies above" against the proud
      giants marching against Heaven.
    </p>
    <p>
      The ballad recalls Paine the <i>paien</i>, but the Thetford Quaker is not
      apparent. And, indeed, there are various indications about this time that
      some reaction had set in after the preaching phase.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Such was his enterprise on the water," says Oldys, "and his intrepidity
      on the ice that he became known by the appellation of <i>Commodore</i>"
      William Carver (MS.) says he was at this time "tall and slim, about five
      feet eight inches."
    </p>
    <p>
      At Lewes, where the traditions concerning Paine are strong, I met Miss
      Rickman, a descendant of Thomas "Clio" Rickman&mdash;the name Clio, under
      which his musical contributions to the Revolution were published, having
      become part of his name. Rickman was a youth in the Lewes of Paine's time,
      and afterwards his devoted friend. His enthusiasm was represented in
      children successively named Paine, Washington, Franklin, Rousseau,
      Petrarch, Volney. Rickman gives an account of Paine at Lewes:
    </p>
    <p>
      "In this place he lived several years in habits of intimacy with a very
      respectable, sensible, and convivial set of acquaintance, who were
      entertained with his witty sallies and informed by his more serious
      conversations. In politics he was at this time a Whig, and notorious for
      that quality which has been defined perseverance in a good cause and
      obstinacy in a bad one. He was tenacious of his opinions, which were bold,
      acute, and independent, and which he maintained with ardour, elegance, and
      argument. At this period, at Lewes, the White Hart evening club was the
      resort of a social and intelligent circle who, out of fun, seeing that
      disputes often ran very warm and high, frequently had what they called the
      'Headstrong Book.' This was no other than an old Greek Homer which was
      sent the morning after a debate vehemently maintained, to the most
      obstinate haranguer in the Club: this book had the following title, as
      implying that Mr. Paine the best deserved and the most frequently obtained
      it: 'The Headstrong Book, or Original Book of Obstinacy.' Written by
      &mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash; &mdash;&mdash;&mdash; of Lewes, in Sussex,
      and Revised and Corrected by Thomas Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "'Immortal Paine, while mighty reasoners jar, We crown thee General of the
      Headstrong War; Thy logic vanquish'd error, and thy mind No bounds but
      those of right and truth confined. Thy soul of fire must sure ascend the
      sky, Immortal Paine, thy fame can never die; For men like thee their names
      must ever save From the black edicts of the tyrant grave.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "My friend Mr. Lee, of Lewes, in communicating this to me in September,
      1810, said: 'This was manufactured nearly forty years ago, as applicable
      to Mr. Paine, and I believe you will allow, however indifferent the
      manner, that I did not very erroneously anticipate his future celebrity.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      It was probably to amuse the club at the White Hart, an ancient tavern,
      that Paine wrote his humorous poems.
    </p>
    <p>
      On the 26 March, 1771, Paine married Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel Ollive,
      with whom he had lodged. This respected citizen had died in July, 1769,
      leaving in Lewes a widow and one daughter in poor circumstances. Paine
      then took up his abode elsewhere, but in the following year he joined the
      Ollives in opening a shop, and the tobacco-mill went on as before. His
      motive was probably compassion, but it brought him into nearer
      acquaintance with the widow and her daughter. Elizabeth is said to have
      been pretty, and, being of Quaker parentage, she was no doubt fairly
      educated. She was ten years younger than Paine, and he was her hero. They
      were married in St. Michael's Church, Lewes, on the 26th of March, 1771,
      by Robert Austen, curate, the witnesses being Henry Verrall and Thomas
      Ollive, the lady's brother.
    </p>
    <p>
      Oldys is constrained to give Paine's ability recognition. "He had risen by
      superior energy, more than by greater honesty, to be a chief among the
      excisemen." They needed a spokesman at that time, being united in an
      appeal to Parliament to raise their salaries, and a sum of money, raised
      to prosecute the matter, was confided to Paine. In 1772 he prepared the
      document, which was printed, but not published until 1793.* Concerning the
      plea for the excisemen it need only be said that it is as clear and
      complete as any lawyer could make it. There was, of course, no room for
      originality in the simple task of showing that the ill-paid service must
      be badly done, but the style is remarkable for simplicity and force.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine put much time and pains into this composition, and passed the whole
      winter of 1772-3 trying to influence members of Parliament and others in
      favor of his cause. "A rebellion of the excisemen," says Oldys, "who
      seldom have the populace on their side, was not much feared by their
      superiors." Paine's pamphlet and two further leaflets of his were printed.
      The best result of his pamphlet was to secure him an acquaintance with
      Oliver Goldsmith, to whom he addressed the following letter:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The document was revived as a pamphlet, though its subject
     was no longer of interest, at a time when Paine's political
     writings were under prosecution, and to afford a vehicle for
     an "introduction," which gives a graphic account of Paine's
     services in the United States. On a copy of this London
     edition (1793) before me, one of a number of Paine's early
     pamphlets bearing marks of his contemporary English editor,
     is written with pencil: "With a preface (Qy. J. Barlow)."
     From this, and some characteristics of the composition, I
     have no doubt that the vigorous introduction was Barlow's.
     The production is entitled, "The Case of the Officers of
     Excise; with remarks on the qualifications of Officers;
     and of the numerous evils arising to the Revenue, from the
     insufficiency of the present salary. Humbly addressed to the
     Hon. and Right Hon. Members of both Houses of Parliament."
</pre>
    <p>
      "Honored Sir,&mdash;Herewith I present you with the Case of the Officers
      of Excise. A compliment of this kind from an entire stranger may appear
      somewhat singular, but the following reasons and information will, I
      presume, sufficiently apologize. I act myself in the humble station of an
      officer of excise, though somewhat differently circumstanced to what many
      of them are, and have been the principal promoter of a plan for applying
      to Parliament this session for an increase of salary. A petition for this
      purpose has been circulated through every part of the kingdom, and signed
      by all the officers therein. A subscription of three shillings per officer
      is raised, amounting to upwards of £500, for supporting the expenses. The
      excise officers, in all cities and corporate towns, have obtained letters
      of recommendation from the electors to the members in their behalf, many
      or most of whom have promised their support. The enclosed case we have
      presented to most of the members, and shall to all, before the petition
      appear in the House. The memorial before you met with so much approbation
      while in manuscript, that I was advised to print 4000 copies; 3000 of
      which were subscribed for the officers in general, and the remaining 1000
      reserved for presents. Since the delivering them I have received so many
      letters of thanks and approbation for the performance, that were I not
      rather singularly modest, I should insensibly become a little vain. The
      literary fame of Dr. Goldsmith has induced me to present one to him, such
      as it is. It is my first and only attempt, and even now I should not have
      undertaken it, had I not been particularly applied to by some of my
      superiors in office. I have some few questions to trouble Dr. Goldsmith
      with, and should esteem his company for an hour or two, to partake of a
      bottle of wine, or any thing else, and apologize for this trouble, as a
      singular favour conferred on His unknown
    </p>
    <p>
      "Humble servant and admirer,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Excise Coffee House,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Broad Street, Dec. 21, 1772.
    </p>
    <p>
      "P. S. Shall take the liberty of waiting on you in a day or two."'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Goldsmith responded to Paine's desire for his acquaintance.
     I think Paine may be identified as the friend to whom
     Goldsmith, shortly before his death, gave the epitaph first
     printed in Paine's Pennsylvania Magaritu, January, 1775,
     beginning,

          "Here Whitefoord reclines, and deny it who can,
          Though he merrily lived he is now a grave man."

     In giving it Goldsmith said, "It will be of no use to me
     where I am going."

     I am indebted for these records to the Secretary of Inland
     Revenue, England, and to my friend, Charles Macrae, who
     obtained them for me.
</pre>
    <p>
      To one who reads Paine's argument, it appears wonderful that a man of such
      ability should, at the age of thirty-five, have had his horizon filled
      with such a cause as that of the underpaid excisemen, Unable to get the
      matter before Parliament, he went back to his tobacco-mill in Lewes, and
      it seemed to him like the crack of doom when, 8 April, 1774, he was
      dismissed from the excise. The cause of Paine's second dismission from the
      excise being ascribed by his first biographer (Oldys) to his dealing in
      smuggled tobacco, without contradiction by Paine, his admirers have been
      misled into a kind of apology for him on account of the prevalence of the
      custom. But I have before me the minutes of the Board concerning Paine,
      and there is no hint whatever of any such accusation. The order of
      discharge from Lewes is as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Friday 8th April 1774. Thomas Pain, Officer of Lewes 4th O. Ride Sussex
      Collection having quitted his Business, without obtaining the Board's
      Leave for so doing, and being gone off on Account of the Debts which he
      hath contracted, as by Letter of the 6th instant from Edward Clifford,
      Supervisor, and the said Pain having been once before Discharged, Ordered
      that he be again discharged."
    </p>
    <p>
      In Paine's absence in London, writing his pleas for the excisemen,
      laboring with members of Parliament, his tobacco-mill had been still, his
      groceries unsold, and his wife and her mother had been supported from the
      bank of flattering hope. No sooner was it known that the hope of an
      increased salary for the exciseman had failed than he found himself in
      danger of arrest for debt. It was on this account that he left Lewes for a
      time, but it was only that he might take steps to make over all of his
      possessions to his creditors. This was done. The following placard
      appeared:
    </p>
    <p>
      "To be sold by auction, on Thursday the 14th of April, and following day,
      all the household furniture, stock in trade and other effects of Thomas
      Pain, grocer and tobacconist, near the West Gate, in Lewes: Also a horse
      tobacco and snuff mill, with all the utensils for cutting tobacco and
      grinding off snuff; and two unopened crates of cream-coloured stone ware."
    </p>
    <p>
      This sale was announced by one Whitfield, grocer, and if there were other
      creditors they were no doubt paid by the results, for Paine had no
      difficulty in returning to Lewes. He once more had to petition the Board,
      which shortly before had commended his assiduity. Its commissioner, George
      Lewis Scott, labored in his behalf. In vain. Whether it was because it was
      a rule that a second discharge should be final, or that his failure to
      move Parliament had made him a scapegoat for the disappointed excisemen,
      his petition was rejected. At thirty-seven Paine found himself penniless.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER III. DOMESTIC TROUBLE
    </h2>
    <p>
      The break-up of Paine's business at Lewes brought to a head a more serious
      trouble. On June 4th of the same miserable year, 1774, Paine and his wife
      formally separated.
    </p>
    <p>
      The causes of their trouble are enveloped in mystery. It has been stated
      by both friendly and hostile biographers that there was from the first no
      cohabitation, and that concerning the responsibility for this neither of
      them was ever induced to utter a word. Even his friend Rickman was warned
      off the subject by Paine, who, in reply to a question as to the reason of
      the separation, said: "It is nobody's business but my own; I had cause for
      it, but I will name it to no one."
    </p>
    <p>
      William Huntington, in his "Kingdom of Heaven," mentions a usage of some
      Quakers in his time, "that when a young couple are espoused, they are to
      be kept apart for a season to mourn"; this being their interpretation of
      Zech. xii., 12-14. As Huntington was mainly acquainted with this Sussex
      region, it is not inconceivable that Elizabeth Ollive held some such
      notion, and that this led to dissension ending in separation. Nor is it
      inconceivable that Paine himself, finding his excise office no support,
      and his shop a failure, resolved that no offspring should suffer his
      penury or increase it. It is all mere guesswork.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Alfred Hammond, of Lewes, who owns the property, showed me the
      documents connected with it. After the death of Samuel Ollive in 1769,
      Esther, his widow, enjoyed the messuage until her own death, in 1800, when
      a division among the heirs became necessary. Among the documents is one
      which recites some particulars of the separation between Paine and his
      wife.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Soon after the Testator's death, his daughter Elizabeth married Thos.
      Pain from whom she afterwards lived separate under articles dated 4th June
      1774, and made between the said Thos. Pain of the first part, the said
      Elizabeth of the 2nd part, and the Rev. James Castley, Clerk, of the 3d
      part. by which Articles, after reciting (inter alia) that Dissentions had
      arisen between the said Thos. Pain and Elizabeth his wife, and that they
      had agreed to live separate. And also reciting the Will of the said Saml.
      Ollive and that the said Thomas Pain had agreed that the said Elizabeth
      should have and take her share of the said Monies of the said House when
      the same should become due and payable and that he would give any
      Discharge that should then be required to and for the use of the said
      Elizabeth: The said Thos. Pain did covenant to permit the said Elizabeth
      to live separate from him and to carry on such Trade and Business as she
      should think fit, notwithstanding her coverture and as if she were a Feme.
      Sole. And that he would not at any time thereafter claim or demand the
      said monies which she should be entitled to at the time of the sale of the
      said House in Lewes aforesaid, or any of the Monies Rings Plate Cloathes
      Linen Woollen Household Goods or Stock in Trade which the said Elizabeth
      should or might at any time thereafter buy or purchase or which should be
      devised or given to her or she should otherwise acquire and that she
      should and might enjoy and absolutely dispose of the same as if she were a
      Feme. Sole and unmarried. And also that it should and might be lawful for
      the said Elizabeth to have receive and take to her own separate use and
      benefit her said share of the Monies for which the said Messuage or
      Tenement in Lewes should be sold when the same should become due and
      payable."
    </p>
    <p>
      Another paper is a Release to Francis Mitchener, October 14, 1800, in
      which it is recited:
    </p>
    <p>
      "That the said Elizabeth Pain had ever since lived separate from him the
      said Thos. Pain, and never had any issue, and the said Thomas Pain had
      many years quitted this kingdom and resided (if living) in parts beyond
      the seas, but had not since been heard of by the said Elizabeth Pain, nor
      was it known for certain whether he was living or dead."
    </p>
    <p>
      This release is signed by Robert Blackman and wife, and eight others,
      among these being the three children of Samuel Ollive, who under his will
      were to "share alike "&mdash;Samuel, Thomas, and Elizabeth (Mrs. Paine).
      The large seals attached to the signatures were fortunately well
      preserved, for each represents the head of Thomas Paine. By the assistance
      of Mr. Hammond I am able to present this little likeness of Paine that
      must have been made when he was about thirty-five, or nearly twenty years
      earlier than any other portrait of him. The reader must form his own
      conjecture as to the origin of this seal, its preservation by the wife,
      and use on this document At this time, and probably since her separation,
      Elizabeth Paine would appear to have resided with her brother Thomas, a
      watchmaker in Cranbrook, Kent. That she and the family did not know
      Paine's whereabouts in 1800, or whether he were dead or alive, argues that
      they had not followed his career or the course of public events with much
      interest. One would be glad to believe that Elizabeth cherished kindly
      remembrance of the man who considering his forlorn condition, had
      certainly shown generosity in the justice with which he renounced all of
      his rights in the property she had brought him, and whose hand she might
      naturally have suspected behind the monies anonymously sent her. We will
      therefore hope that it was from some other member of the family that Oldys
      obtained,&mdash;unless, like his "A. M. of the University of
      Philadelphia," it was invented,&mdash;the letter said to have been written
      by Paine's mother to his wife.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Thetpord, Norfolk, 27th July, 1774. Dear Daughter,&mdash;I
     must beg leave to trouble you with my inquiries concerning
     my unhappy son and your husband: various are the reports,
     which I find come originally from the Excise-office. Such as
     his vile treatment to you, his secreting upwards of 30£.
     intrusted with him to manage the petition for advance of
     salary; and that since his discharge, he have petitioned to
     be restored, which was rejected with scorn. Since which I am
     told he have left England. To all which I beg you'll be kind
     enough to answer me by due course of post.&mdash;You 'll not be
     a little surprized at my so strongly desiring to know what's
     become of him after I repeat to you his undutiful behavior
     to the tenderest of parents; he never asked of us anything,
     but what was granted, that were in our poor abilities to do;
     nay, even distressed ourselves, whose works are given over
     by old age, to let him have 20£. on bond, and every other
     tender mark a parent could possibly shew a child; his
     ingratitude, or rather want of duty, has been such, that he
     have not wrote to me upwards of two years.&mdash;If the above
     account be true, I am heartily sorry, that a woman whose
     character and amiableness deserves the greatest respect,
     love, and esteem, as I have always on enquiry been informed
     yours did, should be tied for life to the worst of husbands.
     I am, dear daughter, your affectionate mother,

     "F. Pain.

     "P. S. For God's sake, let me have your answer, as I am
     almost distracted."
</pre>
    <p>
      The letter may have been manipulated, but it is not improbable that
      rumors, "exaggerated by enmity or misstated by malice," as Oldys
      confesses, elicited some such outburst from Thetford.* The excisemen,
      angry at the failure to get their case before Parliament, and having fixed
      on Paine as their scapegoat, all other iniquities were naturally laid on
      him. Eighteen years later, when the scapegoat who had gone into the
      American wilderness returned with the renown of having helped to make it a
      nation, he addressed a letter to Lewes, which was about to hold a meeting
      to respond to a royal proclamation for suppressing seditious writings. His
      tone is not that of a man who supposed that Lewes had aught against him on
      the score of his wife.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It is now upwards of eighteen years since I was a resident inhabitant of
      the town of Lewes. My situation among you as an officer of the revenue,
      for more than six years, enabled me to see into the numerous and various
      distresses which the weight of taxes even at that time of day occasioned;
      and feeling, as I then did, and as it is natural for me to do, for the
      hard condition of others, it is with pleasure I can declare, and every
      person then under my survey, and now living, can witness the exceeding
      candor, and even tenderness, with which that part of the duty that fell to
      my share was executed. The name of Thomas Paine is not to be found in the
      records of the Lewes justices, in any one act of contention with, or
      severity of any kind whatever towards, the persons whom he surveyed,
      either in the town or in the country; of this Mr. Fuller and Mr. Shelley,
      who will probably attend the meeting, can, if they please, give full
      testimony. It is, however, not in their power to contradict it. Having
      thus indulged myself in recollecting a place where I formerly had, and
      even now have, many friends, rich and poor, and most probably some
      enemies.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * When Paine had the money he did forward twenty pounds to
     his parents, and made provision for his mother when she was
     a widow. As to writing to her, in those unhappy years, he
     probably thought it better to keep his burdens to himself.
     He may also have been aware of his mother's severity without
     knowing her interest in him.
</pre>
    <p>
      I proceed to the import of my letter. Since my departure from Lewes,
      fortune or providence has thrown me into a line of action which my first
      setting out in life could not possibly have suggested to me. Many of you
      will recollect that, whilst I resided among you, there was not a man more
      firm and open in supporting the principles of liberty than myself, and I
      still pursue, and ever will, the same path."
    </p>
    <p>
      Finally, it should be added that Rickman, a truthful man, who admits
      Paine's faults, says: "This I can assert, that Mr. Paine always spoke
      tenderly and respectfully of his wife; and sent her several times
      pecuniary aid, without her knowing even whence it came."
    </p>
    <p>
      While Paine was in London, trying to get before Parliament a measure for
      the relief of excisemen, he not only enjoyed the friendship of Goldsmith,
      but that of Franklin. In the Doctor's electrical experiments he took a
      deep interest; for Paine was devoted to science, and the extent of his
      studies is attested by his description of a new electrical machine and
      other scientific papers, signed "Atlanticus," in the <i>Pennsylvania
      Magazine</i>, The sale of his effects in Lewes paid his debts, but left
      him almost penniless. He came to London, and how he lived is unknown&mdash;that
      is, physically, for we do find some intimation of his mental condition. In
      a letter written many years after to John King, a political renegade,
      Paine says:
    </p>
    <p>
      "When I first knew you in Ailiffe-street, an obscure part of the City, a
      child, without fortune or friends, I noticed you; because I thought I saw
      in you, young as you was, a bluntness of temper, a boldness of opinion,
      and an originality of thought, that portended some future good. I was
      pleased to discuss, with you, under our friend <i>Oliver's</i> lime-tree,
      those political notions, which I have since given the world in my 'Rights
      of Man.' You used to complain of abuses, as well as me, and write your
      opinions on them in free terms&mdash;What then means this sudden
      attachment to <i>Kings</i>?"
    </p>
    <p>
      This "Oliver" was probably the famous Alderman Oliver who was imprisoned
      in the Tower during the great struggle of the City with the Government, on
      account of Wilkes. Paine tells us that in early life he cared little for
      politics, which seemed to him a species of "jockeyship"; and how apt the
      term is shown by the betting-book kept at Brooks' Club, in which are
      recorded the bets of the noblemen and politicians of the time on the
      outcome of every motion and course of every public man or minister. But
      the contemptuous word proves that Paine was deeply interested in the
      issues which the people had joined with the king and his servile
      ministers. He could never have failed to read with excitement the letters
      of Junius, whose "brilliant pen," he afterwards wrote, "enraptured without
      convincing; and though in the plenitude of its rage it might be said to
      give elegance to bitterness, yet the policy survived the blast." We may
      feel sure that he had heard with joy that adroit verdict of the jury at
      the King's Bench on Woodfall, Junius' printer, which secured liberty of
      the press until, twenty-two years later, it was reversed by revolutionary
      panic, in the same court, for Paine himself. Notwithstanding the private
      immorality of Wilkes, in which his associates were aristocratic, the most
      honorable political elements in England, and the Independents and
      Presbyterians, were resolute in defending the rights of his constituents
      against the authority arrogated by the Commons to exclude him. Burke then
      stood by Wilkes, as John Bright stood by Bradlaugh at a later day. And
      while Paine was laboring to carry his excise bill through Parliament he
      had good opportunity to discover how completely that body's real opinions
      were overruled by royal dictation. It was at that time that George III.,
      indifferent to his brother's profligacies, would not forgive his marriage
      with a commoner's sister, and forced on Parliament a Marriage Act which
      made all marriages in the royal family illegitimate without his consent.
      The indignant resignation of Fox modified the measure slightly, limiting
      the King's interference at the twenty-sixth year of the marrying parties,
      and then giving the veto to Parliament. For this the King turned his wrath
      on Fox. This was but one of the many instances of those years&mdash;all
      told in Trevelyan's admirable work*&mdash;which added to Paine's studies
      of the Wilkes conflicts a lasting lesson in the conservation of despotic
      forces. The barbaric eras of prerogative had returned under the forms of
      ministerial government. The Ministry, controlled by the Court, ruled by
      corruption of commoners.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "The Early History of Charles James Fox," 1880.
</pre>
    <p>
      It was a <i>régime</i> almost incredible to us now, when England is of all
      nations most free from corruption and court influence in politics; and it
      was little realized in English colonies before the Revolution. But
      Franklin was in London to witness it, and Paine was there to grow familiar
      with the facts. To both of them the systematic inhumanity and injustice
      were brought home personally. The discharged and insulted postmaster could
      sympathize with the dismissed and starving exciseman. Franklin recognized
      Paine's ability, and believed he would be useful and successful in
      America. So on this migration Paine decided, and possibly the
      determination brought his domestic discords to a crisis.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1774}
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER IV. THE NEW WORLD
    </h2>
    <p>
      Paine left England in October and arrived in America November 30, 1774. He
      bore a letter of introduction from Dr. Franklin to Richard Bache, his
      son-in-law, dated September 30, 1774:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The bearer Mr. Thomas Paine is very well recommended to me as an
      ingenious worthy young man. He goes to Pennsylvania with a view of
      settling there. I request you to give him your best advice and
      countenance, as he is quite a stranger there. If you can put him in a way
      of obtaining employment as a clerk, or assistant tutor in a school, or
      assistant surveyor, of all of which I think him very capable, so that he
      may procure a subsistence at least, till he can make acquaintance and
      obtain a knowledge of the country, you will do well, and much oblige your
      affectionate father."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1775}
    </h2>
    <h3>
      On March 4, 1775, Paine writes Franklin from Philadelphia:
    </h3>
    <p>
      "Your countenancing me has obtained for me many friends and much
      reputation, for which please accept my sincere thanks. I have been applied
      to by several gentlemen to instruct their sons on very advantageous terms
      to myself, and a printer and bookseller here, a man of reputation and
      property, Robert Aitkin, has lately attempted a magazine, but having
      little or no turn that way himself, he has applied to me for assistance.
      He had not above six hundred subscribers when I first assisted him. We
      have now upwards of fifteen hundred, and daily increasing. I have not
      entered into terms with him This is only the second number. The first I
      was not concerned in."
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been often stated that Paine was befriended by Dr. Rush, but there
      is no indication of this. Their acquaintance was casual.
    </p>
    <p>
      "About the year 1773 [says Dr. Rush&mdash;the date is an error for 1774] I
      met him accidentally in Mr. Aitkin's bookstore, and was introduced to him
      by Mr. Aitkin. We conversed a few minutes, and I left him. Soon afterwards
      I read a short essay with which I was much pleased, in one of Bradford's
      papers, against the slavery of the Africans in our country, and which I
      was informed was written by Mr. Paine. This excited my desire to be better
      acquainted with him. We met soon afterwards in Mr. Aitkin's bookstore,
      where I did homage to his principles and pen upon the subject of the
      enslaved Africans. He told me the essay to which I alluded was the first
      thing he had ever published in his life. After this Mr. Aitkin employed
      him as the editor of his Magazine, with a salary of fifty pounds currency
      a year. This work was well supported by him. His song upon the death of
      Gen. Wolfe, and his reflections upon the death of Lord Clive, gave it a
      sudden currency which few works of the kind have since had in our
      country."
    </p>
    <p>
      As the anti-slavery essay was printed March 8, 1775, it appears that Paine
      had been in America more than three months before Rush noticed him.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first number of the <i>Pennsylvania Magazine</i>, or <i>American
      Museum</i>, appeared at the end of January, 1775. Though "not concerned"
      in it pecuniarily, not yet being editor, his contributions increased the
      subscription list, and he was at once engaged. For eighteen months Paine
      edited this magazine, and probably there never was an equal amount of good
      literary work done on a salary of fifty pounds a year. It was a handsome
      magazine, with neat vignette&mdash;book, plough, anchor, and olive-twined
      shield,&mdash;the motto, <i>Juvat in sylvis kabitare</i>. The future
      author of the "Rights of Man" and "Age of Reason" admonishes
      correspondents that religion and politics are forbidden topics! The first
      number contains a portrait of Goldsmith and the picture of a new
      electrical machine. A prefatory note remarks that "the present
      perplexities of affairs" have "encompassed with difficulties the first
      number of the magazine, which, like the early snowdrop, comes forth in a
      barren season, and contents itself with modestly foretelling that choicer
      flowers are preparing to appear." The opening essay shows a fine literary
      touch, and occasionally a strangely modern vein of thought. "Our fancies
      would be highly diverted could we look back and behold a circle of
      original Indians haranguing on the sublime perfections of the age; yet 't
      is not impossible but future times may exceed us as much as we have
      exceeded them."
    </p>
    <p>
      Here is a forerunner of Macaulay's New Zea-lander sketching the ruins of
      St. Paul's. It is followed by a prediction that the coming American
      magazine will surpass the English, "because we are not exceeded in
      abilities, have a more extended field for inquiry, and whatever may be our
      political state, our happiness will always depend upon ourselves." A
      feature of the magazine was the description, with plates, of recent
      English inventions not known in the new world&mdash;threshing-machine,
      spinning-machine, etc.,&mdash;such papers being by Paine. These attracted
      the members of the Philosophical Society, founded by Franklin, and Paine
      was welcomed into their circle by Rittenhouse, Clymer, Rush, Muhlenberg,
      and other representatives of the scientific and literary metropolis. Many
      a piece composed for the Headstrong Club at Lewes first saw the light in
      this magazine,&mdash;such as the humorous poems, "The Monk and the Jew,"
      "The Farmer and Short's Dog, Porter"; also the famous ballad "On the Death
      of General Wolfe." printed March, 1775, with music. Lewes had not, indeed,
      lost sight of him, as is shown by a communication in April from Dr.
      Matthew Wilson, dated from that town, relating to a new kind of fever
      raging in England.
    </p>
    <p>
      The reader who has studied Paine's avowed and well-known works finds no
      difficulty in tracking him beneath the various signatures by which he
      avoided an appearance of writing most of the articles in the <i>Pennsylvania
      Magazine</i>, though he really did. He is now "Atlanticus," now "Vox
      Populi," or "Æsop," and oftener affixes no signature. The Thetford Quaker
      is still here in "Reflections on the Death of Lord Clive" (reprinted as a
      pamphlet in England), "A New Anecdote of Alexander the Great," and
      "Cursory Reflections on the Single Combat or Modern Duel." The duel was
      hardly yet challenged in America when Paine wrote (May, 1775)
    </p>
    <p>
      "From the peculiar prevalence of this custom in countries where the
      religious system is established which, of all others, most expressly
      prohibits the gratification of revenge, with every species of outrage and
      violence, we too plainly see how little mankind are in reality influenced
      by the precepts of the religion by which they profess to be guided, and in
      defence of which they will occasionally risk even their lives."
    </p>
    <p>
      But with this voice from Thetford meeting-house mingles the testimony of
      "common sense." In July, 1775, he writes:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am thus far a Quaker, that I would gladly agree with all the world to
      lay aside the use of arms, and settle matters by negotiations; but, unless
      the whole world wills, the matter ends, and I take up my musket, and thank
      heaven he has put it in my power.... We live not in a world of angels. The
      reign of Satan is not ended, neither can we expect to be defended by
      miracles."
    </p>
    <p>
      Titles he sees through (May, 1775):
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Honourable plunderer of his country, or the Right Honourable murderer
      of mankind, create such a contrast of ideas as exhibit a monster rather
      than a man. The lustre of the Star, and the title of My Lord, overawe the
      superstitious vulgar, and forbid them to enquire into the character of the
      possessor: Nay more, they are, as it were, bewitched to admire in the
      great the vices they would honestly condemn in themselves.... The
      reasonable freeman sees through the magic of a title, and examines the man
      before he approves him. To him the honours of the worthless seem to write
      their masters' vices in capitals, and their Stars shine to no other end
      than to read them by. Modesty forbids men separately, or collectively, to
      assume titles. But as all honours, even that of kings, originated from the
      public, the public may justly be called the true fountain of honour. And
      it is with much pleasure I have heard the title 'Honourable' applied to a
      body of men, who nobly disregarding private ease and interest for public
      welfare, have justly merited the address of <i>The Honourable Continental
      Congress</i>."
    </p>
    <p>
      He publishes (May, 1775), and I think wrote, a poetical protest against
      cruelty to animals, to whose rights Christendom was then not awakened. His
      pen is unmistakable in "Reflections on Unhappy Marriages" (June, 1775):
      "As extasy abates coolness succeeds, which often makes way for
      indifference, and that for neglect. Sure of each other by the nuptial
      bond, they no longer take any pains to be mutually agreeable. Careless if
      they displease, and yet angry if reproached; with so little relish for
      each other's company that anybody else's is more welcome, and more
      entertaining." It is a more pointed statement of the problem already
      suggested, in the April magazine, by his well-known fable "Cupid and
      Hymen," whose controversies are now settled in the Divorce Court.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his August (1775) number is found the earliest American plea for woman.
      It is entitled "An Occasional Letter on the Female Sex," and unsigned, but
      certainly by Paine. His trick of introducing a supposititious address from
      another person, as in the following extract, appears in many examples.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Affronted in one country by polygamy, which gives them their rivals for
      inseparable companions; inslaved in another by indissoluble ties, which
      often join the gentle to the rude, and sensibility to brutality: Even in
      countries where they may be esteemed most happy, constrained in their
      desires in the disposal of their goods, robbed of freedom of will by the
      laws, the slaves of opinion, which rules them with absolute sway, and
      construes the slightest appearances into guilt, surrounded on all sides by
      judges who are at once their tyrants and seducers, and who after having
      prepared their faults, punish every lapse with dishonour&mdash;nay usurp
      the right of degrading them on suspicion!&mdash;who does not feel for the
      tender sex? Yet such I am sorry to say is the lot of woman over the whole
      earth. Man with regard to them, in all climates and in all ages, has been
      either an insensible husband or an oppressor; but they have sometimes
      experienced the cold and deliberate oppression of pride, and sometimes the
      violent and terrible tyranny of jealousy. When they are not beloved they
      are nothing; and when they are they are tormented. They have almost equal
      cause to be afraid of indifference and love. Over three quarters of the
      globe Nature has placed them between contempt and misery."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Even among people where beauty receives the highest homage we find men
      who would deprive the sex of every kind of reputation. 'The most virtuous
      woman,' says a celebrated Greek, 'is she who is least talked of.' That
      morose man, while he imposes duties on women, would deprive them of the
      sweets of public esteem, and in exacting virtues from them would make it a
      crime to aspire to honour. If a woman were to defend the cause of her sex
      she might address him in the following manner:
    </p>
    <p>
      "'How great is your injustice! If we have an equal right with you to
      virtue, why should we not have an equal right to praise? The public esteem
      ought to wait upon merit. Our duties are different from yours, but they
      are not less difficult to fulfil, or of less consequence to society: They
      are the foundations of your felicity, and the sweetness of life. We are
      wives and mothers. 'T is we who form the union and the cordiality of
      families; 't is we who soften that savage rudeness which considers
      everything as due to force, and which would involve man with man in
      eternal war. We cultivate in you that humanity which makes you feel for
      the misfortunes of others, and our tears forewarn you of your own danger.
      Nay, you cannot be ignorant that we have need of courage not less than
      you: More feeble in ourselves, we have perhaps more trials to encounter.
      Nature assails us with sorrow, law and custom press us with constraint,
      and sensibility and virtue alarm us by their continual conflict. Sometimes
      also the name of citizen demands from us the tribute of fortitude. When
      you offer your blood to the state, think that it is ours. In giving it our
      sons and our husbands we give it more than ourselves. You can only die on
      the field of battle, but we have the misfortune to survive those whom we
      love the most. Alas! while your ambitious vanity is unceasingly laboring
      to cover the earth with statues, with monuments, and with inscriptions to
      eternize, if possible, your names, and give yourselves an existence when
      this body is no more, why must we be condemned to live and to die unknown?
      Would that the grave and eternal forgetfulness should be our lot. Be not
      our tyrants in all: Permit our names to be sometime pronounced beyond the
      narrow circle in which we live: Permit friendship, or at least love, to
      inscribe its emblems on the tomb where our ashes repose; and deny us not
      the public esteem which, after the esteem of one's self, is the sweetest
      reward of welldoing.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus the Pennsylvania Magazine, in the time that Paine edited it, was a
      seed-bag from which this sower scattered the seeds of great reforms
      ripening with the progress of civilization. Through the more popular press
      he sowed also. Events selected his seeds of American independence, of
      republican equality, freedom from royal, ecclesiastical, and hereditary
      privilege, for a swifter and more imposing harvest; but the whole circle
      of human ideas and principles was recognized by this lone wayfaring man.
      The first to urge extension of the principles of independence to the
      enslaved negro; the first to arraign monarchy, and to point out the danger
      of its survival in presidency; the first to propose articles of a more
      thorough nationality to the new-born States; the first to advocate
      international arbitration; the first to expose the absurdity and
      criminality of duelling; the first to suggest more rational ideas of
      marriage and divorce; the first to advocate national and international
      copyright; the first to plead for the animals; the first to demand justice
      for woman: what brilliants would our modern reformers have contributed to
      a coronet for that man's brow, had he not presently worshipped the God of
      his fathers after the way that theologians called heresy! "Be not
      righteous overmuch," saith cynical Solomon; "neither make thyself
      over-wise: why shouldest thou destroy thyself?"
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER V. LIBERTY AND EQUALITY
    </h2>
    <p>
      With regard to Paine's earliest publication there has been needless
      confusion. In his third <i>Crisis</i> he says to Lord Howe: "I have
      likewise an aversion to monarchy, as being too debasing to the dignity of
      man; but I never troubled others with my notions till very lately, nor
      ever published a syllable in England in my life." It has been alleged that
      this is inconsistent with his having written in 1772 "The Case of the
      Officers of Excise." But this, though printed (by William Lee of Lewes)
      was not published until 1793. It was a document submitted to Parliament,
      but never sold. The song on Wolfe, and other poetical pieces, though known
      to the Headstrong Club in Lewes, were first printed in Philadelphia.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Mr. W. H. Burr maintains that Paine wrote in the English
     Crisis (1775) under the name of "Casca." As Casca's articles
     bear intrinsic evidence of being written in London&mdash;such as
     his treating as facts General Gage's fictions about
     Lexington&mdash;the theory supposes Paine to have visited England
     in that year. But besides the facts that Rush had an
     interview with Paine near the middle of March, and Franklin
     in October, the accounts of Aitkin, preserved in
     Philadelphia, show payments to Paine in May, July, and
     August, 1775. As Mr. Burr's further theory, that Paine wrote
     the letters of Junius, rests largely on the identification
     with "Casca," it might be left to fall with disproof of the
     latter. It is but fair, however, to the labors of a
     courageous writer, and to the many worthy people who have
     adopted his views, to point out the impossibilities of their
     case.   An able summary of the facts discoverable concerning
     the personality of Junius, in Macaulay's "Warren Hastings,"
     says: "As to the position, pursuits, and connexions of
     Junius, the following are the most important facts which can
     be considered as clearly proved: first, that he was
     acquainted with the technical forms of the Secretary of
     State's office; secondly, that he was intimately acquainted
     with the business of the War Office; thirdly, that he,
     during the year 1770, attended debates in the House of
     Lords, and took notes of speeches, particularly of the
     speeches of Lord Chatham; fourthly, that he bitterly
     resented the appointment of Mr. Chamier to the place of
     Deputy Secretary of War; fifthly, that he was bound by some
     strong tie to the first Lord Holland."
</pre>
    <p>
      Now during the period of Junius' letters (Jan. 21, 1769, to Jan. 21, 1772)
      Paine was occupied with his laborious duties as exciseman at Lewes, and
      with the tobacco mill from which he vainly tried to extort a living for
      himself and wife, and her mother. Before that period there was no time at
      which Paine could have commanded the leisure or opportunities necessary to
      master the political and official details known to Junius, even had he
      been interested in them. He declares that he had no interest in politics,
      which he regarded as a species of "jockeyship." How any one can read a
      page of Junius and then one of Paine, and suppose them from the same pen
      appears to me inconceivable. Junius is wrapped up in the affairs of Lord
      This and Duke That, and a hundred details. I can as easily imagine Paine
      agitated with the movements of a battle of chessmen. But apart from this,
      the reader need only refer to the facts of his life before coming to
      America to acquit him of untruth in saying that he had published nothing
      in England, and that the cause of America made him an author.
    </p>
    <p>
      In America Wolfe again rises before Paine's imagination. In the <i>Pennsylvania
      Journal</i>, January 4th, appears a brief "Dialogue between General Wolfe
      and General Gage in a Wood near Boston." Wolfe, from the Elysian Fields,
      approaches Gage with rebuke for the errand on which he has come to
      America, and reminds him that he is a citizen as well as a soldier. "If
      you have any regard for the glory of the British name, and if you prefer
      the society of Grecian, Roman, and British heroes in the world of spirits
      to the company of Jeffries, Kirk, and other royal executioners, I conjure
      you immediately to resign your commission."
    </p>
    <p>
      Although this "Dialogue" was the first writing of Paine published, it was
      not the first written for publication. The cause that first moved his
      heart and pen was that of the negro slave. Dr. Rush's date of his meeting
      with Paine, 1773,&mdash;a year before his arrival,&mdash;is one of a
      number of errors in his letter, among these being his report that Paine
      told him the antislavery essay was the first thing he had ever published.
      Paine no doubt told him it was the first thing he ever wrote and offered
      for publication; but it was not published until March 8th. Misled by
      Rush's words, Paine's editors and our historians of the antislavery
      movement have failed to discover this early manifesto of abolitionism. It
      is a most remarkable article. Every argument and appeal, moral, religious,
      military, economic, familiar in our subsequent anti-slavery struggle, is
      here found stated with eloquence and clearness. Having pointed out the
      horrors of the slave trade and of slavery, he combats the argument that
      the practice was permitted to the Jews. Were such a plea allowed it would
      justify adoption of other Jewish practices utterly unlawful "under clearer
      light." The Jews indeed had no permission to enslave those who never
      injured them, but all such arguments are unsuitable "since the time of
      reformation came under Gospel light. All distinctions of nations, and
      privileges of one above others, are ceased. Christians are taught to
      account all men their neighbours; and love their neighbours as themselves;
      and do to all men as they would be done by; to do good to all men; and
      man-stealing is ranked with enormous crimes." Bradford might naturally
      hesitate some weeks before printing these pointed reproofs. "How just, how
      suitable to our crime is the punishment with which Providence threatens
      us? We have enslaved multitudes, and shed much innocent blood, and now are
      threatened with the same." In the conclusion, a practical scheme is
      proposed for liberating all except the infirm who need protection, and
      settling them on frontier lands, where they would be friendly protectors
      instead of internal foes ready to help any invader who may offer them
      freedom.
    </p>
    <p>
      This wonderful article is signed "Justice and Humanity." Thomas Paine's
      venture in this direction was naturally welcomed by Dr. Rush, who some
      years before had written a little pamphlet against the slave trade, and
      deploring slavery, though he had not proposed or devised any plan for
      immediate emancipation. Paine's paper is as thorough as Garrison himself
      could have made it. And, indeed, it is remarkable that Garrison, at a time
      when he shared the common prejudices against Paine, printed at the head of
      his <i>Liberator</i> a motto closely resembling Paine's. The motto of
      Paine was: "The world is my country, my religion is to do good"; that of
      the <i>Liberator</i>: "Our country is the world, our countrymen are all
      mankind." Garrison did characteristic justice to Paine when he had
      outgrown early prejudices against him.* On April 12th, thirty-five days
      after Paine's plea for emancipation, the first American Antislavery
      Society was formed, in Philadelphia.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * It will be seen by the "Life of William Lloyd Garrison,"
     i., p. 219, and iii., p. 145, that Mr. Garrison did not know
     of Paine's motto ("Rights of Man," i., chap. v.). His review
     of Paine's works appeared November, 1845.    The
     Liberator first appeared January 1, 1831.
</pre>
    <p>
      Although the dialogue between Wolfe and Gage (January 4th) shows that
      Paine shared the feeling of America, the earlier numbers of his <i>Pennsylvania
      Magazine</i> prove his strong hope for reconciliation. That hope died in
      the first collision; after Lexington he knew well that separation was
      inevitable. A single sentence in the magazine intimates the change. The
      April number, which appeared soon after the "Lexington massacre," contains
      a summary of Chatham's speech, in which he said the crown would lose its
      lustre if "robbed of so principal a jewel as America." Paine adds this
      footnote: "The principal jewel of the crown actually dropt out at the
      coronation." There was probably no earlier printed suggestion of
      independence by any American.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The London Chronicle, of October 25, 1774, printed Major
     Cartwright's "American Independence the Interest and Glory
     of Great Britain," and it was reprinted in the Pennsylvania
     Journal. Although it has little relation to the form in
     which the question presently suggested itself, the article
     is interesting as an indication that separation was then
     more talked of in England than in America. Twelve years
     before the Revolution a pamphlet in favor of separation was
     written by Josiah Tucker of Bristol, England. Then as now
     colonists were more loyal than the English at home.
</pre>
    <p>
      There are three stages in the evolution of the Declaration of
      Independence. The colonies reached first the resolution of resistance,
      secondly of separation, and thirdly of republicanism.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the matter of resistance the distribution of honors has been rather
      literary than historical. In considering the beginnings of the Revolution
      our minds fly at once to the Tea-party in Boston harbor, then to
      Lexington, where seven Massachusetts men fell dead, and seven years of war
      followed. But two years before the tea was thrown overboard, and four
      years before the Lexington massacre, North Carolinians had encountered
      British troops, had left two hundred patriots fallen, and seen their
      leaders hanged for treason. Those earliest martyrs are almost forgotten
      because, in the first place, North Carolina produced no historians, poets,
      magazines, to rehearse their story from generation to generation. In the
      second place, the rebellion which Governor Tryon crushed at Alamance,
      though against the same oppressions, occurred in 1771, before the colonies
      had made common cause. Governmental anachronisms have a tendency to take
      refuge in colonies. Had Great Britain conceded to Americans the
      constitutional rights of Englishmen there could have been no revolution.
      Before the time of George III. British governors had repeatedly revived in
      America prerogatives extinct in England, but the colonists had generally
      been successful in their appeals to the home government. Even in 1774 the
      old statesmen in America had not realized that a king had come who meant
      to begin in America his mad scheme of governing as well as reigning. When,
      in September, 1774, the first Continental Congress assembled, its members
      generally expected to settle the troubles with the "mother country" by
      petitions to Parliament. There is poetic irony in the fact that the first
      armed resistance to royal authority in America was by the North Carolina
      "Regulators." On the frontiers, before official courts were established,
      some kind of law and order had to be maintained, and they were protected
      by a volunteer police called "Regulators." In the forests of Virginia, two
      hundred years ago, Peter Lynch was appointed judge by his neighbors
      because of his wisdom and justice, and his decisions were enforced by
      "Regulators." Judge Lynch's honorable name is now degraded into a
      precedent for the cowardly ruffians who hunt down unarmed negroes,
      Italians, and Chinamen, and murder them without trial, or after their
      acquittal. But such was not the case with our frontier courts and
      "Regulators," which were civilized organizations, though unauthorized. For
      several years before the Revolution lawful and civilized government in
      some of the colonies depended on unauthorized administrations. The
      authorized powers were the "lynchers," as they would now be called, with
      traditional misrepresentation of Peter Lynch. The North Carolina
      Regulators of 1771 were defending the English constitution against a king
      and a governor acting as lawlessly as our vile lynchers and "White Caps."
      It was remarked, by Paine among others that after the royal authority was
      abolished, though for a long time new governments were not established,
      "order and harmony were preserved as inviolate as in any country in
      Europe."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "The Rights of Man," part ii., chapter i.
</pre>
    <p>
      In the dialogue between Wolfe and Gage, Paine writes as an Englishman; he
      lays no hand on the constitution, nor considers the sovereign involved in
      ministerial iniquities. Apart from his Quaker sentiments he felt dismay at
      a conflict which interrupted his lucrative school, and the literary
      opportunities afforded by his magazine. "For my own part," he wrote to
      Franklin, "I thought it very hard to have the country set on fire about my
      ears almost the moment I got into it." And indeed there was a general
      disgust among the patriots during the year 1775, while as yet no great aim
      or idea illumined the smoke of battle. They were vehemently protesting
      that they had no wish for separation from England, just as in the
      beginning of our civil war leading Unionists declared that they would not
      interfere with slavery. In March, 1775, Franklin maintained the assurance
      he had given Lord Chatham in the previous year, that he had never heard in
      America an expression in favor of independence, "from any person drunk or
      sober." Paine says that on his arrival he found an obstinate attachment to
      Britain; "it was at that time a kind of treason to speak against it."
      "Independence was a doctrine scarce and rare even towards the conclusion
      of the year 1775." In May, George Washington, on his way to Congress, met
      the Rev. Jonathan Boucher, in the middle of the Potomac; while their boats
      paused, the clergyman warned his friend that the path on which he was
      entering might lead to separation from England. "If you ever hear of my
      joining in any such measures," said Washington, "you have my leave to set
      me down for everything wicked."* Although Paine, as we shall see, had no
      reverence for the crown, and already foresaw American independence, he
      abhorred the method of war. In the first number of his magazine he writes:
      "The speeches of the different governors pathetically lament the present
      distracted state of affairs. Yet they breathe a spirit of mildness as well
      as tenderness, and give encouragement to hope that some happy method of
      accommodation may yet arise."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Notes and Queries (Eng.), series 3 and 5. See also in
     Lippincotts Maga-rine, May, 1889, my paper embodying the
     correspondence of Washington and Boucher.
</pre>
    <p>
      But on April 19th came the "massacre at Lexington," as it was commonly
      called. How great a matter is kindled by a small fire! A man whose name
      remains unknown, forgetful of Captain Parker's order to his minute-men not
      to fire until fired on, drew his trigger on the English force advancing to
      Concord; the gun missed fire, but the little flash was answered by a
      volley; seven men lay dead. In the blood of those patriots at Lexington
      the Declaration of Independence was really written. From town-meetings
      throughout the country burning resolutions were hurled on General Gage in
      Boston, who had warned Major Pitcairn, commander of the expedition, not to
      assume the offensive. From one county, Mecklenburg, North Carolina, were
      sent to Congress twenty resolutions passed by its committee, May 31st,
      declaring "all laws and commissions confirmed by or derived from the
      authority of the King and Parliament are anulled and vacated," and that,
      "whatever person shall hereafter receive a commission from the crown, or
      attempt to exercise any such commission heretofore received, shall be
      deemed an enemy to his country."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * These resolutions further organized a provisional
     government to be in force until "the legislative body of
     Great Britain resign its unjust and arbitrary pretensions
     with respect to America." In 1819 a number of witnesses
     stated that so early as May 20th Mecklenburg passed an
     absolute Declaration of Independence, and it is possible
     that, on receipt of the tidings from Lexington, some popular
     meeting at Charlottetown gave vent to its indignation in
     expressions, or even resolutions, which were tempered by the
     County Committee eleven days later. The resolutions
     embodying the supposititious "Declaration," written out
     (1800) from memory by the alleged secretary of the meeting
     (Dr. Joseph McKnitt Alexander), are believed by Dr. Welling
     to be "an honest effort to reproduce, according to the best
     of his recollection, the facts and declarations contained in
     the genuine manuscripts of May 31, after that manifesto had
     been forgotten."&mdash;(North American Review, April, 1874.) But
     the testimony is very strong in favor of two sets of
     resolutions.
</pre>
    <p>
      Many years after the independence of America had been achieved, William
      Cobbett, on his return to England after a long sojourn in the United
      States, wrote as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "As my Lord Grenville introduced the name of Burke, suffer me, my Lord, to
      introduce that of a man who put this Burke to shame, who drove him off the
      public stage to seek shelter in the pension list, and who is now named
      fifty million times where the name of the pensioned Burke is mentioned
      once. The cause of the American colonies was the cause of the English
      Constitution, which says that no man shall be taxed without his own
      consent.... A little thing sometimes produces a great effect; an insult
      offered to a man of great talent and unconquerable perseverance has in
      many instances produced, in the long run, most tremendous effects; and it
      appears to me very clear that some beastly insults, offered to Mr. Paine
      while he was in the Excise in England, was the real cause of the
      Revolution in America; for, though the nature of the cause of America was
      such as I have before described it; though the principles were firm in the
      minds of the people of that country; still, it was Mr. Paine, and Mr.
      Paine alone, who brought those principles into action."
    </p>
    <p>
      In this passage Cobbett was more epigrammatic than exact. Paine, though
      not fairly treated, as we have seen, in his final dismissal from the
      excise, was not insulted. But there is more truth in what Cobbett suggests
      as to Paine's part than he fully realized. Paine's unique service in the
      work of independence may now be more clearly defined. It was that he
      raised the Revolution into an evolution. After the "Lexington massacre"
      separation was talked of by many, but had it then occurred America might
      have been another kingdom. The members of Congress were of the rich
      conservative "gentry," and royalists. Had he not been a patriot, Peyton
      Randolph, our first president, would probably have borne a title like his
      father, and Washington would certainly have been knighted. Paine was in
      the position of the abolitionists when the secession war began. They also
      held peace principles, and would have scorned a war for the old
      slave-holding union, as Paine would have scorned a separation from England
      preserving its political institutions. The war having begun, and
      separation become probable, Paine hastened to connect it with humanity and
      with republicanism. As the abolitionists resolved that the secession war
      should sweep slavery out of the country, Paine made a brave effort that
      the Revolution should clear away both slavery and monarchy. It was to be
      in every respect a new departure for humanity. So he anticipated the
      Declaration of Independence by more than eight months with one of his own,
      which was discovered by Moreau in the file of the <i>Pennsylvania Journal</i>,
      October 18th.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Mr. Moreau mentions it as Paine's in his MS. notes in a
     copy of Cheetham's book, now owned by the Pennsylvania
     Historical Society. No one familiar with Paine's style at
     the time can doubt its authorship.
</pre>
    <p>
      "A SERIOUS THOUGHT.
    </p>
    <p>
      "When I reflect on the horrid cruelties exercised by Britain in the East
      Indies&mdash;How thousands perished by artificial famine&mdash;How
      religion and every manly principle of honor and honesty were sacrificed to
      luxury and pride&mdash;When I read of the wretched natives being blown
      away, for no other crime than because, sickened with the miserable scene,
      they refused to fight&mdash;When I reflect on these and a thousand
      instances of similar barbarity, I firmly believe that the Almighty, in
      compassion to mankind, will curtail the power of Britain.
    </p>
    <p>
      "And when I reflect on the use she hath made of the discovery of this new
      world&mdash;that the little paltry dignity of earthly kings hath been set
      up in preference to the great cause of the King of kings&mdash;That
      instead of Christian examples to the Indians, she hath basely tampered
      with their passions, imposed on their ignorance, and made them the tools
      of treachery and murder&mdash;And when to these and many other melancholy
      reflections I add this sad remark, that ever since the discovery of
      America she hath employed herself in the most horrid of all traffics, that
      of human flesh, unknown to the most savage nations, hath yearly (without
      provocation and in cold blood) ravaged the hapless shores of Africa,
      robbing it of its unoffending inhabitants to cultivate her stolen
      dominions in the West&mdash;When I reflect on these, I hesitate not for a
      moment to believe that the Almighty will finally separate America from
      Britain. Call it Independancy or what you will, if it is the cause of God
      and humanity it will go on.
    </p>
    <p>
      "And when the Almighty shall have blest us, and made us a people <i>dependent
      only upon him</i>, then may our first gratitude be shown by an act of
      continental legislation, which shall put a stop to the importation of
      Negroes for sale, soften the hard fate of those already here, and in time
      procure their freedom.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Humanus."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VI. "COMMON SENSE"
    </h2>
    <p>
      In furrows ploughed deep by lawless despotism, watered with blood of
      patriots, the Thetford Quaker sowed his seed&mdash;true English seed. Even
      while he did so he was suspected of being a British spy, and might have
      been roughly handled in Philadelphia had it not been for Franklin.
      Possibly this suspicion may have arisen from his having, in the
      antislavery letter, asked the Americans "to consider with what consistency
      or decency they complain so loudly of attempts to enslave them, while they
      hold so many thousands in slavery." Perfectly indifferent to this, Paine
      devoted the autumn of 1775 to his pamphlet "Common Sense," which with the
      new year "burst from the press with an effect which has rarely been
      produced by types and paper in any age or country." So says Dr. Benjamin
      Rush, and his assertion, often quoted, has as often been confirmed.
    </p>
    <p>
      Of the paramount influence of Paine's "Common Sense" there can indeed be
      no question.* It reached Washington soon after tidings that Norfolk,
      Virginia, had been burned (Jan. 1st) by Lord Dunmore, as Falmouth (now
      Portland), Maine, had been, Oct 17, 1775, by ships under Admiral Graves.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "This day was published, and is now selling by Robert
     Bell, in Third Street, [Phil.] price two shillings, 'Common
     Sense,' addressed to the inhabitants of North America."&mdash;
     Pennsylvania Journal, Jan. 10, 1776.
</pre>
    <p>
      The General wrote to Joseph Reed, from Cambridge, Jan. 31st: "A few more
      of such flaming arguments as were exhibited at Falmouth and Norfolk, added
      to the sound doctrine and unanswerable reasoning contained in the pamphlet
      'Common Sense,' will not leave numbers at a loss to decide upon the
      propriety of separation."*
    </p>
    <p>
      Henry Wisner, a New York delegate in Congress, sent the pamphlet to John
      McKesson, Secretary of the Provincial Congress sitting in New York City,
      with the following note: "Sir, I have only to ask the favour of you to
      read this pamphlet, consulting Mr. Scott and such of the Committee of
      Safety as you think proper, particularly Orange and Ulster, and let me
      know their and your opinion of the general spirit of it. I would have
      wrote a letter on the subject, but the bearer is waiting." In pursuance of
      this General Scott suggested a private meeting, and McKesson read the
      pamphlet aloud. New York, the last State to agree to separation, was
      alarmed by the pamphlet, and these leaders at first thought of answering
      it, but found themselves without the necessary arguments. Henry Wisner,
      however, required arguments rather than orders, and despite the
      instructions of his State gave New York the honor of having one name among
      those who, on July 4th, voted for independence.** Joel Barlow, a student
      in Yale College at the beginning of the Revolution, has borne testimony to
      the great effect of Paine's pamphlet, as may be seen in his biography by
      Mr. Todd.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "The Writings of George Washington." Collected and edited
     by Wotthington Chauncey Ford, vol. iii., p. 396.

     ** Mag. Am. Hist., July, 1880, p. 62, and Dec., 1888, p.
     479. The Declaration passed on July 4th was not signed until
     Aug. 2d, the postponement being for the purpose of removing
     the restrictions placed by New York and Maryland on their
     delegates. Wisner, the only New York delegate who had voted
     for the Declaration, did not return until after the recess.
     In Trumbull's picture at the Capitol Thomas Stone, a signer
     for Maryland, is left out, and Robert Livingston of New York
     is included, though he did not sign it.
</pre>
    <p>
      An original copy of Paine's excise pamphlet (1792) in my possession
      contains a note in pencil, apparently contemporary, suggesting that the
      introduction was written by Barlow. In this introduction&mdash;probably by
      Barlow, certainly by a competent observer of events in America&mdash;it is
      said:
    </p>
    <p>
      "On this celebrated publication ['Common Sense'], which has received the
      testimony of praise from the wise and learned of different nations, we
      need only remark (for the merit of every work should be judged by its
      effect) that it gave spirit and resolution to the Americans, who were then
      wavering and undetermined, to assert their rights, and inspired a decisive
      energy into their counsels: we may therefore venture to say, without fear
      of contradiction, that the great American cause owed as much to the pen of
      Paine as to the sword of Washington."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * And yet&mdash;such was the power of theological intimidation&mdash;
     even heretical Barlow could find no place for Paine in his
     <i>Columbiad</i>(1807).
</pre>
    <p>
      Edmund Randolph, our first Attorney-General, who had been on Washington's
      staff in the beginning of the war, and conducted much of his
      correspondence, ascribed independence primarily to George III., but next
      to "Thomas Paine, an Englishman by birth, and possessing an imagination
      which happily combined political topics, poured forth in a style hitherto
      unknown on this side of the Atlantic, from the ease with which it
      insinuated itself into the hearts of the people who were unlearned, or of
      the learned."* This is from a devout churchman, writing after Paine's
      death. Paine's malignant biographer, Cheetham (1809), is constrained to
      say of "Common Sense": "Speaking a language which the colonists had felt
      but not thought, its popularity, terrible in its consequences to the
      parent country, was unexampled in the history of the press."**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Randolph's "History" (MS.), a possession of the Virginia
     Historical Society, has been confided to my editorial care
     for publication.

     ** See also the historians, Ramsay (Rev., i., p. 336,
     London, 1793), Gordon (Rev., ii., p. 78, New York, 1794),
     Bryant and Gay (U. S., iii., p. 471, New York, 1879).
</pre>
    <p>
      Let it not be supposed that Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, Randolph, and
      the rest, were carried away by a meteor. Deep answers only unto deep.
      Paine's ideas went far because they came far. He was the authentic
      commoner, representing English freedom in the new world. There was no dreg
      in the poverty of his people that he had not tasted, no humiliation in
      their dependence, no outlook of their hopelessness, he had not known, and
      with the addition of intellectual hungers which made his old-world despair
      conscious. The squalor and abjectness of Thetford, its corporation held in
      the hollow of Grafton's hand, its members of Parliament also, the
      innumerable villages equally helpless, the unspeakable corruptions of the
      government, the repeated and always baffled efforts of the outraged people
      for some redress,&mdash;these had been brought home to Paine in many ways,
      had finally driven him to America, where he arrived on the hour for which
      none had been so exactly and thoroughly trained. He had thrown off the old
      world, and that America had virtually done the same, constituted its
      attraction for him. In the opening essay in his magazine, written within a
      month of his arrival in the country (Nov. 30, 1774), Paine speaks of
      America as a "nation," and his pregnant sentences prove how mature the
      principles of independence had become in his mind long before the outbreak
      of hostilities.
    </p>
    <p>
      "America has now outgrown the state of infancy. Her strength and commerce
      make large advances to manhood; and science in all its branches has not
      only blossomed, but even ripened upon the soil. The cottages as it were of
      yesterday have grown to villages, and the villages to cities; and while
      proud antiquity, like a skeleton in rags, parades the streets of other
      nations, their genius, as if sickened and disgusted with the phantom,
      comes hither for recovery.... America yet inherits a large portion of her
      first-imported virtue. Degeneracy is here almost a useless word. Those who
      are conversant with Europe would be tempted to believe that even the air
      of the Atlantic disagrees with the constitution of foreign vices; if they
      survive the voyage they either expire on their arrival, or linger away in
      an incurable consumption. There is a happy something in the climate of
      America which disarms them of all their power both of infection and
      attraction."
    </p>
    <p>
      In presently raising the standard of republican independence, Paine speaks
      of separation from England as a foregone conclusion. "I have always
      considered the independency of this continent as an event which sooner or
      later must arrive." Great Britain having forced a collision, the very
      least that America can demand is separation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The object contended for ought always to bear some just proportion to the
      expence. The removal of North, or the whole detestable junto, is a matter
      unworthy the millions we have expended. A temporary stoppage of trade was
      an inconvenience which would have sufficiently balanced the repeal of all
      the acts complained of, had such repeals been obtained; but if the whole
      Continent must take up arms, if every man must be a soldier, 't is
      scarcely worth our while to fight against a contemptible ministry only.
      Dearly, dearly do we pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we
      fight for; for, in a just estimation, 't is as great a folly to pay a
      Bunker-hill price for law as for land.... It would be policy in the king,
      at this time, to repeal the acts for the sake of reinstating himself in
      the government of the provinces, in order that he may accomplish by craft
      and subtlety, in the long run, what he cannot do by force and violence in
      the short one. Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related."
    </p>
    <p>
      Starting with the lowest demand, separation, Paine shows the justice and
      necessity of it lying fundamentally in the nature of monarchy as
      represented by Great Britain, and the potential republicanism of colonies
      composed of people from all countries. The keynote of this is struck in
      the introduction. The author withholds his name "because the object of
      attention is the Doctrine itself, not the Man "; and he affirms, "the
      cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind."
    </p>
    <p>
      No other pamphlet published during the Revolution is comparable with
      "Common Sense" for interest to the reader of to-day, or for value as an
      historical document. Therein as in a mirror is beheld the almost
      incredible England, against which the colonies contended. And therein is
      reflected the moral, even religious, enthusiasm which raised the struggle
      above the paltriness of a rebellion against taxation to a great human
      movement,&mdash;a war for an idea. The art with which every sentence is
      feathered for its aim is consummate.
    </p>
    <p>
      The work was for a time generally attributed to Franklin. It is said the
      Doctor was reproached by a loyal lady for using in it such an epithet as
      "the royal brute of Britain." He assured her that he had not written the
      pamphlet, and would never so dishonor the brute creation.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his letter to Cheetham (1809) already referred to, Dr. Rush claims to
      have suggested the work to Paine, who read the sheets to him and also to
      Dr. Franklin. This letter, however, gives so many indications of an
      enfeebled memory, that it cannot be accepted against Paine's own
      assertion, made in the year following the publication of "Common Sense,"
      when Dr. Rush and Dr. Franklin might have denied it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In October, 1775, Dr. Franklin proposed giving me such materials as were
      in his hands towards completing a history of the present transactions, and
      seemed desirous of having the first volume out the next spring. I had then
      formed the outlines of 'Common Sense,' and finished nearly the first part;
      and as I supposed the doctor's design in getting out a history was to open
      the new year with a new system, I expected to surprise him with a
      production on that subject much earlier than he thought of; and without
      informing him of what I was doing, got it ready for the press as fast as I
      conveniently could, and sent him the first pamphlet that was printed off."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the other hand, Paine's memory was at fault when he wrote (December 3,
      1802): "In my publications, I follow the rule I began with in 'Common
      Sense.' that is, to consult nobody, nor to let anybody see what I write
      till it appears publicly." This was certainly his rule, but in the case of
      "Common Sense" he himself mentions (<i>Penn. Jour</i>., April 10, 1776)
      having shown parts of the MS. to a "very few." Dr. Rush is correct in his
      statement that Paine had difficulty in finding "a printer who had boldness
      enough to publish it," and that he (Rush) mentioned the pamphlet to the
      Scotch bookseller, Robert Bell. For Bell says, in a contemporary leaflet:
      "When the work was at a stand for want of a courageous Typographer, I was
      then recommended by a gentleman nearly in the following words: 'There is
      Bell, he is a Republican printer, give it to him, and I will answer for
      his courage to print it.'" Dr. Rush probably required some knowledge of
      the contents of the pamphlet before he made this recommendation.
    </p>
    <p>
      That Dr. Rush is mistaken in saying the manuscript was submitted to
      Franklin, and a sentence modified by him, is proved by the fact that on
      February 19th, more than a month after the pamphlet appeared, Franklin
      introduced Paine to Gen. Charles Lee with a letter containing the words,
      "He is the reputed and, I think, the real author of 'Common sense.'"
      Franklin could not have thus hesitated had there been in the work anything
      of his own, or anything he had seen. Beyond such disclosures to Dr. Rush,
      and one or two others, as were necessary to secure publication, Paine kept
      the secret of his authorship as long as he could. His recent arrival in
      the country might have impaired the force of his pamphlet.
    </p>
    <p>
      The authorship of "Common Sense" was guessed by the "Tory" President of
      the University of Philadelphia, the Rev. William Smith, D.D., who knew
      pretty well the previous intellectual resources of that city. Writing
      under the name of "Cato" he spoke of "the foul pages of interested
      writers, and strangers intermeddling in our affairs." To which "The
      Forester" (Paine) answers: "A freeman, Cato, is a stranger nowhere,&mdash;a
      slave, everywhere."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "The writer of 'Common Sense' and 'The Forester' is the
     same person. His name is Paine, a gentleman about two years
     ago from England,&mdash;a man who, General Lee says, has genius
     in his eyes."&mdash;John Adams to his wife.
</pre>
    <p>
      The publication of "Common Sense" had been followed by a number of
      applauding pamphlets, some of them crude or extravagant, from Bell's
      press. "Cato" was anxious to affiliate these "additional doses" on the
      author of "Common Sense," who replies:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Perhaps there never was a pamphlet, since the use of letters were known,
      about which so little pains were taken, and of which so great a number
      went off in so short a time. I am certain that I am within compass when I
      say one hundred and twenty thousand. The book was turned upon the world
      like an orphan to shift for itself; no plan was formed to support it,
      neither hath the author ever published a syllable on the subject from that
      time till after the appearance of Cato's fourth letter."
    </p>
    <p>
      This letter of "The Forester" is dated April 8th (printed on the 10th).
      "Common Sense," published January 10th, had, therefore, in less than three
      months, gained this sale. In the end probably half a million copies were
      sold. In reply to "Cato's" sneer about "interested writers," Paine did not
      announce the fact that he had donated the copyright to the States for the
      cause of independence. It was sold at two shillings, and the author thus
      gave away a fortune in that pamphlet alone. It never brought him a penny;
      he must even have paid for copies himself, as the publisher figured up a
      debt against him, on account of "Common Sense," for £29 12s. 1d.
      Notwithstanding this experience and the popularity he had acquired, Paine
      also gave to the States the copyright of his <i>Crisis</i> (thirteen
      numbers), was taunted by Tories as a "garreteer," ate his crust
      contentedly, peace finding him a penniless patriot, who might easily have
      had fifty thousand pounds in his pocket.
    </p>
    <p>
      The controversy between "Cato" and "The Forester" was the most important
      that preceded the Declaration of Independence. The president of the
      University represented "Toryism" in distress. The "massacre at Lexington"
      disabled him from justifying the government, which, however, he was not
      prepared to denounce. He was compelled to assume the tone of an American,
      while at the same time addressing his appeal "To the People of
      Pennsylvania," trying to detach its non-resident Quakers and its
      mercantile interest from sympathy with the general cause. Having a bad
      case, in view of Lexington, he naturally resorted to abuse of the
      plaintiff's attorney. He soon found that when it came to Quaker sentiment
      and dialect, his unknown antagonist was at home.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Remember, thou hast thrown me the glove, Cato, and either thee or I must
      tire. I fear not the field of fair debate, but thou hast stepped aside and
      made it personal. Thou hast tauntingly called me by name; and if I cease
      to hunt thee from every lane and lurking hole of mischief, and bring thee
      not a trembling culprit before the public bar, then brand me with reproach
      by naming me in the list of your confederates."
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Forester" declares his respect for the honest and undisguised
      opponents of independence. "To be nobly wrong is more manly than to be
      meanly right." But "Cato" wears the mask of a friend, and shall be proved
      a foe.
    </p>
    <p>
      The so-called "Tories" of the American Revolution have never had justice
      done them. In another work I have told the story of John Randolph, King's
      Attorney in Virginia, and there were many other martyrs of loyalty in
      those days.* Four months after the affair at Lexington, Thomas Jefferson
      wrote to John Randolph, in London: "Looking with fondness towards a
      reconciliation with Great Britain, I cannot help hoping you may be able to
      contribute towards expediting the good work." This was written on August
      25, 1775; and if this was the feeling of Jefferson only ten months before
      the Declaration, how many, of more moderate temper, surrounded "Cato" and
      "The Forester" in loyal and peace-loving Philadelphia? But "Cato" was
      believed ungenuine. The Rev. Dr. William Smith, who wrote under that name,
      a native of Aberdeen with an Oxonian D.D., had been a glowing Whig patriot
      until June, 1775. But his wife was a daughter of the loyalist, William
      Moore. This lady of fashion was distinguished by her contempt for the
      independents, and her husband, now near fifty, was led into a false
      position.**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Omitted Chapters of History, Disclosed in the Life and
     Papers of Edmund  Randolph," p.   20.

     ** R. H. Lee, in a letter to his brother (July 5, 1778) says:
    "We had a magnificent celebration of the anniversary of
     independence. The Whigs of the city dressed up a woman of
     the town with the monstrous head-dress of the Tory ladies,
     and escorted her through the town with a great concourse of
     people. Her head was elegantly and expensively dressed, I
     suppose about three feet high and proportionate width, with
     a profusion of curls, etc. The figure was droll, and
     occasioned much mirth. It has lessened some heads already,
     and will probably bring the rest within the bounds of
     reason, for they are monstrous indeed. The Tory wife of Dr.
     Smith has christened this figure Continella, or the Duchess
     of Independence, and prayed for a pin from her head by way
     of relic. The Tory women are very much mortified,
     notwithstanding this."&mdash;"Omitted Chapters of History," p.
     40.

     "Cato's" brilliant wife had to retire before "Continella" in
     the following year. The charter of the College of
     Philadelphia was taken away, and its president retired to an
     obscure living at Chestertown, Maryland. He had, however,
     some of the dexterity of the Vicar of Bray; when the cause
     he had reviled was nearly won he founded a "Washington"
     college in Maryland. He was chosen by that diocese for a
     bishop (1783), but the General Convention refused to
     recommend him for consecration. In 1789 he managed to regain
     his place as college president in Philadelphia.
</pre>
    <p>
      He held the highest literary position in Philadelphia, and perhaps felt
      some jealousy of Paine's fame. He picked out all the mistakes he could
      find in "Common Sense," and tried in every way to belittle his antagonist.
      Himself a Scotchman, his wife an Englishwoman, he sneered at Paine for
      being a foreigner; having modified his principles to those of the
      loyalist's daughter, he denounced Paine as an "interested writer." He was
      out of his element in the controversy he began with personalities. He
      spoke of the trouble as a lovers' quarrel. Paine answers:
    </p>
    <p>
      "It was not in the power of France or Spain, or all the other powers in
      Europe, to have given such a wound, or raised us to such mortal hatred as
      Britain hath done. We see the same kind of undescribed anger at her
      conduct, as we would at the sight of an animal devouring its young."
    </p>
    <p>
      The strongest point of "Cato" was based on the proposed embassy for
      negotiation, and he demanded reverence for "Ambassadors coming to
      negotiate a peace." To this "The Forester" replied:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Cato discovers a gross ignorance of the British Constitution in supposing
      that these men <i>can</i> be empowered to act as Ambassadors. To prevent
      his future errors, I will set him right. The present war differs from
      every other, in this instance, viz., that it is not carried on under the
      prerogative of the crown, as other wars have always been, but under the
      authority of the whole legislative power united; and as the barriers which
      stand in the way of a negotiation are not proclamations, but acts of
      Parliament, it evidently follows that were even the King of England here
      in person, he could not ratify the terms or conditions of a
      reconciliation; because, in the single character of King, he could not
      stipulate for the repeal of any acts of Parliament, neither can the
      Parliament stipulate for him. There is no body of men more jealous of
      their privileges than the Commons: Because they sell them."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine wrote three letters in reply to "Cato," the last of which contained
      a memorable warning to the people on the eve of the Declaration of
      Independence: "<i>Forget not the hapless African</i>." That was forgotten,
      but the summing up made Dr. William Smith an object of detestation. He
      never ventured into political controversy again, and when he returned from
      exile to Philadelphia, a penitent patriot, he found his old antagonist,
      Thomas Paine, honored by a degree from the University of Pennsylvania into
      which the college had been absorbed.
    </p>
    <p>
      On May 8th a fourth letter, signed "The Forester," appeared in the same
      paper (<i>Pennsylvania Journal</i>), which I at first suspected of not
      being from Paine's pen.* This was because of a sentence beginning: "The
      clergy of the English Church, of which I profess myself a member," etc.
      There is no need to question the truth of this, for, as we have seen,
      Paine had been confirmed, and no doubt previously baptized; nor is there
      reason to disbelieve the statement of Oldys that he wished to enter holy
      orders. There was a good deal of rationalism in the American church at
      that time, and that Paine, with his religious fervor and tendency to
      inquire, should have maintained his place in that scholarly church is
      natural. His quakerism was a philosophy, but he could by no means have
      found any home in its rigid and dogmatic societies in Philadelphia. The
      casual sentence above quoted was probably inserted for candor, as the
      letter containing it opens with a censure on the attitude of the Quakers
      towards the proposal for independence. The occasion was an election of
      four burgesses to represent Philadelphia in the State Assembly, a body in
      which Quakers (loyalists) preponderated. Had the independents been elected
      they must have taken the oath of allegiance to the crown, with which the
      State was at war. Indeed Paine declares that the "Tories" succeeded in the
      election because so many patriots were absent for defence of their
      country. Under these circumstances Paine urges the necessity of a popular
      convention. The House of Assembly is disqualified from "sitting in its own
      case."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * A theft of Paine's usual signature led to his first public
     identification of himself (Feb. 13, 1779). "As my signature,
     'Common Sense,' has been counterfeited, either by Mr.
     [Silas] Deane, or some of his adherents in Mr. Bradford's
     paper of Feb. 3, I shall subscribe this with my name, Thomas
     Paine." He, however, in Almon's Remembrancer (vol. viii.) is
     indexed by name in connection with a letter of the previous
     year signed "Common Sense."
</pre>
    <p>
      The extracts given from this letter are of historic interest as reflecting
      the conflict of opinions in Pennsylvania amid which the Declaration was
      passed two months later.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Whoever will take the trouble of attending to the progress and
      changeability of times and things, and the conduct of mankind thereon,
      will find that <i>extraordinary circumstances</i> do sometimes arise
      before us, of a species, either so purely natural or so perfectly
      original, that none but the man of nature can understand them. When
      precedents fail to assist us, we must return to the first principles of
      things for information, and think, as if we were the first men that
      thought. And this is the true reason, that in the present state of
      affairs, the wise are become foolish, and the foolish wise. I am led to
      this reflection by not being able to account for the conduct of the
      Quakers on any other; for although they do not seem to perceive it
      themselves, yet it is amazing to hear with what unanswerable ignorance
      many of that body, wise in other matters, will discourse on the present
      one. Did they hold places or commissions under the king, were they
      governors of provinces, or had they any interest apparently distinct from
      us, the mystery would cease; but as they have not, their folly is best
      attributed to that superabundance of worldly knowledge which in original
      matters is too cunning to be wise. Back to the first plain path of nature,
      friends, and begin anew, for in this business your first footsteps were
      wrong. You have now travelled to the summit of inconsistency, and that,
      with such accelerated rapidity as to acquire autumnal ripeness by the
      first of May. Now your <i>rotting time comes on</i>."
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Forester" reminds the Quakers of their predecessors who, in 1704,
      defended the rights of the people against the proprietor. He warns them
      that the people, though unable to vote, represent a patriotic power
      tenfold the strength of Toryism, by which they will not submit to be
      ruled.
    </p>
    <p>
      "He that is wise will reflect, that the safest asylum, especially in times
      of general convulsion, when no settled form of government prevails, is <i>the
      love of the people</i>. All property is safe under their protection. Even
      in countries where the lowest and most licentious of them have risen into
      outrage, they have never departed from the path of <i>natural</i> honor.
      Volunteers unto death in defence of the person or fortune of those who had
      served or defended them, division of property never entered the mind of
      the populace. It is incompatible with that spirit which impels them into
      action. An avaricious mob was never heard of; nay, even a miser, pausing
      in the midst of them, and catching their spirit, would from that instant
      cease to be covetous."
    </p>
    <p>
      The Quakers of Pennsylvania and New Jersey had held a congress in
      Philadelphia and issued (January 20th) "The Ancient Testimony and
      Principles of the People called Quakers renewed, with respect to the King
      and Government; and touching the Commotions now prevailing in these and
      other Parts of America; addressed to the People in General." Under this
      lamb-like tract, and its bleat of texts, was quite discoverable the "Tory"
      wolf; but it was widely circulated and became a danger. The Quakers of
      Rhode Island actually made efforts to smuggle provisions into Boston
      during the siege. Paine presently reviewed this testimony in a pamphlet,
      one extract from which will show that he could preach a better Quaker
      sermon than any of them:
    </p>
    <p>
      "O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles! If the
      bearing arms be sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by all the
      difference between wilful attack and unavoidable defence. Wherefore, if ye
      really preach from conscience, and mean not to make a political hobbyhorse
      of your religion, convince the world thereof by proclaiming your doctrine
      to our enemies, for they likewise bear arms. Give us proof of your
      sincerity by publishing it at St James's, to the commanders in chief at
      Boston, to the admirals and captains who are piratically ravaging our
      coasts, and to all the murdering miscreants who are acting in authority
      under Him whom ye profess to serve. Had ye the honest soul of Barclay ye
      would preach repentance to your king; ye would tell the Royal Wretch his
      sins, and warn him of eternal ruin; ye would not spend your partial
      invectives against the injured and insulted only, but, like faithful
      ministers, cry aloud and spare none."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Paine was not then aware of the extent of the intrigues of
     leading Quakers with the enemy. The State archives of
     England and France contain remarkable evidences on this
     subject. Paul Wentworth, in a report to the English
     government (1776 or 1777.) mentions the loyalty of Pemberton
     and the Quakers. Wentworth says that since the publication
     of "Common Sense" it had become hard to discover the real
     opinions of leading men. "Mr. Payne," he says, "should not
     be forgot. He is an Englishman, was schoolmaster in
     Philadelphia; must be driven to work; naturally indolent;
     led by His passions." These "passions," chiefly for liberty
     and humanity, seem to have so driven the indolent man to
     work that, according to Wentworth, his pamphlet "worked up
     [the people] to such a high temper as fitted them for the
     impression of the Declaration, etc." The Quakers, however,
     held out long, though more covertly. M. Gerard de Rayneval,
     in a letter from Philadelphia, Sept. 18, 1778, reports to
     his government: "During the occupation of Philadelphia by
     the English, proofs were obtained of the services rendered
     them by the Quakers; some of these were caught acting as
     spies, etc." La Luzerne writes (May 4, 1781): "All the
     Quakers in Philadelphia who have taken up arms, or
     voluntarily paid war taxes, have been excommunicated;
     these, increasing in number, declare themselves loyal." See
     for further information on this matter, "New Materials for
     the History of the American Revolution," etc   By John
     Durand.    New York, 1889,
</pre>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VII. UNDER THE BANNER OF INDEPENDENCE
    </h2>
    <p>
      As in North Carolina had occurred the first armed resistance to British
      oppressions (1771), and its Mecklenburg County been the first to organize
      a government independent of the Crown, so was that colony the first to
      instruct its delegates in Congress to vote for national independence. She
      was followed in succession by South Carolina,* Virginia,** Massachusetts,
      Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Georgia, New Jersey, Delaware,
      and Pennsylvania. Maryland passed patriotic resolutions, but not
      sufficiently decisive for its delegates to act. New York alone forbade its
      delegates to vote for independence.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Colonel Gadsden, having left the Continental Congress to
     take command in South Carolina, appeared in the provincial
     Congress at Charleston February 10,1776. "Col. Gadsden
     (having brought the first copy of Paine's pamphlet 'Common
     Sense, etc.,') boldly declared himself... for the
     absolute Independence of America. This last sentiment came
     like an explosion of thunder on the members" (Rev. John
     Drayton's Memoirs; etc., p. 172). The sentiment was
     abhorred, and a member "called the author of 'Common Sense'
     &mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;"; but on March 21st the pamphlet was reinforced by
     tidings of an Act of Parliament (Dec. 21, 1775) for seizure
     of American ships, and on March 23d South Carolina
     instructed its delegates at Philadelphia to agree to
     whatever that Congress should "judge necessary, etc."

     ** A thousand copies of "Common Sense" were at once ordered
     from Virginia, and many more followed. On April 1st
     Washington writes to Joseph Reed: "By private letters which
     I have lately received from Virginia, I find 'Common Sense'
     is working a wonderful change there in the minds of many
     men." On June 29th union with England was "totally dissolved"
     by Virginia.
</pre>
    <p>
      Meanwhile, on June 7th, Richard Henry Lee, in behalf of the Virginians,
      had submitted resolutions of independence; but as six States hesitated,
      Congress adjourned the decision until July 1st, appointing, however, (June
      11th) a committee to consider the proper form of the probable Declaration&mdash;Jefferson,
      John Adams, Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston. But this
      interval, from June 7th to July 1st, was perilous for independence. News
      came of the approach of Lord Howe bearing from England the "olive branch."
      The powerful colonies New York and Pennsylvania were especially anxious to
      await the proposals for peace. At this juncture Paine issued one of his
      most effective pamphlets, "A Dialogue between the Ghost of General
      Montgomery, Just Arrived from the Ely-sian Fields, and an American
      Delegate, in a Wood near Philadelphia." Montgomery, the first heroic
      figure fallen in the war, reproaches the hesitating delegate for
      willingness to accept pardon from a royal criminal for defending "the
      rights of humanity." He points out that France only awaits their
      declaration of independence to come to their aid, and that America "teems
      with patriots, heroes, and legislators who are impatient to burst forth
      into light and importance." The most effective part of the pamphlet,
      however, was a reply to the commercial apprehensions of New York and
      Pennsylvania. "Your dependance upon the Crown is no advantage, but rather
      an injury, to the people of Great Britain, as it increases the power and
      influence of the King. The people are benefited only by your trade, and
      this they may have after you are independent of the Crown." There is a
      shrewd prescience of what actually happened shown in this opportune work.
      Of course the gallant ghost remarks that "monarchy and aristocracy have in
      all ages been the vehicles of slavery." The allusion to the arming of
      negroes and Indians against America, and other passages, resemble clauses
      in one of the paragraphs eliminated from the original Declaration of
      Independence.
    </p>
    <p>
      At this time Paine saw much of Jefferson, and there can be little doubt
      that the anti-slavery clause struck out of the Declaration was written by
      Paine, or by some one who had Paine's anti-slavery essay before him. In
      the following passages it will be observed that the antitheses are nearly
      the same&mdash;"infidel and Christian," "heathen and Christian."
    </p>
    <p>
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    </p>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%">
      <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:m:moncure-daniel-conway-the-life-of-thomas-paine-volume-1-117.jpg" alt="Anti-slavery Essay 117-118 " width="100%" /><br />
    </div>
    <div class="fig" style="width:80%">
      <img alt="118 (129K)" src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:m:moncure-daniel-conway-the-life-of-thomas-paine-volume-1-118.jpg" width="100%" /><br />
    </div>
    <p>
      PARAGRAPH STRUCK OUT OF THE DECLARATION.
    </p>
    <p>
      "He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most
      sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who
      never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another
      hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither.
      This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of INFIDEL powers, is the warfare
      of the CHRISTIAN king of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market
      where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for
      suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this
      execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact
      of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms
      among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them by
      murdering the people on whom he has obtruded them, thus paying off former
      crimes committed against the LIBERTIES of one people with crimes which he
      urges them to commit against the LIVES of another."
    </p>
    <p>
      THOMAS PAINE.
    </p>
    <p>
      "&mdash;these inoffensive people are brought into slavery, by stealing
      them, tempting kings to sell subjects, which they can have no right to do,
      and hiring one tribe to war against another, in order to catch prisoners.
      By such wicked and inhuman ways the English, etc.... an hight of outrage
      that seems left by Heathen nations to be practised by pretended Chris
      Hansr
    </p>
    <p>
      "&mdash;that barbarous and hellish power which has stirred up the Indians
      and Negroes to destroy us; the cruelty hath a double guilt&mdash;it is
      dealing brutally by us and treacherously by them."
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus did Paine try to lay at the corner the stone which the builders
      rejected, and which afterwards ground their descendants to powder.
      Jefferson withdrew the clause on the objection of Georgia and South
      Carolina, which wanted slaves, and of Northerners interested in supplying
      them. That, however, was not known till all the parties were dead. Paine
      had no reason to suppose that the Declaration of human freedom and
      equality, passed July 4th, could fail eventually to include the African
      slaves. The Declaration embodied every principle he had been asserting,
      and indeed Cobbett is correct in saying that whoever may have written the
      Declaration Paine was its author. The world being his country, and America
      having founded its independence on such universal interests, Paine could
      not hesitate to become a soldier for mankind.* His Quaker principles,
      always humanized, were not such as would applaud a resistance in which he
      was not prepared to participate. While the signers of the Declaration of
      Independence were affixing their names&mdash;a procedure which reached
      from August 2d into November&mdash;Paine resigned his <i>Pennsylvania
      Magazine</i>, and marched with his musket to the front. He enlisted in a
      Pennsylvania division of the Flying Camp of ten thousand men, who were to
      be sent wherever needed. He was under General Roberdeau, and assigned at
      first to service at Amboy, afterwards at Bergen. The Flying Camp was
      enlisted for a brief period, and when that had expired Paine travelled to
      Fort Lee, on the Hudson, and renewed his enlistment. Fort Lee was under
      the command of General Nathaniel Greene who, on or about September 19th,
      appointed Paine a Volunteer Aide-de-camp.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Professor John Fiske (whose "American Revolution" suffers
     from ignorance of Paine's papers) appreciates the effect of
     Paine's "Common Sense" but not its cause. He praises the
     pamphlet highly, but proves that he has only glanced at it
     by his exception: "The pamphlet is full of scurrilous abuse
     of the English people; and resorts to such stupid arguments
     as the denial of the English origin of the Americans" (i.,
     p. 174). Starting with the principle that the cause of
     America is "the cause of all mankind," Paine abuses no
     people, but only their oppressors. As to Paine's argument,
     it might have appeared less "stupid" to Professor Fiske had
     he realized that in Paine's mind negroes were the equals of
     whites. However, Paine does not particularly mention negroes;
     his argument was meant to carry its point, and it might
     have been imprudent for him, in that connection, to have
     classed the slaves with the Germans, who formed a majority
     in Pennsylvania, and with the Dutch of New York. In replying
     to the "Mother-Country" argument it appears to me far from
     stupid to point out that Europe is our parent country, and
     that if English descent made men Englishmen, the descendants
     of William the Conqueror and half the peers of England were
     Frenchmen, and, if the logic held, should be governed by
     France.
</pre>
    <p>
      General Greene in a gossipy letter to his wife (November 2d) says: "Common
      Sense (Thomas Paine) and Colonel Snarl, or Cornwell, are perpetually
      wrangling about mathematical problems." On November 20th came the surprise
      of Fort Lee; the boiling kettles and baking ovens of a dinner to be
      devoured by the British were abandoned, with three hundred tents, for a
      retreat made the more miserable by hunger and cold. By November 22d the
      whole army had retreated to Newark, where Paine began writing his famous
      first <i>Crisis</i>.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Sec Almon's Remembrancer, 1777, p. 28, for Paine's graphic
     journal of this retreat, quoted from the Pennsylvania
     Journal. In reply to those who censured the retreat as
     pusillanimous, he states that "our army was at one time less
     than a thousand effective men and never more than 4,000,"
     the pursuers being "8,000 exclusive of their artillery and
     light horse"; he declares that posterity will call the
     retreat "glorious&mdash;and the names of Washington and Fabius
     will run paralell to eternity." In the Pennsylvania Packet
     (March 20, 1779) Paine says: "I had begun the first number
     of the Crisis while on the retreat, at Newark, with a design
     of publishing it in the Jersies, as it was General
     Washington's intention to have made a stand at Newark, could
     he have been timely reenforced; instead of which nearly
     half the army left him at that place, or soon after, their
     time being out."
</pre>
    <p>
      He could only write at night; during the day there was constant work for
      every soldier of the little force surrounding Washington. "I am wearied
      almost to death with the retrogade motion of things," wrote Washington to
      his brother (November 9th), "and I solemnly protest that a pecuniary
      reward of twenty thousand pounds a year would not induce me to undergo
      what I do; and after all, perhaps to lose my character, as it is
      impossible, under such a variety of distressing circumstances, to conduct
      matters agreeably to public expectation." On November 27th he writes from
      Newark to General Lee: "It has been more owing to the badness of the
      weather that the enemy's progress has been checked, than to any resistance
      we could make." Even while he wrote the enemy drew near, and the next day
      (November 28th) entered one end of Newark as Washington left the other. At
      Brunswick he was joined by General Williamson's militia, and on the
      Delaware by the Philadelphia militia, and could muster five thousand
      against Howe's whole army. "I tremble for Philadelphia," writes Washington
      to Lund Washington (December 10th). "Nothing in my opinion, but General
      Lee's speedy arrival, who has been long expected, though still at a
      distance (with about three thousand men), can save it." On December 13th
      Lee was a prisoner, and on the 17th Washington writes to the same
      relative:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your imagination can scarce extend to a situation more distressing than
      mine. Our only dependence now is upon the speedy enlistment of a new army.
      If this fails, I think the game will be pretty well up, as from
      disaffection and want of spirit and fortitude, the inhabitants, instead of
      resistance, are offering submission and taking protection from Gen. Howe
      in Jersey."
    </p>
    <p>
      The day before, he had written to the President of Congress that the
      situation was critical, and the distresses of his soldiers "extremely
      great, many of 'em being entirely naked and most so thinly clad as to be
      unfit for service." On December 18th he writes to his brother:
    </p>
    <p>
      "You can form no idea of the perplexity of my situation. No man, I
      believe, ever had a greater choice of difficulties, and less means to
      extricate himself from them. However, under a full persuasion of the
      justice of our cause, I cannot entertain an Idea that it will finally
      sink, tho' it may remain for some time under a cloud."
    </p>
    <p>
      Under that cloud, by Washington's side, was silently at work the force
      that lifted it Marching by day, listening to the consultations of
      Washington and his generals, Paine wrote by the camp fires; the winter
      storms, the Delaware's waves, were mingled with his ink; the half-naked
      soldiers in their troubled sleep dreaming of their distant homes, the
      skulking deserter creeping off in the dusk, the pallid face of the
      heavy-hearted commander, made the awful shadows beneath which was written
      that leaflet which went to the Philadelphia printer along with
      Washington's last foreboding letters to his relatives in Virginia. It was
      printed on December 19th,* and many copies reached the camp above Trenton
      Falls on the eve of that almost desperate attack on which Washington had
      resolved. On the 23d December he wrote to Colonel Joseph Reed:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The pamphlet was dated December 23rd, but it had appeared
     on the 19th in the Pennsylvania Journal, the pen none have
     achieved such vast results as Paine's  "Common  Sense" and
     his first <i>Crisis</i>, Before the battle of Trenton the half-
     clad, dis-heartened   soldiers   of   Washington   were
     called together in groups to listen to that thrilling
     exhortation.
</pre>
    <p>
      "Christmas-day, at night, one hour before day, is the time fixed upon for
      our attempt on Trenton. For Heaven's sake keep this to yourself, as the
      discovery of it may prove fatal to us; our numbers, sorry I am to say,
      being less than I had any conception of; but necessity, dire necessity
      will, nay must, justify any attempt."
    </p>
    <p>
      America has known some utterances of the lips equivalent to decisive
      victories in the field,&mdash;as some of Patrick Henry's, and the address
      of President Lincoln at Gettysburg.
    </p>
    <p>
      The opening words alone were a victory.
    </p>
    <p>
      "These are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the
      sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of his
      country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man
      and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this
      consolation with us, that the harder the conflict the more glorious the
      triumph: what we obtain too cheap we esteem too lightly; 't is dearness
      only that gives everything its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper
      price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial an
      article as Freedom should not be highly rated."
    </p>
    <p>
      Not a chord of faith, or love, or hope was left untouched. The very faults
      of the composition, which the dilettanti have picked out, were effective
      to men who had seen Paine on the march, and knew these things were written
      in sleepless intervals of unwearied labors. He speaks of what Joan of Arc
      did in "the fourteenth century," and exclaims: "Would that heaven might
      inspire some Jersey maid to spirit up her countrymen, and save her fair
      fellow sufferers from ravage and ravishment!" Joan was born in 1410, but
      Paine had no cyclopaedia in his knapsack. The literary musket reaches its
      mark. The pamphlet was never surpassed for true eloquence&mdash;that is,
      for the power that carries its point. With skilful illustration of lofty
      principles by significant details, all summed with simplicity and
      sympathy, three of the most miserable weeks ever endured by men were
      raised into epical dignity. The wives, daughters, mothers, sisters, seemed
      stretching out appealing hands against the mythically monstrous Hessians.
      The great commander, previously pointed to as "a mind that can even
      flourish upon care," presently saw his dispirited soldiers beaming with
      hope, and bounding to the onset,&mdash;their watchword: <i>These are the
      times that try men's souls</i>! /Trenton was won, the Hessians captured,
      and a New Year broke for America on the morrow of that Christmas Day,
      1776.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Paine's enemy, Cheetham, durst not, in the face of
     Washington's expression of his "lively sense of the
     importance of your [Paine's] works," challenge well known
     facts, and must needs partly confess them: "The number was
     read in the camp, to every corporal's guard, and in the army
     and out of it had more than the intended effect. The
     convention of New York, reduced by dispersion, occasioned by
     alarm, to nine members, was rallied and reanimated.
     Militiamen who, already tired of the war, were straggling
     from the army, returned. Hope succeeded to despair,
     cheerfulness to gloom, and firmness to irresolution. To the
     confidence which it inspired may be attributed much of the
     brilliant little affair which in the same month followed at
     Trenton." Even Oldys is somewhat impressed by Paine's
     courage: "The Congress fled.    All were dismayed.   Not so
     our author."
</pre>
    <p>
      Paine's Trenton musket had hardly cooled, or the pen of his first <i>Crisis</i>
      dried, before he began to write another. It appeared about four weeks
      after the battle and is addressed to Lord Howe. The Thetford mechanic has
      some pride in confronting this English lord who had offered the Americans
      mercy. "Your lordship, I find, has now commenced author, and published a
      Proclamation; I have published a Crisis." The rumors of his being a
      hireling scribe, or gaining wealth by his publications, made it necessary
      for Paine to speak of himself at the conclusion:
    </p>
    <p>
      "What I write is pure nature, and my pen and my soul have ever gone
      together. My writings I have always given away, receiving only the expense
      of printing and paper, and sometimes not even that. I never counted either
      fame or interest, and my manner of life, to those who know it, will
      justify what I say. My study is to be useful, and if your lordship loves
      mankind as well as I do, you would, seeing you cannot conquer us, cast
      about and lend your hand towards accomplishing a peace. Our independence,
      with God's blessing, we will maintain against all the world; but as we
      wish to avoid evil ourselves, we wish not to inflict it on others. I am
      never over-inquisitive into the secrets of the cabinet, but I have some
      notion that, if you neglect the present opportunity, it will not be in our
      power to make a separate peace with you afterwards; for whatever treaties
      or alliances we form we shall most faithfully abide by; wherefore you may
      be deceived if you think you can make it with us at any time."
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus the humble author of the Crisis offers the noble author of the
      Proclamation "mercy," on condition of laying down his arms, and going
      home; but it must be at once!
    </p>
    <p>
      If Howe, as is most likely, considered this mere impudence, he presently
      had reason to take it more seriously. For there were increasing
      indications that Paine was in the confidence of those who controlled
      affairs. On January 21st he was appointed by the Council of Safety in
      Philadelphia secretary to the commission sent by Congress to treat with
      the Indians at Easton, Pennsylvania. The commissioners, with a thousand
      dollars' worth of presents, met the Indian chiefs in the German Reformed
      Church (built 1776), and, as they reported to Congress, "after shaking
      hands, drinking rum, while the organ played, we proceeded to business."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Condit's "History of Easton," pp. 60, 118,
</pre>
    <p>
      The report was, no doubt, written by Paine, who for his services was paid
      £300 by the Pennsylvania Assembly (one of its advances for Congress,
      afterwards refunded). In a public letter, written in 1807, Paine relates
      an anecdote concerning this meeting with the Indians.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The chief of the tribes, who went by the name of King Last-night, because
      his tribe had sold their lands, had seen some English men-of-war in some
      of the waters of Canada, and was impressed with the power of those great
      canoes; but he saw that the English made no progress against us by land.
      This was enough for an Indian to form an opinion by. He could speak some
      English, and in conversation with me, alluding to the great canoes, he
      gave me his idea of the power of a king of England, by the following
      metaphor. 'The king of England,' said he, 'is like a fish. When he is in
      the water he can wag his tail; when he comes on land he lays down on his
      side.' Now if the English government had but half the sense this Indian
      had, they would not have sent Duckworth to Constantinople, and Douglas to
      Norfolk, to lay down on their side."
    </p>
    <p>
      On April 17th, when Congress transformed the "Committee of Secret
      Correspondence" into the "Committee of Foreign Affairs," Paine was elected
      its secretary. His friend, Dr. Franklin, had reached France in December,
      1776, where Arthur Lee and Silas Deane were already at work. Lord Howe
      might, indeed, have done worse than take Paine's advice concerning the
      "opportunity," which did not return. General Howe did, indeed, presently
      occupy a fine abode in Philadelphia, but only kept it warm, to be
      afterwards the executive mansion of President Washington.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER VIII. SOLDIER AND SECRETARY
    </h2>
    <p>
      After their disaster at Trenton, the English forces suspended hostilities
      for a long time. Paine, maintaining his place on General Greene's staff,
      complied with the wish of all the generals by wielding his pen during the
      truce of arms. He sat himself down in Philadelphia, "Second Street,
      opposite the Quaker meeting,"&mdash;as he writes the address. The Quakers
      regarded him as Antichrist pursuing them into close quarters. Untaught by
      castigation, the leaders of the Society, and chiefly one John Pemberton,
      disguised allies of the Howes, had put forth, November 20, 1776, a second
      and more dangerous "testimony." In it they counsel Friends to refuse
      obedience to whatever "instructions or ordinances" may be published, not
      warranted by "that happy constitution under which they and others long
      enjoyed tranquillity and peace." In his second <i>Crisis</i> (January 13,
      1777) Paine refers to this document, and a memorial, from "a meeting of a
      reputable number of the inhabitants of the city of Philadelphia," called
      attention of the Board of Safety to its treasonable character. The Board,
      however, not having acted, Paine devoted his next three months to a
      treatment of that and all other moral and political problems which had
      been developed by the course of the Revolution, and must be practically
      dealt with. In reading this third <i>Crisis</i>, one feels in every
      sentence its writer's increased sense of responsibility. Events had given
      him the seat of a lawgiver. His first pamphlet had dictated the
      Declaration of Independence, his second had largely won its first victory,
      his third had demonstrated the impossibility of subjugation, and offered
      England peace on the only possible terms. The American heart had responded
      without a dissonant note; he held it in his hand; he knew that what he was
      writing in that room "opposite the Quaker meeting" were Acts of Congress.
      So it proved. The third <i>Crisis</i> was dated April 19, 1777, the second
      anniversary of the first collision (Lexington). It was as effective in
      dealing with the internal enemies of the country as the first had been in
      checking its avowed foes. It was written in a city still largely, if not
      preponderantly, "tory," and he deals with them in all their varieties, not
      arraigning the Friends as a Society. Having carefully shown that
      independence, from being a natural right, had become a political and moral
      necessity, and the war one "on which a world is staked," he says that
      "Tories" endeavoring to insure their property with the enemy should be
      made to fear still more losing it on the other side. Paine proposes an
      "oath or affirmation" renouncing allegiance to the King, pledging support
      to the United States. At the same time let a tax of ten, fifteen, or
      twenty per cent be levied on all property. Each who takes the oath may
      exempt his property by holding himself ready to do what service he can for
      the cause; they who refuse the oath will be paying a tax on their
      insurance with the enemy. "It would not only be good policy but strict
      justice to raise fifty or one hundred thousand pounds, or more, if it is
      necessary, out of the estates and property of the King of England's
      votaries, resident in Philadelphia, to be distributed as a reward to those
      inhabitants of the city and State who should turn out and repulse the
      enemy should they attempt to march this way."
    </p>
    <p>
      These words were written at a moment when a vigorous opposition, in and
      out of Congress, was offered to Washington's Proclamation (Morris-town,
      January 25, 1777,) demanding that an oath of allegiance to the United
      States should be required of all who had taken such an oath to the King,
      non-jurors to remove within the enemy's lines, or be treated as enemies.
      Paine's proposal was partly followed on June 13th, when Pennsylvania
      exacted an oath of allegiance to the State from all over eighteen years of
      age.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine was really the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. His election had not
      been without opposition, and, according to John Adams, there was a
      suggestion that some of his earlier writings had been unfavorable to this
      country. What the reference was I cannot understand unless it was to his
      anti-slavery essay, in which he asked Americans with what consistency they
      could protest against being enslaved while they were enslaving others.
      That essay, I have long believed, caused a secret, silent, hostility to
      the author by which he suffered much without suspecting it. But he was an
      indefatigable secretary. An example of the care with which foreign
      representatives were kept informed appears in a letter to William Bingham,
      agent of Congress at Martinique.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Philadelphia, July 16th, 1777.&mdash;Sir,&mdash;A very sudden opportunity
      offers of sending you the News-papers, from which you will collect the
      situation of our Affairs. The Enemy finding their attempt of marching
      thro' the Jersies to this City impracticable, have retreated to Staten
      Island seemingly discontented and dispirited and quite at a loss what step
      next to pursue. Our Army is now well recruited and formidable. Our Militia
      in the several States ready at a day's notice to turn out and support the
      Army when occasion requires; and tho' we cannot, in the course of a
      Campaign, expect everything in the several Parts of the Continent, to go
      just as we wish it; yet the general face of our Affairs assures us of
      final success.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In the Papers of June 18th &amp; 25 and July 2d you will find Genl.
      Washington and Arnold's Letters of the Enemy's movement in, and retreat
      from the Jersies. We are under some apprehensions for Ticonderoga, as we
      find the Enemy are unexpectedly come into that Quarter. The Congress have
      several times had it in contemplation to remove the Garrison from that
      Place&mdash;as by Experience we find that Men shut up in Forts are not of
      so much use as in the field, especially in the highlands where every hill
      is a natural fortification.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am Sir
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your Obt. Humble Servt.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Secretry to the Committee for Foreign Affairs."'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * MS., for which I am indebted to Mr. Simon Gratz, Philadelphia.
</pre>
    <p>
      After the occupation of Philadelphia by the British (September 26, 1777),
      Paine had many adventures, as we shall presently see. He seems to have
      been with Washington at Valley Forge when the Pennsylvania Assembly and
      President (Thomas Wharton, Jr.,) confided to him the delicate and arduous
      task assigned by the following from Timothy Matlack, Secretary of the
      Assembly:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Lancaster, Oct. 10, 1777. Sir,&mdash;The Hon'ble house of As'y have
      proposed and Council have adopted a plan of obtaining more regular and
      constant intelligence of the proceeding of Gen. Washington's army than has
      hitherto been had. Everyone agrees that you are the proper person for this
      purpose, and I am directed by his Exc'y, the pr't, to write to you hereon
      (the Prs't being engaged in writing to the Gen'l, and the Express in
      waiting).
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Assembly have agreed to make you a reasonable compensation for your
      services in this business, if you think proper to engage in it, which I
      hope you will; as it is a duty of importance that there are few, however
      well disposed, who are capable of doing in a manner that will answer all
      the intentions of it&mdash;perhaps a correspondence of this kind may be
      the fairest opportunity of giving to Council some important hints that may
      occur to you on interesting subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Proper expresses will be engaged in this business. If the expresses which
      pass from headquarters to Congress can be made use of so much the better;&mdash;of
      this you must be judge.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I expect Mr. Rittenhouse will send you a copy of the testimony of the
      late Y. M. by this opp'y, if time will admit it to be copied&mdash;'t is a
      poor thing.&mdash;Yours, &amp;c, T. M."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Pa. Arch., 1779, p. 659.    Paine at once set to work: p.
     693, 694.
</pre>
    <p>
      What with this service, and his correspondence with foreign agents, Paine
      had his hands pretty full. But at the same time he wrote important letters
      to leading members of Congress, then in session at York, Pennsylvania.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subjoined letter sheds fresh light on a somewhat obscure point in our
      revolutionary history,&mdash;the obscurity being due to the evasions of
      American historians on an episode of which we have little reason to be
      proud. An article of Burgoyne's capitulation (October 17th) was as
      follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "A free passage to be granted to the army under General Burgoyne to Great
      Britain, upon condition of not serving again in North America during the
      present contest: and the port of Boston to be assigned for entry of
      transports to receive the troops whenever General Howe shall so order."
    </p>
    <p>
      A letter was written by Paine to Hon. Richard Henry Lee, dated at
      "Headquarters, fourteen miles from Philadelphia," October 30th, 1777.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I wrote you last Tuesday 21st Inst., including a Copy of the King's
      speech, since which nothing material has happened at Camp. Genl. McDougal
      was sent last Wednesday night 22d. to attack a Party of the Enemy who lay
      over the Schuylkill at Grey's Ferry where they have a Bridge. Genls.
      Greene &amp; Sullivan went down to make a diversion below German Town at
      the same Time. I was with this last Party, but as the Enemy withdrew their
      Detachment We had only our Labor for our Pains.
    </p>
    <p>
      "No Particulars of the Northern Affair have yet come to head Qrs., the
      want of which has caused much Speculation. A copy, said to be the Articles
      of Capitulation was recd. 3 or 4 days ago, but they rather appear to be
      some proposals made by Burgoyne, than the Capitulation itself. By those
      Articles it appears to me that Burgoyne has capitulated upon Terms, which
      we have a right to doubt the full performance of, Vizt., 'That the Offrs.
      and Men shall be Transported to England and not serve in or against North
      America during the present War'&mdash;or words to this effect.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I remark, that this Capitulation, if true, has the air of a National
      treaty; it is binding, not only on Burgoyne as a General, but on England
      as a Nation; because the Troops are to be subject to the conditions of the
      Treaty after they return to England and are out of his Command. It regards
      England and America as Separate Sovereign States, and puts them on an
      equal footing by staking the faith and honor of the former for the
      performance of a Contract entered into with the latter.
    </p>
    <p>
      "What in the Capitulation is stiled the '<i>Present War</i>' England
      affects to call a '<i>Rebellion</i>,' and while she holds this Idea and
      denies any knowledge of America as a Separate Sovereign Power, she will
      not conceive herself bound by any Capitulation or Treaty entered into by
      her Generals which is to bind her as a <i>Nation</i>, and more especially
      in those Cases where both Pride and present Advantage tempt her to a
      Violation. She will deny Burgoyne's Right and Authority for making such a
      Treaty, and will, very possibly, show her insult by first censuring him
      for entering into it, and then immediately sending the Troops back.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I think we ought to be exceedingly cautious how we trust her with the
      power of abusing our Credulity. We have no authority for believing she
      will perform that part of the Contract which subjects her not to send the
      Troops to America during the War. The insolent Answer given to the
      Commissrs. by Ld. Stormont, '<i>that the King's Ambassadors reed, no
      Letters from Rebels but when they came to crave Mercy?</i> sufficiently
      instructs us not to entrust them with the power of insulting Treaties of
      Capitulation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Query, Whether it wd. not be proper to detain the Troops at Boston &amp;
      direct the Commissioners at Paris to present the Treaty of Capitulation to
      the English Court thro' the hands of Ld. Stormont, to know whether it be
      the intention of that Court to abide strictly by the Conditions and
      Obligations thereof, and if no assurance be obtained to keep the Troops
      until they can be exchanged here.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Tho' we have no immediate knowledge of any alliance formed by our
      Commissioners with France or Spain, yet we have no assurance there is not,
      and our immediate release of those prisoners, by sending them to England,
      may operate to the injury of such Allied Powers, and be perhaps directly
      contrary to some contract subsisting between us and them prior to the
      Capitulation. I think we ought to know this first.&mdash;Query, ought we
      not (knowing the infidelity they have already acted) to suspect they will
      evade the Treaty by putting back into New York under pretence of distress.&mdash;I
      would not trust them an inch farther than I could see them in the present
      state of things.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Army was to have marched yesterday about 2 or 3 Miles but the weather
      has been so exceedingly bad for three days past as to prevent any kind of
      movement, the waters are so much out and the rivulets so high there is no
      passing from one part of ye Camp to another.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I wish the Northern Army was down here. I am apt to think that nothing
      materially offensive will take place on our part at present. Some Means
      must be taken to fill up the Army this winter. I look upon the recruiting
      service at an end and that some other plan must be adopted. Suppose the
      Service be by draft&mdash;and that those who are not drawn should
      contribute a Dollar or two Dollars a Man to him on whom the lot falls.&mdash;something
      of this kind would proportion the Burthen, and those who are drawn would
      have something either to encourage them to go, or to provide a substitute
      with&mdash;After closing this Letter I shall go again to Fort Mifflin; all
      was safe there on the 27th, but from some preparations of the Enemy they
      expect another attack somewhere.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The enclosed return of provision and Stores is taken from an account
      signed by Burgoyne and sent to Ld. George Germain. I have not time to Copy
      the whole. Burgoyne closes his Letter as follows, 'By a written account
      found in the Commissary's House at Ticonderoga Six thousand odd hundred
      Persons were fed from the Magazine the day before the evacuation.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am Dear Sir, Yr. Affectionate Hble. Servt.
    </p>
    <p>
      "T. Paine. "Respectful Compts. to Friends.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If the Congress has the Capitulation and Particulars of ye Surrender,
      they do an exceeding wrong thing by not publishing ym. because they
      subject the whole Affair to Suspicion."'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * I am indebted for this letter to Dr. John S. H. Fogg of
     Boston. It bears the superscription: "Honbl. Richd. Henry
     Lee Esq. (in Congress) York Town. Forwarded by yr humble
     Servt. T. Matlack, Nov. 1, 1777." Endorsed in handwriting of
     Lee: "Oct: 1777. Mr. Paine, Author of 'Common Sense.'"
</pre>
    <p>
      Had this proposal of Paine, with regard to Bur-goyne's capitulation, been
      followed at once, a blot on the history of our Revolution might have been
      prevented. The time required to march the prisoners to Boston and prepare
      the transports would have given England opportunity to ratify the articles
      of capitulation. Washington, with characteristic inability to see
      injustice in anything advantageous to America, desired Congress to delay
      in every possible way the return of the prisoners to England, "since the
      most virtuous adhesion to the articles would not prevent their replacing
      in garrison an equal number of soldiers who might be sent against us." The
      troops were therefore delayed on one pretext and another until Burgoyne
      declared that "the publick faith is broke." Congress seized on this remark
      to resolve that the embarkation should be suspended until an "explicit
      ratification of the Convention of Saratoga shall be properly ratified by
      the Court of Great Britain." This resolution, passed January 8, 1778, was
      not communicated to Burgoyne until February 4th. If any one should have
      suffered because of a remark made in a moment of irritation it should have
      been Burgoyne himself; but he was presently allowed to proceed to England,
      while his troops were retained,&mdash;a confession that Burgoyne's casual
      complaint was a mere pretext for further delay. It may be added that the
      English government behaved to its surrendered soldiers worse than
      Congress. The question of ratifying the Saratoga Convention was involved
      in a partisan conflict in Parliament, the suffering prisoners in America
      were forgotten, and they were not released until the peace,&mdash;five
      years after they had marched "with the honours of war," under a pledge of
      departure conceded by Gen. Gates in reply to a declaration that unless
      conceded they would "to a man proceed to any act of desperation sooner
      than submit."
    </p>
    <p>
      Concerning this ugly business there is a significant silence in Paine's
      public writings. He would not have failed to discuss the matter in his <i>Crisis</i>
      had he felt that anything honorable to the American name or cause could be
      made out of it.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Professor Fiske ("Am. Revolution," i., p. 341) has a
     ferocious attack on Congress for breaking faith in this
     matter, but no doubt he has by this time read, in Ford's
     "Writings of Washington," (vol. vi.) the letters which bring
     his attack on the great commander's own haloed head.
</pre>
    <p>
      In his letter to Hon. R. H. Lee (October 30, 1777) Paine mentions that he
      is about leaving the head-quarters near Philadelphia for Fort Mifflin. Mr.
      Asa Bird Gardener, of New York, who has closely studied Paine's military
      career, writes me some account of it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Major-Gen. Greene was charged with the defence of the Delaware, and part
      of Brig.-Gen. Varnum's brigade was placed in garrison at Fort Mercer, Red
      Bank, and at Fort Mifflin, Mud Island. A bloody and unsuccessful assault
      was made by Count Donop and 1,200 Hessians on Fort Mercer, defended by the
      1 st and 2d Reg'ts. R. I. Continental Inf'y. The entire British fleet was
      then brought up opposite Fort Mifflin, and the most furious cannonade, and
      most desperate but finally unsuccessful defence of the place was made. The
      entire works were demolished, and most of the garrison killed and wounded.
      Major-Gen. Greene being anxious for the garrison and desirous of knowing
      its ability to resist sent Mr. Paine to ascertain. He accordingly went to
      Fort Mercer, and from thence, on Nov. 9 (1777) went with Col. Christopher
      Greene, commanding Fort Mercer, in an open boat to Fort Mifflin, during
      the cannonade, and were there when the enemy opened with two-gun batteries
      and a mortar battery. This <i>very</i> gallant act shows what a fearless
      man Mr. Paine was, and entitles him to the same credit for service in the
      Revolution as any Continental could claim."
    </p>
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    <p>
      The succession of mistakes, surprises, panics, which occasioned the
      defeats before Philadelphia and ended in the occupation of that city by
      the British general, seriously affected the reputation of Washington.
      Though Paine believed that Washington's generalship had been at fault (as
      Washington himself probably did*), he could utter nothing that might
      injure the great cause. He mistrusted the singleness of purpose of
      Washington's opponents, and knew that the commander-in-chief was as
      devoted as himself to the American cause, and would never surrender it
      whatever should befall. While, therefore, the intrigues were going on at
      Yorktown, Pennsylvania, whither Congress had retreated, and Washington
      with his ill-fed and ill-clad army were suffering at Valley Forge, Paine
      was writing his fifth <i>Crisis</i>, which had the most happy effect. It
      was dated at Lancaster, March 121, 1778. Before that time (February 19th)
      General Gates had made his peace with Washington, and the intrigue was
      breaking up, but gloom and dissatisfaction remained. The contrast between
      the luxurious "Tories" surrounding Howe in Philadelphia, and Washington's
      wretched five thousand at Valley Forge, was demoralizing the country. The
      first part of this <i>Crisis</i>, addressed "to General Sir William Howe,"
      pointed wrangling patriots to the common enemy; the second, addressed "to
      the inhabitants of America," sounded a note of courage, and gave good
      reasons for it. Never was aid more artistic than that Paine's pen now gave
      Washington. The allusions to him are incidental, there is no accent of
      advocacy. While mentioning "the unabated fortitude of a Washington," he
      lays a laurel on the brow of Gates, on that of Herkimer, and even on the
      defeated. While belittling all that Howe had gained, telling him that in
      reaching Philadelphia, he "mistook a trap for a conquest," he reunites
      Washington and Gates, in the public mind, by showing the manoeuvres of the
      one near Philadelphia part of the other's victory at Saratoga. It is easy
      for modern eulogists of Washington to see this, but when Paine said it,&mdash;apparently
      aiming only to humiliate Howe,&mdash;the sentence was a sunbeam parting a
      black cloud. Coming from a member of Greene's staff, from an author whose
      daring at Fort Mifflin had made him doubly a hero; from the military
      correspondent of the Pennsylvania Council, and the Secretary of the
      Congressional Committee of Foreign Affairs,&mdash;Paine's optimistic view
      of the situation had immense effect. He hints his official knowledge that
      Britain's "reduced strength and exhausted coffers in a three years' war
      with America hath given a powerful superiority to France and Spain," and
      advises Americans to leave wrangling to the enemy. "We never had so small
      an army to fight against, nor so fair an opportunity of final success as
      <i>now</i>."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * See his letter to the President of Congress. Ford's,
     "Writings of Washington," vol. vi., p. 82.
</pre>
    <p>
      This fifth <i>Crisis</i> was written mainly at Lancaster, Pa., at the
      house of William Henry, Jr., where he several times found shelter while
      dividing his time between Washington's head-quarters and York.* Every
      number of the <i>Crisis</i> was thus written with full information from
      both the military and political leaders. This <i>Crisis</i> was finished
      and printed at York, and there Paine begins No. VI. The "stone house on
      the banks of the Cadorus," at York, is still pointed out by a trustworthy
      tradition as that to which he bore the chest of congressional papers with
      which he had fled to Trenton, when Howe entered Philadelphia.** It is a
      pleasant abode in a picturesque country, and no doubt Paine would have
      been glad to remain there in repose. But whoever slept on his watch during
      the Revolution Paine did not. The fifth <i>Crisis</i> printed, he goes to
      forward the crisis he will publish next. In April he is again at
      Lancaster, and on the 11th writes thence to his friend Henry Laurens,
      President of Congress.***
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * This I learn by a note from Mr. Henry's descendant, John
     W. Jordan. At this time Paine laid before Henry his scheme
     for steam-navigation.

     ** The house is marked "B. by J. B. Cookis in the year
     1761." It is probable that Congress deemed it prudent to
     keep important documents a little way from the edifice in
     the centre of the town where it met, a building which no
     longer stands.

     *** I am indebted to Mr. Simon Gratz, of Philadelphia, for
     this and several other letters of Paine to Laurens.
</pre>
    <p>
      "Lancaster, April 11th, 1778. Sir,&mdash;I take the liberty of mentioning
      an affair to you which I think deserves the attention of Congress. The
      persons who came from Philadelphia some time ago with, or in company with,
      a flag from the Enemy, and were taken up and committed to Lancaster Jail
      for attempting to put off counterfeit Contl. money, were yesterday brought
      to Tryal and are likely to escape by means of an artful and partial
      Construction of an Act of this State for punishing such offences. The Act
      makes it felony to counterfeit the money <i>emitted</i> by Congress, or to
      circulate such counterfeits knowing them to be so. The offenders' Council
      explained the word 'emitted' to have only a retrospect meaning by
      supplying the Idea of '<i>which have been</i>' 'emitted by Congress.'
      Therefore say they the Act cannot be applied to any money emitted after
      the date of the Act. I believe the words 'emitted by Congress' means only,
      and should be understood, to distinguish Continental Money from other
      Money, and not one Time from another Time. It has, as I conceive, no
      referrence to any Particular Time, but only to the particular authority
      which distinguishes Money so emitted from Money emitted by the State. It
      is meant only as a discription of the Money, and not of the Time of
      striking it, but includes the Idea of all Time as inseparable from the
      Continuance of the authority of Congress. But be this as it may; the
      offence is Continental and the consequences of the same extent. I can have
      no Idea of any particular State pardoning an offence against all, or even
      their letting an offender slip legally who is accountable to all and every
      State alike for his crime. The place where he commits it is the least
      circumstance of it. It is a mere accident and has nothing or very little
      to do with the crime itself. I write this hoping the Information will
      point out the necessity of the Congress supporting their emissions by
      claiming every offender in this line where the present deficiency of the
      Law or the Partial Interpretation of it operates to the Injustice and
      Injury of the whole Continent.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I beg leave to trouble you with another hint. Congress I learn has
      something to propose thro' the Commissrs. on the Cartel respecting the
      admission and stability of the Continental Currency. As Forgery is a Sin
      against all men alike, and reprobated by all civil nations, Query, would
      it not be right to require of General Howe the Persons of Smithers and
      others in Philadelphia suspected of this crime; and if He, or any other
      Commander, continues to conceal or protect them in such practices, that,
      in such case, the Congress will consider the crime as the Act of the
      Commander-in-Chief. Howe affects not to know the Congress&mdash;he ought
      to be made to know them; and the apprehension of Personal Consequences may
      have some effect on his Conduct. I am, Dear Sir,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your obt. and humble Servt.,
    </p>
    <p>
      "T. Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Since writing the foregoing the Prisoners have had their Tryal, the one
      is acquitted and the other convicted only of a Fraud; for as the law now
      stands, or rather as it is explained, the counterfeiting&mdash;or
      circulating counterfeits&mdash;is only a fraud. I do not believe it was
      the intention of the Act to make it so, and I think it misapplied Lenity
      in the Court to suffer such an Explanation, because it has a tendency to
      invite and encourage a Species of Treason, the most prejudicial to us of
      any or all the other kinds. I am aware how very difficult it is to make a
      law so very perfect at first as not to be subject to false or perplexed
      conclusions. There never was but one Act (said a Member of the House of
      Commons) which a man might not creep out of, <i>i. e.</i> the Act which
      obliges a man to be buried in woollen. T. P."
    </p>
    <p>
      The active author and secretary had remained in Philadelphia two days
      after Howe had crossed the Schuylkill, namely, until September 21st. The
      events of that time, and of the winter, are related in a letter to
      Franklin, in Paris, which is of too much historical importance for any
      part of it to be omitted. It is dated Yorktown, May 16, 1778.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your favor of Oct 7th did not come to me till March. I was at Camp when
      Capt Folger, arrived with the Blank Packet The private Letters were, I
      believe, all safe. Mr. Laurens forwarded yours to York Town where I
      afterwards recd. it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The last winter has been rather barren of military events, but for your
      amusement I send you a little history how I have passed away part of the
      time.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The 11th of Sepr. last I was preparing Dispatches for you when the report
      of cannon at Brandywine interrupted my proceeding. The event of that day
      you have doubtless been informed of, which, excepting the Enemy keeping
      the ground, may be deemed a drawn battle. Genl. Washington collected his
      Army at Chester, and the Enemy's not moving towards him next day must be
      attributed to the disability they sustained and the burthen of their
      wounded. On the 16th of the same month, the two Armies were drawn up in
      order of battle near the White horse on the Lancaster road, when a most
      violent and incessant storm of rain prevented an action. Our Army
      sustained a heavy loss in their Ammunition, the Cartouch Boxes, especially
      as they were not of the most seasoned leather, being no proof agst. the
      almost incredible fury of the weather, which obliged Genl. Washn. to draw
      his Army up into the country till those injuries could be repaired, and a
      new supply of ammunition procured. The Enemy in the mean time kept on the
      West Side of Schuylkill. On Fryday the 19th about one in the morning the
      first alarm of their crossing was given, and the confusion, as you may
      suppose, was very great. It was a beautiful still moonlight morning and
      the streets as full of men women and children as on a market day. On the
      eveng. before I was fully persuaded that unless something was done the
      City would be lost; and under that anxiety I went to Col. Bayard, speaker
      of the house of Assembly, and represented, as I very particularly knew it,
      the situation we were in, and the probability of saving the City if proper
      efforts were made for that purpose. I reasoned thus&mdash;Genl. Washn. was
      about 30 Miles up the Schuylkill with an Army properly collected waiting
      for Ammunition, besides which, a reinforcement of 1500 men were marching
      from the North River to join him; and if only an appearance of defence be
      made in the City by throwing up works at the heads of streets, it will
      make the Enemy very suspicious how they throw themselves between the City
      and Genl. Washington, and between two Rivers, which must have been the
      case; for notwithstanding the knowledge which military gentlemen are
      supposed to have, I observe they move exceedingly cautiously on new
      ground, are exceedingly suspicious of Villages and Towns, and more
      perplexed at seemingly little things which they cannot clearly understand
      than at great ones which they are fully acquainted with. And I think it
      very probable that Genl. Howe would have mistaken our necessity for a deep
      laid scheme and not have ventured himself in the middle of it But
      admitting that he had, he must either have brought his whole Army down, or
      a part of it. If the whole. Gen. W. would have followed him, perhaps the
      same day, in two or three days at most, and our assistance in the City
      would have been material. If only a part of it, we should have been a
      match for them, and Gen. W. superior to those which remained above. The
      chief thing was, whether the cityzens would turn out to defend the City.
      My proposal to Cols. Bayard and Bradford was to call them together the
      next morning, make them fully acquainted with the situation and the means
      and prospect of preserving themselves, and that the City had better
      voluntarily assess itself 50,000 for its defence than suffer an Enemy to
      come into it. Cols. Bayard and Bradford were in my opinion, and as Genl.
      Mifflin was then in town, I next went to him, acquainted him with our
      design, and mentioned likewise that if two or three thousand men could be
      mustered up whether we might depend on him to command them, for without
      some one to lead, nothing could be done. He declined that part, not being
      then very well, but promised what assistance he could.&mdash;A few hours
      after this the alarm happened. I went directly to Genl. Mifflin but he had
      sett off, and nothing was done. I cannot help being of opinion that the
      City might have been saved, but perhaps it is better otherwise.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I staid in the City till Sunday [Sep. 21st], having sent my Chest and
      everything belonging to the foreign Committee to Trenton in a Shallop. The
      Enemy did not cross the river till the Wednesday following. Hearing on the
      Sunday that Genl. Washn. had moved to Swederford I set off for that place
      but learning on the road that it was a mistake and that he was six or
      seven miles above that place, I crossed over to South-field and the next
      Morning to Trenton, to see after my Chest On the Wednesday Morning I
      intended returning to Philadelphia, but was informed at Bristol of the
      Enemy's crossing the Schuylkill. At this place I met Col. Kirkbride of
      Pennsburg Manor, who invited me home with him. On Fryday the 26th a Party
      of the Enemy about 1500 took possession of the City, and the same day an
      account arrived that Col. Brown had taken 300 of the Enemy at the old
      french lines at Ticonderoga and destroyed all their Water Craft, being
      about 200 boats of different kinds.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On the 29th Sept I sett off for Camp without well knowing where to find
      it, every day occasioning some movement I kept pretty high up the country,
      and being unwilling to ask questions, not knowing what company I might be
      in, I was three days before I fell in with it The Army had moved about
      three miles lower down that morning. The next day they made a movement
      about the same distance, to the 21 Mile Stone on the Skippach Road&mdash;Head
      Quarters at John Wince's. On the 3d Octr. in the morning they began to
      fortify the Camp, as a deception; and about 9 at Night marched for German
      Town. The Number of Continental Troops was between 8 and 9000, besides
      Militia, the rest remaining as Guards for the security of Camp. Genl.
      Greene, whose Quarters I was at, desired me to remain there till Morning.
      I set off for German Town about 5 next morning. The Skirmishing with the
      Pickets began soon after. I met no person for several miles riding, which
      I concluded to be a good sign; after this I met a man on horseback who
      told me he was going to hasten on a supply of ammunition, that the Enemy
      were broken and retreating fast, which was true. I saw several country
      people with arms in their hands running cross a field towards German Town,
      within about five or six miles, at which I met several of the wounded on
      waggons, horseback, and on foot. I passed Genl. Nash on a litter made of
      poles, but did not know him. I felt unwilling to ask questions lest the
      information should not be agreeable, and kept on. About two miles after
      this I passed a promiscuous crowd of wounded and otherwise who were halted
      at a house to refresh. Col: Biddle D.Q.N.G. was among them, who called
      after me, that if I went farther on that road I should be taken, for that
      the firing which I heard ahead was the Enemy's. I never could, and cannot
      now learn, and I believe no man can inform truly the cause of that day's
      miscarriage.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The retreat was as extraordinary. Nobody hurried themselves. Every one
      marched his own pace. The Enemy kept a civil distance behind, sending
      every now and then a Shot after us, and receiving the same from us. That
      part of the Army which I was with collected and formed on the Hill on the
      side of the road near White Marsh Church; the Enemy came within three
      quarters of a mile and halted. The orders on Retreat were to assemble that
      night on the back of Perki-ominy Creek, about 7 miles above Camp, which
      had orders to move. The Army had marched the preceding night 14 miles and
      having full 20 to march back were exceedingly fatigued. They appeared to
      me to be only sensible of a disappointment, not a defeat, and to be more
      displeased at their retreating from German Town, than anxious to get to
      their rendezvous. I was so lucky that night to get to a little house about
      4 miles wide of Perkiominy, towards which place in the morning I heard a
      considerable firing, which distressed me exceedingly, knowing that our
      army was much harassed and not collected. However, I soon relieved myself
      by going to see. They were discharging their pieces, wch. tho' necessary,
      prevented several Parties going till next day. I breakfasted next morning
      at Genl. W. Quarters, who was at the same loss with every other to account
      for the accidents of the day. I remember his expressing his Surprise, by
      saying, that at the time he supposed every thing secure, and was about
      giving orders for the Army to proceed down to Philadelphia; that he most
      unexpectedly saw a Part (I think of the Artillery) hastily retreating.
      This partial Retreat was, I believe, misunderstood, and soon followed by
      others. The fog was frequently very thick, the Troops young and unused to
      breaking and rallying, and our men rendered suspicious to each other, many
      of them being in Red. A new Army once disordered is difficult to manage,
      the attempt dangerous. To this may be added a prudence in not putting
      matters to too hazardous a tryal the first time. Men must be taught
      regular fighting by practice and degrees, and tho' the expedition failed,
      it had this good effect&mdash;that they seemed to feel themselves more
      important after it than before, as it was the first general attack they
      had ever made.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have not related the affair at Mr Chew's house German Town, as I was
      not there, but have seen it since. It certainly afforded the Enemy time to
      rally&mdash;yet the matter was difficult. To have pressed on and left 500
      Men in ye rear, might by a change of circumstances been ruinous. To attack
      them was loss of time, as the house is a strong stone building, proof
      against any 12 pounder. Genl. Washington sent a flag, thinking it would
      procure their surrender and expedite his march to Philadelphia; it was
      refused, and circumstances changed almost directly after.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I staid in Camp two days after the Germantown action, and lest any ill
      impression should get among the Garrisons at Mud Island and Red Bank, and
      the Vessels and Gallies stationed there, I crossed over to the Jersies at
      Trenton and went down to those places. I laid the first night on board the
      Champion Continental Galley, who was stationed off the mouth of
      Schuylkill. The Enemy threw up a two Gun Battery on the point of the
      river's mouth opposite the Pest House. The next morning was a thick fog,
      and as soon as it cleared away, and we became visible to each other, they
      opened on the Galley, who returned the fire. The Commodore made a signal
      to bring the Galley under the Jersey shore, as she was not a match for the
      Battery, nor the Battery a sufficient Object for the Galley. One Shot went
      thro' the fore sail, wch. was all. At noon I went with Col. [Christopher]
      Greene, who commanded at Red Bank, over to fort Mifflin (Mud Island). The
      Enemy opened that day 2 two-gun Batteries, and a Mortar Battery, on the
      fort. They threw about 30 Shells into it that afternoon, without doing any
      damage; the ground being damp and spongy, not above five or six burst; not
      a man was killed or wounded. I came away in the evening, laid on board the
      Galley, and the next day came to Col. Kirkbride's [Borden-town N. J.];
      staid a few days, and came again to Camp. An Expedition was on foot the
      evening I got there in which I went as Aid de Camp to Genl. Greene, having
      a Volunteer Commission for that purpose. The Occasion was&mdash;a Party of
      the Enemy, about 1500, lay over the Schuylkill at Grey's ferry. Genl.
      McDougall with his Division was sent to attack them; and Sullivan &amp;
      Greene with their Divisions were to favor the enterprise by a feint on the
      City, down the German-town road. They set off about nine at night, and
      halted at day break, between German Town and the City, the advanced Party
      at the three Miles Run. As I knew the ground I went with two light horse
      to discover the Enemy's Picket, but the dress of the light horse being
      white made them, I thought, too visible, as it was then twilight; on which
      I left them with my horse, and went on foot, till I distinctly saw the
      Picket at Mr. Dickerson's place,&mdash;which is the nearest I have been to
      Philadelphia since Sepr., except once at Coopers ferry, as I went to the
      forts. Genl. Sullivan was at Dr. Redman's house, and McDougall's beginning
      the attack was to be the Signal for moving down to the City. But the Enemy
      either on the approach of McDougall, or on information of it, called in
      their Party, and the Expedition was frustrated.
    </p>
    <p>
      "A Cannonade, by far the most furious I ever heard, began down the river,
      soon after daylight, the first Gun of which we supposed to be the Signal;
      but was soon undeceived, there being no small Arms. After waiting two
      hours beyond the time, we marched back, the cannon was then less frequent;
      but on the road between German town and White marsh we were stuned with a
      report as loud as a peal from a hundred Cannon at once; and turning round
      I saw a thick smoke rising like a pillar, and spreading from the top like
      a tree. This was the blowing up of the Augusta. I did not hear the
      explosion of the Berlin.
    </p>
    <p>
      "After this I returned to Col. Kirkbride's where I staid about a
      fortnight, and set off again to Camp. The day after I got there Genls.
      Greene, Wayne, and Cadwallader, with a Party of light horse, were ordered
      on a reconnoitering Party towards the forts. We were out four days and
      nights without meeting with any thing material. An East Indiaman, whom the
      Enemy had cut down so as to draw but little water, came up, without guns,
      while we were on foot on Carpenter's Island, going to Province Island. Her
      Guns were brought up in the evening in a flat, she got in the rear of the
      Fort, where few or no Guns could bear upon her, and the next morning,
      played on it incessantly. The night following the fort was evacuated. The
      obstruction the Enemy met with from those forts, and the <i>Chevaux de
      frise</i> was extraordinary, and had it not been that the Western Channel,
      deepened by the current, being somewhat obstructed by the <i>Chevaux de
      frise</i> in the main river, which enabled them to bring up the light
      Indiaman Battery, it is a doubt whether they would have succeeded at last.
      By that assistance they reduced the fort, and got sufficient command of
      the river to move some of the late sunk <i>Chevaux de frise</i>. Soon
      after this the fort on Red Bank, (which had bravely repulsed the Enemy a
      little time before) was avacuated, the Gallies ordered up to Bristol, and
      the Capts. of such other armed Vessels as thought they could not pass on
      the Eastward side of Wind mill Island, very precipitately set them on
      fire. As I judged from this event that the Enemy would winter in
      Philadelphia, I began to think of preparing for York Town, which however I
      was willing to delay, hoping that the ice would afford opportunity for new
      Manoeuvres. But the season passed very barrenly away. I staid at Col.
      Kirkbride's till the latter end of Janay. Commodore Haslewood, who
      commanded the remains of the fleet at Trenton, acquainted me with a scheme
      of his for burning the Enemy's Shipping, which was by sending a charged
      boat across the river from Cooper's ferry, by means of a Rocket fixt in
      its stern. Considering the width of the river, the tide, and the variety
      of accidents that might change its direction, I thought the project
      trifling and insufficient; and proposed to him, that if he would get a
      boat properly choyed, and take a Batteau in tow, sufficient to bring three
      or four persons off, that I would make one with him and two other persons
      who might be relied on to go down on that business. One of the Company,
      Capn. Blewer of Philadelphia, seconded the proposal, but the Commodore,
      and, what I was more surprized at, Col. Bradford, declined it. The burning
      of part of the Delaware fleet, the precipitate retreat of the rest, the
      little service rendered by them and the great expence they were at, make
      the only national blot in the proceedings of the last Campaign. I felt a
      strong anxiety for them to recover their credit, wch., among others, was
      one motive for my proposal. After this I came to camp, and from thence to
      York Town, and published the <i>Crisis</i> No. 5, To Genl. Howe. I have
      began No. 6, which I intend to address to Ld. North.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I was not at Camp when Genl. Howe marched out on the 20th of Deer,
      towards White marsh. It was a most contemptible affair, the threatenings
      and seeming fury he sate out with, and haste and Terror the Army retreated
      with, make it laughable. I have seen several persons from Philadelphia who
      assure me that their coming back was a mere uproar, and plainly indicated
      their apprehensions of a pursuit. Genl. Howe, in his Letter to Ld. Go.
      Germain, dated Dec. 13th, represented Genl. Washington's Camp as a
      strongly fortified place. There was not, Sir, a work thrown up in it till
      Genl. Howe marched out, and then only here and there a breast work. It was
      a temporary Station. Besides which, our men begin to think Works in the
      field of little use.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Genl. Washington keeps his Station at the Valley forge. I was there when
      the Army first began to build huts; they appeared to me like a family of
      Beavers; every one busy; some carrying Logs, others Mud, and the rest
      fastening them together. The whole was raised in a few days, and is a
      curious collection of buildings in the true rustic order.
    </p>
    <p>
      "As to Politics, I think we are now safely landed. The apprehension which
      Britain must be under from her neighbours must effectually prevent her
      sending reinforcements, could she procure them. She dare not, I think, in
      the present situation of affairs trust her troops so far from home.
    </p>
    <p>
      "No Commissrs. are yet arrived. I think fighting is nearly over, for
      Britain, mad, wicked, and foolish, has done her utmost. The only part for
      her now to act is frugality, and the only way for her to get out of debt
      is to lessen her Government expenses. Two Millions a year is a sufficient
      allowance, and as much as she ought to expend exclusive of the interest of
      her Debt. The Affairs of England are approaching either to ruin or
      redemption. If the latter, she may bless the resistance of America.
    </p>
    <p>
      "For my own part, I thought it very hard to have the Country set on fire
      about my Ears almost the moment I got into it; and among other pleasures I
      feel in having uniformly done my duty, I feel that of not having
      discredited your friendship and patronage.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I live in hopes of seeing and advising with you respecting the History of
      the American Revolution, as soon as a turn of Affairs make it safe for me
      to take a passage to Europe. Please to accept my thanks for the Pamphlets,
      which Mr. Temple Franklin informs me he has sent. They are not yet come to
      hand. Mr. &amp; Mrs. Bache are at Mainheim, near Lancaster; I heard they
      were well a few days ago. I laid two nights at Mr. Duffield's, in the
      winter. Miss Nancy Clifton was there, who said the Enemy had destroyed or
      sold a great quantity of your furniture. Mr. Duffield has since been taken
      by them and carried into the City, but is now at his own house. I just now
      hear they have burnt Col. Kirk-bride's, Mr. Borden's, and some other
      houses at Borden Town. Governor Johnstone (House of Commons) has wrote to
      Mr. Robt. Morriss informing him of Commissioners coming from England. The
      letter is printed in the Newspapers without signature, and is dated Febry.
      5th, by which you will know it.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The arrival of the Commissioners caused Paine to address
     his <i>Crisis VI</i>. to them instead of to Lord North, as he
     tells Franklin is his intention. The above letter was no
     doubt written in the old stone house at York.
</pre>
    <p>
      "Please, Sir, to accept this, rough and incorrect as it is, as I have
      [not] time to copy it fair, which was my design when I began it; besides
      which, paper is most exceedingly scarce.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am, Dear Sir, your Obliged and Affectionate humble Servt,
    </p>
    <p>
      "T. Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Honble. Benj. Franklin, Esqr."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine's prophecy at the close of his fifth <i>Crisis</i> (March, 1778),
      that England, reduced by her war with America, was in peril from France,
      was speedily confirmed. The treaty between France and America (February
      6th) was followed by a war-cloud in Europe, which made the Americans
      sanguine that their own struggle was approaching an end. It was generally
      expected that Philadelphia would be evacuated. On this subject Paine wrote
      the following letter to Washington:
    </p>
    <p>
      "York Town, June 5th, 1778.&mdash;Sir,&mdash;As a general opinion prevails
      that the Enemy will quit Philadelphia, I take the Liberty of transmitting
      you my reasons why it is probable they will not. In your difficult and
      distinguished Situation every hint may be useful.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I put the immediate cause of their evacuation, to be a declaration of War
      in Europe made by them or against them: in which case, their Army would be
      wanted for other Service, and likewise because their present situation
      would be too unsafe, being subject to be blocked up by France and attacked
      by you and her jointly.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Britain will avoid a War with France if she can; which according to my
      arrangement of Politics she may easily do&mdash;She must see the necessity
      of acknowledging, sometime or other, the Independance of America; if she
      is wise enough to make that acknowledgment now, she of consequence admits
      the Right of France to the quiet enjoyment of her Treaty, and therefore no
      War can take place upon the Ground of having concluded a Treaty with
      revolted British Subjects.
    </p>
    <p>
      "This being admitted, their apprehension of being doubly attacked, or of
      being wanted elsewhere, cease of consequence; and they will then endeavor
      to hold all they can, that they may have something to restore, in lieu of
      something else which they will demand; as I know of no Instance where
      conquered Plans were surrendered up prior to, but only in consequence of a
      Treaty of Peace.
    </p>
    <p>
      "You will observe, Sir, that my reasoning is founded on the supposition of
      their being reasonable Beings, which if they are not, then they are not
      within the compass of my System, I am, Sir, with every wish for your
      happiness, Your Affectionate and Obt. humble Servant,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thos. Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "His Excellency, Genl. Washington, Valley Forge."
    </p>
    <p>
      Shortly after this letter to Washington tidings came that a French fleet,
      under Count d'Estaing, had appeared on the coast, and was about to
      blockade the Delaware. The British apparently in panic, really by order
      from England, left Philadelphia, June 18th. This seeming flight was a
      great encouragement. Congress was soon comfortably seated in Philadelphia,
      where Paine had the pleasure of addressing his next <i>Crisis</i> to the
      British Peace Commissioners.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Philadelphia Congress was still surrounded by a hostile population;
      Paine had still to plead that there should be no peace without republican
      independence. Even so late as November 24, 1778, the French Minister
      (Gerard) writes to his government: "Scarcely one quarter of the ordinary
      inhabitants of Philadelphia now here favour the cause (of independence).
      Commercial and family ties, together with an aversion to popular
      government, seem to account for this. The same feeling exists in New York
      and Boston, which is not the case in the rural districts." While Franklin
      was offered in Paris the bribe of a peerage, and the like for several
      revolutionary leaders, similar efforts were made in America to subdue the
      "rebellion" by craft. For that purpose had come the Earl of Carlisle, Sir
      George Johnstone, and William Eden. Johnstone had retired from the
      Commission in disgust. Referring to the invitation of the Peace
      Commissioners, that America should join them against France, he says:
      "Unless you were capable of such conduct yourselves, you would never have
      supposed such a character in us." He reminds the commissioners, who had
      threatened that America must be laid waste so as to be useless to France,
      that increased wants of America must make her a more valuable purchaser in
      France. Paine mentions Sir H. Clinton with some significance, and suspects
      the truth that he had brought orders, received from England, overruling an
      intention of the peace envoys to burn Philadelphia if their terms were
      rejected. He says he has written a <i>Crisis</i> for the English people
      because there was a convenient conveyance; "for the Commissioners&mdash;<i>poor
      Commissioners</i>!&mdash;having proclaimed that '<i>yet forty days and
      Nineveh shall be overthrown?</i> have waited out the date, and,
      discontented with their God, are returning to their gourd. And all the
      harm I wish them is that it may not wither about their ears, and that they
      may not make their exit in the belly of a whale."
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0009" id="link2HCH0009">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER IX. FRENCH AID, AND THE PAINE-DEANE CONTROVERSY.
    </h2>
    <p>
      In Bell's addenda to "Common Sense," which contained Paine's Address to
      the Quakers (also letters by others), appeared a little poem which I
      believe his, and the expression of his creed.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "THE  AMERICAN   PATRIOT'S   PRAYER.

     "Parent of all, omnipotent
     In heaven, and earth below,
     Through all creation's bounds unspent,
     Whose streams of goodness flow,

     "Teach me to know from whence I rose,
     And unto what designed;
     No private aims let me propose,
     Since link'd with human kind.

     "But chief to hear my country's voice,
     May all my thoughts incline;
     'T is reason's law, 't is virtue's choice,
     'T is nature's call and thine.

     "Me from fair freedom's sacred cause
     Let nothing e'er divide;
     Grandeur, nor gold, nor vain applause,
     Nor friendship false misguide.

     "Let me not faction's partial hate
     Pursue to this Land's woe;
     Nor grasp the thunder of the state
     To wound a private foe.

     "If, for the right to wish the wrong
     My country shall combine,
     Single to serve th' erroneous throng,
     Spight of themselves, be mine."
</pre>
    <p>
      Every sacrifice contemplated in this self-dedication had to be made. Paine
      had held back nothing from the cause. He gave America the copyrights of
      his eighteen pamphlets. While they were selling by thousands, at two or
      three shillings each, he had to apologize to a friend for not sending his
      boots, on the ground that he must borrow the money to pay for them! He had
      given up the magazine so suited to his literary and scientific tastes, had
      dismissed his lucrative school in Philadelphia, taken a musket on his
      Quaker shoulders, shared the privations of the retreat to the Delaware,
      braved bullets at Trenton and bombs at Fort Mifflin. But now he was to
      give up more. He was
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "Single to serve th' erroneous throng,
     Spight of themselves,"
</pre>
    <p>
      and thereby lose applause and friendship. An ex-Congressman, sent to
      procure aid in France, having, as Paine believed, attempted a fraud on the
      scanty funds of this country, he published his reasons for so believing.
      In doing so he alarmed the French Ambassador in America, and incurred the
      hostility of a large party in Congress; the result being his resignation
      of the secretaryship of its Foreign Affairs Committee.
    </p>
    <p>
      It has been traditionally asserted that, in this controversy, Paine
      violated his oath of office. Such is not the fact. His official oath,
      which was prepared for Paine himself&mdash;the first secretary of a new
      committee,&mdash;was framed so as to leave him large freedom as a public
      writer.
    </p>
    <p>
      "That the said secretary, previous to his entering on his office, take an
      oath, to be administered by the president, well and faithfully to execute
      the trust reposed in him, according to his best skill and judgment; and to
      disclose no matter, the knowledge of which shall be acquired in
      consequence of his office, <i>that he shall be directed to keep secret.</i>"
    </p>
    <p>
      Not only was there no such direction of secrecy in this case, but Congress
      did not know the facts revealed by Paine. Compelled by a complaint of the
      French Minister to disown Paine's publication, Congress refused to vote
      that it was "an abuse of office," or to discharge him. The facts should be
      judged on their merits, and without prejudice. I have searched and sifted
      many manuscripts in European and American archives to get at the truth of
      this strange chapter in our revolutionary history, concerning which there
      is even yet an unsettled controversy.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Beaumarchais et son Temps," par M. De Lomenie, Paris,
     1856. "Histoire de la Participation de la France a
     l'Etablissement des Etats Unis d'Amerique." par M. Doniol,
     Paris. "Beaumarchais and 'The Lost Million,'" by Charles
     J. Stille (privately printed in Philadelphia). "New
     Materials for the History of the American Revolution," by
     John Durand, New York, 1889. Magazine of American History%
     vol. ii., p. 663. "Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin," by
     James Parton, New York, 1864. "Papers in Relation to the
     Case of Silas Deane," Philadelphia, printed for the Seventy-
     six Society, 1855.
</pre>
    <p>
      The reader who desires to explore the subject will find an ample
      literature concerning it, but with confusing omissions, partly due to a
      neglect of Paine's papers.
    </p>
    <p>
      The suggestion of French aid to America was first made in May, 1775, by
      Dubourg, and a scheme was submitted by Beaumarchais to the King. This was
      first brought to light in November, 1878, in the <i>Magazine of American
      History</i>, where it is said: "It is without date, but must have been
      written after the arrival of the American Commissioners in Paris." This is
      an error. A letter of December 7, 1775, from Beaumarchais proves that the
      undated one had been answered. Moreover, on June 10, 1776, a month before
      Deane had reached Paris, and six months before Franklin's arrival, the
      million for America had been paid to Beaumarchais and receipted. It was
      Deane's ruin that he appeared as if taking credit for, and bringing within
      the scope of his negotiations, money paid before his arrival. It was the
      ruin of Beaumarchais that he deceived Deane about that million.
    </p>
    <p>
      In 1763 France had suffered by her struggle with England humiliations and
      territorial losses far heavier than those suffered by her last war with
      Germany. With the revolt of the English colonies in America the hour of
      French revenge struck. Louis XVI. did not care much about it, but his
      minister Vergennes did. Inspired by him, Beaumarchais, adventurer and
      playwright, consulted Arthur Lee, secret agent of Congress in London, and
      it was arranged that Beaumarchais should write a series of letters to the
      King, to be previously revised by Vergennes. The letters are such as might
      be expected from the pen that wrote "The Marriage of Figaro." He paints
      before the King the scene of France driven out of America and India; he
      describes America as advancing to engage the conqueror of France with a
      force which a little help would make sufficient to render England helpless
      beside her European foes&mdash;France and Spain. Learning through
      Vergennes that the King was mindful of his treaty with England,
      Beau-marchais made a proposal that the aid should be rendered as if by a
      commercial house, without knowledge of the government This, the most
      important document of the case, suppressed until 1878, was unknown to any
      of the writers who have discussed this question, except Durand and Stille\
      the latter alone having recognized its bearing on the question of
      Beaumarchais' good faith. Beau-marchais tells the King that his "succor"
      is not to end the war in America, but "to continue and feed it to the
      great damage of the English"; that "to sacrifice a million to put England
      to the expense of a hundred millions, is exactly the same as if you
      advance a million to gain ninety-nine." Half of the million (livres) is to
      be sent to America in gold, and half in powder. So far from this aid being
      gratuitous, the powder is to be taken from French magazines at "four to
      six sols per pound," and sent to America "on the basis of twenty sols per
      pound." "The constant view of the affair in which the mass of Congress
      ought to be kept is the certainty that your Majesty is not willing to
      enter in any way into the affair, but that a company is very generously
      about to turn over a certain sum to the prudent management of a faithful
      agent to give successive aid to the Americans by the shortest and the
      surest means of return in tobacco."
    </p>
    <p>
      How much of this scheme actually reached the King, and was approved by
      him, is doubtful. He still hesitated, and another appeal was made
      (February 29, 1776) embodying one from Arthur Lee, who says: "We offer to
      France, in return for her secret assistance, a secret treaty of commerce,
      by which she will secure for a certain number of years after peace is
      declared all the advantages with which we have enriched England for the
      past century, with, additionally, a guarantee of her possessions according
      to our forces." Nothing is said by Arthur Lee about other payments. The
      Queen had now become interested in the gallant Americans, and the King was
      brought over to the scheme in April. On May 2, 1776, Vergennes submits to
      the King the order for a million livres which he is to sign; also a
      letter, to be written by the hand of the Minister's son, aged fifteen, to
      Beaumarchais, who, he says, will employ M. Montandoin (the name was really
      Montieu) to transmit to the Americans "such funds as your Majesty chooses
      to appropriate for their benefit." There are various indications that the
      pecuniary advantages, in the way of "sols" and tobacco, were not set
      before the King, and that he yielded to considerations of state policy.
    </p>
    <p>
      After receiving the million (June 10th) Beaumarchais wrote to Arthur Lee
      in London (June 12, 1776): "The difficulties I have found in my
      negotiations with the Minister have <i>determined me to form a company</i>
      which will enable the munitions and powder to be transmitted sooner to <i>your
      friend</i> on condition of his returning tobacco to Cape Francis."
    </p>
    <p>
      To Arthur Lee, whom he had met at the table of Lord Mayor John Wilkes,
      Beaumarchais had emphasized the "generous" side of his scheme. Tobacco was
      indeed to be sent, chiefly to give a commercial color to the transaction
      for the King's concealment, but there appeared no reason to do more with
      Lee, who had no power of contract, than impress him with the magnanimity
      and friendship of the French government. This Lee was to report to the
      Secret Committee of Congress, which would thus be prepared to agree to any
      arrangement of Beaumarchais' agent, without any suspicion that it might be
      called on to pay twenty sols a pound for powder that had cost from four to
      six. Lee did report it, sending a special messenger (Story) to announce to
      Congress the glad tidings of French aid, and much too gushingly its
      quasi-gratuitous character.
    </p>
    <p>
      A month later Silas Deane, belated since March 5th by wind and wave,
      reached Paris, and about July 17, 1776, by advice of Vergennes, had his
      first interview with Beaumarchais. Had Beaumarchais known that an agent,
      empowered by Congress to purchase munitions, was on his way to France, he
      would have had nothing to do with Lee; now he could only repudiate him,
      and persuade Deane to disregard him. Arthur Lee informed Deane that
      Beaumarchais had told him that he had received two hundred thousand pounds
      sterling of the French administration for the use of Congress, but Deane
      believed Beaumarchais, who "constantly and positively denied having said
      any such thing." It had been better for Deane if he had believed Lee.* It
      turned out in the end that Beaumarchais had received the sum Lee named,
      and the French government&mdash;more anxious for treaty concessions from
      America than for Beaumarchais' pocket&mdash;assured the American
      Commissioners that the million was a royal gift.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * M. Doniol and Mr. Durand are entirely mistaken in
     supposing that Lee was "substantially a traitor." That he
     wrote to Lord Shelburne that "if England wanted to prevent
     closer ties between France and the United States she must
     not delay," proves indeed the reverse. He wanted recognition
     of the independence of his country, and peace, and was as
     willing to get it from England as from France. He was no
     doubt well aware that French subsidies were meant, as
     Beaumarchais reminded the King, to continue the war in
     America, not to end it. Arthur Lee had his faults, but lack
     of patriotism was not among them.
</pre>
    <p>
      This claim to generosity, however, or rather the source of it, was a
      secret of the negotiation. In October, 1777, the commissioners wrote to
      Congress a letter which, being intercepted, reached that body only in
      duplicate, March, 1778, saying they had received assurances "that no
      repayment will ever be required from us for what has already been given us
      either in money or military stores." One of these commissioners was Silas
      Deane himself (the others Franklin and Lee). But meanwhile Beaumarchais
      had claimed of Congress, by an agent (De Francy) sent to America, payment
      of his bill, which included the million which his government declared had
      been a gift. This complication caused Congress to recall Deane for
      explanations.
    </p>
    <p>
      Deane arrived in America in July, 1778. There were suspicious
      circumstances around him. He had left his papers in Paris; he had borrowed
      money of Beaumarchais for personal expenses, and the despatch he had
      signed in October, saying the million was a gift, had been intercepted,
      other papers in the same package having duly arrived. Thus appearances
      were against Deane. The following statement, in Paine's handwriting, was
      no doubt prepared for submission to Congress, and probably was read during
      one of its secret discussions of the matter. It is headed "Explanatory
      Circumstances."
    </p>
    <p>
      "1st The lost dispatches are dated Oct. 6th and Oct. 7th. They were sent
      by a private hand&mdash;that is, they were not sent by the post. Capt.
      Folger had the charge of them. They were all under one cover containing
      five separate Packets; three of the Packets were on commercial matters
      only&mdash;one of these was to Mr. R[obert] Morris, Chairman of the
      Commercial Committee, one to Mr. Hancock (private concerns), another to
      Barnaby Deane, S. Deane's brother. Of the other two Packets, one of them
      was to the Secret Committee, then stiled the Committee for foreign
      Affairs, the other was to Richard H. Lee&mdash;these two last Packets had
      nothing in them but blank white French Paper.
    </p>
    <p>
      "2d. In Sept'r preceding the date of the dispatches Mr. B[eau-marchais]
      sent Mr. Francis [De Francy] to Congress to press payment to the amount
      mentioned in the official Letter of Oct. 6. Mr. F[rancy] brought a letter
      signed only by S. Deane&mdash;the Capt of the vessel (Landais) brought
      another letter from Deane; both of these letters were to enforce Mr.
      B[eaumarchais'] demand. Mr. F[rancy] arrived with his letters and demand.
      The official despatches (if I may so say) arrived blank. Congress
      therefore had no authoritative information to act by. About this time Mr.
      D[eane] was recalled and arrived in America in Count D'Estaing's fleet. He
      gave out that he had left his accounts in France.
    </p>
    <p>
      "With the Treaty of Alliance come over the Duplicates of the lost
      Despatches. They come into my office not having been seen by Congress; and
      as they contain an injunction not to be conceded by [to?] Congress, I kept
      them secret in the office because at that time the foreign Committee were
      dispersed and new members not appointed.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On the 5th of Dec. 1778, Mr. D[eane] published an inflamatory piece
      against Congress. As I saw it had an exceeding ill effect out of doors I
      made some remarks upon it&mdash;with a view of preventing people running
      mad. This piece was replied to by a piece under the Signature of Plain
      Truth&mdash;in which it was stated, that Mr. D[eane] though a stranger in
      France and to the Language, and without money, had by himself procured
      30,000 stand of Arms, 30,000 suits of Cloathing, and more than 200 pieces
      of Brass Cannon. I replied that these supplies were in a train of
      Execution before he was sent to France. That Mr. Deane's private letters
      and his official despatches jointly with the other two Commissioners
      contradicted each other.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At this time I found Deane had made a large party in Congress&mdash;and
      that a motion had been made but not decided upon for dismissing me from
      the foreign office, with a kind of censure."
    </p>
    <p>
      Deane was heard by Congress twice (August 9 and 21, 1778) but made a bad
      impression, and a third hearing was refused. In wrath he appealed in the
      press "to the free and virtuous Citizens of America," (December 5, 1778)
      against the injustice of Congress. This Paine answered in the <i>Pennsylvania
      Packet</i> of December 15, 1778. His motives are told in the following
      letter addressed to the Hon. Henry Laurens:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Philadelphia, Dec. 15th, 1778.&mdash;Dear Sir.&mdash;In this morning's
      paper is a piece addressed to Mr. Deane, in which your name is mentioned.
      My intention in relating the circumstances with wch. it is connected is to
      prevent the Enemy drawing any unjust conclusions from an accidental
      division in the House on matters no ways political You will please to
      observe that I have been exceedingly careful to preserve the honor of
      Congress in the minds of the people who have been so exceedingly fretted
      by Mr. Deane's address&mdash;and this will appear the more necessary when
      I inform you that a proposal has been made for calling a Town Meeting to
      demand justice for Mr. Deane. I have been applied to smoothly and roughly
      not to publish this piece. Mr. Deane has likewise been with the Printer. I
      am, &amp;c."
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2H_4_0018" id="link2H_4_0018">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      {1779}
    </h2>
    <p>
      To Paine, who had given his all to the American cause, nothing could
      appear more natural than that France and her King should do the same with
      pure disinterestedness. Here were Lafayette and other Frenchmen at
      Washington's side. However, the one thing he was certain of was that Deane
      had no claim to be credited with the French subsidies. Had Henry Laurens
      been President of Congress it would have been easy to act on that body
      through him; but he had resigned, and the new president, John Jay, was a
      prominent member of the Deane party. So Paine resolved to defeat what he
      considered a fraud on the country at whatever cost. In the course of the
      controversy he wrote (January 2, 1779):
    </p>
    <p>
      "If Mr. Deane or any other gentleman will procure an order from Congress
      to inspect an account in my office, or any of Mr. Deane's friends in
      Congress will take the trouble of coming themselves, I will give him or
      them my attendance, and shew them in handwriting which Mr. Deane is well
      acquainted with, that the supplies he so pompously plumes himself upon
      were promised and engaged, and that as a present, before he ever arrived
      in France; and the part that fell to Mr. Deane was only to see it done,
      and how he has performed that service the public are acquainted with."
    </p>
    <p>
      Although Paine here gave the purport of the commissioners' letter, showing
      plainly that Deane had nothing to do with obtaining the supplies, he is
      not so certain that they were gratuitous, and adds, in the same letter
      (January 2d): "The supplies here alluded to are those which were sent from
      France in the Amphitrite, Seine, and Mercury, about two years ago. They
      had at first the appearance of a present, but whether so or on credit the
      service was a great and a friendly one." To transfer the debt to the
      French government would secure such a long credit that the American cause
      would not suffer. Perhaps no official notice might have been taken of
      this, but in another letter (January 5th) Paine wrote: "Those who are now
      her [America's] allies, prefaced that alliance by an early and generous
      friendship; yet that we might not attribute too much to human or auxiliary
      aid, so unfortunate were these supplies that only one ship out of three
      arrived; the Mercury and Seine fell into the hands of the enemy."
    </p>
    <p>
      It was this last paragraph that constituted Paine's indiscretion. Unless
      we can suppose him for once capable of a rôle so Machiavellian as the
      forcing of France's hand, by revealing the connection between the King and
      the subsidies of Beau-marchais, we can only praise him for a too-impulsive
      and self-forgetting patriotism. It was of course necessary for the French
      Minister (Gerard) to complain, and for Congress to soothe him by voting
      the fiction that his most Christian Majesty "did not preface his alliance
      with any supplies whatever sent to America." But in order to do this,
      Paine had somehow to be dealt with. A serio-comical performance took place
      in Congress. The members knew perfectly well that Paine had documents to
      prove every word he had printed; but as they did not yet know these
      documents officially, and were required by their ally's minister to deny
      Paine's statement, they were in great fear that Paine, if summoned, might
      reveal them. As the articles were only signed "Common Sense," it was
      necessary that the Secretary should acknowledge himself their author, and
      Congress, in dread of discovering its own secrets, contrived that he
      should be allowed to utter at the bar only one word.
    </p>
    <p>
      Congress received M. Gerard's complaint on January 5th, and on the 6th, to
      which action thereon had been adjourned, the following memorial from
      Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Honorable Sirs.&mdash;Understanding that exceptions have been taken at
      some parts of my conduct, which exceptions as I am unacquainted with I
      cannot reply to: I therefore humbly beg leave to submit every part of my
      conduct public and private, so far as relate to public measures, to the
      judgment of this Honble. House, to be by them approved or censured as they
      shall judge proper&mdash;at the same time reserving to myself that
      conscious satisfaction of having ever intended well and to the best of my
      abilities executed those intentions.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Honble. Congress in April, 1777, were pleased, not only unsolicited
      on my part, but wholly unknown to me, to appoint me unanimously Secretary
      to the Committee for foreign affairs, which mode of appointment I conceive
      to be the most honorable that can take place. The salary they were pleased
      to affix to it was 70 dollars per month. It has remained at the same rate
      ever since, and is not at this time equal to the most moderate expences I
      can live at; yet I have never complained, and always conceiving it my duty
      to bear a share of the inconveniences of the country, have ever cheerfully
      submitted to them. This being my situation, I am at this time conscious of
      no error, unless the cheapness of my services, and the generosity with
      which I have endeavored to do good in other respects, can be imputed to me
      as a crime, by such individuals as may have acted otherwise.
    </p>
    <p>
      "As my appointment was honorable, therefore whenever it shall appear to
      Congress that I have not fulfilled their expectations, I shall, tho' with
      concern at any misapprehension that might lead to such an opinion,
      surrender up the books and papers intrusted to my care.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Were my appointment an office of profit it might become me to resign it,
      but as it is otherwise I conceive that such a step in me might imply a
      dissatisfaction on account of the smallness of the pay. Therefore I think
      it my duty to wait the orders of this Honble. House, at the same time
      begging leave to assure them that whatever may be their determination
      respecting me, my disposition to serve in so honorable a cause, and in any
      character in which I can best do it, will suffer no alteration. I am, with
      profound respect, your Honors' dutiful and obt. hble. Servant,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the same day Paine was summoned before Congress (sitting always with
      closed doors), and asked by its president (Jay) if he wrote the articles.
      He replied "Yes," and was instantly ordered to withdraw. On the following
      day Paine, having discovered that Deane's party were resolved that he
      should have no opportunity to reveal any fact in Congress, submitted a
      second memorial.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Honorable Sirs.&mdash;From the manner in which I was called before the
      House yesterday, I have reason to suspect an unfavorable disposition in
      them towards some parts in my late publications. What the parts are
      against which they object, or what those objections are, are wholly
      unknown to me. If any gentleman has presented any Memorial to this House
      which contains any charge against me, or any-ways alludes in a censurable
      manner to my character or interest, so as to become the ground of any such
      charge, I request, as a servant under your authority, an attested copy of
      that charge, and in my present character as a freeman of this country, I
      demand it. I attended at the bar of this House yesterday as their servant,
      tho' the warrant did not express my official station, which I conceive it
      ought to have done, otherwise it could not have been compulsive unless
      backed by a magistrate. My hopes were that I should be made acquainted
      with the charge, and admitted to my defence, which I am all times ready to
      make either in writing or personally.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I cannot in duty to my character as a freeman submit to be censured
      unheard. I have evidence which I presume will justify me. And I entreat
      this House to consider how great their reproach will be should it be told
      that they passed a sentence upon me without hearing me, and that a copy of
      the charge against me was refused to me; and likewise how much that
      reproach will be aggravated should I afterwards prove the censure of this
      House to be a libel, grounded upon a mistake which they refused fully to
      inquire into.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I make my application to the heart of every gentleman in this House,
      that, before he decides on a point that may affect my reputation, he will
      duly consider his own. Did I court popular praise I should not send this
      letter. My wish is that by thus stating my situation to the House, they
      may not commit an act they cannot justify.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have obtained fame, honor, and credit in this country. I am proud of
      these honors. And as they cannot be taken from me by any unjust censure
      grounded on a concealed charge, therefore it will become my duty
      afterwards to do justice to myself. I have no favor to ask more than to be
      candidly and honorably dealt by; and such being my right I ought to have
      no doubt but this House will proceed accordingly. Should Congress be
      disposed to hear me, I have to request that they will give me sufficient
      time to prepare."
    </p>
    <p>
      It was, of course, a foregone conclusion that the story of what had
      occurred in France must not be told. M. Gerard had identified himself with
      the interests of Beaumarchais, as well as with those of his government,
      and was using the privileges of the alliance to cover that speculator's
      demand. Paine, therefore, pleaded in vain. Indeed, the foregoing memorial
      seems to have been suppressed, as it is not referred to in the journal of
      the House for that day (January 7th). On the day following his resignation
      was presented in the following letter:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Honorable Sirs.&mdash;Finding by the Journals of this House, of
      yesterday, that I am not to be heard, and having in my letter of the same
      day, prior to that resolution, declared that I could not 'in duty to my
      character as a freeman submit to be censured unheard,' therefore,
      consistent with that declaration, and to maintain that Right, I think it
      my duty to resign the office of Secretary to the Committee for foreign
      Affairs, and I do hereby resign the same. The Papers and documents in my
      charge I shall faithfully deliver up to the Committee, either on honor or
      oath, as they or this House shall direct.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Considering myself now no longer a servant of Congress, I conceive it
      convenient that I should declare what have been the motives of my conduct.
      On the appearance of Mr. Deane's Address to the Public of the 5 of Dec, in
      which he said 'The ears of the Representatives were shut against him,' the
      honor and justice of this House were impeached and its reputation sunk to
      the lowest ebb in the opinion of the People. The expressions of suspicion
      and degradation which have been uttered in my hearing and are too indecent
      to be related in this letter, first induced me to set the Public right;
      but so grounded were they, almost without exception, in their ill opinion
      of this House, that instead of succeeding as I wished in my first address,
      I fell under the same reproach and was frequently told that I was
      defending Congress in their bad designs. This obliged me to go farther
      into the matters, and I have now reason to believe that my endeavours have
      been and will be effectual.
    </p>
    <p>
      "My wish and my intentions in all my late publications were to preserve
      the public from error and imposition, to support as far as laid in my
      power the just authority of the Representatives of the People, and to
      cordiallize and cement the Union that has so happily taken place between
      this country and France.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have betrayed no Trust because I have constantly employed that Trust to
      the public good. I have revealed no secrets because I have told nothing
      that was, or I conceive ought to be a secret. I have convicted Mr. Deane
      of error, and in so doing I hope I have done my duty.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It is to the interest of the Alliance that the People should know that
      before America had any agent in Europe the 'public-spirited gentlemen' in
      that quarter of the world were her warm friends. And I hope this Honorable
      House will receive it from me as a farther testimony of my affection to
      that Alliance, and of my attention to the duty of my office, that I
      mention, that the duplicates of the Dispatches of Oct. 6 and 7, 1777, from
      the Commissioners, the originals of which are in the Enemy's possession,
      seem to require on that account a reconsideration.
    </p>
    <p>
      "His Excellency, the Minister of France, is well acquainted with the
      liberality of my sentiments, and I have had the pleasure of receiving
      repeated testimonies of his esteem for me. I am concerned that he should
      in any instance misconceive me. I beg likewise to have it understood that
      my appeal to this Honorable House for a hearing yesterday was as a matter
      of Right in the character of a Freeman, which Right I ought to yield up to
      no Power whatever. I return my utmost thanks to the Honorable Members of
      this House who endeavored to support me in that Right, so sacred to
      themselves and to their constituents; and I have the pleasure of saying
      and reflecting that as I came into office an honest man, I go out of it
      with the same character."
    </p>
    <p>
      This letter also was suppressed, and the same fate was secured by Mr. Jay
      for several other letters written by Paine to Congress. On March 30, 1779,
      he quotes a letter of the commissioners of November 30, 1777, saying that
      the supplies from France were "the effects of private benevolence." On
      April 21st he reminds Congress that "they began their hard treatment of me
      while I was defending their injured and insulted honor, and which I cannot
      account for on any other ground than supposing that a private
      unwarrantable connection was formed between Mr. Deane and certain Members
      of this Honorable House." On April 23d he again addresses the "Honorable
      Sirs ":
    </p>
    <p>
      "On inquiring yesterday of Mr. Thomson, your Secretary, I find that no
      answer is given to any of my letters. I am unable to account for the
      seeming inattention of Congress in collecting information at this
      particular time, from whatever quarter it may come; and this wonder is the
      more increased when I recollect that a private offer was made to me, about
      three months ago, amounting in money to £700 a year; yet however polite
      the proposal might be, or however friendly it might be designed, I thought
      it my duty to decline it; as it was accompanied with a condition which I
      conceived had a tendency to prevent the information I have since given,
      and shall yet give to the Country on Public Affairs.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have repeatedly wrote to Congress respecting Mr. Deane's dark
      incendiary conduct, and offered every information in my power. The
      opportunities I have had of knowing the state of foreign affairs is
      greater than that of many gentlemen of this House, and I want no other
      knowledge to declare that I look on Mr. Deane to be, what Mr. Carmichael
      calls him, a rascal."
    </p>
    <p>
      The offer of money came from M. Gerard. This clever diplomatist perceived
      in all Paine's letters his genuine love of France, and esteem for the King
      who had so generously allied himself with the Americans in their struggle
      for independence. Since M. Gerard's arrival Paine had been on friendly
      terms with him. I have explored the State Archives of France for M.
      Gerard's versions of these affairs, and find them more diplomatic than
      exact. Immediately on the appearance of Paine's first attack on Deane, the
      Minister appears to have visited Paine. He reports to Vergennes, January
      10th, that he had been at much pains to convince Paine of his error in
      saying that the supplies furnished by Beaumarchais had been "promised as a
      gift"; but he had not retracted, and he (Gerard) then thought it necessary
      to refer what he wrote to Congress. "Congress, however, did not wait for
      this to show me its indignation." The journals of Congress do not,
      however, reveal any reference to the matter previous to M. Gerard's
      memorial of January 5th. In his next letter M. Gerard asserts that
      Congress had dismissed Paine, whereas Paine resigned, and a motion for his
      dismission was lost. This letter is dated January 17th.
    </p>
    <p>
      "When I had denounced to Congress the assertions of M. Payne, I did not
      conceal from myself the bad effects that might result to a head puffed up
      by the success of his political writings, and the importance he affected.
      I foresaw the loss of his office, and feared that, separated from the
      support which has restrained him, he would seek only to avenge himself
      with his characteristic impetuosity and impudence. All means of
      restraining him would be impossible, considering the enthusiasm here for
      the license of the press, and in the absence of any laws to repress
      audacity even against foreign powers. The only remedy, my lord, I could
      imagine to prevent these inconveniences, and even to profit by the
      circumstances, was to have Payne offered a salary in the King's name, in
      place of that he had lost. He called to thank me, and I stipulated that he
      should publish nothing on political affairs, nor about Congress, without
      advising with me, and should employ his pen mainly in impressing on the
      people favorable sentiments towards France and the Alliance, of the kind
      fittest to foster hatred and defiance towards England. He appeared to
      accept the task with pleasure. I promised him a thousand dollars per
      annum, to begin from the time of his dismission by Congress. He has
      already begun his functions in declaring in the Gazette that the affair of
      the military effects has no reference to the Court and is not a political
      matter. You know too well the prodigious effects produced by the writings
      of this famous personage among the people of the States to cause me any
      fear of your disapproval of my resolution."
    </p>
    <p>
      M. Gerard adds that he has also employed Dr. Cooper, an intimate friend of
      Dr. Franklin. On May 29th he informs Vergennes that the Paine arrangement
      did not work.
    </p>
    <p>
      "A piece in a Gazette of the third by M. Payne, under his usual title of
      Common Sense proves his loss of it. In it he declares that he is the only
      honest man thus far employed in American affairs, and demands that the
      nation shall give him the title and authority of Censor-general,
      especially to purify and reform Congress. This bit of folly shows what he
      is capable of. He gives me marks of friendship, but that does not
      contribute to the success of my exhortations."
    </p>
    <p>
      In another despatch of the same date M. Gerard writes:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have had the honor to acquaint you with the project I had formed to
      engage Mr. Payne [le Sr. Payne] to insert in the public papers paragraphs
      relative to the Alliance, calculated to encourage the high idea formed by
      the people of the king, and its confidence in his friendship; but this
      writer having tarnished his reputation and being sold to the opposition, I
      have found another."
    </p>
    <p>
      He goes on to say that he has purchased two eminent gentlemen, who write
      under the names "Honest Politician" and "Americanus."
    </p>
    <p>
      M. Gerard, in his statements concerning his relations with Paine, depended
      on the unfamiliarity of Vergennes with the Philadelphia journals. In these
      Paine had promptly made known the overtures made to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Had I been disposed to make money I undoubtedly had many opportunities
      for it. The single pamphlet 'Common Sense' would at that time of day have
      produced a tolerable fortune, had I only taken the same profits from the
      publication which all writers have ever done; because the sale was the
      most rapid and extensive of anything that was ever published in this
      country, or perhaps in any other. Instead of which I reduced the price so
      low, that instead of getting, I stand £39, 11, 0 out of pocket on Mr.
      Bradford's books, exclusive of my time and trouble; and I have acted the
      same disinterested part by every publication I have made.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At the time the dispute arose respecting Mr. Deane's affairs, I had a
      conference with Mr. Gerard at his own request, and some matters on that
      subject were freely talked over, which it is here necessary to mention.
      This was on the 2d of January. On the evening of the same day, or the
      next, Mr. Gerard through the medium of another gentleman made me a very
      genteel and profitable offer. My answer to the offer was precisely in
      these words: 'Any service I can render to either of the countries in
      alliance, or to both, I ever have done and shall readily do, and Mr.
      Gerard's <i>esteem</i> will be the only compensation I shall desire.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine never received a cent of M. Gerard's money, but he became convinced
      that the French government might be compromised by his allusion to its
      early generosity to America, and on January 26th wrote that the letter to
      which he had alluded had not mentioned "the King of France by any name or
      title nor yet the nation of France." This was all that the French Minister
      could get out of Paine, and it was willingly given. The more complaisant
      "Honest Politician" and "Americanus," however, duly fulfilled the tasks
      for which they had been employed by the French Ambassador. This will be
      seen by reference to their letters in the <i>Pennsylvania Gazette</i> of
      June 23d. In June and July Paine entered on a controversy with
      "Americanus" on the terms upon which America should insist, in any treaty
      of peace. He intimates his suspicion that "Americanus" is a hireling.
    </p>
    <p>
      It should be mentioned that the English archives prove that in Paris Deane
      and Gerard had long been intimate, and often closeted with Vergennes. (See
      the reports of Wentworth and others in Stevens' <i>Facsimiles?</i>) Deane
      and Gerard came over together, on one of d'Estaing's ships. According to
      the English information Gerard was pecuniarily interested in the supplies
      sent to America, and if so had private reasons for resisting Paine's
      theory of their gratuitous character.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER X. A STORY BY GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Paine-Deane incident had a number of curious sequels, some of which
      are related in a characteristic letter of Gouverneur Morris to John
      Randolph, which has not, I believe, hitherto been printed. Gouverneur
      Morris had much to do with the whole affair; he was a member of Congress
      during the controversy, and he was the Minister in France who, fifteen
      years later, brought to light the receipt for the King's million livres
      charged by Beaumarchais against this country.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Washington, Jany. 20, 1812
    </p>
    <p>
      "It would give me pleasure to communicate the information you ask, but I
      can only speak from memory respecting matters, some of which were
      transacted long ago and did not command my special attention. But it is
      probable that the material facts can be established by documents in the
      Secretary of State's office.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It will, I believe, appear from the correspondence between Mr. Arthur Lee
      and the Secret and Commercial Committee, that early in our dispute with
      Great Britain the French Court made through him a tender of military
      supplies, and employed as their agent for that purpose M. Beaumarchais,
      who, having little property and but slender standing in society, might (if
      needful) be disavowed, imprisoned, and punished for presuming to use the
      King's name on such an occasion. In the course of our Revolutionary War,
      large supplies were sent by M. Beaumarchais under the name of Roderique
      Hortalez and Co., a supposed mercantile name. But the operations were
      impeded by complaints of the British Ambassador, Lord Stormont, which
      obliged the French Court to make frequent denials, protestations, seizure
      of goods and detention of ships. Every step of this kind bound them more
      strongly to prevent a disclosure of facts.
    </p>
    <p>
      "After the Congress returned to Philadelphia, M. de Francy, agent of M.
      Beaumarchais, applied to Congress for payment. This application was
      supported on the ground of justice by many who were not in the secret, for
      the Congress had then so much good sense as not to trust itself with its
      own secrets. There happened unluckily at that time a feud between Mr. Lee
      and Mr. Deane. The latter favored (in appearance at least) M.
      Beaumarchais' claim. Paine, who was clerk to the Secret and Commercial
      Committee, took part in the dispute, wrote pieces for the Gazettes, and at
      length, to overwhelm Deane and those who defended him with confusion,
      published a declaration of the facts confidentially communicated to the
      Committee by Mr. Lee, and signed this declaration as American Secretary
      for Foreign Affairs.* The French Minister, M. Gerard, immediately made a
      formal complaint of that publication, and an equally formal denial of what
      it contained. The Congress was therefore obliged to believe, or at least
      to act as if they believed, that Paine had told a scandalous falsehood. He
      was in consequence dismissed, which indeed he deserved for his impudence
      if for nothing else.**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Error.    Paine signed "Common Sense," and in one instance
     "Thomas Paine."

     ** Paine resigned.    Several motions for his dismissal were
     lost.
</pre>
    <p>
      "Beaumarchais and his agent had already received from the Committee
      tobacco and perhaps other articles of produce on account of his demand;
      what and how much will of course be found from investigating the files of
      the Treasury. But he wanted and finally obtained a larger and more
      effectual payment Bills were drawn in his favor on Dr. Franklin, our
      Minister in France, at long sight, for about one hundred thousand pounds
      sterling. This was done in the persuasion that the Doctor would, when they
      were presented, communicate the fact to Comte de Vergennes, from whom he
      would afterwards be obliged to solicit the means of payment. It was hoped
      that the French Court would then interfere and either lay hold of the
      bills or compel M. Beaumarchais to refund the money, so that no real
      deduction would on that account be afterwards made from the loans or
      subsidies to us. The death of all who were privy to it has spread an
      impenetrable veil over what passed on this occasion between M.
      Beaumarchais and his employer, but the bills were regularly paid, and we
      were thereby deprived in a critical moment of the resources which so large
      a sum would have supplied. When this happened, M. de la Luzerne, then
      Minister of France at Philadelphia, expressed himself with so much freedom
      and so much indignation respecting M. Beaumarchais and his claim, that
      there was reason to believe nothing more would have been heard of it. In
      that persuasion, perhaps, Dr. Franklin, when he came to settle our
      national accounts with M. de Vergennes, was less solicitous about a
      considerable item than he otherwise might have been. He acknowledged as a
      free gift to the United States the receipt on a certain day of one million
      livres, for which no evidence was produced. He asked indeed for a voucher
      to establish the payment, but the Count replied that it was immaterial
      whether we had received the money or not, seeing that we were not called
      on for repayment. With this reassuring the old gentleman seems to have
      been satisfied, and the account was settled accordingly. Perhaps the facts
      may have been communicated to him under the seal of secrecy, and if so he
      showed firmness in that he had shared in the plunder with Deane and
      Beaumarchais.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Gouverneur Morris himself.

     ** This was the receipt dated June 10, 1776, on which the
     King had marked "Bon," and was obtained by Morris in 1794.
</pre>
    <p>
      "Things remained in that state till after the late king of France was
      dethroned. The Minister of the United States at Paris' was then directed
      to enquire what had become of the million livres. The correspondence will
      of course be found in the office of the Secretary of State. It seems that
      he had the good fortune to obtain copies of M. Beaumarchais' receipt for a
      million, bearing date on the day when the gift was said to have been made,
      so that no reasonable doubt could exist as to the identity of the sum.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "So much, my dear Sir, for what memory can command. You will, I think,
      find papers containing a more accurate statement in the New York 'Evening
      Post,' about the time when Mr. Rodney's opinion was made public. At least
      I recollect having seen in that gazette some facts with which I had not
      been previously acquainted, or which I had forgotten. A gentleman from
      Connecticut, who was on the Committee of Claims last year, can I believe
      give you the papers. I remember also to have been told by a respectable
      young gentleman, son of the late Mr. Richard Henry Lee, that important
      evidence on this subject, secured from his uncle Arthur, was in his
      possession, and I believe it may be obtained from Mr. Carroll of
      Annapolis, or his son-in-law Mr. Harper of Baltimore."
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Hon'le Mr. John Randolph, of Roanoke."
    </p>
    <p>
      Beaumarchais, barely escaping the guillotine, died in poverty in Holland.
      He bequeathed his claim to his daughter who (1835) was Paid 800,000
      francs, but the million which he had received from the King and then
      charged on the United States, was never paid. Silas Deane suffered a worse
      fate. His claims for commissions and services in France remained unpaid,
      and after his return to France he occupied himself with writing to his
      brother Simeon the letters meant to be intercepted, printed by Rivington
      in 1782. In these letters he urges submission to England. Franklin took
      the charitable view that his head had been turned by his misfortunes. He
      went over to England, where he became the friend of Benedict Arnold, and
      died in poverty in 1789. In recent years his heirs were paid $35,000 by
      Congress. But had his treachery, as now revealed in the letters of George
      III., been known, there had been no such payment.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The documents referred to are no doubt among the Lee
     Papers preserved at the University of Virginia, which I have
     examined.
</pre>
    <p>
      The determination with which Paine, to his cost, withstood Deane, may seem
      at first glance quixotic His attack was animated by a belief that the
      supplies sent from France were a covert gift, and at any rate, that the
      demand for instant payment to agents was fraudulent. Evidence having been
      supplied, by the publication of Beaumarchais notes to Arthur Lee, under
      pseudonym of "Mary Johnston," that returns in tobacco were expected, this,
      if not a mercantile mask, was still a matter of credit, and very different
      from payments demanded by Beaumarchais and Deane from the scanty treasury
      of the struggling colonies.* But there was something more behind the
      vehemence of Paine's letters.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * In one of Deane's intercepted letters (May 20, 1781) there
     is an indication that he had found more truth in what Paine
     had said about the gratuitous supplies than Beaumarchais had
     led him to believe. "The first plan of the French government
     evidently was to assist us just so far as might be
     absolutely necessary to prevent an accommodation, and to
     give this assistance with so much secresy as to avoid any
     rupture with Great Britain. On this plan succors were first
     permitted to be sent out to us by private individuals, and
     only on condition of future payment, but afterward we were
     thought to be such cheap and effectual instruments of
     mischief to the British nation that more direct and
     gratuitous aids were furnished us." But now M. Doniol has
     brought to light the Reflexions and Considerations of the
     French Minister, Count de Vergennes, which led to his
     employment of Beaumarchais, which contain such propositions
     as these: "It is essential that France shall at present
     direct its care towards this end: she must nourish the
     courage and perseverance of the insurgents by flattering
     their hope of effectual assistance when circumstances
     permit." "It will be expedient to give the insurgents secret
     aid in munitions and money; utility suggests this small
     sacrifice," "Should France and Spain give succors, they
     should seek compensation only in the political object they
     have at heart, reserving to themselves subsequent decision,
     after the events and according to the situations." "It would
     be neither for the king's dignity or interest to bargain
     with the insurgents." It is certain that Beaumarchais was
     required to impress these sentiments on Arthur Lee, who
     continued to take them seriously, and made Paine take them
     so, after Beaumarchais was taking only his own interests
     seriously.
</pre>
    <p>
      This he intimated, but his revelation seems to have received no attention
      at the time. He says (January 5th): "In speaking of Mr. Deane's contracts
      with foreign officers, I concealed, out of pity to him, a circumstance
      that must have sufficiently shown the necessity of recalling him, and
      either his want of judgment or the danger of trusting him with
      discretionary power. It is no less than that of his throwing out a
      proposal, in one of his foreign letters, for contracting with a German
      prince to command the American army." This personage, who was "to
      supersede General Washington," he afterwards declares to be Prince
      Ferdinand. It is known that Count de Broglie had engaged Kalb and Deane to
      propose him as generalissimo of America, but the evidence of this other
      proposal has disappeared with other papers missing from Deane's diplomatic
      correspondence. I find, however, that ex-provost Stille who has studied
      the proceedings of Beaumarchais thoroughly, has derived from another
      source an impression that he (Beaumarchais) made an earlier proposition of
      the same kind concerning Prince Ferdinand. It would be unsafe to affirm
      that Deane did more than report the proposals made to him, but his silence
      concerning this particular charge of his antagonist, while denying every
      other categorically, is suspicious. At that early period Washington had
      not loomed up in the eye of the world. The French and Germans appear to
      have thought of the Americans and their commander as we might think of
      rebellious red men and their painted chief. There is nothing in Deane's
      letters from Europe to suggest that he did not share their delusion, or
      that he appreciated the necessity of independence. Paine, who conducted
      the foreign correspondence, knew that the secrets of the American office
      in Paris were open to Lord Stormont, who stopped large supplies prepared
      for America, and suspected Deane of treachery. It now appears that one of
      Deane's assistants, George Lupton, was an English "informer." (Stevens'
      Facsimiles, vii., No. 696.) Deane had midnight meetings in the Place
      Vendome with an English "Unknown" (now known as the informer Paul
      Wentworth) to whom he suggested that the troubles might be ended by
      England's forming a "federal union" with America. All of which shows Deane
      perilously unfit for his mission, but one is glad to find him appearing no
      worse in Wentworth's confidental portraiture (January 4, 1778) of the
      American officials:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Dr. Franklin is taciturn, deliberate, and cautious; Mr. Deane is vain,
      desultory, and subtle; Mr. Arthur Lee, suspicious and indolent; Alderman
      Lee, peevish and ignorant; Mr. Izzard, costive and dogmatical&mdash;all of
      these insidious, and Edwards vibrating between hope and fear, interest and
      attachment."
    </p>
    <p>
      The venal character of Deane's subsequent treason clearly appears in the
      correspondence of George III. with Lord North (Donne, pp. 145, 363, 380,
      381, 384) It also appears, by a letter of January 9, 1778, that George
      III. was aware that the proposal had been sent to his brother-in-law,
      Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, to become commander of the American
      revolutionists!
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XI. CAUSE, COUNTRY, SELF
    </h2>
    <p>
      Whatever might be thought of Paine's course in the Deane-Beaumarchais
      affair, there could be no doubt that the country was saved from a
      questionable payment unjustly pressed at a time when it must have crippled
      the Revolution, for which the French subsidies were given. Congress was
      relieved, and he who relieved it was the sufferer. From the most important
      congressional secretaryship he was reduced to a clerkship in Owen
      Bid-die's law office.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine's patriotic interest in public affairs did not abate. In the summer
      of 1779 he wrote able articles in favor of maintaining our right to the
      Newfoundland fisheries in any treaty of peace that might be made with
      England. Congress was secretly considering what instructions should be
      sent to its representatives in Europe; in case negotiations should arise,
      and the subject was discussed by "Americanus" in a letter to the <i>Pennsylvania
      Gazette</i>, June 23d. This writer argued that the fisheries should not be
      mentioned in such negotiations; England would stickle at the claim, and
      our ally, France, should not be called on to guarantee a right which
      should be left to the determination of natural laws. This position Paine
      combated; he maintained that independence was not a change of ministry,
      but a real thing; it should mean prosperity as well as political liberty.
      Our ally would be aggrieved by a concession to Great Britain of any means
      of making our alliance useful. "There are but two natural sources of
      wealth&mdash;the Earth and the Ocean,&mdash;and to lose the right to
      either is, in our situation, to put up the other for sale." The fisheries
      are needed, "<i>first</i>, as an Employment <i>Secondly</i>, as producing
      national Supply and Commerce, and a means of national wealth. <i>Thirdly</i>,
      as a Nursery for Seamen." Should Great Britain be in such straits as to
      ask for peace, that would be the right opportunity to settle the matter.
      "To leave the Fisheries wholly out, on any pretence whatever, is to sow
      the seeds of another war." (<i>Pennsylvania Gazette</i>, June 30th, July
      14th, 21st.) The prospects of peace seemed now sufficiently fair for Paine
      to give the attention which nobody else did to his own dismal situation.
      His scruples about making money out of the national cause were eccentric.
      The manuscript diary of Rickman, just found by Dr. Clair Grece, contains
      this note:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Franklin, on returning to America from France, where he had been
      conducting great commercial and other concerns of great import and benefit
      to the States of America, on having his accounts looked over by the
      Committee appointed to do so, there was a deficit of £100,000. He was
      asked how this happened. 'I was taught,' said he very gravely, 'when a boy
      to read the scriptures and to attend to them, and it is there said: muzzle
      not the ox that treadeth out his master's grain.' No further inquiry was
      ever made or mention of the deficient £100,000, which, it is presumed, he
      devoted to some good and great purpose to serve the people,&mdash;his own
      aim through life."
    </p>
    <p>
      Rickman, who named a son after Franklin, puts a more charitable
      construction on the irregularities of the Doctor's accounts than
      Gouverneur Morris (p. 140). The anecdote may not be exact, but it was
      generally rumored, in congressional circles, that Franklin had by no means
      been muzzled. Nor does it appear to have been considered a serious matter.
      The standard of political ethics being thus lowered, it is easy to
      understand that Paine gave more offence by his Diogenes-lantern than if he
      had quietly taken his share of the grain he trod out The security of
      independence and the pressure of poverty rendered it unnecessary to adhere
      to his quixotic Quaker repugnance to the sale of his inspirations, and he
      now desired to collect these into marketable shape. His plans are stated
      in a letter to Henry Laurens.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Philadelphia, Sepr. 14th, 1779.&mdash;Dear Sir,&mdash;It was my intention
      to have communicated to you the substance of this letter last Sunday had I
      not been prevented by a return of my fever; perhaps finding myself unwell,
      and feeling, as well as apprehending, inconveniences, have produced in me
      some thoughts for myself as well as for others. I need not repeat to you
      the part I have acted or the principle I have acted upon; and perhaps
      America would feel the less obligation to me, did she know, that it was
      neither the place nor the people but the Cause itself that irresistibly
      engaged me in its support; for I should have acted the same part in any
      other Country could the same circumstances have arisen there which have
      happened here. I have often been obliged to form this distinction to
      myself by way of smoothing over some disagreeable ingratitudes, which, you
      well know, have been shewn to me from a certain quarter.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I find myself so curiously circumstanced that I have both too many
      friends and too few, the generality of them thinking that from the public
      part I have so long acted I cannot have less than a mine to draw from&mdash;What
      they have had from me they have got for nothing, and they consequently
      suppose I must be able to afford it. I know but one kind of life I am fit
      for, and that is a thinking one, and, of course, a writing one&mdash;but I
      have confined myself so much of late, taken so little exercise, and lived
      so very sparingly, that unless I alter my way of life it will alter me. I
      think I have a right to ride a horse of my own, but I cannot now even
      afford to hire one, which is a situation I never was in before, and I
      begin to know that a sedentary life cannot be supported without jolting
      exercise. Having said thus much, which, in truth, is but loss of time to
      tell to you who so well know how I am situated, I take the liberty of
      communicating to you my design of doing some degree of justice to myself,
      but even this is accompanied with some present difficulties, but it is the
      easiest, and, I believe, the most useful and reputable of any I can think
      of. I intend this winter to collect all my Publications, beginning with
      Common Sense and ending with the fisheries, and publishing them in two
      volumes Octavo, with notes. I have no doubt of a large subscription. The
      principal difficulty will be to get Paper and I can think of no way more
      practicable than to desire Arthur Lee to send over a quantity from France
      in the Confederacy if she goes there, and settling for it with his
      brother. After that work is com pleated, I intend prosecuting a history of
      the Revolution by means of a subscription&mdash;but this undertaking will
      be attended with such an amazing expense, and will take such a length of
      Time, that unless the States individually give some assistance therein,
      scarcely any man could afford to go through it. Some kind of an history
      might be easily executed made up of daily events and triffling matters
      which would lose their Importance in a few years. But a proper history
      cannot even be began unless the secrets of the other side of the water can
      be obtained, for the first part is so interwoven with the Politics of
      England, that, that which will be the last to get at must be the first to
      begin with&mdash;and this single instance is sufficient to show that no
      history can take place of some time. My design, if I undertake it, is to
      comprise it in three quarto volumes and to publish one each year from the
      time of beginning, and to make an abridgment afterwards in an easy
      agreeable language for a school book.
    </p>
    <p>
      "All the histories of ancient wars that are used for this purpose,
      promotes no Moral Reflection, but like the beggars opera renders the
      villain pleasing in the hero. Another thing that will prolong the
      completion of an history is the want of Plates which only can be done in
      Europe, for that part of a history which is intended to convey discription
      of places or persons will ever be imperfect without them. I have now, Sir,
      acquainted you with my design, and unwilling, as you know I am, to make
      use of a friend while I can possibly avoid it, I am really obliged to say
      that I should now be glad to consult with two or three on some matters
      that regard my situation till such time as I can bring the first of those
      subscriptions to bear, or set them on foot, which cannot well be until I
      can get the paper; for should I [be] disappointed of that, with the
      subscriptions in my hand, I might be reflected upon, and the reason, tho'
      a true one, would be subject to other explanations.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Here lies the difficulty I alluded to in the beginning of this letter,
      and I would rather wish to borrow something of a friend or two in the
      interim than run the risk I have mentioned, because should I be
      disappointed by the Paper being taken or not arriving in time, the reason
      being understood by them beforehand will not injure me, but in the other
      case it would, and in the mean Time I can be preparing for publication. I
      have hitherto kept all my private matters a secret, but as I know your
      friendship and you a great deal of my situation, I can with more ease
      communicate them to you than to another.
    </p>
    <p>
      "P. S. If you are not engaged to-morrow evening I should be glad to spend
      part of it with you&mdash;if you are, I shall wait your opportunity."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * I am indebted to Mr. Simon Gratz of Philadelphia for a
     copy of this letter.
</pre>
    <p>
      It was a cruel circumstance of Paine's poverty that he was compelled to
      call attention not only to that but to his services, and to appraise the
      value of his own pen. He had to deal with hard men, on whom reserve was
      wasted. On September 28th he reminded the Executive Council of
      Pennsylvania of his needs and his uncompensated services, which, he
      declared, he could not afford to continue without support. The Council
      realized the importance of Paine's pen to its patriotic measures, but was
      afraid of offending the French Minister. Its president, Joseph Reed, on
      the following day (September 29th) wrote to that Minister intimating that
      they would like to employ Paine if he (the minister) had no objection. On
      October 11th Gerard replies with a somewhat equivocal letter, in which he
      declares that Paine had agreed to terms he had offered through M. de
      Mirales, but had not fulfilled them. "I willingly," he says, "leave M.
      Payne to enjoy whatever advantages he promises himself by his denial of
      his acceptance of the offers of M. de Mirales and myself. I would even
      add, Sir, that if you feel able to direct his pen in a way useful to the
      public welfare&mdash;which will perhaps not be difficult to your zeal,
      talents, and superior lights,&mdash;I will be the first to applaud the
      success of an attempt in which I have failed."* On the same date Paine,
      not having received any reply to his previous letter, again wrote to the
      Council.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed."   By his
     grandson.    1847.
</pre>
    <p>
      "Honble. Sirs.&mdash;Some few days ago I presented a letter to this
      Honble. Board stating the inconveniences which I lay under from an
      attention to public interest in preference to my own, to which I have
      recd, no reply. It is to me a matter of great concern to find in the
      government of this State, that which appears to be a disposition in them
      to neglect their friends and to throw discouragements in the way of genius
      and Letters.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At the particular request of the Gentleman who presides at this board, I
      took up the defence of the Constitution, at a time when he declared to me
      that unless he could be assisted he must give it up and quit the state; as
      matters then pressed too heavy upon him, and the opposition was gaining
      ground; yet this Board has since suffered me to combat with all the
      inconveniences incurred by that service, without any attention to my
      interest or my situation. For the sake of not dishonoring a cause, good in
      itself, I have hitherto been silent on these matters, but I cannot help
      expressing to this board the concern I feel on this occasion, and the ill
      effect which such discouraging examples will have on those who might
      otherwise be disposed to act as I have done.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Having said this much, which is but a little part of which I am sensible,
      I have a request to make which if complied with will enable me to overcome
      the difficulties alluded to and to withdraw from a service in which I have
      experienced nothing but misfortune and neglect. I have an opportunity of
      importing a quantity of printing paper from France, and intend collecting
      my several pieces, beginning with Common Sense, into two Volumes, and
      publishing them by Subscription, with notes; but as I cannot think of
      beginning the Subscription until the paper arrive, and as the undertaking,
      exclusive of the paper, will be attended with more expense than I, who
      have saved money both in the Service of the Continent and the State, can
      bear, I should be glad to be assisted with the loan of fifteen hundred
      pounds for which I will give bond payable within a year. If this should
      not be complied with, I request that the services I have rendered may be
      taken into consideration and such compensation made me therefor as they
      shall appear to deserve.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am, Honble. Sirs, your obt. and humble servt.,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine."
    </p>
    <p>
      The constitution which Paine, in the above letter, speaks of defending was
      that of 1776, which he had assisted Dr. Franklin, James Cannon and others
      in framing for Pennsylvania. It was a fairly republican constitution, and
      by its enfranchisement of the people generally reduced the power enjoyed
      by the rich and reactionary under the colonial government In Still's
      biography of John Dickinson the continued conflicts concerning this
      constitution are described. In 1805, when a constitutional convention was
      proposed in Pennsylvania, Paine pointed out the superiority of its
      constitution of 1776, which "was conformable to the Declaration of
      Independence and the Declaration of Rights, which the present constitution
      [framed in 1790] is not".* The constitution of 1776, and Paine's exposure
      of the services rendered to the enemy by Quakers, cleared the Pennsylvania
      Assembly of the members of that society who had been supreme. This process
      had gone on. The oath of allegiance to the State, proposed by Paine in
      1777, and adopted, had been followed in 1778 (April 1st) by one imposing
      renunciation of all allegiance to George III., his heirs and successors,
      to be taken by all trustees, provosts, professors, and masters. This was
      particularly aimed at the nest of "Tories" in the University of
      Philadelphia, whose head was the famous Dr. William Smith. This provost,
      and all members of the University except three trustees, took the oath,
      but the influence of those who had been opposed to independence remained
      the same.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Paine forgot the curious inconsistency in this
     constitution of 1776, between the opening Declaration of
     Rights in securing religious freedom and equality to all who
     "acknowledge the being of a God," and the oath provided for
     all legislators, requiring belief in future rewards and
     punishments, and in the divine inspiration of the Old and
     New Testaments. This deistical oath, however, was probably
     considered a victory of latitudiarianism, for the members
     of the convention had taken a rigid trinitarian oath on
     admission to their seats.
</pre>
    <p>
      In 1779 the Assembly got rid of the provost (Smith), and this was done by
      the act of November which took away the charter of the University.* It was
      while this agitation was going on, and the Philadelphia "Tories" saw the
      heads of their chieftains falling beneath Paine's pen, that his own
      official head had been thrown to them by his own act. The sullen spite of
      the "Tories" did not fail to manifest itself. In conjunction with Deane's
      defeated friends, they managed to give Paine many a personal humiliation.
      This was, indeed, easy enough, since Paine, though willing to fight for
      his cause, was a non-resistant in his own behalf. It may have been about
      this time that an incident occurred which was remembered with gusto by the
      aged John Joseph Henry after the "Age of Reason" had added horns and
      cloven feet to his early hero. Mr. Mease, Clothier-General, gave a dinner
      party, and a company of his guests, on their way home, excited by wine,
      met Paine. One of them remarking, "There comes 'Common Sense'"; Matthew
      Slough said, "Damn him, I shall common-sense him," and thereupon tripped
      Paine into the gutter.** But patriotic America was with Paine, and missed
      his pen; for no <i>Crisis</i> had appeared for nearly a year. Consequently
      on November 2, 1779, the Pennsylvania Assembly elected him its Clerk.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * See "A Memoir of the Rev. William Smith, D.D.," by Charles
     J. Stille, Philadelphia, 1869. Provost Stille, in this
     useful historical pamphlet, states all that can be said in
     favor of Dr. Smith, but does not refer to his controversy
     with Paine.

     ** This incident is related in the interest of religion in
     Mr. Henry's "Account of Arnold's Campaign against Quebec."
     The book repeats the old charge of drunkenness against
     Paine, but the untrustworthiness of the writer's memory is
     shown in his saying that his father grieved when Paine's
     true character appeared, evidently meaning his "infidelity."
     His father died in 1786, when no suspicion either of Paine's
     habits or orthodoxy had been heard.
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="link2H_4_0021" id="link2H_4_0021">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      {1780}
    </h2>
    <p>
      On the same day there was introduced into that Assembly an act for the
      abolition of slavery in the State, which then contained six thousand negro
      slaves. The body of this very moderate measure was prepared by George
      Bryan, but the much admired preamble has been attributed by tradition to
      the pen of Paine.* That this tradition is correct is now easily proved by
      a comparison of its sentiments and phraseology with the antislavery
      writings of Paine presented in previous pages of this work. The author,
      who alone seems to have been thinking of the negroes and their rights
      during that revolutionary epoch, thus had some reward in writing the first
      proclamation of emancipation in America. The act passed March 1, 1780.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed," ii., p. 177;
     North American Review, vol. lvii., No. cxx.
</pre>
    <p>
      The Preamble is as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I. When we contemplate our abhorrence of that condition, to which the
      arms and tyranny of Great Britain were exerted to reduce us, when we look
      back on the variety of dangers to which we have been exposed, and how
      miraculously our wants in many instances have been supplied, and our
      deliverances wrought, when even hope and human fortitude have become
      unequal to the conflict, we are unavoidably led to a serious and grateful
      sense of the manifold blessings, which we have undeservedly received from
      the hand of that Being, from whom every good and perfect gift cometh.
      Impressed with these ideas, we conceive that is is our duty, and we
      rejoice that it is in our power, to extend a portion of that freedom to
      others, which hath been extended to us, and release from that state of
      thraldom, to which we ourselves were tyrannically doomed, and from which
      we have now every prospect of being delivered. It is not for us to enquire
      why, in the creation of mankind, the inhabitants of the several parts of
      the earth were distinguished by a difference in feature or complexion. It
      is sufficient to know that all are the work of the Almighty Hand. We find
      in the distribution of the human species, that the most fertile as well as
      the most barren parts of the earth are inhabited by men of complexions
      different from ours, and from each other; from whence we may reasonably as
      well as religiously infer, that He, who placed them in their various
      situations, hath extended equally his care and protection to all, and that
      it becometh not us to counteract his mercies. We esteem it a peculiar
      blessing granted to us, that we are enabled this day to add one more step
      to universal civilization, by removing, as much as possible, the sorrows
      of those, who have lived in undeserved bondage, and from which, by the
      assumed authority of the Kings of Great Britain, no effectual, legal
      relief could be obtained. Weaned, by a long course of experience, from
      those narrow prejudices and partialities we had imbibed, we find our
      hearts enlarged with kindness and benevolence towards men of all
      conditions and nations; and we conceive ourselves at this particular
      period particularly called upon by the blessings which we have received,
      to manifest the sincerity of our profession, and to give a substantial
      proof of our gratitude.
    </p>
    <p>
      "II. And whereas the condition of those persons, who have heretofore been
      denominated Negro and Mulatto slaves, has been attended with
      circumstances, which not only deprived them of the common blessings that
      they were by nature entitled to, but has cast them into the deepest
      afflictions, by an unnatural separation and sale of husband and wife from
      each other and from their children, an injury, the greatness of which can
      only be conceived by supposing that we were in the same unhappy case. In
      justice, therefore, to persons so unhappily circumstanced, and who, having
      no prospect before them whereon they may rest their sorrows and their
      hopes, have no reasonable inducement to render their service to society,
      which they otherwise might, and also in grateful commemoration of our own
      happy deliverance from that state of unconditional submission to which we
      were doomed by the tyranny of Britain.
    </p>
    <p>
      "III. Be it enacted, &amp;c."
    </p>
    <p>
      The New Year, 1780, found Washington amid much distress at Morristown.
      Besides the published letters which attest this I have found an extract
      from one which seems to have escaped the attention of Washington's
      editors.* It was written at Morristown, January 5th.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * It is in the Ward Collection at Lafayette College, Easton,
     Pa., copied by a (probably) contemporary hand.
</pre>
    <p>
      "It gives me extreme Pain that I should still be holding up to Congress
      our wants on the score of Provision, when I am convinced that they are
      doing all that they can for our relief. Duty and necessity, however,
      constrain me to it. The inclosed copies of Letters from Mr. Flint, the
      Assistant Commissary, and from Gen. Irvine, who commands at present our
      advanced troops, contain a just Representation of our situation. To add to
      our Difficulties I very much fear that the late violent snow storm has so
      blocked up the Roads, that it will be some days before the scanty supplies
      in this quarter can be brought to camp. The troops, both officers and men,
      have borne their Distress, with a patience scarcely to be conceived. Many
      of the latter have been four or five days without meat entirely and short
      of Bread, and none but very scanty Supplies&mdash;Some for their
      preservation have been compelled to maraud and rob from the Inhabitants,
      and I have it not in my power to punish or reprove the practice. If our
      condition should not undergo a very speedy and considerable change for the
      better, it will be difficult to point out all the consequences that may
      ensue. About forty of the Cattle mentioned by Mr. Flint got in last
      night."
    </p>
    <p>
      The times that tried men's souls had come again. The enemy, having
      discovered the sufferings of the soldiers at Morristown, circulated
      leaflets inviting them to share the pleasures of New York. Nor were they
      entirely unsuccessful. On May 28th was penned the gloomiest letter
      Washington ever wrote. It was addressed to Reed, President of
      Pennsylvania, and the Clerk (Paine) read it to the Assembly. "I assure
      you," said the Commander's letter, "every idea you can form of our
      distresses will fall short of the reality. There is such a combination of
      circumstances to exhaust the patience of the soldiery that it begins at
      length to be worn out, and we see in every line of the army the most
      serious features of mutiny and sedition." There was throughout the long
      letter a tone of desperation which moved the Assembly profoundly. At the
      close there was a despairing silence, amid which a member arose and said,
      "We may as well give up first as last." The treasury was nearly empty, but
      enough remained to pay Paine his salary, and he headed a subscription of
      relief with $500.* The money was enclosed to Mr. M'Clenaghan, with a
      vigorous letter which that gentleman read to a meeting held in a
      coffee-house the same evening. Robert Morris and M'Clenaghan subscribed
      £200 each, hard money. The subscription, dated June 8th, spread like
      wildfire, and resulted in the raising of £300,000, which established a
      bank that supplied the army through the campaign, and was incorporated by
      Congress on December 21st.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The salary was drawn on June 7th, and amounted to $1,699.
     For particulars concerning Paine's connection with the
     Assembly I am indebted to Dr. William H. Egle, State
     Librarian of Pennsylvania.
</pre>
    <p>
      Paine, by his timely suggestion of a subscription, and his "mite," as he
      called it, proved that he could meet a crisis as well as write one. He had
      written a cheery <i>Crisis</i> in March, had helped to make good its
      hopefulness in May, and was straightway busy on another. This was probably
      begun on the morning when M'Clenaghan came to him with a description of
      the happy effect and result produced by his letter and subscription on the
      gentlemen met at the coffee-house. This <i>Crisis</i> (June 9, 1780)
      declares that the reported fate of Charleston, like the misfortunes of
      1776, had revived the same spirit; that such piecemeal work was not
      conquering the continent; that France was at their side; that an
      association had been formed for supplies, and hard-money bounties. In a
      postscript he adds: "Charleston is gone, and I believe for the want of a
      sufficient supply of provisions. The man that does not now feel for the
      honor of the best and noblest cause that ever a country engaged in, and
      exert himself accordingly, is no longer worthy of a peaceable residence
      among a people determined to be free."
    </p>
    <p>
      Meanwhile, on "Sunday Morning, June 4th," Paine wrote to President Reed a
      private letter:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sir,&mdash;I trouble you with a few thoughts on the present state of
      affairs. Every difficulty we are now in arises from an empty treasury and
      an exhausted credit. These removed and the prospect were brighter. While
      the war was carried on by emissions at the pleasure of Congress, any body
      of men might conduct public business, and the poor were of equal use in
      government with the rich. But when the means must be drawn from the
      country the case becomes altered, and unless the wealthier part throw in
      their aid, public measures must go heavily on.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The people of America understand rights better than politics. They have a
      clear idea of their object, but are greatly deficient in comprehending the
      means. In the first place, they do not distinguish between sinking the
      debt, and raising the current expenses. They want to have the war carried
      on, the Lord knows how.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It is always dangerous to spread an alarm of danger unless the prospect
      of success be held out with it, and that not only as probable, but
      naturally essential. These things premised, I beg leave to mention, that
      suppose you were to send for some of the richer inhabitants of the City,
      and state to them the situation of the army and the treasury, not as
      arising so much from defect in the departments of government as from a
      neglect in the country generally, in not contributing the necessary
      support in time. If they have any spirit, any foresight of their own
      interest or danger, they will promote a subscription either of money or
      articles, and appoint a committee from among themselves to solicit the
      same in the several Counties; and one State setting the example, the rest,
      I presume, will follow. Suppose it was likewise proposed to them to
      deposit their plate to be coined for the pay of the Army, crediting the
      government for the value, by weight.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If measures of this kind could be promoted by the richer of the Whigs, it
      would justify your calling upon the other part to furnish their proportion
      without ceremony, and these two measures carried, would make a draft or
      call for personal service the more palatable and easy.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I began to write this yesterday. This morning, it appears clear to me
      that Charleston is in the hands of the enemy, and the garrison prisoners
      of war. Something must be done, and that something, to give it popularity,
      must begin with men of property. Every care ought now to be taken to keep
      goods from rising. The rising of goods will have a most ruinous ill effect
      in every light in which it can be viewed.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The army must be reunited, and that by the most expeditious possible
      means. Drafts should first be countenanced by subscriptions, and if men
      would but reason rightly, they would see that there are some thousands in
      this State who had better subscribe thirty, forty, or fifty guineas apiece
      than run the risk of having to settle with the enemy. Property is always
      the object of a conqueror, wherever he can find it. A rich man, says King
      James, makes a bonny traitor; and it cannot be supposed that Britain will
      not reimburse herself by the wealth of others, could she once get the
      power of doing it. We must at least recruit eight or ten thousand men in
      this State, who had better raise a man apiece, though it should cost them
      a thousand pounds apiece, than not have a sufficient force, were it only
      for safety sake. Eight or ten thousand men, added to what we have now got,
      with the force that may arrive, would enable us to make a stroke at New
      York, to recover the loss of Charleston&mdash;but the measure must be
      expeditious.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I suggest another thought. Suppose every man, working a plantation, who
      has not taken the oath of allegiance, in Philadelphia County, Bucks,
      Chester, Lancaster, Northampton, and Berks, were, by the new power vested
      in the Council, called immediately upon for taxes in kind at a certain
      value. Horses and wagons to be appraised. This would not only give
      immediate relief, but popularity to the new power. I would remark of taxes
      in kind, that they are hard-money taxes, and could they be established on
      the non-jurors, would relieve us in the articles of supplies.
    </p>
    <p>
      "But whatever is necessary or proper to be done, must be done immediately.
      We must rise vigorously upon the evil, or it will rise upon us. A show of
      spirit will grow into real spirit, but the Country must not be suffered to
      ponder over their loss for a day. The circumstance of the present hour
      will justify any means from which good may arise. We want rousing.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On the loss of Charleston I would remark&mdash;the expectation of a
      foreign force arriving will embarrass them whether to go or to stay; and
      in either case, what will they do with their prisoners? If they return,
      they will be but as they were as to dominion; if they continue, they will
      leave New York an attackable post. They can make no new movements for a
      considerable time. They may pursue their object to the Southward in
      detachments, but then in every main point they will naturally be at a
      stand; and we ought immediately to lay hold of the vacancy.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am, Sir, your obedient humble servant,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine."
    </p>
    <p>
      If Paine had lost any popularity in consequence of his indirect censure by
      Congress, a year before, it had been more than regained by his action in
      heading the subscription, and the inspiriting effect of his pamphlets of
      March and June, 1780. The University of the State of Pennsylvania, as it
      was now styled, celebrated the Fourth of July by conferring on him the
      degree of Master of Arts.* Among the trustees who voted to confer on him
      this honor were some who had two years before refused to take the American
      oath of allegiance.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the autumn appeared Paine's <i>Crisis Extraordinary</i>. It would
      appear by a payment made to him personally, that in order to make his
      works cheap he had been compelled to take his publications into his own
      hands.** The sum of $360 paid for ten dozen copies of this pamphlet was
      really at the rate of five cents per copy. It is a forcible reminder of
      the depreciation of the Continental currency. At one period Paine says he
      paid $300 for a pair of woollen stockings.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Mr. Burk, Secretary of the University of Pennsylvania,
     sends me some interesting particulars. The proposal to
     confer the degree on Paine was unanimously agreed to by the
     trustees present, who were the Hon. Joseph Reed, President
     of the Province; Mr. Moore, Vice-President; Mr. Sproat
     (Presbyterian minister), Mr. White (the Bishop), Mr.
     Helmuth, Mr. Wei-borg (minister of the German Calvinist
     Church), Mr. Farmer (Roman Catholic Rector of St. Mary's),
     Dr. Bond, Dr. Hutchkinson, Mr. Muhlenberg (Lutheran
     minister). There were seven other recipients of the honor on
     that day, all eminent ministers of religion; and M.D. was
     conferred on David Ramsay, a prisoner with the enemy.

     ** "In Council. Philadelphia, October 10th, 1780. Sir,&mdash;Pay
     to Thomas Paine Esquire, or his order, the amount of three
     hundred and sixty dollars Continental money in State money,
     at sixty to one, amount of his account for 10 dozen of the
     Crisis Extraordinary. Wm. Moore, Vice President.&mdash;To David
     Rittenhouse Esquire, Treasurer."
</pre>
    <p>
      Although the financial emergency had been tided over by patriotic
      sacrifices, it had disclosed a chaos.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sir,&mdash;Please to pay the within to Mr. Willm. Harris, and you will
      oblige yr. obt. Hble. Sert., Thos. Paine.&mdash;David Rittenhouse Esq."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Red. in full, H. Wm. Harris." [Harris printed the pamphlet].
    </p>
    <p>
      Congress, so far from being able to contend with Virginia on a point of
      sovereignty, was without power to levy taxes. "One State," writes
      Washington (May 31st) "will comply with a requisition of Congress; another
      neglects to do it; a third executes it by halves; and all differ either in
      the manner, the matter, or so much in point of time, that we are always
      working up hill, and ever shall be; and, while such a system as the
      present one or rather want of one prevails, we shall ever be unable to
      apply our strength or resources to any advantage." In the letter of May
      28th, to the President of Pennsylvania, which led to the subscription
      headed by Paine, Washington pointed out that the resources of New York and
      Jersey were exhausted, that Virginia could spare nothing from the
      threatened South, and Pennsylvania was their chief dependence. "The
      crisis, in every point of view, is extraordinary." This sentence of
      Washington probably gave Paine his title, Crisis Extraordinary. It is in
      every sense a masterly production. By a careful estimate he shows that the
      war and the several governments cost two millions sterling annually. The
      population being 3,000,000, the amount would average 13s. 4d. per head. In
      England the taxation was £2 per head. With independence a peace
      establishment in America would cost 5s. per head; with the loss of it
      Americans would have to pay the £2 per head like other English subjects.
      Of the needed annual two millions, Pennsylvania's quota would be an
      eighth, or £250,000; that is, a shilling per month to her 375,000
      inhabitants,&mdash;which subjugation would increase to
      three-and-threepence per month. He points out that the Pennsylvanians were
      then paying only £64,280 per annum, instead of their real quota of
      £250,000, leaving a deficiency of £185, 720, and consequently a distressed
      army. After showing that with peace and free trade all losses and ravages
      would be speedily redressed, Paine proposes that half of Pennsylvania's
      quota, and £60,000 over, shall be raised by a tax of 7s. per head. With
      this sixty thousand (interest on six millions) a million can be annually
      borrowed. He recommends a war-tax on landed property, houses, imports,
      prize goods, and liquors. "It would be an addition to the pleasures of
      society to know that, when the health of the army goes round, a few drops
      from every glass become theirs."
    </p>
    <p>
      On December 30, 1780, Dunlap advertised Paine's pamphlet "Public Good."
      Under a charter given the Virginia Company in 1609 the State of Virginia
      claimed that its southern boundary extended to the Pacific; and that its
      northern boundary, starting four hundred miles above, on the Atlantic
      coast, stretched due northwest. To this Paine replies that the charter was
      given to a London company extinct for one hundred and fifty years, during
      which the State had never acted under that charter. Only the heirs of that
      company's members could claim anything under its extinct charter. Further,
      the State unwarrantably assumed that the northwestern line was to extend
      from the northern point of its Atlantic base; whereas there was more
      reason to suppose that it was to extend from the southern point, and meet
      a due west line from the northern point, thus forming a triangular
      territory of forty-five thousand square miles. Moreover, the charter of
      1609 said the lines should stretch "from sea to sea." Paine shows by apt
      quotations that the western sea was supposed to be a short distance from
      the Atlantic, and that the northwestern boundary claimed by Virginia would
      never reach the said sea, "but would form a spiral line of infinite
      windings round the globe, and after passing over the northern parts of
      America and the frozen ocean, and then into the northern parts of Asia,
      would, when eternity should end, and not before, terminate in the north
      pole." Such a territory is nondescript, and a charter that describes
      nothing gives nothing. It may be remarked here that though the
      Attorney-General of Virginia, Edmund Randolph, had to vindicate his
      State's claim, he used a similar argument in defeating Lord Fairfax's
      claim to lands in Virginia which had not been discovered when his grant
      was issued.* All this, however, was mere fencing preliminary to the real
      issue. The western lands, on the extinction of the Virginia companies, had
      reverted to the Crown, and the point in which the State was really
      interested was its succession to the sovereignty of the Crown over all
      that territory. It was an early cropping up of the question of State
      sovereignty. By royal proclamation of 1763 the province of Virginia was
      defined so as not to extend beyond heads of rivers emptying in the
      Atlantic.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Omitted Chapters of History Disclosed in the Life and
     Papers of Edmund Randolph," pp. 47, 60.
</pre>
    <p>
      Paine contended that to the sovereignty of the Crown over all territories
      beyond limits of the thirteen provinces the United States had succeeded.
      This early assertion of the federal doctrine, enforced with great
      historical and legal learning, alienated from Paine some of his best
      Southern friends. The controversy did not end until some years later.
      After the peace, a proposal in the Virginia Legislature to present Paine
      with something for his services, was lost on account of this pamphlet.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Of course this issue of State v. National sovereignty was
     adjourned to the future battle-field, where indeed it was
     not settled. Congress accepted Virginia's concession of the
     territory in question (March I, 1784), without conceding
     that it was a donation; it accepted some of Virginia's
     conditions, but refused others, which the State surrendered.
     A motion that this acceptance did not imply endorsement of
     Virginia's claim was lost, but the contrary was not
     affirmed. The issue was therefore settled only in Paine's
     pamphlet, which remains a document of paramount historical
     interest.

     There was, of course, a rumor that Paine's pamphlet was a
     piece of paid advocacy. I remarked among the Lee MSS., at
     the University of Virginia, an unsigned scrap of paper
     saying he had been promised twelve thousand acres of western
     land. Such a promise could only have been made by the old
     Indiana, or Vandalia, Company, which was trying to revive
     its defeated claim for lands conveyed by the Indians in
     compensation for property they had destroyed. Their agent,
     Samuel Wharton, may have employed Paine's pen for some kind
     of work. But there is no faintest trace of advocacy in
     Paine's "Public Good." He simply maintains that the
     territories belong to the United States, and should be sold
     to pay the public debt,&mdash;a principle as fatal to the claim
     of a Company as to that of a State.
</pre>
    <p>
      The students of history will soon be enriched by a "Life of Patrick
      Henry," by his grandson, William Wirt Henry, and a "Life of George Mason,"
      by his descendant, Miss Rowland. In these works by competent hands
      important contributions will be made (as I have reason to know) to right
      knowledge of the subject dealt with by Paine in his "Public Good." It can
      here only be touched on; but in passing I may say that Virginia had good
      ground for resisting even the semblance of an assertion of sovereignty by
      a Congress representing only a military treaty between the colonies; and
      that Paine's doctrine confesses itself too idealistic and premature by the
      plea, with which his pamphlet closes, for the summoning of a "continental
      convention, for the purpose of forming a continental constitution,
      defining and describing the powers and authority of Congress."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XII. A JOURNEY TO FRANCE
    </h2>
    <p>
      The suggestion of Franklin to Paine, in October, 1775, that he should
      write a history of the events that led up to the conflict, had never been
      forgotten by either. From Franklin he had gathered important facts and
      materials concerning the time antedating his arrival in America, and he
      had been a careful chronicler of the progress of the Revolution. He was
      now eager to begin this work. At the close of the first year of his office
      as Clerk of the Assembly, which left him with means of support for a time,
      he wrote to the Speaker (November 3, 1780) setting forth his intention of
      collecting materials for a history of the Revolution, and saying that he
      could not fulfil the duties of Clerk if re-elected.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Dr. Egle informs me that the following payments to Paine
     appear in the Treasurer's account: 1779, November 27, £450.
     1780, February 14. For public service at a treaty held at
     Easton in 1777, £300. February 14. Pay as clerk, £582. 10.
     o. March 18. On account as clerk, £187. 10. o. March 27,
     "for his services "(probably those mentioned on p. 94),
     £2,355, 7. 6. June 7, "for 60 days attendance and extra
     expenses," £1,699. j. 6, (This was all paper money, and of
     much less value than it seems. The last payment was drawn on
     the occasion of his subscription of the $500, apparently
     hard money, in response to Washington's appeal.) In March,
     1780, a Fee Act was passed regulating the payment of
     officers of the State in accordance with the price of wheat;
     but this was ineffectual to preserve the State paper from
     depreciation. In June, 1780, a list of lawyers and State-
     officers willing to take paper money of the March issue as
     gold and silver was published, and in it appears "Thomas
     Paine, clerk to the General Assembly."
</pre>
    <p>
      This and another letter (September 14, 1780), addressed to the Hon. John
      Bayard, Speaker of the late Assembly, were read, and ordered to lie on the
      table. Paine's office would appear to have ended early in November; the
      next three months were devoted to preparations for his history.
    </p>
    <p>
      But events determined that Paine should make more history than he was able
      to chronicle. Soon after his <i>Crisis Extraordinary</i> (dated October 6,
      1780) had appeared, Congress issued its estimate of eight million dollars
      (a million less than Paine's) as the amount to be raised. It was plain
      that the money could not be got in the country, and France must be called
      on for help. Paine drew up a letter to Vergennes, informing him that a
      paper dollar was worth only a cent, that it seemed almost impossible to
      continue the war, and asking that France should supply America with a
      million sterling per annum, as subsidy or loan. This letter was shown to
      M. Marbois, Secretary of the French Legation, who spoke discouragingly.
      But the Hon. Ralph Izard showed the letter to some members of Congress,
      whose consultation led to the appointment of Col. John Laurens to visit
      France. It was thought that Laurens, one of Washington's aids, would be
      able to explain the military situation. He was reluctant, but agreed to go
      if Paine would accompany him.
    </p>
    <p>
      It so happened that Paine had for some months had a dream of crossing the
      Atlantic, with what purpose is shown in the following confidential letter
      (September 9, 1780), probably to Gen. Nathaniel Greene.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sir,&mdash;Last spring I mentioned to you a wish I had to take a passage
      for Europe, and endeavour to go privately to England. You pointed out
      several difficulties in the way, respecting my own safety, which
      occasioned me to defer the matter at that time, in order not only to weigh
      it more seriously, but to submit to the government of subsequent
      circumstances. I have frequently and carefully thought of it since, and
      were I now to give an opinion on it as a measure to which I was not a
      party, it would be this:&mdash;that as the press in that country is free
      and open, could a person possessed of a knowledge of America, and capable
      of fixing it in the minds of the people of England, go suddenly from this
      country to that, and keep himself concealed, he might, were he to manage
      his knowledge rightly, produce a more general disposition for peace than
      by any method I can suppose. I see my way so clearly before me in this
      opinion, that I must be more mistaken than I ever yet was on any political
      measure, if it fail of its end. I take it for granted that the whole
      country, ministry, minority, and all, are tired of the war; but the
      difficulty is how to get rid of it, or how they are to come down from the
      high ground they have taken, and accommodate their feelings to a treaty
      for peace. Such a change must be the effect either of necessity or choice.
      I think it will take, at least, three or four more campaigns to produce
      the former, and they are too wrong in their opinions of America to act
      from the latter. I imagine that next spring will begin with a new
      Parliament, which is so material a crisis in the politics of that country,
      that it ought to be attended to by this; for, should it start wrong, we
      may look forward to six or seven years more of war. The influence of the
      press rightly managed is important; but we can derive no service in this
      line, because there is no person in England who knows enough of America to
      treat the subject properly. It was in a great measure owing to my bringing
      a knowledge of England with me to America, that I was enabled to enter
      deeper into politics, and with more success, than other people; and
      whoever takes the matter up in England must in like manner be possessed of
      a knowledge of America. I do not suppose that the acknowledgment of
      Independence is at this time a more unpopular doctrine in England than the
      declaration of it was in America immediately before the publication of the
      pamphlet 'Common Sense,' and the ground appears as open for the one now as
      it did for the other then.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The manner in which I would bring such a publication out would be under
      the cover of an Englishman who had made the tour of America incog. This
      will afford me all the foundation I wish for and enable me to place
      matters before them in a light in which they have never yet viewed them. I
      observe that Mr. Rose in his speech on Governor Pownall's bill, printed in
      Bradford's last paper, says that 'to form an opinion on the propriety of
      yielding independence to America requires an accurate knowledge of the
      state of that country, the temper of the people, the resources of their
      Government,' &amp;c. Now there is no other method to give this information
      a national currency but this,&mdash;the channel of the press, which I have
      ever considered the tongue of the world, and which governs the sentiments
      of mankind more than anything else that ever did or can exist.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The simple point I mean to aim at is, to make the acknowledgment of
      Independence a popular subject, and that not by exposing and attacking
      their errors, but by stating its advantages and apologising for their
      errors, by way of accomodating the measure to their pride. The present
      parties in that country will never bring one another to reason. They are
      heated with all the passion of opposition, and to rout the ministry, or to
      support them, makes their capital point. Were the same channel open to the
      ministry in this country which is open to us in that, they would stick at
      no expense to improve the opportunity. Men who are used to government know
      the weight and worth of the press, when in hands which can use it to
      advantage. Perhaps with me a little degree of literary pride is connected
      with principle; for, as I had a considerable share in promoting the
      declaration of Independence in this country, I likewise wish to be a means
      of promoting the acknowledgment of it in that; and were I not persuaded
      that the measure I have proposed would be productive of much essential
      service, I would not hazard my own safety, as I have everything to
      apprehend should I fall into their hands; but, could I escape in safety,
      till I could get out a publication in England, my apprehensions would be
      over, because the manner in which I mean to treat the subject would
      procure me protection.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Having said thus much on the matter, I take the liberty of hinting to you
      a mode by which the expense may be defrayed without any new charge. Drop a
      delegate in Congress at the next election, and apply the pay to defray
      what I have proposed; and the point then will be, whether you can possibly
      put any man into Congress who could render as much service in that station
      as in the one I have pointed out. When you have perused this, I should be
      glad of some conversation upon it, and will wait on you for that purpose
      at any hour you may appoint. I have changed my lodgings, and am now in
      Front Street opposite the Coffee House, next door to Aitkin's bookstore.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am, Sir, your ob't humble servant,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1781}
    </h2>
    <p>
      The invitation of Colonel Laurens was eagerly accepted by Paine, who hoped
      that after their business was transacted in France he might fulfil his
      plan of a literary descent on England. They sailed from Boston early in
      February, 1781, and arrived at L'Orient in March.
    </p>
    <p>
      Young Laurens came near ruining the scheme by an imprudent advocacy, of
      which Vergennes complained, while ascribing it to his inexperience.
      According to Lamartine, the King "loaded Paine with favors." The gift of
      six millions was "confided into the hands of Franklin and Paine." The
      author now revealed to Laurens, and no doubt to Franklin, his plan for
      going to England, but was dissuaded from it. From Brest, May 28th, he
      writes to Franklin in Paris:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have just a moment to spare to bid you farewell. We go on board in an
      hour or two, with a fair wind and everything ready. I understand that you
      have expressed a desire to withdraw from business, and I beg leave to
      assure you that every wish of mine, so far as it can be attended with any
      service, will be employed to make your resignation, should it be accepted,
      attended with every possible mark of honor which your long services and
      high character in life justly merit."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * He confides to Franklin a letter to be forwarded to Bury
     St. Edmunds, the region of his birth. Perhaps he had already
     been corresponding with some one there about his projected
     visit. Ten years later the Bury Post vigorously supported
     Paine and his "Rights of Man."
</pre>
    <p>
      They sailed from Brest on the French frigate <i>Resolve</i> June 1st,
      reaching Boston August 25th, with 2,500,000 livres in silver, and in
      convoy a ship laden with clothing and military stores.
    </p>
    <p>
      The glad tidings had long before reached Washington, then at New Windsor.
      On May 14, 1781, the General writes to Philip Schuyler:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have been exceedingly distressed by the repeated accounts I have
      received of the sufferings of the troops on the frontier, and the terrible
      consequences which must ensue unless they were speedily supplied. What
      gave a particular poignancy to the sting I felt on the occasion was my
      inability to afford relief."
    </p>
    <p>
      On May 26th his diary notes a letter from Laurens reporting the relief
      coming from France. The information was confided by Washington only to his
      diary, lest it should forestall efforts of self-help. Of course Washington
      knew that the starting of convoys from France could not escape English
      vigilance, and that their arrival was uncertain; so he passed near three
      months in preparations, reconnoitrings, discussions. By menacing the
      British in New York he made them draw away some of the forces of
      Cornwallis from Virginia, where he meant to strike; but his delay in
      marching south brought on him complaints from Governor Jefferson, Richard
      Henry Lee, and others, who did not know the secret of that delay.
      Washington meant to carry to Virginia an army well clad, with hard money
      in their pockets, and this he did. The arrival of the French supplies at
      Boston, August 25th, was quickly heralded, and while sixteen ox-teams were
      carrying them to Philadelphia, Washington was there getting, on their
      credit, all the money and supplies he wanted for the campaign that
      resulted in the surrender of Cornwallis.
    </p>
    <p>
      For this great service Paine never received any payment or acknowledgment.
      The plan of obtaining aid from France was conceived by him, and mainly
      executed by him. It was at a great risk that he went on this expedition;
      had he been captured he could have hoped for little mercy from the
      British. Laurens, who had nearly upset the business, got the glory and the
      pay; Paine, who had given up his clerkship of the Assembly, run the
      greater danger, and done the real work, got nothing. But it was a rôle he
      was used to. The young Colonel hastened to resume his place in
      Washington's family, but seems to have given little attention to Paine's
      needs, while asking attention to his own. So it would appear by the
      following friendly letter of Paine, addressed to "Col. Laurens, Head
      Quarters, Virginia:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Philadelphia, Oct. 4,1781.&mdash;Dear Sir,&mdash;I received your favor
      (by the post,) dated Sep. 9th, Head of Elk, respecting a mislaid letter. A
      gentleman who saw you at that place about the same time told me he had
      likewise a letter from you to me which he had lost, and that you mentioned
      something to him respecting baggage. This left me in a difficulty to judge
      whether after writing to me by post, you had not found the letter you
      wrote about, and took that opportunity to inform me about it. However, I
      have wrote to Gen. Heath in case the trunk should be there, and inclosed
      in it a letter to Blodget in case it should not. I have yet heard nothing
      from either. I have preferred forwarding the trunk, in case it can be done
      in a reasonable time, to the opening it, and if it cannot, then to open it
      agreeably to your directions, tho' I have no idea of its being there.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I went for your boots, the next day after you left town, but they were
      not done, and I directed the man to bring them to me as soon as finished,
      but have since seen nothing of him, neither do wish him to bring them just
      now, as I must be obliged to borrow the money to pay for them; but I
      imagine somebody else has taken them off his hands. I expect Col. Morgan
      in town on Saturday, who has some money of mine in his hands, and then I
      shall renew my application to the bootmaker.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I wish you had thought of me a little before you went away, and at least
      endeavored to put matters in a train that I might not have to reexperience
      what has already past. The gentleman who conveys this to you, Mr. Burke,
      is an assistant judge of South Carolina, and one to whose friendship I am
      much indebted. He lodged some time in the house with me.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I enclose you the paper of this morning, by which you will see that
      Gillam had not sailed (or at least I conclude so) on the 4th of July, as
      Major Jackson was deputy toast master, or Burgos-master, or something, at
      an entertainment on that day. As soon as I can learn anything concerning
      Gillam I will inform you of it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am with every wish for your happiness and success, &amp;c.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Please to present my Compts. and best wishes to the General. I have wrote
      to the Marquis and put all my politics into his letter. A paper with
      Rivington's account of the action is enclosed in the Marquis' letter."'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The original is in Mr. W. F. Haveraeyer's collection.
</pre>
    <p>
      It will be seen by the following letter to Franklin's nephew that Paine
      was now on good terms with the Congressmen who had opposed him in the
      Deane matter. The letter (in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania) is
      addressed to "Mr. Jonathan Williams, Merchant, Nantz," per "Brig Betsey."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Philadelphia, Nov. 26, 1781.&mdash;Dear Sir,&mdash;Since my arrival I
      have received a letter from you dated Passy May 18, and directed to me at
      Brest. I intended writing to you by Mr. Baseley who is consul at L'Orient
      but neglected it till it was too late.&mdash;Mem: I desired Baseley to
      mention to you that Mr. Butler of S: Carolina is surprised at Capt Rob&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;n's
      drawing on him for money; this Mr. Butler mentioned to me, and as a friend
      I communicate it to you.&mdash;I sent you Col. Laurens's draft on Madam
      Babut (I think that is her name) at Nantz for 12 L. d'ors for the expence
      of the Journey but have never learned if you received it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your former friend Silas Deane has run his last length. In france he is
      reprobating America, and in America (by letters) he is reprobating france,
      and advising her to abandon her alliance, relinquish her independence, and
      once more become subject to Britain. A number of letters, signed Silas
      Deane, have been published in the New York papers to this effect: they are
      believed, by those who formerly were his friends, to be genuine; Mr. Robt.
      Morris assured me that he had been totally deceived in Deane, but that he
      now looked upon him to be a bad man, and his reputation totally ruined.
      Gouverneur Morris hopped round upon one leg, swore they had all been
      duped, himself among the rest, complimented me on my quick sight,&mdash;and
      by Gods says he nothing carries a man through the world like honesty:&mdash;and
      my old friend Duer 'Sometimes a sloven and sometimes a Beau,' says, Deane
      is a damned artful rascal. However Duer has fairly cleared himself. He
      received a letter from him a considerable time before the appearance of
      these in the New York papers&mdash;which was so contrary to what he
      expected to receive, and of such a traitorous cast, that he communicated
      it to Mr. Luzerne the Minister.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Lord Cornwallis with 7247 officers and men are nAbbéd nicely in the
      Cheasepeake, which I presume you have heard already, otherwise I should
      send you the particulars. I think the enemy can hardly hold out another
      campaign. General Greene has performed wonders to the southward, and our
      affairs in all quarters have a good appearance. The french Ministry have
      hit on the right scheme, that of bringing their force and ours to act in
      conjunction against the enemy.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Marquis de la fayette is on the point of setting out for france, but
      as I am now safely on this side the water again, I believe I shall
      postpone my second journey to france a little longer.&mdash;Lest Doctr.
      Franklin should not have heard of Deane I wish you would write to him, and
      if anything new transpires in the meantime and the Marquis do not set off
      too soon, I shall write by him.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Remember me to Mr. &amp; Mrs. Johnstone, Dr. Pierce, Mr. Watson &amp;
      Ceasey and Mr. Wilt. Make my best wishes to Mrs. Williams, Mrs. Alexander,
      and all the good girls at St. Germain.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am your friend &amp;c.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "P. S. Mind, I 'll write no more till I hear from you. The French fleet is
      sailed from the Cheasepeake, and the British fleet from New York&mdash;and
      since writing the above, a vessel is come up the Delaware, which informs
      that he was chased by two french frigates to the southward of Cheasepeake,
      which on their coming up acquainted him that the french fleet was a head
      in chase of a fleet which they supposed to be the British.
    </p>
    <p>
      "N. B. The french fleet sailed the 4th of this month, and the british much
      about the same time&mdash;both to the southward."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIII. THE MUZZLED OX TREADING OUT THE GRAIN.
    </h2>
    <p>
      While Washington and Lafayette were in Virginia, preparing for their
      grapple with Cornwallis, Philadelphia was in apprehension of an attack by
      Sir Henry Clinton, for which it was not prepared. It appeared necessary to
      raise for defence a body of men, but the money was wanting. Paine
      (September 20th) proposed to Robert Morris the plan of "empowering the
      tenant to pay into the Treasury one quarter's rent, to be applied as above
      [<i>i. e.</i>, the safety of Philadelphia], and in case it should not be
      necessary to use the money when collected, the sums so paid to be
      considered a part of the customary taxes." This drastic measure would
      probably have been adopted had not the cloud cleared away. The winter was
      presently made glorious summer by the sun of Yorktown.
    </p>
    <p>
      Washington was received with enthusiasm by Congress on November 28th. In
      the general feasting and joy Paine participated, but with an aching heart.
      He was an unrivalled literary lion; he had to appear on festive occasions;
      and he was without means. Having given his all,&mdash;copyrights,
      secretaryship, clerkship,&mdash;to secure the independence of a nation, he
      found himself in a state of dependence. He fairly pointed the moral of
      Solomon's fable: By his wisdom he had saved the besieged land, yet none
      remembered that poor man, so far as his needs were concerned. If in his
      confidential letter to Washington, given below, Paine seems egotistical,
      it should be borne in mind that his estimate of his services falls short
      of their appreciation by the national leaders. It should not have been
      left to Paine to call attention to his sacrifices for his country's cause,
      and the want in which it had left him. He knew also that plain speaking
      was necessary with Washington.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Second Street, opposite the Quaker Meetinghouse, Nov. 30th, 1781.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sir,&mdash;As soon as I can suppose you to be a little at leisure from
      business and visits, I shall, with much pleasure, wait on you, to pay you
      my respects and congratulate you on the success you have most deservedly
      been blest with.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I hope nothing in the perusal of this letter will add a care to the many
      that employ your mind; but as there is a satisfaction in speaking where
      one can be conceived and understood, I divulge to you the secret of my own
      situation; because I would wish to tell it to somebody, and as I do not
      want to make it public, I may not have a fairer opportunity.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It is seven years, this day, since I arrived in America, and tho' I
      consider them as the most honorary time of my life, they have nevertheless
      been the most inconvenient and even distressing. From an anxiety to
      support, as far as laid in my power, the reputation of the Cause of
      America, as well as the Cause itself, I declined the customary profits
      which authors are entitled to, and I have always continued to do so; yet I
      never thought (if I thought at all on the matter,) but that as I dealt
      generously and honorably by America, she would deal the same by me. But I
      have experienced the contrary&mdash;and it gives me much concern, not only
      on account of the inconvenience it has occasioned to me, but because it
      unpleasantly lessens my opinion of the character of a country which once
      appeared so fair, and it hurts my mind to see her so cold and inattentive
      to matters which affect her reputation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Almost every body knows, not only in this country but in Europe, that I
      have been of service to her, and as far as the interest of the heart could
      carry a man I have shared with her in the worst of her fortunes, yet so
      confined has been my private circumstances that for one summer I was
      obliged to hire myself as a common clerk to Owen Biddle of this city for
      my support: but this and many others of the like nature I have always
      endeavored to conceal, because to expose them would only serve to entail
      on her the reproach of being ungrateful, and might start an ill opinion of
      her honor and generosity in other countries, especially as there are pens
      enough abroad to spread and aggravate it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Unfortunately for me, I knew the situation of Silas Deane when no other
      person knew it, and with an honesty, for which I ought to have been
      thanked, endeavored to prevent his fraud taking place. He has himself
      proved my opinion right, and the warmest of his advocates now very
      candidly acknowledge their deception.
    </p>
    <p>
      "While it was every body's fate to suffer I chearfully suffered with them,
      but tho' the object of the country is now nearly established and her
      circumstances rising into prosperity, I feel myself left in a very
      unpleasant situation. Yet I am totally at a loss what to attribute it to;
      for wherever I go I find respect, and every body I meet treats me with
      friendship; all join in censuring the neglect and throwing blame on each
      other, so that their civility disarms me as much as their conduct
      distresses me. But in this situation I cannot go on, and as I have no
      inclination to differ with the Country or to tell the story of her
      neglect, it is my design to get to Europe, either to France or Holland. I
      have literary fame, and I am sure I cannot experience worse fortune than I
      have here. Besides a person who understood the affairs of America, and was
      capable and disposed to do her a kindness, might render her considerable
      service in Europe, where her situation is but imperfectly understood and
      much misrepresented by the publications which have appeared on that side
      the water, and tho' she has not behaved to me with any proportionate
      return of friendship, my wish for her prosperity is no ways abated, and I
      shall be very happy to see her character as fair as her cause.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Yet after all there is something peculiarly hard that the country which
      ought to have been to me a home has scarcely afforded me an asylum.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In thus speaking to your Excellency, I know I disclose myself to one who
      can sympathize with me, for I have often cast a thought at your difficult
      situation to smooth over the unpleasantness of my own.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have began some remarks on the Abbé Raynal's 'History of the
      Revolution.' In several places he is mistaken, and in others injudicious
      and sometimes cynical. I believe I shall publish it in America, but my
      principal view is to republish it in Europe both in French and English.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Please, Sir, to make my respectful compts. to your Lady, and accept to
      yourself the best wishes of,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your obedt. humble servant,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine.*
    </p>
    <p>
      "His Excellency General Washington."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * I am indebted to Mr. Simon Gratz of Philadelphia for a
     copy of this letter.
</pre>
    <p>
      <a name="link2H_4_0025" id="link2H_4_0025">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      {1782}
    </h2>
    <p>
      Paine's determination to make no money by his early pamphlets arose partly
      from his religious and Quaker sentiments. He could not have entered into
      any war that did not appear to him sacred, and in such a cause his
      "testimony" could not be that of a "hireling." His "Common Sense," his
      first <i>Crisis</i>, were inspirations, and during all the time of danger
      his pen was consecrated to the cause. He had, however, strict and definite
      ideas of copyright, and was the first to call attention of the country to
      its necessity, and even to international justice in literary property. In
      the chaotic condition of such matters his own sacrifices for the national
      benefit had been to some extent defeated by the rapacity of his first
      publisher, Bell, who pocketed much of what Paine had intended for the
      nation. After he had left Bell for Bradford, the former not only published
      another edition of "Common Sense," but with "large additions," as if from
      Paine's pen. When the perils of the cause seemed past Paine still desired
      to continue his literary record clear of any possible charge of payment,
      but he believed that the country would appreciate this sensitiveness, and,
      while everybody was claiming something for services, would take care that
      he did not starve. In this he was mistaken. In that very winter, after he
      had ventured across the Atlantic and helped to obtain the six million
      livres, he suffered want. Washington appears to have been the first to
      consider his case. In the diary of Robert Morris, Superintendent of
      Finance, there is an entry of January 26, 1782, in which he mentions that
      Washington had twice expressed to him a desire that some provision should
      be made for Paine.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Sparks' "Diplomatic Correspondence," xii., p. 95.
</pre>
    <p>
      Morris sent for Paine and, in the course of a long conversation, expressed
      a wish that the author's pen should continue its services to the country;
      adding that though he had no position to offer him something might turn
      up. In February Morris mentions further interviews with Paine, in which
      his assistant, Gouverneur Morris, united; they expressed their high
      appreciation of his services to the country, and their desire to have the
      aid of his pen in promoting measures necessary to draw out the resources
      of the country for the completion of its purpose. They strongly disclaimed
      any private or partial ends, or a wish to bind his pen to any particular
      plans. They proposed that he should be paid eight hundred dollars per
      annum from some national fund. Paine having consented, Robert Morris wrote
      to Robert R. Livingston on the subject, and the result was a meeting of
      these two with Washington, at which the following was framed:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Philadelphia, Feb. 10, 1782.&mdash;The subscribers, taking into
      consideration the important situation of affairs at the present moment,
      and the propriety and even necessity of informing the people and rousing
      them into action; considering also the abilities of Mr. Thomas Paine as a
      writer, and that he has been of considerable utility to the common cause
      by several of his publications: They are agreed that it will be much for
      the interest of the United States that Mr. Paine be engaged in their
      service for the purpose above mentioned. They are therefore agreed that
      Mr. Paine be offered a salary of $800 per annum, and that the same be paid
      him by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs. The salary to commence from this
      day, and to be paid by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs out of monies to
      be allowed by the Superintendent of Finance for secret services. The
      subscribers being of opinion that a salary publicly and avowedly given for
      the above purpose would injure the effect of Mr. Paine's publications, and
      subject him to injurious personal reflections.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Robt. Morris.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Robt. Livingston.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Go. Washington."
    </p>
    <p>
      Before this joint note was written, Paine's pen had been resumed. March
      5th is the date of an extended pamphlet, that must long have been in hand.
      It is introduced by some comments on the King's speech, which concludes
      with a quotation of Smollett's fearful description of the massacres and
      rapine which followed the defeat of the Stuarts at Culloden in 1746. This,
      a memory from Paine's boyhood at Thetford, was an effective comment on the
      King's expression of his desire "to restore the public tranquillity,"
      though poor George III., who was born in the same year as Paine, would
      hardly have countenanced such vengeance. He then deals&mdash;no doubt
      after consultation with Robert Morris, Superintendent of Finance&mdash;with
      the whole subject of finance and taxation, in the course of which he
      sounds a brave note for a more perfect union of the States, which must be
      the foundation-stone of their independence. As Paine was the first to
      raise the flag of republican independence he was the first to raise that
      of a Union which, above the States, should inherit the supremacy wrested
      from the Crown. These passages bear witness by their nicety to the
      writer's consciousness that he was touching a sensitive subject. The
      States were jealous of their "sovereignty," and he could only delicately
      intimate the necessity of surrendering it But he manages to say that "each
      state (with a small s) is to the United States what each individual is to
      the state he lives in. And it is on this grand point, this movement upon
      one centre, that our existence as a nation, our happiness as a people, and
      our safety as individuals, depend." He also strikes the federal keynote by
      saying: "The United States will become heir to an extensive quantity of
      vacant land"&mdash;the doctrine of national inheritance which cost him
      dear.
    </p>
    <p>
      Before the Declaration, Paine minted the phrases "Free and Independent
      States of America," and "The Glorious Union." In his second <i>Crisis</i>,
      dated January 13, 1777, he says to Lord Howe: "'The United States of
      America' will sound as pompously in the world or in history as 'the
      kingdom of Great Britain.'"
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Almon's Remembrancer 1778-9, p. 38a.
</pre>
    <p>
      The friendliness of Robert Morris to the author is creditable to him. In
      the Deane controversy, Paine had censured him and other members of
      Congress for utilizing that agent of the United States to transact their
      commercial business in Europe. Morris frankly stated the facts, and,
      though his letter showed irritation, he realized that Paine was no
      respecter of persons where the American cause was concerned.* In 1782 the
      Revolution required nicest steering. With the port in sight, the people
      were prone to forget that it is on the coast that dangerous rocks are to
      be found. Since the surrender of Cornwallis they were over-confident, and
      therein likely to play into the hands of the enemy, which had lost
      confidence in its power to conquer the States by arms. England was now
      making efforts to detach America and France from each other by large
      inducements. In France Paine was shown by Franklin and Vergennes the
      overtures that had been made, and told the secret history of the offers of
      mediation from Russia and Austria. With these delicate matters he resolved
      to deal, but before using the documents in his possession consulted
      Washington and Morris. This, I suppose, was the matter alluded to in a
      note of March 17, 1782, to Washington, then in Philadelphia:
    </p>
    <p>
      "You will do me a great deal of pleasure if you can make it convenient to
      yourself to spend a part of an evening at my apartments, and eat a few
      oysters or a crust of bread and cheese; for besides the favour you will do
      me, I want much to consult with you on a matter of public business, tho'
      of a secret nature, which I have already mentioned to Mr. Morris, whom I
      likewise intend to ask, as soon as yourself shall please to mention the
      evening when."
    </p>
    <p>
      A similar note was written to Robert Morris four days before. No doubt
      after due consultation the next <i>Crisis</i>, dated May 22, 1782,
      appeared. It dealt with the duties of the alliance:
    </p>
    <p>
      "General Conway," he says, "who made the motion in the British parliament
      for discontinuing <i>offensive</i> war in America, is a gentleman of an
      amiable character. We have no personal quarrel with him. But he feels not
      as we feel; he is not in our situation, and that alone without any other
      explanation is enough. The British parliament suppose they have many
      friends in America, and that, when all chance of conquest is over, they
      will be able to draw her from her alliance with France. Now if I have any
      conception of the human heart, they will fail in this more than in
      anything that they have yet tried. This part of the business is not a
      question of policy only, but of honor and honesty."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine's next production was a public letter to Sir Guy Carleton,
      commanding in New York, concerning a matter which gave Washington much
      anxiety. On April 12th Captain Huddy had been hanged by a band of
      "refugees," who had sallied from New York into New Jersey (April 12th).
      The crime was traced to one Captain Lippencott, and, after full
      consultation with his officers, Washington demanded the murderer.
      Satisfaction not being given, Washington and his generals determined on
      retaliation, and Colonel Hazen, who had prisoners under guard at
      Lancaster, was directed to have an officer of Captain Huddy's rank chosen
      by lot to suffer death. Hazen included the officers who had capitulated
      with Cornwallis, though they were expressly relieved from liability to
      reprisals (Article 14). The lot fell upon one of these, young Captain
      Asgill (May 27th). It sufficiently proves the formidable character of the
      excitement Huddy's death had caused in the army that Washington did not at
      once send Asgill back. The fact that he was one of the capitulation
      officers was not known outside the military circle. Of this circumstance
      Paine seems ignorant when he wrote his letter to Sir Guy Carleton, in
      which he expresses profound sympathy with Captain Huddy, and warns
      Carle-ton that by giving sanctuary to the murderer he becomes the real
      executioner of the innocent youth. Washington was resolved to hang this
      innocent man, and, distressing as the confession is, no general appears to
      have warned him of the wrong he was about to commit.* But Paine, with
      well-weighed words, gently withstood the commander, prudently ignoring the
      legal point, if aware of it.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Historians have evaded this ugly business. I am indebted
     to the family of General Lincoln, then Secretary of War, for
     the following letter addressed to him by Washington, June 5,
     1782: "Col. Hazen's sending me an officer under the
     capitulation of Yorktown for the purpose of retaliation has
     distressed me exceedingly. Be so good as to give me your
     opinion of the propriety of doing this upon Captain Asgill,
     if we should be driven to it for want of an unconditional
     prisoner. Presuming that this matter has been a subject of
     much conversation, pray with your own let me know the
     opinions of the most sensible of those with whom you have
     conversed. Congress by their resolve has unanimously
     approved of my determination to retaliate. The army have
     advised it, and the country look for it. But how far is it
     justifiable upon an officer under the faith of a
     capitulation, if none other can be had is the question?
     Hazen's sending Captain Asgill on for this purpose makes the
     matter more distressing, as the whole business will have the
     appearance of a farce, if some person is not sacrificed to
     the mains of poor Huddy; which will be the case if an
     unconditional prisoner cannot be found, and Asgill escapes.
     I write you in exceeding great haste; but beg your
     sentiments may be transmitted as soon as possible (by
     express), as I may be forced to a decision in the course of
     a few days.&mdash;I am most sincerely and affectionately, D'r
     Sir, yr. obed't,

     "G. Washington."

     "For my own part, I am fully persuaded that a suspension of
     his fate, still holding it <i>in terrorem</i>, will operate on a
     greater quantity of their passions and vices, and restrain
     them more, than his execution would do. However, the change
     of measures which seems now to be taking place, gives
     somewhat of a new cast to former designs; and if the case,
     without the execution, can be so managed as to answer all
     the purposes of the last, it will look much better
     hereafter, when the sensations that now provoke, and the
     circumstances which would justify his exit shall be
     forgotten."
</pre>
    <p>
      This was written on September 7th, and on the 30th Washington, writing to
      a member of Congress, for the first time intimates a desire that Asgill
      shall be released by that body.
    </p>
    <p>
      In October came from Vergennes a letter, inspired by Marie Antoinette, to
      whom Lady Asgill had appealed, in which he reminds Washington that the
      Captain is a prisoner whom the King's arms contributed to surrender into
      his hands. That he had a right, therefore, to intercede for his life. This
      letter (of July 29, 1782) was laid before Congress, which at once set
      Asgill at liberty. Washington was relieved, and wrote the Captain a
      handsome congratulation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although Paine could never find the interval of leisure necessary to write
      consecutively his "History of the Revolution," it is to a large extent
      distributed through his writings. From these and his letters a true
      history of that seven years can be gathered, apart from the details of
      battles; and even as regards these his contributions are of high
      importance, notably as regards the retreat across the Delaware, the
      affairs at Trenton and Princeton, and the skirmishes near Philadelphia
      following the British occupation of that city. The latter are vividly
      described in his letter to Franklin (p. 104), and the former in his review
      of the Abbé' Raynal.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his letter to Washington, of November 30, 1781, Paine mentioned that he
      had begun "some remarks" on the Abbé's work "On the Revolution of the
      English Colonies in North America." It was published early in September,
      1782. The chief interest of the pamphlet, apart from the passages
      concerning the military events of 1776, lies in its reflections of events
      in the nine months during which the paper lingered on his table. In those
      months he wrote four numbers of the <i>Crisis</i>, one of urgent
      importance on the financial situation. The review of the Abbé's history
      was evidently written at intervals. As a literary production it is
      artistic. With the courtliness of one engaged in "an affair of honor," he
      shakes the Abbé's hand, sympathizes with his misfortune in having his
      manuscript stolen, and thus denied opportunity to revise the errors for
      which he must be called to account. His main reason for challenging the
      historian is an allegation that the Revolution originated in the question
      "whether the mother country had, or had not, a right to lay, directly or
      indirectly, a slight tax upon the colonies." The quantity of the tax had
      nothing to do with it The tax on tea was a British experiment to test its
      declaratory Act affirming the right of Parliament "to bind America in all
      cases whatever," and that claim was resisted in the first stage of its
      execution. Secondly, the Abbé suffers for having described the affair at
      Trenton as accidental. Paine's answer is an admirable piece of history.
      Thirdly, the Abbé suggests that the Americans would probably have
      accommodated their differences with England when commissioners visited
      them in April, 1778, but for their alliance with France. Paine affirms
      that Congress had rejected the English proposals (afterwards brought by
      the commissioners) on April 22d, eleven days before news arrived of the
      French alliance.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Here Paine is more acute than exact. On June 3, 1778, the
     English Commissioners sent Congress the resolutions for
     negotiation adopted by Parliament, February 17th. Congress
     answered that on April 22d it had published its sentiments
     on these acts. But these sentiments had admitted a
     willingness to negotiate if Great Britain should "as a
     preliminary thereto, either withdraw their fleets and
     armies, or else, in positive and express terms, acknowledge
     the independence of the said States." But in referring the
     commissioners (June 6th) to its manifesto of April 22d, the
     Congress essentially modified the conditions: it would treat
     only as an independent nation, and with "sacred regard" to
     its treaties. On June 17th Congress returned the English
     Commissioners their proposal (sent on the 9th) unconsidered,
     because of its insults to their ally.
</pre>
    <p>
      The Abbé is metaphysically punished for assuming that a French monarchy in
      aiding defenders of liberty could have no such motive as "the happiness of
      mankind." Not having access to the archives of France, Paine was able to
      endow Vergennes with the enthusiasm of Lafayette, and to see in the
      alliance a new dawning era of international affection. All such alliances
      are republican. The Abbé is leniently dealt with for his clear plagiarisms
      from Paine, and then left for a lecture to England. That country is
      advised to form friendship with France and Spain; to expand its mind
      beyond its island, and improve its manners. This is the refrain of a
      previous passage.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If we take a review of what part Britain has acted we shall find
      everything which should make a nation blush. The most vulgar abuse,
      accompanied by that species of haughtiness which distinguishes the hero of
      a mob from the character of a gentleman; it was equally as much from her
      manners as her injustice that she lost the colonies. By the latter she
      provoked their principle, by the former she wore out their temper; and it
      ought to be held out as an example to the world, to show how necessary it
      is to conduct the business of government with civility."
    </p>
    <p>
      The close of this essay, written with peace in the air, contains some
      friendly advice to England. She is especially warned to abandon Canada,
      which, after loss of the thirteen colonies, will be a constant charge.
      Canada can never be populous, and of all that is done for it "Britain will
      sustain the expense, and America reap the advantage."
    </p>
    <p>
      In a letter dated "Bordentown, September 7, 1782," Paine says to
      Washington:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have the honour of presenting you with fifty copies of my Letter to the
      Abbé Raynal, for the use of the army, and to repeat to you my
      acknowledgments for your friendship.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I fully believe we have seen our worst days over. The spirit of the war,
      on the part of the enemy, is certainly on the decline full as much as we
      think. I draw this opinion not only from the present promising appearance
      of things, and the difficulties we know the British Cabinet is in; but I
      add to it the peculiar effect which certain periods of time have, more or
      less, on all men. The British have accustomed themselves to think of <i>seven
      years</i> in a manner different to other portions of time. They acquire
      this partly by habit, by reason, by religion, and by superstition. They
      serve seven years' apprenticeship&mdash;they elect their parliament for
      seven years&mdash;they punish by seven years' transportation, or the
      duplicate or triplicate of that term&mdash;they let their leases in the
      same manner, and they read that Jacob served seven years for one wife, and
      after that seven years for another; and the same term likewise
      extinguishes all obligations (in certain cases) of debt, or matrimony: and
      thus this particular period of time, by a variety of concurrences, has
      obtained an influence on their mind. They have now had seven years of war,
      and are no farther on the Continent than when they began. The
      superstitious and populous part will therefore conclude that <i>it is not
      to be</i>, and the rational part of them will think they have tried an
      unsuccessful and expensive experiment long enough, and that it is in vain
      to try it any longer, and by these two joining in the same eventual
      opinion the obstinate part among them will be beaten out, unless,
      consistent with their former sagacity, they get over the matter at once by
      passing a new declaratory Act <i>to bind Time in all casts whatsoever</i>,
      or declare him a rebel."
    </p>
    <p>
      The rest of this letter is the cautious and respectful warning against the
      proposed execution of Captain Asgill, quoted elsewhere. Washington's
      answer is cheerful, and its complimentary close exceptionally cordial.
    </p>
    <p>
      Head-Quarters, Verplank's Point, 18 September, 1782.&mdash;Sir,&mdash;I
      have the pleasure to acknowledge your favor, informing me of your proposal
      to present me with fifty copies of your last publication for the amusement
      of the army. For this intention you have my sincere thanks, not only on my
      own account, but for the pleasure, which I doubt not the gentlemen of the
      army will receive from the perusal of your pamphlets. Your observations on
      the <i>period of seven years</i>, as it applies itself to and affects
      British minds, are ingenious, and I wish it may not fail of its effects in
      the present instance. The measures and the policy of the enemy are at
      present in great perplexity and embarrassment&mdash;but I have my fears,
      whether their necessities (which are the only operating motives with them)
      are yet arrived to that point, which must drive them unavoidably into what
      they will esteem disagreeable and dishonorable terms of peace,&mdash;such,
      for instance, as an absolute, unequivocal admission of American
      Independence, upon the terms on which she can accept it. For this reason,
      added to the obstinacy of the King, and the probable consonant principles
      of some of the principal ministers, I have not so full a confidence in the
      success of the present negociation for peace as some gentlemen entertain.
      Should events prove my jealousies to be ill founded, I shall make myself
      happy under the mistake, consoling myself with the idea of having erred on
      the safest side, and enjoying with as much satisfaction as any of my
      countrymen the pleasing issue of our severe contest.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The case of Captain Asgill has indeed been spun out to a great length&mdash;but,
      with you, I hope that its termination will not be unfavourable to this
      country.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am, sir, with great esteem and regard,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your most obedient servant,
    </p>
    <p>
      "G. Washington."
    </p>
    <p>
      A copy of the answer to the Abbé Raynal was sent by Paine to Lord
      Shelburne, and with it in manuscript his newest <i>Crisis</i>, dated
      October 29, 1782. This was suggested by his lordship's speech of July
      10th, in which he was reported to have said: "The independence of America
      would be the ruin of England." "Was America then," asks Paine, "the giant
      of empire, and England only her dwarf in waiting? Is the case so strangely
      altered, that those who once thought we could not live without them are
      now brought to declare that they cannot exist without us?"
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine's prediction that it would be a seven years' war was nearly true.
      There was indeed a dismal eighth year, the army not being able to disband
      until the enemy had entirely left the country,&mdash;a year when peace
      seemed to "break out" like another war. The army, no longer uplifted by
      ardors of conflict with a foreign foe, became conscious of its hunger, its
      nakedness, and the prospect of returning in rags to pauperized homes. They
      saw all the civil officers of the country paid, while those who had
      defended them were unpaid; and the only explanations that could be offered&mdash;the
      inability of Congress, and incoherence of the States&mdash;formed a new
      peril. The only hope of meeting an emergency fast becoming acute, was the
      unanimous adoption by the States of the proposal of Congress for a
      five-per-cent. duty on imported articles, the money to be applied to the
      payment of interest on loans to be made in Holland. Several of the States
      had been dilatory in their consent, but Rhode Island absolutely refused,
      and Paine undertook to reason with that State. In the <i>Providence
      Gazette</i>, December 21st, appeared the following note, dated
      "Philadelphia, November 27, 1782 ":
    </p>
    <p>
      "Sir,&mdash;Inclosed I send you a Philadelphia paper of this day's date,
      and desire you to insert the piece signed 'A Friend to Rhode Island and
      the Union.' I am concerned that Rhode Island should make it necessary to
      address a piece to her, on a subject which the rest of the States are
      agreed in.&mdash;Yours &amp;c. Thomas Paine."
    </p>
    <p>
      The insertion of Paine's letter led to a fierce controversy, the immediate
      subject of which is hardly of sufficient importance to detain us long.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * It may be traced through the Providence Gazette of
     December 21, 28 (1782), January 4, 11, 18, 25, February 1
     (1783); also in the Newport Mercury.    Paine writes under
     the signature of "A Friend to Rhode Island and the Union."
     I am indebted to Professor Jamieson of Brown University for
     assistance in this investigation.
</pre>
    <p>
      Yet this controversy, which presently carried Paine to Providence, where
      he wrote and published six letters, raised into general discussion the
      essential principles of Union. Rhode Island's jealousy of its
      "sovereignty"&mdash;in the inverse ratio of its size,&mdash;made it the
      last to enter a Union which gave it equal legislative power with the
      greatest States; it need not be wondered then that at this earlier period,
      when sovereignty and self-interest combined, our pioneer of nationality
      had to undergo some martyrdom. "What," he asked, "would the sovereignity
      of any individual state be, if left to itself to contend with a foreign
      power? It is on our united sovereignty that our greatness and safety, and
      the security of our foreign commerce, rest. This united sovereignty then
      must be something more than a name, and requires to be as completely
      organized for the line it is to act in as that of any individual state,
      and, if anything, more so, because more depends on it." He received abuse,
      and such ridicule as this (February 1st):
    </p>
    <p>
      "In the Name of Common Sense, Amen, I, Thomas Paine, having according to
      appointment, proceeded with all convenient speed to answer the objections
      to the five per cent, by endeavouring to cover the design and blind the
      subject, before I left Philadelphia, and having proceeded to a <i>convenient</i>
      place of action in the State of Rhode Island, and there republished my
      first letter," etc.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1783}
    </h2>
    <p>
      In the same paper with this appeared a letter of self-defence from Paine,
      who speaks of the personal civility extended to him in Rhode Island, but
      of proposals to stop his publications. He quotes a letter of friendship
      from Colonel Laurens, who gave him his war-horse, and an equally cordial
      one from General Nathaniel Greene, Rhode Island's darling hero, declaring
      that he should be rewarded for his public services.
    </p>
    <p>
      This visit to Rhode Island was the last work which Paine did in pursuance
      of his engagement, which ended with the resignation of Morris in January.
      Probably Paine received under it one year's salary, $800&mdash;certainly
      no more. I think that during the time he kept his usual signature, "Common
      Sense," sacred to his individual "testimonies."
    </p>
    <p>
      On his return to Philadelphia Paine wrote a memorial to Chancellor
      Livingston, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Robert Morris, Minister of
      Finance, and his assistant Gouverneur Morris, urging the necessity of
      adding "a Continental Legislature to Congress, to be elected by the
      several States." Robert Morris invited the Chancellor and a number of
      eminent men to meet Paine at dinner, where his plea for a stronger union
      was discussed and approved. This was probably the earliest of a series of
      consultations preliminary to the constitutional Convention.
    </p>
    <p>
      The newspaper combat in Rhode Island, which excited general attention, and
      the continued postponement of all prospect of paying the soldiers, had a
      formidable effect on the army. The anti-republican elements of the
      country, after efforts to seduce Washington, attempted to act without him.
      In confronting the incendiary efforts of certain officers at Newburg to
      turn the army of liberty into mutineers against it, Washington is seen
      winning his noblest victory after the revolution had ended. He not only
      subdued the reactionary intrigues, but the supineness of the country,
      which had left its soldiers in a condition that played into the
      intriguers' hands.
    </p>
    <p>
      On April 18th Washington formally announced the cessation of hostilities.
      On April 19th&mdash;eighth anniversary of the collision at Lexington&mdash;Paine
      printed the little pamphlet entitled "Thoughts on Peace and the Probable
      Advantages Thereof," included in his works as the last <i>Crisis</i>. It
      opens with the words: "The times that tried men's souls are over&mdash;and
      the greatest and completest revolution the world ever knew, gloriously and
      happily accomplished." He again, as in his first pamphlet, pleads for a
      supreme nationality, absorbing all cherished sovereignties. This is
      Paine's "farewell address."
    </p>
    <p>
      "It was the cause of America that made me an author. The force with which
      it struck my mind, and the dangerous condition in which the country was
      in, by courting an impossible and an unnatural reconciliation with those
      who were determined to reduce her, instead of striking out into the only
      line that could save her, a Declaration of Independence, made it
      impossible for me, feeling as I did, to be silent; and if, in the course
      of more than seven years, I have rendered her any service, I have likewise
      added something to the reputation of literature, by freely and
      disinterestedly employing it in the great cause of mankind.... But as the
      scenes of war are closed, and every man preparing for home and happier
      times, I therefore take leave of the subject. I have most sincerely
      followed it from beginning to end, and through all its turns and windings;
      and whatever country I may hereafter be in, I shall always feel an honest
      pride at the part I have taken and acted, and a gratitude to nature and
      providence for putting it in my power to be of some use to mankind."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIV. GREAT WASHINGTON AND POOR PAINE
    </h2>
    <p>
      The world held no other man so great and so happy as Washington, in
      September, 1783,&mdash;the month of final peace. Congress, then sitting at
      Princeton, had invited him to consult with them on the arrangements
      necessary for a time of peace, and prepared a mansion for him at Rocky
      Hill. For a time the General gave himself up to hilarity, as ambassadors
      of congratulation gathered from every part of the world. A glimpse of the
      festivities is given by David Howell of Rhode Island in a letter to
      Governor Greene.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The President, with all the present members, chaplains, and great
      officers of Congress, had the honor of dining at the General's table last
      Friday. The tables were spread under a marquise or tent taken from the
      British. The repast was elegant, but the General's company crowned the
      whole. As I had the good fortune to be seated facing the General, I had
      the pleasure of hearing all his conversation. The President of Congress
      was seated on his right, and the Minister of France on his left. I
      observed with much pleasure that the General's front was uncommonly open
      and pleasant; the contracted, pensive phiz betokening deep thought and
      much care, which I noticed at Prospect Hill in 1775, is done away, and a
      pleasant smile and sparkling vivacity of wit and humor succeeds. On the
      President observing that in the present situation of our affairs he
      believed that Mr. [Robert] Morris had his hands full, the General replied
      at the same instant, 'he wished he had his pockets full too.' On Mr.
      Peters observing that the man who made these cups (for we drank wine out
      of silver cups) was turned a Quaker preacher, the General replied that 'he
      wished he had turned a Quaker preacher before he made the cups.' You must
      also hear the French Minister's remark on the General's humor&mdash;'You
      tink de penitence wou'd have been good for de cups.' Congress has ordered
      an Egyptian statue of General Washington, to be erected at the place where
      they may establish their permanent residence. No honors short of those
      which the Deity vindicates to himself can be too great for Gen.
      Washington."
    </p>
    <p>
      At this time Paine sat in his little home in Bor-dentown, living on his
      crust. He had put most of his savings in this house (on two tenths of an
      acre) so as to be near his friend Col. Joseph Kirkbride. The Colonel was
      also of Quaker origin, and a hearty sympathizer with Paine's principles.
      They had together helped to frame the democratic constitution of
      Pennsylvania (1776), had fought side by side, and both had scientific
      tastes. Since the burning of his house, Bellevue (Bucks), Colonel
      Kirkbride had moved to Borden town, N. J., and lived at Hill Top, now part
      of a female college. A part of Paine's house also stands. At Borden-town
      also resided Mr. Hall, who had much mechanical skill, and whom he had
      found eager to help him in constructing models of his inventions. To such
      things he now meant to devote himself, but before settling down
      permanently he longed to see his aged parents and revisit his English
      friends. For this, however, he had not means. Robert Morris advised Paine
      to call the attention of Congress to various unremunerated services. His
      secretaryship of the Foreign Affairs Committee, terminated by an admitted
      injustice to him, had been burdensome and virtually unpaid; its nominal
      $70 per month was really about $15. His perilous journey to France, with
      young Laurens, after the millions that wrought wonders, had not brought
      him even a paper dollar. Paine, therefore, on June 7th, wrote to Elias
      Boudinot, President of Congress, stating that though for his services he
      had "neither sought, received, nor stipulated any honors, advantages, or
      emoluments," he thought Congress should inquire into them. The letter had
      some effect, but meanwhile Paine passed three months of poverty and gloom,
      and had no part in the festivities at Princeton.
    </p>
    <p>
      One day a ray from that festive splendor shone in his humble abode. The
      great Commander had not forgotten his unwearied fellow-soldier, and wrote
      him a letter worthy to be engraved on the tombs of both.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Rocky Hill, Sept. 10, 1783. "Dear Sir,
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have learned since I have been at this place, that you are at
      Bordentown. Whether for the sake of retirement or economy, I know not. Be
      it for either, for both, or whatever it may, if you will come to this
      place, and partake with me, I shall be exceedingly happy to see you.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your presence may remind Congress of your past services to this country;
      and if it is in my power to impress them, command my best services with
      freedom, as they will be rendered cheerfully by one who entertains a
      lively sense of the importance of your works, and who, with much pleasure,
      subscribes himself,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your sincere friend,
    </p>
    <p>
      "G. Washington."
    </p>
    <p>
      The following was Paine's reply:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Borden Town, Sept. 21.&mdash;Sir,&mdash;I am made exceedingly happy by
      the receipt of your friendly letter of the 10th. instant, which is this
      moment come to hand; and the young gentleman that brought it, a son of
      Col. Geo. Morgan, waits while I write this. It had been sent to
      Philadelphia, and on my not being there, was returned, agreeable to
      directions on the outside, to Col. Morgan at Princetown, who forwarded it
      to this place.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I most sincerely thank you for your good wishes and friendship to me, and
      the kind invitation you have honored me with, which I shall with much
      pleasure accept.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On the resignation of Mr. Livingston in the winter and likewise of Mr. R.
      Morris, at [the same] time it was judged proper to discontinue the matter
      which took place when you were in Philadelphia.* It was at the same time a
      pleasure to me to find both these gentlemen (to whom I was before that
      time but little known) so warmly disposed to assist in rendering my
      situation permanent, and Mr. Livingston's letter to me, in answer to one
      of mine to him, which I enclose, will serve to show that his friendship to
      me is in concurrence with yours.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * See page 182.

     ** This had been Washington's suggestion.
</pre>
    <p>
      "By the advice of Mr. Morris I presented a letter to Congress expressing a
      request that they would be pleased to direct me to lay before them an
      account of what my services, such as they were, and situation, had been
      during the course of the war. This letter was referred to a committee, and
      their report is now before Congress, and contains, as I am informed, a
      recommendation that I be appointed historiographer to the continent." I
      have desired some members that the further consideration of it be
      postponed, until I can state to the committee some matters which I wish
      them to be acquainted with, both with regard to myself and the
      appointment. And as it was my intention, so I am now encouraged by your
      friendship to take your confidential advice upon it before I present it
      For though I never was at a loss in writing on public matters, I feel
      exceedingly so in what respects myself.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am hurt by the neglect of the collective ostensible body of America, in
      a way which it is probable they do not perceive my feelings. It has an
      effect in putting either my reputation or their generosity at stake; for
      it cannot fail of suggesting that either I (notwithstanding the appearance
      of service) have been undeserving their regard or that they are remiss
      towards me. Their silence is to me something like condemnation, and their
      neglect must be justified by my loss of reputation, or my reputation
      supported at their injury; either of which is alike painful to me. But as
      I have ever been dumb on everything which might touch national honor so I
      mean ever to continue so.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Wishing you, Sir, the happy enjoyment of peace and every public and
      private felicity I remain &amp;c.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Col. Kirkbride at whose house I am, desires me to present you his
      respectful compliments."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine had a happy visit at Washington's headquarters, where he met old
      revolutionary comrades, among them Humphreys, Lincoln, and Cobb. He saw
      Washington set the river on fire on Guy Fawkes Day with a roll of
      cartridge-paper. When American art is more mature we may have a picture of
      war making way for science, illustrated by the night-scene of Washington
      and Paine on a scow, using their cartridge-paper to fire the gas released
      from the river-bed by soldiers with poles!*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * See Paine's essay on "The Cause of the Yellow Fever."
     These experiments on the river at Rocky Hill were followed
     by others in Philadelphia, with Rittenhouse.
</pre>
    <p>
      There was a small party in Congress which looked with sullen jealousy on
      Washington's friendliness with Paine. The States, since the conclusion of
      the war, were already withdrawing into their several shells of
      "sovereignty," while Paine was arguing with everybody that there could be
      no sovereignty but that of the United States,&mdash;and even that was
      merely the supremacy of Law. The arguments in favor of the tax imposed by
      Congress, which he had used in Rhode Island, were repeated in his last <i>Crisis</i>
      (April 19th), and it must have been under Washington's roof at Rocky Hill
      that he wrote his letter "To the People of America" (dated December 9th),
      in which a high national doctrine was advocated. This was elicited by Lord
      Sheffield's pamphlet, "Observations on the Commerce of the United States,"
      which had been followed by a prohibition of commerce with the West Indies
      in American bottoms. Lord Sheffield had said: "It will be a long time
      before the American States can be brought to act as a nation; neither are
      they to be feared by us as such." Paine calls the attention of Rhode
      Island to this, and says: "America is now sovereign and independent, and
      ought to conduct her affairs in a regular style of character." She has a
      perfect right of commercial retaliation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "But it is only by acting in union that the usurpations of foreign nations
      on the freedom of trade can be counteracted, and security extended to the
      commerce of America. And when we view a flag, which to the eye is
      beautiful, and to contemplate its rise and origin inspires a sensation of
      sublime delight, our national honor must unite with our interest to
      prevent injury to the one or insult to the other."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1784}
    </h2>
    <p>
      Noble as these sentiments now appear, they then excited alarm in certain
      Congressmen, and it required all Washington's influence to secure any
      favorable action in Paine's case. In 1784, however, New York presented
      Paine with "two hundred and seventy-seven acres, more or less, which
      became forfeited to and vested in the People of this State by the
      conviction of Frederick Devoe."* With such cheerful prospects, national
      and personal, Paine rose into song, as appears by the following letter
      ("New York, April 28th") to Washington:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The indenture, made June 16, 1784, is in the Register's
     Office of Westchester County, Vol. T. of Grantees, p. 163.
     The confiscated estate of the loyalist Devoe is the well-
     known one at New Rochelle on which Paine's monument stands.
     I am indebted for investigations at White Plains, and
     documents relating to the estate, to my friend George
     Hoadly, and Mr. B. Davis Washburn.
</pre>
    <p>
      "Dear Sir,&mdash;As I hope to have in a few days the honor and happiness
      of seeing you well at Philadelphia, I shall not trouble you with a long
      letter.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It was my intention to have followed you on to Philadelphia, but when I
      recollected the friendship you had shewn to me, and the pains you had
      taken to promote my interests, and knew likewise the untoward disposition
      of two or three Members of Congress, I felt an exceeding unwillingness
      that your friendship to me should be put to further tryals, or that you
      should experience the mortification of having your wishes disappointed,
      especially by one to whom delegation is his daily bread.
    </p>
    <p>
      "While I was pondering on these matters, Mr. Duane and some other friends
      of yours and mine, who were persuaded that nothing would take place in
      Congress (as a single man when only nine states were present could stop
      the whole), proposed a new line which is to leave it to the States
      individually; and a unanimous resolution has passed the senate of this
      State, which is generally expressive of their opinion and friendship. What
      they have proposed is worth at least a thousand guineas, and other States
      will act as they see proper. If I do but get enough to carry me decently
      thro' the world and independently thro' the History of the Revolution, I
      neither wish nor care for more; and that the States may very easily do if
      they are disposed to it. The State of Pennsylvania might have done it
      alone.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I present you with a new song for the Cincinnati; and beg to offer you a
      remark on that subject.* The intention of the name appears to me either to
      be lost or not understood. For it is material to the future freedom of the
      country that the example of the late army retiring to private life, on the
      principles of Cincinnatus, should be commemorated, that in future ages it
      may be imitated. Whether every part of the institution is perfectly
      consistent with a republic is another question, but the precedent ought
      not to be lost.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have not yet heard of any objection in the Assembly of this State, to
      the resolution of the Senate, and I am in hopes there will be none made.
      Should the method succeed, I shall stand perfectly clear of Congress,
      which will be an agreeable circumstance to me; because whatever I may then
      say on the necessity of strengthening the union, and enlarging its powers,
      will come from me with a much better grace than if Congress had made the
      acknowledgment themselves.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If you have a convenient opportunity I should be much obliged to you to
      mention this subject to Mr. President Dickinson. I have two reasons for
      it, the one is my own interest and circumstances, the other is on account
      of the State, for what with their parties and contentions, they have acted
      to me with a churlish selfishness, which I wish to conceal unless they
      force it from me.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Paine wrote four patriotic American songs: "Hail, Great
     Republic of the World" (tune "Rule Britannia"); "To
     Columbia, who Gladly Reclined at her Ease"; "Ye Sons of
     Columbia, who Bravely have Fought,"&mdash;both of the latter
     being for the tune of "Anacreon in Heaven"; and "Liberty
     Tree "(tune "Gods of the Greeks"), beginning, "In a
     chariot of light, from the regions of Day," etc.
</pre>
    <p>
      "As I see by the papers you are settling a tract of land, I enclose you a
      letter I received from England on the subject of settlements. I think
      lands might be disposed of in that country to advantage. I am, dear Sir,
      &amp;c."
    </p>
    <p>
      The estate at New Rochelle had a handsome house on it (once a patrimonial
      mansion of the Jays), and Paine received distinguished welcome when he
      went to take possession. This he reciprocated, but he did not remain long
      at New Rochelle.* Bordentown had become his home; he had found there a
      congenial circle of friends,&mdash;proved such during his poverty. He was
      not, indeed, entirely relieved of poverty by the New York <i>honorarium</i>,
      but he had expectation that the other States would follow the example. In
      a letter to Jefferson also Paine explained his reason for desiring that
      the States, rather than Congress, should remunerate him. That Washington
      appreciated this motive appears by letters to Richard Henry Lee and James
      Madison.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     *"An old lady, now a boarding-housekeeper in Cedar Street,
     remembers when a girl visiting Mr. Paine when he took
     possession of his house and farm at New Rochelle, and gave a
     village fete on the occasion; she then only knew him as
     'Common Sense,' and supposed that was his name. On that day
     he had something to say to everybody, and young as she was
     she received a portion of his attention; while he sat in
     the shade, and assisted in the labor of the feast, by
     cutting or breaking sugar to be used in some agreeable
     liquids by his guests. Mr. Paine was then, if not handsome,
     a fine agreeable looking man."&mdash;Vale, 1841. The original
     house was accidentally destroyed by fire, while Paine was in
     the French Convention. The present house was, however,
     occupied by him after his return to America.
</pre>
    <p>
      "Mount Vernon, 12 June.&mdash;Unsolicited by, and unknown to Mr. Paine, I
      take the liberty of hinting the services and the distressed (for so I
      think it may be called) situation of that Gentleman.
    </p>
    <p>
      "That his Common Sense, and many of his Crisis, were well timed and had a
      happy effect upon the public mind, none, I believe, who will recur to the
      epocha's at which they were published will deny.&mdash;That his services
      hitherto have passed of [f] unnoticed is obvious to all;&mdash;and that he
      is chagreened and necessitous I will undertake to aver.&mdash;Does not
      common justice then point to some compensation?
    </p>
    <p>
      "He is not in circumstances to refuse the bounty of the public. New York,
      not the least distressed nor most able State in the Union, has set the
      example. He prefers the benevolence of the States individually to an
      allowance from Congress, for reasons which are conclusive in his own mind,
      and such as I think may be approved by others. His views are moderate, a
      decent independency is, I believe, the height of his ambition, and if you
      view his services in the American cause in the same important light that I
      do, I am sure you will have pleasure in obtaining it for him.&mdash;I am
      with esteem and regard, Dr. sir, yr. most obdt. servt.,
    </p>
    <p>
      "George Washington."*
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mount Vernon, June 12.&mdash;Dear Sir,&mdash;Can nothing be done in our
      Assembly for poor Paine? Must the merits and services of <i>Common Sense</i>
      continue to glide down the stream of time, unrewarded by this country?
    </p>
    <p>
      "His writings certainly have had a powerful effect on the public mind,&mdash;ought
      they not then to meet an adequate return? He is poor! he is chagreened!
      and almost if not altogether in despair of relief.
    </p>
    <p>
      "New York, it is true, not the least distressed nor best able State in the
      Union, has done something for him. This kind of provision he prefers to an
      allowance from Congress, he has reasons for it, which to him are
      conclusive, and such, I think, as would have weight with others. His views
      are moderate&mdash;a decent independency is, I believe, all he aims at.
      Should he not obtain this? If you think so I am sure you will not only
      move the matter but give it your support. For me it only remains to feel
      for his situation and to assure you of the sincere esteem and regard with
      which I have the honor to be, DSir,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Yr. Most Obedt. Humble Servt,
    </p>
    <p>
      "G. Washington."
    </p>
    <p>
      "James Madison, Esq."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     *I found this letter (to Lee) among the Franklin MSS. in the
     Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.

     ** I am indebted for this letter to Mr. Frederick McGuire,
     of Washington.
</pre>
    <p>
      A similar letter was written to Patrick Henry and perhaps to others. A
      bill introduced into the Virginia Legislature (June 28th) to give Paine a
      tract of land, being lost on the third reading, Madison (June 30th)
      offered a "bill for selling the public land in the county of Northampton,
      called the Secretary's land, and applying part of the money arising
      therefrom to the purchase of a tract to be vested in Thomas Payne and his
      heirs." The result is described by Madison (July 2d) to Washington:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Arthur Lee was most responsible for the failure of the
     measure, for he was active in cultivating a prejudice
     against Paine. This was somewhat ungracious, as Paine had
     befriended Lee in his controversy with Deane."&mdash;Ford's
     "Writings of Washington," x., p. 395. Had there been any
     belief at this time that Paine had been paid for writing the
     pamphlet objected to, "Public Good," it would no doubt have
     been mentioned.
</pre>
    <p>
      "The easy reception it found, induced the friends of the measure to add
      the other moiety to the proposition, which would have raised the market
      value of the donation to about four thousand pounds, or upwards, though it
      would not probably have commanded a rent of more than one hundred pounds
      per annum. In this form the bill passed through two readings. The third
      reading proved that the tide had suddenly changed, for the bill was thrown
      out by a large majority. An attempt was next made to sell the land in
      question, and apply two thousand pounds of the money to the purchase of a
      farm for Mr. Paine. This was lost by a single voice. Whether a greater
      disposition to reward patriotic and distinguished exertions of genius will
      be found on any succeeding occasion, is not for me to predetermine. Should
      it finally appear that the merits of the man, whose writings have so much
      contributed to enforce and foster the spirit of independence in the people
      of America, are unable to inspire them with a just beneficence, the world,
      it is to be feared, will give us as little credit for our policy as for
      gratitude in this particular."
    </p>
    <p>
      R. H. Lee&mdash;unfortunately not present, because of illness&mdash;writes
      Washington (July 22d):
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have been told that it miscarried from its being observed that he had
      shown enmity to this State by having written a pamphlet injurious to our
      claim of Western Territory. It has ever appeared to me that this pamphlet
      was the consequence of Mr. Paine's being himself imposed upon, and that it
      was rather the fault of the place than the man."'
    </p>
    <p>
      So the news came that Virginia had snubbed Paine, at the moment of voting
      a statue to Washington. But his powerful friend did not relax his efforts,
      and he consulted honest John Dickinson, President of Pennsylvania. Under
      date of November 27th, the following was written by Paine to General
      Irwin, Vice-President of Pennsylvania:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The President has made me acquainted with a Conversation which General
      Washington had with him at their last interview respecting myself, and he
      is desirous that I should communicate to you his wishes, which are, that
      as he stands engaged on the General's request to recommend to the
      Assembly, so far as lies in his power, their taking into consideration the
      part I have acted during the war, that you would join your assistance with
      him in the measure.&mdash;Having thus, Sir, opened the matter to you in
      general terms, I will take an opportunity at some time convenient to
      yourself to state it to you more fully, as there are many parts in it that
      are not publicly known.&mdash;I shall have the pleasure of seeing you at
      the President's to-day to dine and in the mean time I am etc."
    </p>
    <p>
      On December 6th the Council sent this message to the General Assembly of
      Pennsylvania:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Gentlemen: The President having reported in Council a conversation
      between General Washington and himself respecting Mr. Thomas Paine, we
      have thereby been induced to take the services and situation of that
      gentleman at this time into our particular consideration.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Arriving in America just before the war broke out, he commenced his
      residence here, and became a citizen of this Commonwealth by taking the
      oath of allegiance at a very early period. So important were his services
      during the late contest, that those persons whose own merits in the course
      of it have been the most distinguished concur with a highly honorable
      unanimity in entertaining sentiments of esteem for him, and interesting
      themselves in his deserts. It is unnecessary for us to enlarge on this
      subject. If the General Assembly shall be pleased to appoint a Committee,
      they will receive information that we doubt not will in every respect
      prove satisfactory.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We confide that you will, then, feel the attention of Pennsylvania is
      drawn towards Mr. Paine by motives equally grateful to the human heart,
      and reputable to the Republic; and that you will join with us in the
      opinion that a suitable acknowledgment of his eminent services, and a
      proper provision for the continuance of them in an independent manner,
      should be made on the part of this State."
    </p>
    <p>
      Pennsylvania promptly voted to Paine £500,&mdash;a snug little fortune in
      those days.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine thus had a happy New Year. Only two States had acted, but they had
      made him independent Meanwhile Congress also was willing to remunerate
      him, but he had put difficulties in the way. He desired, as we have seen,
      to be independent of that body, and wished it only to pay its debts to
      him; but one of these&mdash;his underpaid secretaryship&mdash;would
      involve overhauling the Paine-Deane case again. Perhaps that was what
      Paine desired; had the matter been passed on again the implied censures of
      Paine on the journal of Congress would have been reversed. When therefore
      a gratuity was spoken of Paine interfered, and wrote to Congress, now
      sitting in New York, asking leave to submit his accounts. This letter was
      referred to a committee (Gerry, Pettit, King).
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Gerry," says Paine, "came to me and said that the Committee had
      consulted on the subject, and they intended to bring in a handsome report,
      but that they thought it best not to take any notice of your letter, or
      make any reference to Deane's affair, or your salary. They will indemnify
      you without it. The case is, there are some motions on the journals of
      Congress for censuring you, with respect to Deane's affair, which cannot
      now be recalled, because they have been printed. Therefore [we] will bring
      in a report that will supersede them without mentioning the purport of
      your letter."
    </p>
    <p>
      On the committee's report Congress resolved (August 26th):
    </p>
    <p>
      "That the early, unsolicited, and continued labors of Mr. Thomas Paine, in
      explaining and enforcing the principles of the late revolution by
      ingenious and timely publications upon the nature of liberty, and civil
      government, have been well received by the citizens of these States, and
      merit the approbation of Congress; and that in consideration of these
      services, and the benefits produced thereby, Mr. Paine is entitled to a
      liberal gratification from the United States."
    </p>
    <p>
      This of course was not what Paine wished, and he again (September 27th)
      urged settlement of his accounts. But, on October 3d, Congress ordered the
      Treasurer to pay Paine $3,000, "for the considerations mentioned in the
      resolution of the 26th of August last" "It was," Paine maintained to the
      last, "an indemnity to me for some injustice done me, for Congress had
      acted dishonorably by me." The Committee had proposed $6,000, but the
      author's enemies had managed to reduce it The sum paid was too small to
      cover Paine's journey to France with Laurens, which was never repaid.
    </p>
    <p>
      The services of Thomas Paine to the American cause cannot, at this
      distance of time, be estimated by any records of them, nor by his printed
      works. They are best measured in the value set on them by the great
      leaders most cognizant of them,&mdash;by Washington, Franklin, Jefferson,
      Adams, Madison, Robert Morris, Chancellor Livingston, R. H. Lee, Colonel
      Laurens, General Greene, Dickinson. Had there been anything dishonorable
      or mercenary in Paine's career, these are the men who would have known it;
      but their letters are searched in vain for even the faintest hint of
      anything disparaging to his patriotic self-devotion during those eight
      weary years. Their letters, however, already quoted in these pages, and
      others omitted, show plainly that they believed that all the States owed
      Paine large "returns (as Madison wrote to Washington) of gratitude for
      voluntary services," and that these services were not merely literary.
      Such was the verdict of the men most competent to pass judgment on the
      author, the soldier, the secretary. It can never be reversed.
    </p>
    <p>
      To the radical of to-day, however, Paine will seem to have fared pretty
      well for a free lance; and he could now beat all his lances into bridge
      iron, without sparing any for the wolf that had haunted his door.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1785}
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XV. PONTIFICAL AND POLITICAL INVENTIONS
    </h2>
    <p>
      Paine was the literary lion in New York&mdash;where Congress sat in 1785&mdash;and
      was especially intimate with the Nicholsons, whose house was the social <i>salon</i>
      of leading republicans.* One may easily read between the lines of the
      following note to Franklin that the writer is having "a good time" in New
      York, where it was written September 23d:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Commodore Nicholson was an active republican politician
     in the city of New York, and his house was a headquarters
     for the men of his way of thinking. The young ladies'
     letters are full of allusions to the New York society of
     that day, and to calls from Aaron Burr, the Livingstons, the
     Clintons, and many others.... An other man still more
     famous in some respects was a frequent visitor at their
     house. It is now almost forgotten that Thomas Paine, down to
     the time of his departure for Europe in 1787, was a
     fashionable member of society, admired and courted as the
     greatest literary genius of his day.... Here is a little
     autograph, found among the papers of Mrs. Gallatin [née
     Nicholson]; its address is to: 'Miss Hannah N., at the Lord
     knows where.&mdash;You Mistress Hannah if you don't come home, I
     'll come and fetch you.   T. Paine.'"&mdash;Adams' "Life of
     Gallatin."
</pre>
    <p>
      "My Dear Sir,&mdash;It gives me exceeding great pleasure to have the
      opportunity of congratulating you on your return home, and to a land of
      Peace; and to express to you my heartfelt wishes that the remainder of
      your days may be to you a time of happy ease and rest. Should Fate prolong
      my life to the extent of yours, it would give me the greatest felicity to
      have the evening scene some resemblance of what you now enjoy.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In making you this address I have an additional pleasure in reflecting,
      that, so far as I have hitherto gone, I am not conscious of any
      circumstance in my conduct that should give you one repentant thought for
      being my patron and introducer to America.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It would give me great pleasure to make a journey to Philadelphia on
      purpose to see you, but an interesting affair I have with Congress makes
      my absence at this time improper.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If you have time to let me know how your health is, I shall be much
      obliged to you.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am, dear Sir, with the sincerest affection and respect,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your obedient, humble servant,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Hon'ble Benjamin Franklin, Esquire.
    </p>
    <p>
      "My address is Messrs. Lawrence and Morris, Merchants."
    </p>
    <p>
      To this came the following reply, dated Philadelphia, September 24th:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Dear Sir,&mdash;'I have just received your friendly congratulations on my
      return to America, for which, as well as your kind wishes for my welfare,
      I beg you to accept my most thankful acknowledgments. Ben is also very
      sensible of your politeness, and desires his respects may be presented.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I was sorry on my arrival to find you had left this city. Your present
      arduous undertaking, I easily conceive, demands retirement, and tho' we
      shall reap the fruits of it, I cannot help regretting the want of your
      abilities here where in the present moment they might, I think, be
      successfully employed. Parties still run very high&mdash;Common Sense
      would unite them. It is to be hoped therefore it has not abandoned us
      forever."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The remainder of the letter (MS. Philosoph. Soc.,
     Philadelphia) seems to be in the writing of William Temple
     Franklin, to whom probably Paine had enclosed a note: "Mr.
     Williams whom you inquire after accompanied us to America,
     and is now here. We left Mrs. Wms. and her sisters well at
     St. Ger's, but they proposed shortly returning to England to
     live with their uncle, Mr. J. Alexander, who has entirely
     settled his affairs with Mr. Wal-pole and the Bank. Mr. Wm.
     Alex'r I suppose you know is in Virginia fulfilling his
     tobacco contract with the Farmer Gen'l. The Marquis la
     Fayette we saw a few days before we left Passy&mdash;he was well
     and on the point of setting off on an excursion into
     Germany, and a visit to the Emperor K. of Prussia.&mdash;I
     purpose shortly being at New York, where I will with
     pleasure give you any further information you may wish, and
     shall be very happy to cultivate the acquaintance and
     friendship of Mr. Paine, for whose character I have a
     sincere regard and of whose services I, as an American, have
     a grateful sense"
</pre>
    <p>
      The "arduous undertaking" to which Franklin refers was of course the iron
      bridge. But it will be seen by our next letter that Paine had another
      invention to lay before Franklin, to whom he hastened after receiving his
      $3,000 from Congress:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Dec. 31, 1785.&mdash;Dear Sir,&mdash;I send you the Candles I have been
      making;&mdash;In a little time afer they are lighted the smoke and flame
      separate, the one issuing from one end of the Candle, and the other from
      the other end. I supposed this to be because a quantity of air enters into
      the Candle between the Tallow and the flame, and in its passage downwards
      takes the smoke with it; for if you allow a quantity of air up the Candle,
      the current will be changed, and the smoke reascends, and in passing this
      the flame makes a small flash and a little noise.
    </p>
    <p>
      "But to express the Idea I mean, of the smoke descending more clearly it
      is this,&mdash;that the air enters the Candle in the very place where the
      melted tallow is getting into the state of flame, and takes it down before
      the change is completed&mdash;for there appears to me to be two kinds of
      smoke, humid matter which never can be flame, and enflameable matter which
      would be flame if some accident did not prevent the change being completed&mdash;and
      this I suppose to be the case with the descending smoke of the Candle.
    </p>
    <p>
      "As you can compare the Candle with the Lamp, you will have an opportunity
      of ascertaining the cause&mdash;why it will do in the one and not in the
      other. When the edge of the en-flamed part of the wick is close with the
      edge of the Tin of the Lamp no counter current of air can enter&mdash;but
      as this contact does not take place in the Candle a counter current enters
      and prevents the effect [?] in the candles which illuminates the Lamp. For
      the passing of the air thro' the Lamp does not, I imagine, burn the smoke,
      but burns up all the oil into flame, or by its rapidity prevents any part
      of the oil flying off in the state of half-flame which is smoke.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I do not, my Dear Sir, offer these reasons to you but to myself, for I
      have often observed that by lending words for my thoughts I understand my
      thoughts the better. Thoughts are a kind of mental smoke, which require
      words to illuminate them.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am affectionately your Obt. &amp; Hble. servant,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I hope to be well enough tomorrow to wait on you."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1786}
    </h2>
    <p>
      Paine had now to lay aside his iron arch and bridge a financial flood. A
      party had arisen in Philadelphia, determined to destroy the "Bank of North
      America." Paine had confidence in this bank, and no one knew its history
      better, for it had grown out of the subscription he headed (May, 1780)
      with $500 for the relief of Washington's suffering army. It had been
      incorporated by Congress, and ultimately by Pennsylvania, April 1, 1782.
      Investments and deposits by and in the Bank had become very large, and to
      repeal its charter was to violate a contract. The attack was in the
      interest of paper money, of which there was a large issue. The repeal had
      to be submitted to popular suffrage, and even Cheet-ham admits that
      Paine's pamphlet "probably averted the act of despotism." The pamphlet was
      entitled, "Dissertations on Government, the Affairs of the Bank, and Paper
      Money" (54 pages 8vo). It was written and printed, Paine says in his
      preface (dated February 18, 1786), "during the short recess of the
      Assembly." This was between December 22d and February 26th.
    </p>
    <p>
      The first fourteen pages of the work are devoted to a consideration of
      general principles. Englishmen who receive their constitutional
      instruction from Walter Bagehot and Albert Dicey will find in this
      introduction by Paine the foundation of their Republic. In discussing
      "sovereignty" he points out that the term, when applied to a people, has a
      different meaning from the arbitrariness it signifies in a monarchy.
      "Despotism may be more effectually acted by many over a few, than by one
      over all." "A republic is a sovereignty of justice, in contradistinction
      to a sovereignty of will." The distinct powers of the legislature are
      stated&mdash;those of legislation and those of agency. "All laws are acts,
      but all acts are not laws." Laws are for every individual; they may be
      altered. Acts of agency or negotiation are deeds and contracts.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The greatness of one party cannot give it a superiority or advantage over
      the other. The state or its representative, the assembly, has no more
      power over an act of this kind, after it has passed, than if the state was
      a private person. It is the glory of a republic to have it so, because it
      secures the individual from becoming the prey of power, and prevents might
      from overcoming right. If any difference or dispute arise between the
      state and the individuals with whom the agreement is made respecting the
      contract, or the meaning or extent of any of the matters contained in the
      act, which may affect the property or interest of either, such difference
      or dispute must be judged of and decided upon by the laws of the land, in
      a court of justice and trial by jury; that is, by the laws of the land
      already in being at the time such act and contract was made."
    </p>
    <p>
      "That this is justice," adds Paine, "that it is the true principle of
      republican government, no man will be so hardy as to deny." So, indeed, it
      seemed in those days. In the next year those principles were embodied in
      the Constitution; and in 1792, when a State pleaded its sovereign right to
      repudiate a contract ("Chisholm vs. Georgia") the Supreme Court affirmed
      every contention of Paine's pamphlet, using his ideas and sometimes his
      very phrases.
    </p>
    <p>
      Our first Attorney-General (Edmund Randolph, of Virginia) eloquently
      maintained that the inferiority of one party, or dignity of the other,
      could not affect the balances of justice. Individuals could not be left
      the victims of States. So it was decided. Justice Wilson remarked that the
      term sovereignty is unknown to the Constitution: "The term 'sovereign' has
      for its correlative, 'subject.'" A State contracting as a merchant cannot,
      when asked to fulfil its contract, take refuge in its "sovereignty." "The
      rights of individuals," said Justice Cushing, "and the justice due to them
      are as dear and precious as those of States. Indeed the latter are founded
      on the former; and the great end and object of them must be to secure and
      support the rights of individuals, or else vain is government."* But the
      decline of republicanism set in; the shameful Eleventh Amendment was
      adopted; Chisholm was defrauded of his victory by a retrospective action
      of this amendment; and America stands to-day as the only nation professing
      civilization, which shields repudiation under "State sovereignty."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     1 See "Omitted Chapters of History Disclosed in the Life
     and Papers of Edmund Randolph," Chap. XVIII., for a full
     history of this subject.
</pre>
    <p>
      In the strength of these principles Paine was able to overwhelm the whole
      brood of heresies,&mdash;State privilege, legal tender, repudiation,
      retrospective laws. His arguments are too modern to need repetition here;
      in fineness and force they are like the ribs of his bridge: as to-day
      commerce travels on Paine's iron span, so on his argumentative arch it
      passes over freshets endangering honest money.
    </p>
    <p>
      For a like reason it is unnecessary to give here all the details of his
      bridge sent by Paine to his correspondents. Of this invention more is said
      in further chapters, but the subjoined letters are appropriate at this
      point The first two were written at Bordentown, where Paine settled
      himself in the spring.
    </p>
    <p>
      To Franklin, undated.&mdash;"I send you the two essays I mentioned. As the
      standing or not standing of such an arch is not governed by opinions,
      therefore opinions one way or the other will not alter the fact. The
      opinions of its standing will not make it stand, the opinions of its
      falling will not make it fall; but I shall be exceedingly obliged to you
      to bestow a few thoughts on the subject and to communicate to me any
      difficulties or doubtfulness that may occur to you, because it will be of
      use to me to know them. As you have not the model to look at I enclose a
      sketch of a rib, except that the blocks which separate the bars are not
      represented."
    </p>
    <p>
      To Franklin, June 6th.&mdash;"The gentleman, Mr. Hall, who presents you
      with this letter, has the care of two models for a bridge, one of wood,
      the other of cast iron, which I have the pleasure of submitting to you, as
      well for the purpose of showing my respect to you, as my patron in this
      country, as for the sake of having your opinion and judgment thereon.&mdash;The
      European method of bridge architecture, by piers and arches, is not
      adapted to many of the rivers in America on account of the ice in the
      winter. The construction of those I have the honor of presenting to you is
      designed to obviate the difficulty by leaving the whole passage of the
      river clear of the incumbrance of piers... My first design in the wooden
      model was for a bridge over the Harlem River, for my good friend General
      Morris of Morrisania... but I cannot help thinking that it might be
      carried across the Schuylkill.... Mr. Hall, who has been with me at Borden
      Town, and has done the chief share of the working part, for we have done
      the whole ourselves, will inform you of any circumstance relating to it
      which does not depend on the mathematical construction. Mr. Hall will
      undertake to see the models brought safe from the stage boat to you; they
      are too large to be admitted into the house, but will stand very well in
      the garden. Should there be a vessel going round to New York within about
      a week after my arrival in Philadelphia I shall take that convenience for
      sending them there, at which place I hope to be in about a fortnight."
    </p>
    <p>
      Address and date not given; written in Philadelphia, probably in June.&mdash;"Honorable
      Sir,&mdash;I have sent to His Excellency, the President [Franklin] two
      models for a Bridge, the one of wood the other of cast-iron bars, to be
      erected over rivers, without piers. As I shall in a few days go to New
      York, and take them with me, I do myself the honor of presenting an
      invitation to Council to take a view of them before they are removed. If
      it is convenient to Council to see and examine their construction to-day,
      at the usual time of their adjournment, I will attend at the President's
      at half after twelve o'clock, or any other day or hour Council may please
      to appoint."'
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * This and the two letters preceding are among the Franklin
     MSS. in the Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.
</pre>
    <p>
      To the Hon. Thomas Fitzsimmons; addressed "To be left at the Bank,
      Philadelphia." Written at Borden town, November 19th.&mdash;"I write you a
      few loose thoughts as they occur to me. Next to the gaining a majority is
      that of keeping it This, at least (in my opinion), will not be best
      accomplished by doing or attempting a great deal of business, but by doing
      no more than is absolutely necessary to be done, acting moderately and
      giving no offence. It is with the whole as it is with the members
      individually, and we always see at every new election that it is more
      difficult to turn out an old member against whom no direct complaint can
      be made than it is to put in a new one though a better man. I am sure it
      will be best not to touch any part of the plan of finance this year. If it
      falls short, as most probably it will, it would be (I speak for myself)
      best to reduce the interest that the whole body of those who are stiled
      public creditors may share it equally as far as it will go. If any thing
      can be saved from the Civil List expences it ought not to be finally
      mortgaged to make up the deficiency; it may be applied to bring the
      creditors to a balance for the present year. There is more to be said
      respecting this debt than has yet been said. The matter has never been
      taken up but by those who were interested in the matter. The public has
      been deficient and the claimants exorbitant&mdash;neglect on one side and
      greediness on the other. That which is truly Justice may be always
      advocated. But I could no more think of paying six per cent Interest in
      real money, in perpetuity, for a debt a great part of which is quondam
      than I could think of not paying at all. Six per cent on any part of the
      debt, even to the original holders is ten or twelve per cent, and to the
      speculators twenty or thirty or more. It is better that the matter rest
      until it is fuller investigated and better understood, for in its present
      state it will be hazardous to touch upon.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have not heard a word of news from Philadelphia since I came to this
      place. I wrote a line to Mr. Francis and desired him to give me a little
      account of matters but he does not, perhaps, think it very necessary now.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I see by the papers that the subject of the Bank is likely to be renewed.
      I should like to know when it will come on, as I have some thought of
      coming down at that time, if I can.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I see by the papers that the Agricultural Society have presented a
      petition to the house respecting building a Bridge over the Schuylkill&mdash;on
      a model prepared for that purpose. In this I think they are too hasty. I
      have already constructed a model of a Bridge of Cast Iron, consisting of
      one arch. I am now making another of wrought Iron of one arch, but on a
      different Plan. I expect to finish it in about three weeks and shall send
      it first to Philadelphia. I have no opinion of any Bridge over the
      Schuylkill that is to be erected on piers&mdash;the sinking of piers will
      sink more money than they have any Idea of and will not stand when done.
      But there is another point they have not taken into their consideration;
      which is, that the sinking three piers in the middle of the river, large
      and powerful enough to resist the ice, will cause such an alteration in
      the bed and channel of the river that there is no saying what course it
      may take, or whether it will not force a new channel somewhere else."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * I am indebted for this letter to Mr. Simon Grata of
     Philadelphia.
</pre>
    <p>
      To George Clymer, Esquire, "to be left at the Bank, Philadelphia." Written
      at Bordentown, November 19th.&mdash;"I observe by the minutes that the
      Agricultural Society have presented a petition to the house for an act of
      incorporation for the purpose of erecting a bridge over the Schuylkill on
      a model in their possession. I hope this business will not be gone into
      too hastily. A Bridge on piers will never answer for that river, they may
      sink money but they never will sink piers that will stand. But admitting
      that the piers do stand&mdash;they will cause such an alteration in the
      Bed and channel of the river, as will most probable alter its course
      either to divide the channel, and require two bridges or cause it to force
      a new channel in some other part. It is a matter of more hazard than they
      are aware of the altering by obstructions the bed and channel of a River;
      the water must go somewhere&mdash;the force of the freshets and the Ice is
      very great now but will be much greater then.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am finishing as fast as I can my new model of an Iron Bridge of one
      arch which if it answers, as I have no doubt but it will, the whole
      difficulty of erecting Bridges over that river, or others of like
      circumstances, will be removed, and the expense not greater, (and I
      believe not so great) as the sum mentioned by Mr. Morris in the house, and
      I am sure will stand four times as long or as much longer as Iron is more
      durable than wood. I mention these circumstances to you that you may be
      informed of them&mdash;and not let the matter proceed so far as to put the
      Agricultural Society in a difficult situation at last.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The giving a Society the exclusive right to build a bridge, unless the
      plan is prepared before hand, will prevent a bridge being built; because
      those who might afterwards produce models preferable to their own, will
      not present them to any such body of men, and they can have no right to
      take other peoples labours or inventions to compleat their own
      undertakings by.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have not heard any news since I came to this place. I wish you would
      give me a line and let me know how matters are going on.&mdash;The Stage
      Boat comes to Borden Town every Wednesday and Sunday from the Crooked
      Billet Wharf."*
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1787}
    </h2>
    <p>
      At the close of the war Paine was eager to visit England. He speaks of it
      in his letter of June 7, 1783, to Elias Boudinot, already referred to&mdash;but
      he had not the means. The measures for his remuneration had delayed him
      two and a half years, and it now became imperative that he should put in a
      fair way of success his invention of the bridge. The models made a good
      impression on Franklin and the Council, and a committee was appointed to
      investigate it. Early in the year following the Pennsylvania Assembly
      appointed another committee. But meanwhile Paine's correspondence with his
      parents determined him to visit them at once, and look after the interests
      of his invention upon his return.** He no doubt also thought, and it may
      have been suggested by Franklin, that the success of his bridge would be
      assured in America and England if it should receive approval of the
      engineers in France. In March, 1787, he is in Philadelphia, consulting
      committees, and on the 31st writes to Franklin of his prospects and plans:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * For this letter I am indebted to Mr. Charles Roberts, of
     Philadelphia.

     ** It is known that he received an affectionate letter from
     his father, now in his 78th year, but it has not been found,
     and was probably burned with the Bonneville papers in St.
     Louis.
</pre>
    <p>
      "I mentioned in one of my essays my design of going this spring to Europe.&mdash;I
      intend landing in france and from thence England,&mdash;and that I should
      take the model with me. The time I had fixed with myself was May, but
      understanding (since I saw you yesterday) that no french packet sails that
      month, I must either take the April packet or wait till June. As I can get
      ready by the April packet I intend not omitting the opportunity. My Father
      and Mother are yet living, whom I am very anxious to see, and have
      informed them of my coming over the ensuing summer.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I propose going from hence by the stage on Wednesday for New York, and
      shall be glad to be favoured with the care of any letters of yours to
      France or England. My stay in Paris, when with Col. Laurens, was so short
      that I do not feel myself introduced there, for I was in no house but at
      Passy, and the Hotel Col. Laurens was at. As I have taken a part in the
      Revolution and politics of this country, and am not an unknown character
      in the political world, I conceive it would be proper on my going to
      Paris, that I should pay my respects to Count Vergennes, to whom I am
      personally unknown; and I shall be very glad of a letter from you to him
      affording me that opportunity, or rendering my waiting on him easy to me;
      for it so often happens that men live to forfeit the reputation at one
      time they gained at another, that it is prudent not to presume too much on
      one's self. The Marquis La Fayette I am the most known to of any gentleman
      in France. Should he be absent from Paris there are none I am much
      acquainted with. I am on exceeding good terms with Mr. Jefferson which
      will necessarily be the first place I go to. As I had the honor of your
      introduction to America it will add to my happiness to have the same
      friendship continued to me on the present occasion.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Respecting the model, I shall be obliged to you for a letter to some of
      the Commissioners in that department. I shall be glad to hear their
      opinion of it If they will undertake the experiment of two Ribs, it will
      decide the matter and promote the work here,&mdash;but this need not be
      mentioned. The Assembly have appointed another Committee, consisting of
      Mr. Morris, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Wheeler, Mr. Robinson, to
      confer with me on the undertaking. The matter therefore will remain
      suspended till my return next winter. It is worth waiting this event,
      because if a single arch to that extent will answer, all difficulties in
      that river, or others of the same condition, are overcome at once. I will
      do myself the pleasure of waiting on you tomorrow."
    </p>
    <p>
      During the time when Paine was perfecting his bridge, and consulting the
      scientific committees, the country was absorbed with preparations for
      forming a national Constitution and Union. When the States were nominating
      and electing delegates to the Convention of 1787, no one seems to have
      suggested Paine for a seat in it, nor does he appear to have aspired to
      one. The reasons are not far to seek. Paine was altogether too inventive
      for the kind of work contemplated by the colonial politicians. He had
      shown in all his writings, especially in his "Dissertations on
      Government," that he would build a constitution as he built his bridge: it
      must be mathematical, founded and shaped in impregnable principles, means
      adopted and adapted strictly for an ideal national purpose. His iron span
      did not consider whether there might be large interests invested in piers,
      or superstitions in favor of oak; as little did his anti-slavery essays
      consider the investments in slavery, or his "Public Good" on the jealous
      sovereignty of States. A recent writer says that Paine's "Common Sense"
      was "just what the moment demanded," and that it "may be briefly described
      as a plea for independence and a continental government."* In setting the
      nation at once to a discussion of the principles of such government, he
      led it to assume the principle of independence; over the old English piers
      on their quicksands, which some would rebuild, he threw his republican
      arch, on which the people passed from shore to shore. He and Franklin did
      the like in framing the Pennsylvania constitution of 1776, by which the
      chasm of "Toryism" was spanned.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "The Development of Constitutional Liberty in the English
     Colonies of America," by Eben Greenough Scott, 1890.
</pre>
    <p>
      Every pamphlet of Paine was of the nature of an invention, by which
      principles of liberty and equality were framed in constructions adapted to
      emergencies of a republic. But when the emergencies were past, the old
      contrivances regained their familiar attractions, and these were enhanced
      by independence. Privilege, so odious in Lords, was not so bad when
      inherited by democracy; individual sovereignty, unsuited to King George,
      might be a fine thing for President George; and if England had a House of
      Peers, why should we not make one out of a peerage of States? "Our
      experience in republicanism," wrote Paine, "is yet so slender, that it is
      much to be doubted whether all our public laws and acts are consistent
      with, or can be justified on, the principles of a republican government."
      But the more he talked in this way, or reminded the nation of the
      "Declaration of Independence" and the "Bill of Rights," the more did he
      close the doors of the Constitutional Convention against himself.
    </p>
    <p>
      In those days there used to meet in Franklin's library a "Society for
      Political Inquiries." It had forty-two members, among them Washington,
      James Wilson, Robert Morris, Gouverneur Morris, Clymer, Rush, Bingham,
      Bradford, Hare, Rawle, and Paine. A memorandum of Rawle says: "Paine never
      opened his mouth, but he furnished one of the few essays which the members
      of the Society were expected to produce. It was a well written
      dissertation on the inexpediency of incorporating towns."* That in such
      company, and at such a time, Paine should be silent, or discuss
      corporations, suggests political solitude. Franklin, indeed, agreed with
      him, but was too old to struggle against the reaction in favor of the
      bicameral and other English institutions.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Memoir of Penn. Hist. Soc, 1840." The gist of Paine's
     paper (read Apr. 20,1787) is no doubt contained in "The
     Rights of Man," Part II., Ch. 5.
</pre>
    <p>
      M. Chanut ("Nouv. Biog. Générale") says that Paine's bridge was not
      erected on the Schuylkill because of "the imperfect state of iron
      manufacture in America." Something of the same kind might be said of the
      state of political architecture. And so it was, that while the Convention
      was assembling in Independence Hall, he who first raised the standard of
      Independence, and before the Declaration proposed a Charter of the "United
      Colonies of America," was far out at sea on his way to rejoin his comrades
      in the old world, whose hearts and burdens he had represented in the new.
    </p>
    <p>
      The printed Rules of the Society (founded February 9, 1787) are in the
      Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. The preamble, plainly Paine's, says:
      "Important as these inquiries are to all, to the inhabitants of these
      republics they are objects of peculiar magnitude and necessity. Accustomed
      to look up to those nations, from whom we have derived our origin, for our
      laws, our opinions, and our manners, we have retained with
      undistinguishing reverence their errors, with their improvements; have
      blended with our public institutions the policy of dissimilar countries;
      and have grafted on our infant commonwealth the manners of ancient and
      corrupted monarchies. In having effected a separate government, we have as
      yet effected but a partial independence. The revolution can only be said
      to be compleat, when we shall have freed ourselves, no less from the
      influence of foreign prejudices than from the fetters of foreign power."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVI. RETURNING TO THE OLD HOME
    </h2>
    <p>
      Even now one can hardly repress regret that Paine did not remain in his
      beloved Bordentown. There he was the honored man; his striking figure,
      decorated with the noblest associations, was regarded with pride; when he
      rode the lanes on his horse Button, the folk had a pleasant word with him;
      the best homes prized his intimacy, and the young ladies would sometimes
      greet the old gentleman with a kiss. From all this he was drawn by the
      tender letter of a father he was never to see again. He sailed in April
      for a year's absence; he remained away fifteen,&mdash;if such years may be
      reckoned by calendar.
    </p>
    <p>
      The French packet from New York had a swift voyage, and early in the
      summer Paine was receiving honors in Paris. Franklin had given him letters
      of introduction, but he hardly needed them.* He was already a hero of the
      progressives, who had relished his artistic dissection of the Abbé
      Raynal's disparagement of the American Revolution. Among those who greeted
      him was Auberteuil, whose history of the American Revolution Paine had
      corrected, an early copy having been sent him (1783) by Franklin for that
      purpose.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "This letter goes by Mr. Paine, one of our principal
     writers at the Revolution, being the author of 'Common
     Sense,' a pamphlet that had prodigious effects."&mdash;Franklin
     to M. de Veillard.
</pre>
    <p>
      But Paine's main object in France was to secure a verdict from the Academy
      of Sciences, the supreme authority, on his bridge, a model of which he
      carried with him. The Academy received him with the honors due to an M.A.
      of the University of Pennsylvania, a member of the Philosophical Society,
      and a friend of Franklin. It appointed M. Leroy, M. Bossou, and M. Borda a
      committee to report on his bridge, On August 18th he writes to Jefferson,
      then Minister in Paris:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am much obliged to you for the book you are so kind to send me. The
      second part of your letter, concerning taking my picture, I must feel as
      an honor done to me, not as a favour asked of me&mdash;but in this, as in
      other matters, I am at the disposal of your friendship.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The committee have among themselves finally agreed on their report; I saw
      this morning it will be read in the Academy on Wednesday. The report goes
      pretty fully to support the principles of the construction, with their
      reasons for that opinion."
    </p>
    <p>
      On August 15th, a cheery letter had gone to George Clymer in Philadelphia,
      in which he says:
    </p>
    <p>
      "This comes by Mr. Derby, of Massachusetts, who leaves Paris to-day to
      take shipping at L' [Orient] for Boston. The enclosed for Dr. Franklin is
      from his friend Mr. Le Roy, of the Academy of Sciences, respecting the
      bridge, and the causes that have delayed the completing report. An arch of
      4 or 5 hundred feet is such an unprecedented thing, and will so much
      attract notice in the northern part of Europe, that the Academy is
      cautious in what manner to express their final opinion. It is, I find,
      their custom to give reasons for their opinion, and this embarrasses them
      more than the opinion itself. That the model is strong, and that a bridge
      constructed on the same principles will also be strong, they appear to be
      well agreed in, but to what particular causes to assign the strength they
      are not agreed in. The Committee was directed by the Academy to examine
      all the models and plans for iron bridges that had been proposed in
      France, and they unanimously gave the preference to our own, as being the
      simplest, strongest, and lightest. They have likewise agreed on some
      material points."*
    </p>
    <p>
      Dr. Robinet says that on this visit (1787) Paine, who had long known the
      "soul of the people," came into relation with eminent men of all groups,
      philosophical and political,&mdash;Condorcet, Achille Duchâtelet, Cardinal
      De Brienne, and, he believes, also Danton, who, like the English
      republican, was a freemason.** This intercourse, adds the same author,
      enabled him to print in England his remarkable prophecy concerning the
      change going on in the French mind. Dr. Robinet quotes from a pamphlet
      presently noticed, partly written in Paris during this summer. Although it
      was Paine's grievous destiny soon to be once more a revolutionary figure,
      it is certain that he had returned to Europe as an apostle of peace and
      good-will. While the engineers were considering his daring scheme of an
      iron arch of five hundred feet, he was devising with the Cardinal
      Minister, De Brienne, a bridge of friendship across the Channel.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * For this letter I am indebted to Mr. Curtis Guild, of
     Boston. The letter goes on to describe, with drawings, the
     famous bridge at Schaffhausen, built by Grubenmann, an
     uneducated carpenter, the model being shown Paine by the
     King's architect, Perronet. The Academy's committee
     presently made its report, which was even more favorable
     than Paine had anticipated.

     ** "Danton Emigré," p. 7. Paine wrote a brief archaeological
     treatise on freemasonry, but I have not met with the
     statement that he was a freemason except in Dr. Robinet's
     volume,&mdash;certainly high authority.
</pre>
    <p>
      He drew up a paper in this sense, on which the Minister wrote and signed
      his approval. The bridge-model approved by the Academy he sent to Sir
      Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society; the proposal for friendship
      between France and England, approved by the Cardinal Minister, he carried
      by his own hand to Edmund Burke.
    </p>
    <p>
      On his arrival in London Paine gave to the printer a manuscript on which
      he had been engaged, and straightway went to Thetford.* His father had
      died the year before.2 His mother, now in her ninety-first year, he found
      in the comfort his remittances had supplied. The house, with its large
      garden, stands in Guildhall (then Heathen-man) Street. I was politely
      shown through it by its present occupant, Mr. Brett Mr. Stephen Old-man,
      Sr., who went to school in the house, told me that it was identified by
      "old Jack Whistler," a barber, as the place where he went to shave Paine,
      in 1787. At this time Paine settled on his mother an allowance of nine
      shillings per week, which in the Thetford of that period was ample for her
      comfort. During this autumn with his mother he rarely left her side. As
      she lived to be ninety-four it may be that he sat beside her in the Quaker
      meeting-house, to which she had become attached in her latter years.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The exact time of his arrival in England is doubtful.
     Oldys says: "He arrived at the White Bear, Picadilly, on
     the 3d of September, 1787, just thirteen years after his
     departure for Philadelphia." Writing in 1803 Paine also says
     it was in September. But his "Rubicon" pamphlet is dated
     "York Street, St. James's Square, 20th August, 1787."
     Possibly the manuscript was dated in Paris and forwarded to
     the London printer with the address at which he wished to
     find proof on his arrival.

     ** St. Cuthbert's Register: "Burials, 1786. Joseph Payne (a
     Quaker) aged 78 years. November 14th."
</pre>
    <p>
      Eloquent and pathetic must have been the silence around the gray man when,
      after so many tempests, he sat once more in the little meeting-house where
      his childhood was nurtured. From this, his spiritual cradle, he had borne
      away a beautiful theory, in ignorance of the contrasted actuality.
      Theoretically the Society of Friends is a theocracy; the Spirit alone
      rules and directs, effacing all distinctions of rank or sex. As a matter
      of fact, one old Quaker, or the clerk of a meeting, often overrules the
      "inner lights" of hundreds. Of the practical working of Quaker government
      Paine had no experience; he had nothing to check his ideal formed in
      boyhood. His whole political system is explicable only by his theocratic
      Quakerism. His first essay, the plea for negro emancipation, was brought
      from Thetford meeting-house. His "Common Sense," a new-world scripture, is
      a "testimony" against the proud who raised their paltry dignities above
      the divine presence in the lowliest "But where, say some, is the King of
      America? I 'll tell you, friend, he reigns above." Paine's love of his
      adopted country was not mere patriotism; he beheld in it the land of
      promise for all mankind, seen from afar while on his Thetford Pisgah.
      Therefore he made so much of the various races in America.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The mere independence of America, were it to have been followed by a
      system of government modelled after the corrupt system of the English
      government, would not have interested me with the unabated ardour that it
      did. It was to bring forward and establish the representative system of
      government that was the leading principle with me."
    </p>
    <p>
      So he spake to Congress, and to its president he said that he would have
      done the same for any country as for America. The religious basis of his
      political system has a droll illustration in an anecdote of his early life
      told by himself. While bowling with friends at Lewes, Mr. Verril remarked
      that Frederick of Prussia "was the best fellow in the world for a king; he
      had so much of the devil in him." It struck Paine that "if it were
      necessary for a king to have so much of the devil in him, kings might very
      beneficially be dispensed with." From this time he seems to have developed
      a theory of human rights based on theocracy; and so genuinely that in
      America, while the Bible was still to him the word of God, he solemnly
      proposed, in the beginning of the Revolution, that a crown should be
      publicly laid on that book, to signify to the world that "in America the
      Law is King."
    </p>
    <p>
      While in America the States were discussing the Constitution proposed by
      the Convention, Paine sat in the silent meeting at Thetford dreaming of
      the Parliament of Man, and federation of the world. In America the dawn of
      the new nation was a splendor, but it paled the ideals that had shone
      through the night of struggle. The principles of the Declaration, which
      would have freed every slave,&mdash;representation proportionate to
      population, so essential to equality, the sovereignty of justice instead
      of majorities or of States,&mdash;had become "glittering generalities."
      The first to affirm the principles of the Declaration, Paine awaited the
      unsummoned Convention that would not compromise any of them away. For
      politicians these lofty ideas might be extinguished by the rising of a
      national sun; but in Paine there remained the deep Quaker well where the
      stars shone on through the garish day.*
    </p>
    <p>
      Seated in the Quaker meeting-house beside his mother, and beside his
      father's fresh grave, Paine revises the past while revising the proofs of
      his pamphlet. The glamor of war, even of the American Revolution, fades;
      the shudder with which he saw in childhood soldiers reeking from the
      massacres of Culloden and Inverness returns; he begins his new career in
      the old world with a "testimony" against war.**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "In wells where truth in secret lay He saw the midnight
     stars by day."&mdash;W. D. Howells.

     ** "Prospects on the Rubicon; or, An Investigation into the
     Causes and Consequences of the Politics to be Agitated at
     the Meeting of Parliament." London, 1787. Pp. 68.
</pre>
    <p>
      "When we consider, for the feelings of Nature cannot be dismissed, the
      calamities of war and the miseries it inflicts upon the human species, the
      thousands and tens of thousands of every age and sex who are rendered
      wretched by the event, surely there is something in the heart of man that
      calls upon him to think! Surely there is some tender chord, tuned by the
      hand of the Creator, that still struggles to emit in the hearing of the
      soul a note of sorrowing sympathy. Let it then be heard, and let man learn
      to feel that the true greatness of a nation is founded on principles of
      humanity.... War involves in its progress such a train of unforeseen and
      unsupposed circumstances, such a combination of foreign matters, that no
      human wisdom can calculate the end. It has but one thing certain, and that
      is to increase taxes.... I defend the cause of the poor, of the
      manufacturer, of the tradesman, of the farmer, and of all those on whom
      the real burthen of taxes fall&mdash;but above all, I defend the cause of
      humanity."
    </p>
    <p>
      So little did Paine contemplate or desire revolution in England or France.
      His exhortation to young Pitt is to avoid war with Holland, to be friendly
      with France, to shun alliances involving aid in war, and to build up the
      wealth and liberties of England by uniting the people with the throne. He
      has discovered that this healthy change is going on in France. The French
      people are allying "the Majesty of the Sovereign with the Majesty of the
      Nation." "Of all alliances this is infinitely the strongest and the safest
      to be trusted to, because the interest so formed and operating against
      external enemies can never be divided." Freedom doubles the value of the
      subject to the government When the desire of freedom becomes universal
      among the people, then, "and not before, is the important moment for the
      most effectual consolidation of national strength and greatness." The
      government must not be frightened by disturbances incidental to beneficent
      changes. "The creation we enjoy arose out of a chaos."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The pamphlet was reprinted in London in 1793 under the
     title: "Prospects on the War, and Paper Currency. The
     second edition, corrected." Advertisement (June 20th): "This
     pamphlet was written by Mr. Paine in the year 1787, on one
     of Mr. Pitt's armaments, namely, that against Holland. His
     object was to prevent the people of England from being
     seduced into a war, by stating clearly to them the
     consequences which would inevitably befall the credit of
     this country should such a calamity take place. The minister
     has at length, however, succeeded in his great project,
     after three expensive armaments within the space of seven
     years; and the event has proved how well founded were the
     predictions of Mr. Paine. The person who has authority to
     bring forward this pamphlet in its present shape, thinks his
     doing so a duty which he owes both to Mr. P&mdash;&mdash;&mdash; and the
     people of England, in order that the latter may judge what
     credit is due to (what a great judge calls) the wild
     theories of Mr. Paine."
</pre>
    <p>
      Paine had seen a good deal of Jefferson in Paris, and no doubt their
      conversation often related to struggles in the Constitutional Convention
      at Philadelphia. Jefferson wished the Constitution to include a
      Declaration of Rights, and wrote Paine some comments on the argument of
      James Wilson (afterward of the Supreme Court), maintaining that such a
      Declaration was unnecessary in a government without any powers not
      definitely granted, and that such a Declaration might be construed to
      imply some degree of power over the matters it defined. Wilson's speeches,
      powerfully analyzing the principles of liberty and federation, were
      delivered on October 6th and November 24th, and it will appear by the
      subjoined paper that they were more in accord with Paine's than with
      Jefferson's principles. The manuscript, which is among Jefferson's papers,
      bears no date, but was no doubt written at Thetford early in the year
      1788.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1788}
    </h2>
    <p>
      "After I got home, being alone and wanting amusement, I sat down to
      explain to myself (for there is such a thing) my ideas of national and
      civil rights, and the distinction between them. I send them to you to see
      how nearly we agree.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Suppose twenty persons, strangers to each other, to meet in a country not
      before inhabited. Each would be a Sovereign in his own natural right. His
      will would be his law, but his power, in many cases, inadequate to his
      right; and the consequence would be that each might be exposed, not only
      to each other, but to the other nineteen. It would then occur to them that
      their condition would be much improved, if a way could be devised to
      exchange that quantity of danger into so much protection; so that each
      individual should possess the strength of the whole number. As all their
      rights in the first case are natural rights, and the exercise of those
      rights supported only by their own natural individual power, they would
      begin by distinguishing between those rights they could individually
      exercise, fully and perfectly, and those they could not. Of the first kind
      are the rights of thinking, speaking, forming and giving opinions, and
      perhaps are those which can be fully exercised by the individual without
      the aid of exterior assistance; or in other words, rights of personal
      competency. Of the second kind are those of personal protection, of
      acquiring and possessing property, in the exercise of which the individual
      natural power is less than the natural right.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Having drawn this line they agree to retain individually the first class
      of Rights, or those of personal competency; and to detach from their
      personal possession the second class, or those of defective power, and to
      accept in lieu thereof a right to the whole power produced by a
      condensation of all the parts. These I conceive to be civil rights, or
      rights of compact, and are distinguishable from natural rights because in
      the one we act wholly in our own person, in the other we agree not to do
      so, but act under the guarantee of society.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It therefore follows that the more of those imperfect natural rights or
      rights of imperfect power we give up, and thus exchange, the more security
      we possess; and as the word liberty is often mistakenly put for security,
      Mr. Wilson has confused his argument by confounding the terms. But it does
      not follow that the more natural rights of <i>every kind</i> we assign the
      more security we possess, because if we resign those of the first class we
      may suffer much by the exchange; for where the right and the power are
      equal with each other in the individual, naturally, they ought to rest
      there.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Wilson must have some allusion to this distinction, or his position
      would be subject to the inference you draw from it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I consider the individual sovereignty of the States retained under the
      act of confederation to be of the second class of right. It becomes
      dangerous because it is defective in the power necessary to support it. It
      answers the pride and purpose of a few men in each State, but the State
      collectively is injured by it."
    </p>
    <p>
      The paper just quoted may be of importance to those students of Yale
      College who shall compete for the Ten Eyck prize of 1892, on the
      interesting subject, "Thomas Paine: Deism and Democracy in the Days of the
      American Revolution." There was no nearer approach to democracy, in
      Paine's theory, than that of this paper sent to Jefferson. The
      Constitutional Convention represented to him the contracting People, all
      the individuals being parties to a Compact whereby every majority pledges
      itself to protect the minority in matters not essential to the security of
      all. In representative government thus limited by compact he recognized
      the guaranty of individual freedom and influence by which the mass could
      be steadily enlightened. Royall Tyler considered some of his views on
      these subjects "whimsical paradoxes"; but they are not so "unaccountable"
      as he supposed. Tyler's portraiture of Paine in London, though somewhat
      adapted to prejudices anent "The Age of Reason," is graphic, and Paine's
      anti-democratic paradox wittily described.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I met this interesting personage at the lodgings of the son of a late
      patriotic American governour [Trumbull]... He was dressed in a
      snuff-coloured coat, olive velvet vest, drab breeches, coarse hose. His
      shoe buckles of the size of a half dollar. A bob tailed wig covered that
      head which worked such mickle woe to courts and kings. If I should attempt
      to describe it, it would be in the same stile and principle with which the
      veteran soldier bepraiseth an old standard: the more tattered, the more
      glorious. It is probable that this was the same identical wig under the
      shadow of whose curls he wrote Common Sense, in America, many years
      before. He was a spare man, rather under size; subject to the extreme of
      low, and highly exhilirating spirits; often sat reserved in company;
      seldom mingled in common chit chat: But when a man of sense and elocution
      was present, and the company numerous, he delighted in advancing the most
      unaccountable, and often the most whimsical paradoxes; which he defended
      in his own plausible manner. If encouraged by success, or the applause of
      the company, his countenance was animated with an expression of feature
      which, on ordinary occasions one would look for in vain, in a man so much
      celebrated for acuteness of thought; but if interrupted by extraneous
      observation, by the inattention of his auditory, or in an irritable
      moment, even by the accidental fall of the poker, he would retire into
      himself, and no persuasion could induce him to proceed upon the most
      favourite topic.... I heard Thomas Paine once assert in the presence of
      Mr. Wolcott, better known, in this country, by the facetious name of Peter
      Pindar, that the minority, in all deliberative bodies, ought, in all
      cases, to govern the majority. Peter smiled. You must grant me, said
      Uncommon Sense, that the proportion of men of sense, to the ignorant among
      mankind, is at least as twenty, thirty, or even forty-nine, to an hundred.
      The majority of mankind are consequently most prone to errour; and if we
      atchieve the right, the minority ought in all cases to govern. Peter
      continued to smile archly."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "The Algerine Captive," 1797.   (Paine's shoe-buckles in
     the National Museum, Washington, are of the fashionable
     kind.)
</pre>
    <p>
      In the end this theory was put to a vote of the company present, and all
      arose with Paine except Peter Pindar, who thereupon said, "I am the wise
      minority who ought, in all cases, to govern your ignorant majority."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVII. A BRITISH LION WITH AN AMERICAN HEART
    </h2>
    <p>
      The influence of Paine's Quaker training has been traced in his
      constructive politics, but its repressive side had more perhaps to do with
      his career. "I had some turn," he said, "and I believe some talent, for
      poetry; but this I rather repressed than encouraged." It is your
      half-repressed poets that kindle revolutions. History might be different
      had Paine not been taught fear of music and poetry. He must have epical
      commonwealths. The American Republic having temporarily filled his ideal
      horizon in the political direction, the disguised Muse turned his eye upon
      the possibilities of nature. Morally utilitarian, he yet rarely writes
      about physics without betraying the poetic passion for nature of a
      suppressed Wordsworth. Nature is his Aphrodite and his Madonna.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Bred up in antediluvian notions, she has not yet acquired the European
      taste of receiving visitors in her dressing-room; she locks and bolts up
      her private recesses with extraordinary care, as if not only resolved to
      preserve her hoards but conceal her age, and hide the remains of a face
      that was young and lovely in the days of Adam."
    </p>
    <p>
      Defining for Jefferson the distinction between attraction and cohesion, he
      says:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I recollect a scene at one of the theatres which very well explains the
      difference. A condemned lady wishes to see her child and the child its
      mother: that is Attraction. They were admitted to meet, but when ordered
      to part threw their arms around each other and fastened their persons
      together: this is Cohesion."
    </p>
    <p>
      All the atoms or molecules are little mothers and daughters and lovers
      clasping each other; it is an interlocking of figures; "and if our eyes
      were good enough we should see how it was done." He has a transcendental
      perception of unity in things dissimilar. On his walks to Challiot he
      passes trees and fountains, and writes a little essay, with figures,
      explaining to his friend that the tree is also a fountain, and that by
      measuring diameters of trunks and tubes, or branches, the quantity of
      timber thrown up by sap-fountains might be known. Some of his casual
      speculations he calls "conceits." They are the exuberance of a scientific
      imagination inspired by philanthropy and naturalistic religion. The "inner
      light" of man corresponds to an "inner spirit" of nature. The human mind
      dimmed by ignorance, perverted by passion, turns the very gifts of nature
      to thorns, amid which her divine beauty sleeps until awakened by the kiss
      of science.
    </p>
    <p>
      It would be difficult to find anything in the literature of mechanical
      invention more naively picturesque than this Quaker, passed through
      furnaces of two revolutions, trying to humanize gunpowder. Here is a
      substance with maximum of power and minimum of bulk and weight.
    </p>
    <p>
      "When I consider the wisdom of nature I must think that she endowed matter
      with this extraordinary property for other purposes than that of
      destruction. Poisons are capable of other uses than that of killing. If
      the power which an ounce of gunpowder contains could be detailed out as
      steam or water can be it would be a most commodious natural power."
    </p>
    <p>
      Having failed to convert revolutions to Quakerism, Paine tries to soften
      the heart of gunpowder itself, and insists that its explosiveness may be
      restrained and detailed like strokes on a boy's top to obtain continual
      motion. The sleeping top, the chastened repose of perfect motion, like the
      quiet of the spinning worlds, is the Quaker inventor's ideal, and he begs
      the President of the United States to try the effect of the smallest
      pistol made&mdash;the size of a quill&mdash;on a wheel with peripheral
      cups to receive the discharges.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * I am reluctantly compelled to give only the main ideas of
     several theses of this kind by Paine, found among
     Jefferson's papers.    The portion of the "Jefferson Papers"
     at Washington written by Paine would fill a good volume.
</pre>
    <p>
      "The biographers of Paine," wrote his friend, Joel Barlow, "should not
      forget his mathematical acquirements and his mechanical genius." But it
      would require a staff of specialists, and a large volume, to deal with
      Paine's scientific studies and contrivances&mdash;with his planing
      machine, his new crane, his smokeless candle, his wheel of concentric rim,
      his scheme for using gunpowder as a motor, above all his iron bridge. As
      for the bridge, Paine feels that it is a sort of American revolution
      carried into mechanics; his eagle cannot help spreading a little in the
      wondering eyes of the Old World. "Great scenes inspire great ideas," he
      writes to Sir George Staunton.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The natural mightiness of America expands the mind, and it partakes of
      the greatness it contemplates. Even the war, with all its evils, had some
      advantages. It energized invention and lessened the catalogue of
      impossibilities. At the conclusion of it every man returned to his home to
      repair the ravages it had occasioned, and to think of war no more. As one
      amongst thousands who had borne a share in that memorable revolution, I
      returned with them to the re-enjoyment of quiet life, and, that I might
      not be idle, undertook to construct a single arch for this river
      [Schuylkill]. Our beloved General had engaged in rendering another river,
      the Potowmac, navigable. The quantity of iron I had allowed in my plan for
      this arch was five hundred and twenty tons, to be distributed into
      thirteen ribs, in commemoration of the Thirteen United States."
    </p>
    <p>
      It is amusing after this to find Paine, in his patent, declaring his
      special license from "His Most Excellent Majesty King George the Third."*
      Had poor George been in his right senses, or ever heard of the invention,
      he might have suspected some connection between this insurrection of the
      iron age and the American "rebellion." However, Paine is successful in
      keeping America out of his specification, albeit a poetic touch appears.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "No. 1667. Specification of Thomas Paine. Constructing
     Arches. Vaulted Roofs, and Ceilings." The specification,
     dated August 28, 1788, declares his invention to be  "on
     principles new and different to anything hitherto
     practised." The patents for England, Scotland, and Ireland
     were granted in September. An iron arch of one hundred feet
     was designed by Pritchard and erected by Darby at Coalbrook
     Dale, Shropshire, in 1779, but it did not anticipate the
     invention of Paine, as may be seen by the article on "Iron
     Bridges" in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, which also well
     remarks that Paine's "daring in engineering does full
     justice to the fervour of his political career."   (Eighth
     edition; it is omitted in the ninth.)
</pre>
    <p>
      "The idea and construction of this arch is taken from the figure of a
      spider's circular web, of which it resembles a section, and from a
      conviction that when nature empowered this insect to make a web she also
      instructed her in the strongest mechanical method of constructing it.
      Another idea, taken from nature in the construction of this arch, is that
      of increasing the strength of matter by dividing and combining it, and
      thereby causing it to act over a larger space than it would occupy in a
      solid state, as is seen in the quills of birds, bones of animals, reeds,
      canes, &amp;c. The curved bars of the arch are composed of pieces of any
      length joined together to the whole extent of the arch, and take curvature
      by bending."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine and his bridge came to England at a fortunate moment. Blackfriars
      Bridge had just given way, and two over the Tyne, one built by Smeaton,
      had collapsed by reason of quicksands under their piers. And similarly
      Pitt's policy was collapsing through the treacherous quicksands on which
      it was based. Paper money and a "sinking fund" at home, and foreign
      alliances that disregarded the really controlling interests of nations,
      Paine saw as piers set in the Channel.* He at once took his place in
      England as a sort of institution. While the engineers beheld with
      admiration his iron arch clearing the treacherous river-beds, statesmen
      saw with delight his prospective bridges spanning the political "Rubicon."
      Nothing could be more felicitous than the title of his inaugural pamphlet,
      "Prospects on the Rubicon." It remembered an expression in Parliament at
      the beginning of the war on America. "'The Rubicon is passed,' was once
      given as a reason for prosecuting the most expensive war that England ever
      knew. Sore with the event, and groaning beneath a galling yoke of taxes,
      she has again been led ministerially on to the shore of the same delusive
      and fatal river." The bridge-builder stretches his shining arches to
      France, Holland, Germany,&mdash;free commerce and friendship with all
      peoples, but no leagues with the sinking piers called thrones.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * It is droll to find even Paine's iron bridge resting
     somewhat on a "paper "pier. "Perhaps," he writes Jefferson,
     "the excess of paper currency, and the wish to find objects
     for realizing it, is one of the motives for promoting the
     plan of the Bridge."
</pre>
    <p>
      At Rotherham, in Yorkshire, where Messrs. Walker fitted up a workshop for
      Paine, he was visited by famous engineers and political personages. There
      and in London he was "lionized," as Franklin had been in Paris. We find
      him now passing a week with Edmund Burke, now at the country-seat of the
      Duke of Portland, or enjoying the hospitalities of Lord Fitzwilliam at
      Wentworth House. He is entertained and consulted on public affairs by Fox,
      Lord Lansdowne, Sir George Staunton, Sir Joseph Banks; and many an effort
      is made to enlist his pen. Lord Lansdowne, it appears, had a notion of
      Paine's powers of political engineering so sublime that he thought he
      might bridge the Atlantic, and re-connect England and America! All of this
      may be gathered from the Jefferson papers, as we shall presently see; but
      it should be remarked here that Paine's head was not turned by his
      association with the gentry and aristocracy. The impression he made on
      these eminent gentlemen was largely due to his freedom from airs. They
      found him in his workshop, hammer in hand, proud only of free America and
      of his beautiful arch.
    </p>
    <p>
      Professor Peter Lesley of Philadelphia tells me that when visiting in
      early life the works at Rotherham, Paine's workshop and the very tools he
      used were pointed out. They were preserved with care. He conversed with an
      aged and intelligent workman who had worked under Paine as a lad.
      Professor Lesley, who had shared some of the prejudice against Paine, was
      impressed by the earnest words of this old man. Mr. Paine, he said, was
      the most honest man, and the best man he ever knew. After he had been
      there a little time everybody looked up to him, the Walkers and their
      workmen. He knew the people for miles round, and went into their homes;
      his benevolence, his friendliness, his knowledge, made him beloved by all,
      rich and poor. His memory had always lasted there.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1789}
    </h2>
    <p>
      In truth Paine, who had represented the heart of England, in America, was
      now representing the heart of America to England. America was working by
      his hand, looking through his eyes, and silently publishing to the people
      from whom he sprung what the new nation could make out of a starving
      English staymaker. He was a living Declaration of Independence. The
      Americans in London&mdash;the artists West and Trumbull, the Alexanders
      (Franklin's connections), and others&mdash;were fond of him as a friend
      and proud of him as a countryman.
    </p>
    <p>
      The subjoined letter to Benjamin West (afterwards P. R. A.) shows Paine's
      pleasant relations with that artist and with Trumbull. It is dated March
      8, 1789.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have informed James of the matter which you and I talked of on
      Saturday, and he is much rejoiced at an opportunity of shewing his
      gratitude to you for the permission you indulged him with in attending Mr.
      Trumbull at your rooms. As I have known his parents upwards of twenty
      years, and the manners and habits he has been educated in, and the
      disposition he is of, I can with confidence to myself undertake to vouch
      for the faithful discharge of any trust you may repose in him; and as he
      is a youth of quick discernment and a great deal of silent observation he
      cannot be easily imposed upon, or turned aside from his attention, by any
      contrivance of workmen. I will put him in a way of keeping a diary of
      every day's work he sees done, and of any observations he may make, proper
      for you to be informed of, which he can send once or twice a week to you
      at Windsor; and any directions you may have to give him in your absence
      can be conveyed through Mr. Trumbull, or what other method you please, so
      that James is certified they come from you.
    </p>
    <p>
      "James has made a tender of his service to Mr. Trumbull, if it should be
      of any use, when his picture is to be exhibited; but that will probably
      not be till nearly the time the impressions will be struck off. James need
      not entirely omit his drawing while he is attending the plates. Some
      employment will, in general, fix a person to a place better than having
      only to stand still and look on. I suppose they strike off about three
      impressions in an hour, and as James is master of a watch he will find
      their average of works,&mdash;and also how fast they can work when they
      have a mind to make haste,&mdash;and he can easily number each impression,
      which will be a double check on any being carried off. I intend visiting
      him pretty often, while he is on duty, which will be an additional
      satisfaction to yourself for the trust you commit to him."
    </p>
    <p>
      This chapter may well close with a letter from Paine in London (January 6,
      1789) to his young friend "Kitty Nicholson,"&mdash;known at the
      Borden-town school, and in New York,&mdash;on the occasion of her marriage
      with Colonel Few.** Let those who would know the real Thomas Paine read
      this letter!
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * I have not been able to find anything more of Paine's
     protege James, whose parents were known to him before his
     departure for American. I am indebted to Mr. W. E. Benjamin
     for the letter.

     ** To a representative of this family I am indebted for the
     letter. Concerning the Nicholsons, see page 212.
</pre>
    <p>
      "I sincerely thank you for your very friendly and welcome letter. I was in
      the country when it arrived and did not receive it soon enough to answer
      it by the return of the vessel.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I very affectionately congratulate Mr. and Mrs. Few on their happy
      marriage, and every branch of the families allied by that connection; and
      I request my fair correspondent to present me to her partner, and to say,
      for me, that he has obtained one of the highest Prizes on the wheel.
      Besides the pleasure which your letter gives me to hear you are all happy
      and well, it relieves me from a sensation not easy to be dismissed; and if
      you will excuse a few dull thoughts for obtruding themselves into a
      congratulatory letter I will tell you what it is. When I see my female
      friends drop off by matrimony I am sensible of something that affects me
      like a loss in spite of all the appearances of joy. I cannot help mixing
      the sincere compliment of regret with that of congratulation. It appears
      as if I had outlived or lost a friend. It seems to me as if the original
      was no more, and that which she is changed to forsakes the circle and
      forgets the scenes of former society. Felicities are cares superior to
      those she formerly cared for, create to her a new landscape of Life that
      excludes the little friendships of the past. It is not every lady's mind
      that is sufficiently capacious to prevent those greater objects crowding
      out the less, or that can spare a thought to former friendships after she
      has given her hand and heart to the man who loves her. But the sentiment
      your letter contains has prevented these dull Ideas from mixing with the
      congratulation I present you, and is so congenial with the enlarged
      opinion I have always formed of you, that at the time I read your letter
      with pleasure I read it with pride, because it convinces me that I have
      some judgment in that most difficult science&mdash;a Lady's mind. Most
      sincerely do I wish you all the good that Heaven can bless you with, and
      as you have in your own family an example of domestic happiness you are
      already in the knowledge of obtaining it. That no condition we can enjoy
      is an exemption from care&mdash;that some shade will mingle itself with
      the brightest sunshine of Life&mdash;that even our affections may become
      the instruments of our sorrows&mdash;that the sweet felicities of home
      depend on good temper as well as on good sense, and that there is always
      something to forgive even in the nearest and dearest of our friends,&mdash;are
      truths which, tho' too obvious to be told, ought never to be forgotten;
      and I know you will not esteem my friendship the less for impressing them
      upon you.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Though I appear a sort of wanderer, the married state has not a sincerer
      friend than I am. It is the harbour of human life, and is, with respect to
      the things of this world, what the next world is to this. It is home; and
      that one word conveys more than any other word can express. For a few
      years we may glide along the tide of youthful single life and be
      wonderfully delighted; but it is a tide that flows but once, and what is
      still worse, it ebbs faster than it flows, and leaves many a hapless
      voyager aground. I am one, you see that have experienced the fate, I am
      describing.* I have lost my tide; it passed by while every thought of my
      heart was on the wing for the salvation of my dear America, and I have now
      as contentedly as I can, made myself a little bower of willows on the
      shore that has the solitary resemblance of a home. Should I always
      continue the tenant of this home, I hope my female acquaintance will ever
      remember that it contains not the churlish enemy of their sex, not the
      inaccessible cold hearted mortal, nor the capricious tempered oddity, but
      one of the best and most affectionate of their friends.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Paine's marriage and separation from his wife had been
     kept a secret in America, where the "Tories" would have used
     it to break the influence of his patriotic writings. It may
     be stated here, in addition to what is said on p. 32, that,
     in the absence of any divorce law in England, a separation
     under the Common Law was generally held as pronouncing the
     marriage a nullity ab initio. According to Chalmers Paine
     was dissatisfied with articles of separation drawn up by an
     attorney, Josias Smith, May 24, 1774, and insisted on new
     ones, to which the clergyman was a party. The "common
     lawyers" regarded the marriage as completely annulled, and
     Paine thus free to marry again. However, he evidently never
     thought of doing so, and that his relations with ladies were
     as chaste as affectionate appears in this letter to Mrs.
     Few, and in his correspondence generally.
</pre>
    <p>
      "I did not forget the Dunstable hat, but it was not on wear here when I
      arrived. That I am a negligent correspondent I freely confess, and I
      always reproach myself for it. You mention only one letter, but I wrote
      twice; once by Dr. Derby, and another time by the Chevalier St. Triss&mdash;by
      whom I also wrote to Gen. Morris, Col. Kirkbride, and several friends in
      Philadelphia, but have received no answers. I had one letter from Gen.
      Morris last winter, which is all I have received from New York till the
      arrival of yours.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I thank you for the details of news you give. Kiss Molly Field for me and
      wish her joy,&mdash;and all the good girls of Borden Town. How is my
      favorite Sally Morris, my boy Joe, and my horse Button? pray let me know.
      Polly and Nancy Rogers,&mdash;are they married? or do they intend to build
      bowers as I have done? If they do, I wish they would twist their green
      willows somewhere near to mine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am very much engaged here about my Bridge&mdash;There is one building
      of my Construction at Messers. Walker's Iron Works in Yorkshire, and I
      have direction of it. I am lately come from thence and shall return again
      in two or three weeks.
    </p>
    <p>
      "As to news on this side the water, the king is mad, and there is great
      bustle about appointing a Regent. As it happens, I am in pretty close
      intimacy with the heads of the opposition&mdash;the Duke of Portland, Mr.
      Fox and Mr. Burke. I have sent your letter to Mrs. Burke as a specimen of
      the accomplishments of the American Ladies. I sent it to Miss Alexander, a
      lady you have heard me speak of, and I asked her to give me a few of her
      thoughts how to answer it. She told me to write as I felt, and I have
      followed her advice.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I very kindly thank you for your friendly invitation to Georgia and if I
      am ever within a thousand miles of you, I will come and see you; though it
      be but for a day.
    </p>
    <p>
      "You touch me on a very tender part when you say my friends on your side
      the water 'cannot be reconciled to the idea of my resigning my adopted
      America, even for my native England.' They are right. Though I am in as
      elegant style of acquaintance here as any American that ever came over, my
      heart and myself are 3000 miles apart; and I had rather see my horse
      Button in his own stable, or eating the grass of Bordentown or Morrisania,
      than see all the pomp and show of Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      "A thousand years hence (for I must indulge in a few thoughts) perhaps in
      less, America may be what England now is! The innocence of her character
      that won the hearts of all nations in her favor may sound like a romance,
      and her inimitable virtue as if it had never been. The ruins of that
      liberty which thousands bled for, or suffered to obtain, may just furnish
      materials for a village tale or extort a sigh from rustic sensibility,
      while the fashionable of that day, enveloped in dissipation, shall deride
      the principle and deny the fact.
    </p>
    <p>
      "When we contemplate the fall of Empires and the extinction of nations of
      the ancient world, we see but little to excite our regret than the
      mouldering ruins of pompous palaces, magnificent monuments, lofty
      pyramids, and walls and towers of the most costly workmanship. But when
      the Empire of America shall fall, the subject for contemplative sorrow
      will be infinitely greater than crumbling brass or marble can inspire. It
      will not then be said, here stood a temple of vast antiquity,&mdash;here
      rose a Babel of invisible height, or there a palace of sumptuous
      extravagance; but here, ah painful thought! the noblest work of human
      wisdom, the grandest scene of human glory, the fair cause of freedom rose
      and fell!
    </p>
    <p>
      "Read this and then ask if I forget America&mdash;But I 'll not be dull if
      I can help it, so I leave off, and close my letter tomorrow, which is the
      day the mail is made up for America.
    </p>
    <p>
      "January 7th. I have heard this morning with extreme concern of the death
      of our worthy friend Capt. Read. Mrs. Read lives in a house of mine at
      Bordentown, and you will much oblige me by telling her how much I am
      affected by her loss; and to mention to her, with that delicacy which such
      an offer and her situation require, and which no one knows better how to
      convey than yourself, that the two years' rent which is due I request her
      to accept of, and to consider herself at home till she hears further from
      me.
    </p>
    <p>
      "This is the severest winter I ever knew in England; the frost has
      continued upwards of five weeks, and is still likely to continue. All the
      vessels from America have been kept off by contrary winds. The 'Polly' and
      the 'Pigeon' from Philadelphia and the 'Eagle' from Charleston are just
      got in.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If you should leave New York before I arrive (which I hope will not be
      the case) and should pass through Philadelphia, I wish you would do me the
      favor to present my compliments to Mrs. Powell, the lady whom I wanted an
      opportunity to introduce you to when you were in Philadelphia, but was
      prevented by your being at a house where I did not visit.
    </p>
    <p>
      "There is a Quaker favorite of mine at New York, formerly Miss Watson of
      Philadelphia; she is now married to Dr. Lawrence, and is an acquaintance
      of Mrs. Oswald: be so kind as to make her a visit for me. You will like
      her conversation. She has a little of the Quaker primness&mdash;but of the
      pleasing kind&mdash;about her.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am always distressed at closing a letter, because it seems like taking
      leave of my friends after a parting conversation.&mdash;Captain Nicholson,
      Mrs. Nicholson, Hannah, Fanny, James, and the little ones, and you my dear
      Kitty, and your partner for life&mdash;God bless you all! and send me safe
      back to my much loved America!
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine&mdash;aet. 52.
    </p>
    <p>
      "or if you better like it 'Common Sense.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      "This comes by the packet which sails from Falmouth, 300 miles from
      London; but by the first vessel from London to New York I will send you
      some magazines. In the meantime be so kind as to write to me by the first
      opportunity. Remember me to the family at Morrisania, and all my friends
      at New York and Bordentown. Desire Gen. Morris to take another guinea of
      Mr. Constable, who has some money of mine in his hands, and give it to my
      boy Joe. Tell Sally to take care of 'Button,' Then direct for me at Mr.
      Peter Whiteside's London. When you are at Charleston remember me to my
      dear old friend Mrs. Lawrence, Col. and Mrs. L. Morris, and Col.
      Washington; and at Georgia, to Col. Walton. Adieu."
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0018" id="link2HCH0018">
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    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XVIII. PAINE'S LETTERS TO JEFFERSON IN PARIS
    </h2>
    <p>
      A note of Paine to Jefferson, dated February 19, 1788, shows him in that
      city consulting with Lafayette about his bridge, and preparing a memorial
      for the government. The visit was no doubt meant to secure a patent, and
      also arrange for the erection of the bridge. This appears to be his last
      meeting with Jefferson in Europe. He must have returned soon to England,
      where a letter of June 15th reports to Jefferson large progress in his
      patent, and other arrangements. Paine's letters were by no means confined
      to his personal affairs. In one of his letters Jefferson says: "I have
      great confidence in your communications, and since Mr. Adams' departure I
      am in need of authentic information from that country." Jefferson
      subscribes his letters&mdash;"I am with great and sincere attachment, dear
      Sir, your affectionate friend and servant,"&mdash;and Paine responded with
      wonted fidelity. For more than a year the United States government was
      supplied by Paine, mainly through Jefferson, with information concerning
      affairs in England. It will be seen by some of the subjoined extracts that
      Paine was recognized by English statesmen as a sort of American Minister,
      and that the information he transmits is rarely, if ever, erroneous. All
      of this would appear more clearly could space be here given to the entire
      letters. The omissions are chiefly of items of news now without interest,
      or of technical details concerning the bridge. It is only just to remind
      the reader, before introducing the quotations, that these letters were
      confidential, and to a very intimate friend, being thus not liable to any
      charge of egotism from the public, for whose eye they were not intended.
    </p>
    <p>
      "London, Broad Street Buildings, No. 13. Sept. 9, 1788.&mdash;That I am a
      bad correspondent is so general a complaint against me, that I must expect
      the same accusation from you&mdash;But hear me first&mdash;When there is
      no matter to write upon, a letter is not worth the trouble of receiving
      and reading and while any thing which is to be the subject of a letter, is
      in suspence, it is difficult to write and perhaps best to let it alone&mdash;'least
      said is soonest mended,' and nothing said requires no mending.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The model has the good fortune of preserving in England the reputation
      which it received from the Academy of Sciences. It is a favourite hobby
      horse with all who have seen it; and every one who has talked with me on
      the subject advised me to endeavour to obtain a Patent, as it is only by
      that means that I can secure to myself the direction and management. For
      this purpose I went, in company with Mr Whiteside to the office which is
      an appendage to Lord Sydney's&mdash;told them who I was, and made an
      affidavit that the construction was my own Invention. This was the only
      step I took in the business. Last Wednesday I received a Patent for
      England, the next day a Patent for Scotland, and I am to have one for
      Ireland.
    </p>
    <p>
      "As I had already the opinion of the scientific Judges both in France and
      England on the Model, it was also necessary that I should have that of the
      practical Iron men who must finally be the executors of the work. There
      are several capital Iron Works in this country, the principal of which are
      those in Shropshire, Yorkshire, and Scotland. It was my intention to have
      communicated with Mr. Wilkinson, who is one of the proprietors of the
      Shropshire Iron Works, and concerned in those in France, but his departure
      for Sweden before I had possession of the patents prevented me. The Iron
      Works in Yorkshire belonging to the Walkers near to Sheffield are the most
      eminent in England in point of establishment and property. The proprietors
      are reputed to be worth two hundred thousand pounds and consequently
      capable of giving energy to any great undertaking. A friend of theirs who
      had seen the model wrote to them on the subject, and two of them came to
      London last Fryday to see it and talk with me on the business. Their
      opinion is very decided that it can be executed either in wrought or cast
      Iron, and I am to go down to their Works next week to erect an experiment
      arch. This is the point I am now got to, and until now I had nothing to
      inform you of. If I succeed in erecting the arch all reasoning and opinion
      will be at an end, and, as this will soon be known, I shall not return to
      France till that time; and until then I wish every thing to remain
      respecting my Bridge over the Seine, in the state I left matters in when I
      came from France. With respect to the Patents in England it is my
      intention to dispose of them as soon as I have established the certainty
      of the construction.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Besides the ill success of Black friars Bridge, two Bridges built
      successively on the same spot, the last by Mr Smeaton, at Hexham, over the
      Tyne in Northumberland, have fallen down, occasioned by quicksands under
      the bed of the river. If therefore arches can be extended in the
      proportion the model promises, the construction in certain situations,
      without regard to cheapness or dearness, will be valuable in all
      countries.... As to English news or Politics, there is little more than
      what the public papers contain. The assembling the States General, and the
      reappointment of Mr. Neckar, make considerable impression here. They
      overawe a great deal of the English habitual rashness, and check that
      triumph of presumption which they indulged themselves in with respect to
      what they called the deranged and almost ruinous condition of the finances
      of France. They acknowledge unreservedly that the natural resources of
      France are greater than those of England, but they plume themselves on the
      superiority of the means necessary to bring national resources forth. But
      the two circumstances above mentioned serve very well to lower this
      exaltation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Some time ago I spent a week at Mr. Burke's, and the Duke of Portland's
      in Buckinghamshire. You will recollect that the Duke was the member during
      the time of the coalition&mdash;he is now in the opposition, and I find
      the opposition as much warped in some respects as to Continental Politics
      as the Ministry.&mdash;What the extent of the Treaty with Russia is, Mr.
      B[urke] says that he and all the opposition are totally unacquainted with;
      and they speak of it not as a very wise measure, but rather tending to
      involve England in unnecessary continental disputes. The preference of the
      opposition is to a connection with Prussia if it could have been obtained.
      Sir George Staunton tells me that the interference with respect to Holland
      last year met with considerable opposition from part of the Cabinet. Mr.
      Pitt was against it at first, but it was a favourite measure with the
      King, and that the opposition at that crisis contrived to have it known to
      him that they were disposed to support his measures. This together with
      the notification of the 16th of September gave Mr. Pitt cause and pretence
      for changing his ground.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Marquis of Landsdown is unconnected either with the Ministry or the
      opposition. His politics is distinct from both. This plan is a sort of
      armed neutrality which has many advocates. In conversation with me he
      reprobated the conduct of the Ministry towards France last year as
      operating to '<i>cut the throat of confidence</i>' (this was his
      expression) between France and England at a time when there was a fair
      opportunity of improving it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The enmity of this country against Russia is as bitter as it ever was
      against America, and is carried to every pitch of abuse and vulgarity.
      What I hear in conversations exceeds what may be seen in the news-papers.
      They are sour and mortified at every success she acquires, and voraciously
      believe and rejoice in the most improbable accounts and rumours to the
      contrary. You may mention this to Mr. Simelin on any terms you please for
      you cannot exceed the fact.
    </p>
    <p>
      "There are those who amuse themselves here in the hopes of managing Spain.
      The notification which the Marquis del Campo made last year to the British
      Cabinet, is perhaps the only secret kept in this country. Mr. B[urke]
      tells me that the opposition knows nothing of it. They all very freely
      admit that if the Combined fleets had had thirty or forty thousand land
      forces, when they came up the channel last war, there was nothing in
      England to oppose their landing, and that such a measure would have been
      fatal to their resources, by at least a temporary destruction of national
      credit. This is the point on which this country is most impressible. Wars
      carried on at a distance, they care but little about, and seem always
      disposed to enter into them. It is bringing the matter home to them that
      makes them fear and feel, for their weakest part is at home. This I take
      to be the reason of the attention they are paying to Spain; for while
      France and Spain make a common cause and <i>start</i> together, they may
      easily overawe this country.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I intended sending this letter by Mr. Parker, but he goes by the way of
      Holland, and as I do not chuse to send it by the English Post, I shall
      desire Mr. Bartholemy to forward it to you.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Remember me with much affection to the Marquis de la Fayette. This letter
      will serve for two letters. Whether I am in London or the country any
      letter to me at Mr Whiteside's, Merchant, No. 13 Broad Street Buildings,
      will come safe. My compliments to Mr. Short."
    </p>
    <p>
      "London, September 15.&mdash;I have not heard of Mr. [Lewis] Littlepage
      since I left Paris,&mdash;if you have, I shall be glad to know it. As he
      dined sometimes at Mr. Neckar's, he undertook to describe the Bridge to
      him. Mr. Neckar very readily conceived it. If you have an opportunity of
      seeing Mr. Neckar, and see it convenient to renew the subject, you might
      mention that I am going forward with an experiment arch.&mdash;Mr. Le
      Couteulx desired me to examine the construction of the Albion Steam Mills
      erected by Bolton and Watt. I have not yet written to him because I had
      nothing certain to write about. I have talked with Mr. Rumsey, who is
      here, upon this matter, and who appears to me to be master of that
      subject, and who has procured a model of the Mill, which is worked
      originally from the steam.... When you see Mr. Le Roy please to present my
      compliments. I hope to realize the opinion of the Academy on the Model, in
      which case I shall give the Academy the proper information. We have no
      certain accounts here of the arrangement of the new Ministry. The papers
      mention Count St. Preist for Foreign Affairs. When you see him please to
      present my compliments.... Please to present my compliments to M. and
      Madame De Corney."
    </p>
    <p>
      "London, December 16.&mdash;That the King is insane is now old news. He
      yet continues in the same state, and the Parliament are on the business of
      appointing a Regent. The Dukes of York and Gloucester have both made
      speeches in the house of Peers. An embarrassing question, whether the
      Prince of Wales has a right in himself by succession during the incapacity
      of his father, or whether the right must derive to him thro' Parliament,
      has been agitated in both Houses. [Illegible] and the speeches of York and
      Gloucester of avoiding the question. This day is fixt for bringing the
      matter on in the house of Commons. A change of Ministry is expected, and I
      believe determined on. The Duke of Portland and his friends will in all
      probability come in. I shall be exceedingly glad to hear from you, and to
      know if you have received my letters, and also when you intend setting off
      for America, or whether you intend to visit England before you go. In case
      of change of Ministry here there are certain matters I shall be glad to
      see you upon. Remember me to the Marquis de la Fayette. We hear good
      things from France, and I sincerely wish them all well and happy. Remember
      me to Mr. Short and Mr. Mazzei.*"
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Mazzei was a scientific Italian who settled in Virginia
     with a Tuscan colony before the Revolution, in which he took
     up arms and was captured by the British.     His colony had
     been under the patronage of Jefferson, to whose fortunes he
     was always devoted, though the publication of Jefferson's
     famous letter to him, reflecting on Washington's
     administration, caused his patron much trouble.
</pre>
    <p>
      "London, Jan. 15, 1789.&mdash;My last letter requested to know if you had
      any thoughts of coming to England before you sailed to America. There will
      certainly be a change of ministry, and probably some change of measures,
      and it might not be inconvenient if you could know before your sailing,
      for the information of the new Congress, what measures the new Ministry
      here intended to pursue or adopt with respect to commercial arrangements
      with America. I am in some intimacy with Mr. Burke, and after the new
      ministry are formed he has proposed to introduce me to them. The Duke of
      Portland, at whose seat in the country I was a few days last summer, will
      be at the head of the Treasury, and Mr. Fox Secretary for Foreign Affairs.
      The King continues, I believe, as mad as ever. It appears that he has
      amassed several millions of money, great part of which is in foreign
      funds. He had made a Will, while he had his senses, and devised it among
      his children, but a second Will has been produced, made since he was mad,
      dated the 25th of Oct., in which he gives his property to the Queen. This
      will probably produce much dispute, as it is attended with many suspicious
      circumstances. It came out in the examination of the physicians, that one
      of them, Dr. Warrens, on being asked the particular time of his observing
      the King's insanity, said the twenty-second of October, and some influence
      has been exerted to induce him to retract that declaration, or to say that
      the insanity was not so much as to prevent him making a Will, which he has
      refused to do."
    </p>
    <p>
      "London, February 16.&mdash;Your favour of the 23d December continued to
      the &mdash;&mdash; Janry. came safe to hand,&mdash;for which I thank you.
      I begin this without knowing of any opportunity of conveyance, and shall
      follow the method of your letter by writing on till an opportunity offers.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I thank you for the many and judicious observations about my bridge. I am
      exactly in your Ideas as you will perceive by the following account.&mdash;I
      went to the Iron Works the latter end of Octr. My intention at the time of
      writing to you was to construct an experiment arch of 250 feet, but in the
      first place, the season was too far advanced to work out of doors and an
      arch of that extent could not be worked within doors, and nextly, there
      was a prospect of a real Bridge being wanted on the spot of 90 feet
      extent. The person who appeared disposed to erect a Bridge is Mr. Foljambe
      nephew to the late Sir George Saville, and member in the last Parliament
      for Yorkshire. He lives about three miles from the works, and the River
      Don runs in front of his house, over which there is an old ill constructed
      Bridge which he wants to remove. These circumstances determined me to
      begin an arch of 90 feet with an elevation of 5 feet. This extent I could
      manage within doors by working half the arch at a time.... A great part of
      our time, as you will naturally suppose was taken up in preparations, but
      after we began to work we went on rapidly, and that without any mistake,
      or anything to alter or amend. The foreman of the works is a Relation to
      the Proprietors, an excellent mechanic and who fell into all my Ideas with
      great ease and penetration. I staid at the works till one half the Rib, 45
      feet, was compleated and framed horizontally together and came up to
      London at the meeting of Parliament on the 4th of December. The foreman,
      whom, as I told him, I should appoint 'President of the Board of Works,'
      in my absence wrote me word that he has got the other half together with
      much less trouble than the first. He is now preparing for erecting and I
      for returning.
    </p>
    <p>
      "February 26.&mdash;A few days ago I received a letter from Mr. Foljambe
      in which he says: I saw the Rib of your Bridge. In point of elegance and
      beauty, it far exceeded my expectations and is certainly beyond any thing
      I ever saw.'&mdash;My model and myself had many visitors while I was at
      the works. A few days after I got there, Lord Fitz-William, heir to the
      Marquis of Rockingham, came with Mr. Burke. The former gave the workmen
      five guineas and invited me to Wentworth House, a few miles distant from
      the works, where I went, and staid a few days.
    </p>
    <p>
      "This Bridge I expect will bring forth something greater, but in the
      meantime I feel like a Bird from its nest and wishing most anxiously to
      return. Therefore, as soon as I can bring any thing to bear, I shall
      dispose of the contract and bid adieu. I can very truly say that my mind
      is not at home.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am very much rejoiced at the account you give me of the state of
      affairs in France. I feel exceedingly interested in the happiness of that
      nation. They are now got or getting into the right way, and the present
      reign will be more Immortalized in France than any that ever preceded it.
      They have all died away, forgotten in the common mass of things, but this
      will be to France like an Anno Mundi, or an Anno Domini. The happiness of
      doing good and the Pride of doing great things unite themselves in this
      business. But as there are two kinds of Pride&mdash;the little and the
      great, the privileged orders will in some degree be governed by this
      Division.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Those of little pride (I mean little-minded pride) will be schismatical,
      and those of the great pride will be orthodox, with respect to the States
      General. Interest will likewise have some share, and could this operate
      freely it would arrange itself on the orthodox side. To enrich a Nation is
      to enrich the individuals which compose it. To enrich the farmer is to
      enrich the farm&mdash;and consequently the Landlord;&mdash;for whatever
      the farmer is, the farm will be. The richer the subject, the richer the
      revenue, because the consumption from which Taxes are raised is in
      proportion to the abilities of people to consume; therefore the most
      effectual method to raise both the revenue and the rental of a country is
      to raise the condition of the people,&mdash;or that order known in france
      by the Tiers Etat. But I ought to ask pardon for entering into reasonings
      in a letter to you, and only do it because I like the subject.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I observe in all the companies I go into the impression which the present
      circumstances of France has upon this Country. <i>An internal Alliance</i>
      in France [between Throne and People] is an alliance which England never
      dreamed of, and which she most dreads. Whether she will be better or worse
      tempered afterwards I cannot judge of, but I believe she will be more
      cautious in giving offence. She is likewise impressed with an Idea that a
      negotiation is on foot between the King [Louis XVI.] and the Emperor for
      adding Austrian Flanders to France. This appears to me such a probable
      thing, and may be rendered so conducive to the interest and good of all
      the parties concerned, that I am inclined to give it credit and wish it
      success. I hope then to see the Scheld opened, for it is a sin to refuse
      the bounties of nature. On these matters I shall be glad of your opinion.
      I think the States General of Holland could not be in earnest when they
      applied to France for the payment of the quota to the Emperor. All things
      considered to request it was meanness, and to expect it absurdity. I am
      more inclined to think they made it an opportunity to find how they stood
      with France. Absalom (I think it was) set fire to his brother's field of
      corn to bring on a conversation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "March 12.&mdash;With respect to Political matters here, the truth is, the
      people are fools. They have no discernment into principles and
      consequences. Had Mr. Pitt proposed a National Convention, at the time of
      the King's insanity, he had done right; but instead of this he has
      absorbed the right of the Nation into a right of Parliament,&mdash;one
      house of which (the Peers) is hereditary in its own right, and over which
      the people have no controul (not so much as they have over their King;)
      and the other elective by only a small part of the Nation. Therefore he
      has lessened instead of increased the rights of the people; but as they
      have not sense enough to see it, they have been huzzaing him. There can be
      no fixed principles of government, or anything like a constitution in a
      country where the Government can alter itself, or one part of it supply
      the other.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Whether a man that has been so compleatly mad as not to be managed but by
      force and the mad shirt can ever be confided in afterwards as a reasonable
      man, is a matter I have very little opinion of. Such a circumstance, in my
      estimation, if mentioned, ought to be a perpetual disqualification.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Emperor I am told has entered a caveat against the Elector of Hanover
      (not the electoral vote) for King of the Romans. John Bull, however, is
      not so mad as he was, and a message has been manufactured for him to
      Parliament in which there is nothing particular. The Treaty with Prussia
      is not yet before Parliament but is to be.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Had the Regency gone on and the new administration been formed I should
      have been able to communicate some matters of business to you, both with
      respect to America and France; as an interview for that purpose was agreed
      upon and to take place as soon as the persons who were to fill the offices
      should succeed. I am the more confidential with those persons, as they are
      distinguished by the name of the Blue &amp; Buff,&mdash;a dress taken up
      during the American War, and is the undress uniform of General Washington
      with Lapels which they still wear.* But, at any rate, I do not think it is
      worth while for Congress to appoint any Minister to this Court. The
      greater distance Congress observes on this point the better. It will be
      all money thrown away to go to any expence about it&mdash;at least during
      the present reign. I know the nation well, and the line of acquaintance I
      am in enables me to judge better than any other American can judge&mdash;especially
      at a distance. If Congress should have any business to state to the
      Government here, it can be easily done thro' their Minister at Paris&mdash;but
      the seldomer the better.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * On this Blue and Buff Society, Canning wrote some
     satirical verses. He also described "French philanthropy" as
     "Condorcet filtered through the dregs of Paine."
</pre>
    <p>
      "I believe I am not so much in the good graces of the Marquis of
      Landsdowne as I used to be&mdash;I do not answer his purpose. He was
      always talking of a sort of reconnection of England and America, and my
      coldness and reserve on this subject checked communication."
    </p>
    <p>
      "London, April 10.&mdash;The King continues in his amended state, but Dr.
      Willis, his son, and attendants, are yet about his person. He has not been
      to Parliament nor made any public appearance, but he has fixed the 23d
      April for a public thanksgiving, and he is to go in great Parade to offer
      up his Devotions at St. Paul's on that day. Those about him have
      endeavoured to dissuade him from this ostentatious pilgrimage, most
      probably from an apprehension of some effect it may have upon him, but he
      persists.... The acts for regulating the trade with America are to be
      continued as last year. A paper from the Privy Council respecting the
      American fly is before Parliament. I had some conversation with Sir Joseph
      Banks upon this subject, as he was the person whom the Privy Council
      referred to. I told him that the Hessian fly attacked only the green
      plant, and did not exist in the dry grain. He said that with respect to
      the Hessian fly, they had no apprehension, but it was the weevil they
      alluded to. I told him the weevil had always more or less been in the
      wheat countries of America, and that if the prohibition was on that
      account it was as necessary fifty or sixty years ago, as now; that I
      believe it was only a political manoeuvre of the Ministry to please the
      landed interest, as a balance for prohibiting the exportation of wool to
      please the manufacturing interest. He did not reply, and as we are on very
      sociable terms I went farther by saying&mdash;The English ought not to
      complain of the non-payment of Debts from America while they prohibit the
      means of payment.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I suggest to you a thought on this subject. The debts due before the war,
      ought to be distinguished from the debts contracted since, and all and
      every mode of payment and remittance under which they <i>have bein
      discharged at the time they were contracted</i> ought to accompany those
      Debts, so long as any of them shall continue unpaid; because the
      circumstances of payment became united with the debt, and cannot be
      separated by subsequent acts of one side only. If this was taken up in
      America, and insisted on as a right coeval with and inseparable from those
      Debts, it would force some of the restrictions here to give way.
    </p>
    <p>
      "You speak very truly of this country when you say 'that they are
      slumbering under a half reformation of Politics and religion, and cannot
      be excited by any thing they hear or see to question the remains of
      prejudice.' Their ignorance on some matters, is unfathomable, for instance
      the Bank of England discount Bills at 5 p cent, but a proposal is talked
      of for discounting at 4 1/2; and the reason given is the vast quantity of
      money, and that money of the good houses discounts at 4 1/2; from this
      they deduce the great ability and credit of the nation. Whereas the
      contrary is the case. This money is all in paper, and the quantity is
      greater than the object to circulate it upon, and therefore shows that the
      market is glutted, and consequently the ability for farther paper
      excretions is lessened.&mdash;If a war should ever break out, between the
      countries again, this is the spot where it ought to be prosecuted, they
      neither feel nor care for any thing at a distance, but are frightened and
      spiritless at every thing which happens at home. The Combined fleet coming
      up the Channel, Paul Jones, and the Mob of 1738, are the dreadful eras of
      this country. But for national puffing none equals them. The addresses
      which have been presented are stuffed with nonsense of this kind. One of
      them published in the London Gazette and presented by a Sir William
      Appleby begins thus,&mdash;'Britain, the Queen of Isles, the pride of
      Nations, the Arbitress of Europe, perhaps of the world.'... On the receipt
      of your last, I went to Sir Joseph Banks to inform him of your having
      heard from Ledyard, from Grand Cairo, but found he had a letter from him
      of the same date. Sir Joseph is one of the society for promoting that
      undertaking. He has an high opinion of Ledyard, and thinks him the only
      man fitted for such an exploration. As you may probably hear of Ledyard by
      accounts that may not reach here, Sir Joseph will be obliged to you to
      communicate to him any matters respecting him that may come to you (Sir
      Joseph Banks, Bart., Soho Square)....
    </p>
    <p>
      "While writing this I am informed that the Minister has had a conference
      with some of the American creditors, and proposed to them to assume the
      debts and give them ten shillings on the pound&mdash;the conjecture is
      that he means, when the new Congress is established, to demand the
      payment. If you are writing to General Washington, it may not be amiss to
      mention this&mdash;and if I hear farther on the matter I will inform you.*
      But, as being a money matter it cannot come forward but thro' Parliament,
      there will be notice given of the business. This would be a proper time to
      show that the British Acts since the Peace militate against the payment by
      narrowing the means by which those debts might have been paid when they
      were contracted, and which ought to be considered as constituant parts of
      the contract."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * This and other parts of Paine's correspondence were
     forwarded to Washington.
</pre>
    <p>
      "June 17.&mdash;I received your last to the 21st May. I am just now
      informed of Messrs. Parker and Cutting setting off tomorrow morning for
      Paris by whom this will be delivered to you. Nothing new is showing here.
      The trial of Hastings, and the Examination of evidence before the house of
      Commons into the Slave Trade still continue.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I wrote Sir Joseph Banks an account of my Experiment Arch. In his answer
      he informs me of its being read before the Royal Society who expressed
      'great satisfaction at the Communication.' 'I expect' says Sir Joseph
      'many improvements from your Countrymen who think with vigor, and are in a
      great measure free from those shackles of Theory which are imposed on the
      minds of our people before they are capable of exerting their mental
      faculties to advantage.' In the close of his letter he says: 'We have lost
      poor Ledyard. He had agreed with certain Moors to conduct him to Sennar.
      The time for their departure was arrived when he found himself ill, and
      took a large dose of Emetic Tartar, burst a blood-vessel in the operation,
      which carried him off in three days. We sincerely lament his loss, as the
      papers we have received from him are full of those emanations of spirit,
      which taught you to construct a Bridge without any reference to the means
      used by your predecessors in that art.' I have wrote to the Walkers and
      proposed to them to manufacture me a compleat Bridge and erect it in
      London, and afterwards put it up to sale. I do this by way of bringing
      forward a Bridge over the Thames&mdash;which appears to me the most
      advantageous of all objects. For, if only a fifth of the persons, at a
      half penny each, pass over a new Bridge as now pass over the old ones the
      tolls will pay 25 per Cent besides what will arise from carriage and
      horses. Mrs. Williams tells me that her letters from America mention Dr.
      Franklin as being exceedingly ill. I have been to see the Cotton Mills,&mdash;the
      Potteries&mdash;the Steel furnaces&mdash;Tin plate manufacture&mdash;White
      lead manufacture. All those things might be easily carried on in America.
      I saw a few days ago part of a hand bill of what was called a geometrical
      wheelbarrow,&mdash;but cannot find where it is to be seen. The Idea is one
      of those that needed only to be thought of,&mdash;for it is very easy to
      conceive that if a wheelbarrow, as it is called, be driven round a piece
      of land,&mdash;a sheet of paper may be placed in it&mdash;so as to receive
      by the tracings of a Pencil, regulated by a little Mechanism&mdash;the
      figure and content of the land&mdash;and that neither Theodolite nor chain
      are necessary."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Rotherham,Yorkshire, July 13.&mdash;The Walkers are to find all the
      materials, and fit and frame them ready for erecting, put them on board a
      vessel &amp; send them to London. I am to undertake all expense from that
      time &amp; to compleat the erecting. We intend first to exhibit it and
      afterwards put it up to sale, or dispose of it by private contract, and
      after paying the expences of each party the remainder to be equally
      divided&mdash;one half theirs, the other mine. My principal object in this
      plan is to open the way for a Bridge over the Thames.... I shall now have
      occasion to draw upon some funds I have in America. I have one thousand
      Dollars stock in the Bank at Philadelphia, and two years interest due upon
      it last April, £180 in the hands of General Morris ',£40 with Mr.
      Constable of New York; a house at Borden Town, and a farm at New Rochelle.
      The stock and interest in the Bank, which Mr. Willing manages for me, is
      the easiest negotiated, and full sufficient for what I shall want. On this
      fund I have drawn fifteen guineas payable to Mr. Trumbull, tho' I shall
      not want the money longer than till the Exhibition and sale of the Bridge.
      I had rather draw than ask to borrow of any body here. If you go to
      America this year I shall be very glad if you can manage this matter for
      me, by giving me credit for two hundred pounds, on London, and receiving
      that amount of Mr. Willing. I am not acquainted with the method of
      negotiating money matters, but if you can accommodate me in this, and will
      direct me how the transfer is to be made, I shall be much obliged to you.
      Please direct to me under cover to Mr. Trumbull. I have some thoughts of
      coming over to France for two or three weeks, as I shall have little to do
      here until the Bridge is ready for erecting.
    </p>
    <p>
      "September 15.&mdash;When I left Paris I was to return with the Model, but
      I could now bring over a compleat Bridge. Tho' I have a slender opinion of
      myself for executive business, I think, upon the whole that I have managed
      this matter tolerable well. With no money to spare for such an undertaking
      I am the sole Patentee here, and connected with one of the first and best
      established houses in the Nation. But absent from America I feel a craving
      desire to return and I can scarcely forbear weeping at the thoughts of
      your going and my staying behind.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Accept my dear Sir, my most hearty thanks for your many services and
      friendship. Remember me with an overflowing affection to my dear America&mdash;the
      people and the place. Be so kind to shake hands with them for me, and tell
      our beloved General Washington, and my old friend Dr. Franklin how much I
      long to see them. I wish you would spend a day with General Morris of
      Morrisania, and present my best wishes to all the family.&mdash;But I find
      myself wandering into a melancholy subject that will be tiresome to read,&mdash;so
      wishing you a prosperous passage, and a happy meeting with all your
      friends and mine, I remain yours affectionately, etc.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I shall be very glad to hear from you when you arrive. If you direct for
      me to the care of Mr. Benjamin Vaughn it will find me.&mdash;Please
      present my friendship to Captain Nicholson and family of New York, and to
      Mr. and Mrs. Few.
    </p>
    <p>
      "September 18.&mdash;I this moment receive yours of ye 13 int. which being
      Post Night, affords me the welcome opportunity of acknowledging it. I
      wrote you on the 15 th by post&mdash;but I was so full of the thoughts of
      America and my American friends that I forgot France.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The people of this Country speak very differently on the affairs of
      France. The mass of them, so far as I can collect, say that France is a
      much freer Country than England. The Peers, the Bishops, &amp;c. say the
      National Assembly has gone too far. There are yet in this country, very
      considerable remains of the feudal System which people did not see till
      the revolution in france placed it before their eyes. While the multitude
      here could be terrified with the cry and apprehension of Arbitrary power,
      wooden shoes, popery, and such like stuff, they thought themselves by
      comparison an extraordinary free people; but this bugbear now loses its
      force, and they appear to me to be turning their eyes towards the
      Aristocrats of their own Nation. This is a new mode of conquering, and I
      think it will have its effect.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am looking out for a place to erect my Bridge, within some of the
      Squares would be very convenient. I had thought of Soho Square, where Sir
      Joseph Banks lives, but he is now in Lincolnshire. I expect it will be
      ready for erecting and in London by the latter end of October. Whether I
      shall then sell it in England or bring it over to Paris, and re-erect it
      there, I have not determined in my mind.. In order to bring any kind of a
      contract forward for the Seine, it is necessary it should be seen, and, as
      oeconomy will now be a principle in the Government, it will have a better
      chance than before.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If you should pass thro' Borden Town in Jersey, which is not out of your
      way from Philadelphia to New York, I shall be glad you would enquire out
      my particular friend Col. Kirkbride. You will be very much pleased with
      him. His house is my home when in that part of the Country&mdash;and it
      was there that I made the Model of my Bridge."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XIX. THE KEY OF THE BASTILLE
    </h2>
    <p>
      In June, 1777, the Emperor Joseph II. visited his sister, the Queen of
      France, and passed a day at Nantes. The Count de Menou, commandant of the
      place, pointed out in the harbor, among the flags raised in his honor, one
      bearing thirteen stars. The Emperor turned away his eyes, saying: "I
      cannot look on that; my own profession is to be royalist"
    </p>
    <p>
      Weber, foster-brother of Marie Antoinette, who reports the Emperor's
      remark, recognized the fate of France in those thirteen stars. That
      republic, he says, was formed by the subjects of a King, aided by another
      King. These French armies, mingling their flags with those of America,
      learned a new language. Those warriors, the flower of their age, went out
      Frenchmen and returned Americans. They returned to a court, but decorated
      with republican emblems and showing the scars of Liberty. Lafayette, it is
      said, had in his study a large carton, splendidly framed, in two columns:
      on one was inscribed the American Declaration of Independence; the other
      was blank, awaiting the like Declaration of France.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Memoires concernant Marie-Antoinette," pp. 34-79. 268
</pre>
    <p>
      The year 1789 found France afflicted with a sort of famine, its finances
      in disorder; while the people, their eyes directed to the new world by the
      French comrades of Washington, beheld that great chieftain inaugurated as
      president of a prosperous republic. The first pamphlet of Thomas Paine,
      expurgated in translation of anti-monarchism, had been widely circulated,
      and John Adams (1779) found himself welcomed in France as the supposed
      author of "Common Sense." The lion's skin dropped from Paine's disgusted
      enemy, and when, ten years later, the lion himself became known in Paris,
      he was hailed with enthusiasm. This was in the autumn of 1789, when Paine
      witnessed the scenes that ushered in the "crowned republic," from which he
      hoped so much. Jefferson had sailed in September, and Paine was recognized
      by Lafayette and other leaders as the representative of the United States.
      To him Lafayette gave for presentation to Washington the Key of the
      destroyed Bastille, ever since visible at Mount Vernon,&mdash;symbol of
      the fact that, in Paine's words, "the principles of America opened the
      Bastille."
    </p>
    <p>
      But now an American enemy of Paine's principles more inveterate than Adams
      found himself similarly eclipsed in Paris by the famous author. Early in
      1789 Gouverneur Morris came upon the stage of events in Europe. He was
      entrusted by the President with a financial mission which, being secret,
      swelled him to importance in the imagination of courtiers. At Jefferson's
      request Gouverneur Morris posed to Houdon for the bust of Washington; and
      when, to Morris' joy, Jefferson departed, he posed politically as
      Washington to the eyes of Europe. He was scandalized that Jefferson should
      retain recollections of the Declaration of Independence strong enough to
      desire for France "a downright republican form of government"; and how it
      happened that under Jefferson's secretaryship of state this man, whom even
      Hamilton pronounced "an exotic" in a republic, was presently appointed
      Minister to France, is a mystery remaining to be solved.
    </p>
    <p>
      Morris had a "high old time" in Europe. Intimacy with Washington secured
      him influence with Lafayette, and the fine ladies of Paris, seeking
      official favors for relatives and lovers, welcomed him to the boudoirs,
      baths, and bedrooms to which his diary now introduces the public.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1790}
    </h2>
    <p>
      It was but natural that such a man, just as he had been relieved of the
      overlaying Jefferson, should try to brush Paine aside. On January 26,
      1790, he enters in his diary:
    </p>
    <p>
      "To-day, at half-past three, I go to M. de Lafayette's. He tells me that
      he wishes to have a meeting of Mr. Short, Mr. Paine, and myself, to
      consider their judiciary, because his place imposes on him the necessity
      of being right. I tell him that Paine can do him no good, for that,
      although he has an excellent pen to write, he has but an indifferent head
      to think."
    </p>
    <p>
      Eight years before, Gouverneur Morris had joined Robert Morris in
      appealing to the author to enlighten the nation on the subject of finance
      and the direction of the war. He had also confessed to Paine that he had
      been duped by Silas Deane, who, by the way, was now justifying all that
      Paine had said of him by hawking his secret letter-books in London. Now,
      in Paris, Morris discovers that Paine has but an indifferent head to
      think.*
    </p>
    <p>
      Gouverneur Morris was a fascinating man. His diary and letters, always
      entertaining, reveal the secret of his success in twisting the
      Constitution and Jefferson and Washington around his fingers in several
      important junctures. To Paine also he was irresistible. His cordial
      manners disarm suspicion, and we presently find the author pouring into
      the ear of his secret detractor what state secrets he learns in London.
    </p>
    <p>
      On March 17, 1790, Paine left Paris to see after his Bridge in Yorkshire,
      now near completion. On the day before, he writes to a friend in
      Philadelphia how prosperously everything is going on in France, where
      Lafayette is acting the part of a Washington; how the political
      reformation is sure to influence England; and how he longs for America.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I wish most anxiously to see my much loved America. It is the country
      from whence all reformation must originally spring. I despair of seeing an
      abolition of the infernal traffic in negroes. We must push that matter
      further on your side of the water. I wish that a few well-instructed could
      be sent among their brethren in bondage; for until they are able to take
      their own part nothing will be done."**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris." Edited by Anne
     Cary Morris. i., p. 286.

     ** One cannot help wondering how, in this matter, Paine got
     along with his friend Jefferson, who, at the very time of
     his enthusiasm for the French Revolution, had a slave in his
     house at Challiot. Paine was not of the philanthropic type
     portrayed in the "Biglow Papers":

     "I du believe in Freedom's cause
     Ez fur away ez Payris is;
     I love to see her stick her claws
     In them infarnal Phayrisees.

     It's well enough agin a king
     To dror resolves and triggers,
     But libbaty 's a kind 'o thing
     That don't agree with niggers."
</pre>
    <p>
      On his arrival in London he has the happiness of meeting his old friend
      General Morris of Morrisania, and his wife. Gouverneur is presently over
      there, to see his brother; and in the intervals of dancing attendance at
      the opera on titled ladies&mdash;among them Lady Dunmore, whose husband
      desolated the Virginia coast,&mdash;he gets Paine's confidences.* Poor
      Paine was an easy victim of any show of personal kindness, especially when
      it seemed like the magnanimity of a political opponent.
    </p>
    <p>
      The historic sense may recognize a picturesque incident in the selection
      by Lafayette of Thomas Paine to convey the Key of the Bastille to
      Washington. In the series of intellectual and moral movements which
      culminated in the French Revolution, the Bastille was especially the
      prison of Paine's forerunners, the writers, and the place where their
      books were burned. "The gates of the Bastille," says Rocquain, "were
      opened wide for Abbés, savants, brilliant intellects, professors of the
      University and doctors of the Sorbonne, all accused of writing or reciting
      verses against the King, casting reflections on the Government, or
      publishing books in favor of Deism, and contrary to good morals. Diderot
      was one of the first arrested, and it was during his detention that he
      conceived the plan of his 'Encyclopedia.'" **
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Diary," etc., i., pp. 339, 341.

     ** "L'Esprit revolutionaire avant la Revolution." A good
     service has just been done by Miss Hunting in translating
     and condensing the admirable historical treatise of M. Felix
     Rocquain on "The Revolutionary Spirit Preceding the
     Revolution," for which Professor Huxley has written a
     preface.
</pre>
    <p>
      The coming Key was announced to Washington with the following letters:
    </p>
    <p>
      "London, May 1, 1790.&mdash;Sir,&mdash;Our very good friend the Marquis de
      la Fayette has entrusted to my care the Key of the Bastille, and a
      drawing, handsomely framed, representing the demolition of that detestable
      prison, as a present to your Excellency, of which his letter will more
      particularly inform. I feel myself happy in being the person thro' whom
      the Marquis has conveyed this early trophy of the Spoils of despotism, and
      the first ripe fruits of American principles transplanted into Europe, to
      his great master and patron. When he mentioned to me the present he
      intended you, my heart leaped with joy. It is something so truly in
      character that no remarks can illustrate it, and is more happily
      expressive of his remembrance of his American friends than any letters can
      convey. That the principles of America opened the Bastille is not to be
      doubted, and therefore the Key comes to the right place.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I beg leave to suggest to your Excellency the propriety of congratulating
      the King and Queen of France (for they have been our friends,) and the
      National Assembly, on the happy example they are giving to Europe. You
      will see by the King's speech, which I enclose, that he prides himself on
      being at the head of the Revolution; and I am certain that such a
      congratulation will be well received and have a good effect.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I should rejoice to be the direct bearer of the Marquis's present to your
      Excellency, but I doubt I shall not be able to see my much loved America
      till next Spring. I shall therefore send it by some <i>American</i> vessel
      to New York. I have permitted no drawing to be taken here, tho' it has
      been often requested, as I think there is a propriety that it should first
      be presented. B[ut] Mr. West wishes Mr. Trumbull to make a painting of the
      presentation of the Key to you.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I returned from France to London about five weeks ago, and I am engaged
      to return to Paris when the Constitution shall be proclaimed, and to carry
      the American flag in the procession. I have not the least doubt of the
      final and compleat success of the French Revolution. Little Ebbings and
      Flow-ings, for and against, the natural companions of revolutions,
      sometimes appear; but the full current of it, is, in my opinion, as fixed
      as the Gulph Stream.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have manufactured a Bridge (a single arch) of one hundred and ten feet
      span, and five feet high from the cord of the arch. It is now on board a
      vessel coming from Yorkshire to London, where it is to be erected. I see
      nothing yet to disappoint my hopes of its being advantageous to me. It is
      this only which keeps me [in] Europe, and happy shall I be when I shall
      have it in my power to return to America. I have not heard of Mr.
      Jefferson since he sailed, except of his arrival. As I have always
      indulged the belief of having many friends in America, or rather no
      enemies, I have [mutilated] to mention but my affectionate [mutilated']
      and am Sir with the greatest respect, &amp;c.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If any of my friends are disposed to favor me with a letter it will come
      to hand by addressing it to the care of Benjamin Vaughn Esq., Jeffries
      Square, London."
    </p>
    <p>
      "London, May 31, 1790.&mdash;Sir,&mdash;By Mr. James Morris, who sailed in
      the May Packet, I transmitted you a letter from the Marquis de la Fayette,
      at the same time informing you that the Marquis had entrusted to my charge
      the Key of the Bastille, and a drawing of that prison, as a present to
      your Excellency. Mr. J. Rutledge, jun'r, had intended coming in the ship
      'Marquis de la Fayette,' and I had chosen that opportunity for the purpose
      of transmitting the present; but, the ship not sailing at the time
      appointed, Mr. Rutledge takes his passage on the Packet, and I have
      committed to his care that trophie of Liberty which I know it will give
      you pleasure to receive. The french Revolution is not only compleat but
      triumphant, and the envious despotism of this nation is compelled to own
      the magnanimity with which it has been conducted.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The political hemisphere is again clouded by a dispute between England
      and Spain, the circumstances of which you will hear before this letter can
      arrive. A Messenger was sent from hence the 6th inst. to Madrid with very
      peremptory demands, and to wait there only forty-eight hours. His return
      has been expected for two or three days past. I was this morning at the
      Marquis del Campo's but nothing is yet arrived. Mr. Rutledge sets off at
      four o'clock this afternoon, but should any news arrive before the making
      up the mail on Wednesday June 2, I will forward it to you under cover.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The views of this Court as well as of the Nation, so far as they extend
      to South America, are not for the purpose of freedom, but conquest. They
      already talk of sending some of the young branches to reign over them, and
      to pay off their national debt with the produce of their Mines. The
      Bondage of those countries will, as far as I can perceive, be prolonged by
      what this Court has in contemplation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "My Bridge is arrived and I have engaged a place to erect it in. A little
      time will determine its fate, but I yet see no cause to doubt of its
      success, tho' it is very probable that a War, should it break out, will as
      in all new things prevent its progress so far as regards profits.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In the partition in the Box, which contains the Key of the Bastille, I
      have put up half a dozen Razors, manufactured from Cast-steel made at the
      Works where the Bridge was constructed, which I request you to accept as a
      little token from a very grateful heart.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I received about a week ago a letter from Mr. G. Clymer. It is dated the
      4th February, but has been travelling ever since. I request you to
      acknowledge it for me and that I will answer it when my Bridge is erected.
      With much affection to all my friends, and many wishes to see them again,
      I am, etc."
    </p>
    <p>
      Washington received the Key at New York, along with this last letter, and
      on August 10, 1790, acknowledges Paine's "agreeable letters."
    </p>
    <p>
      "It must, I dare say, give you great pleasure to learn by repeated
      opportunities, that our new government answers its purposes as well as
      could have been reasonably expected, that we are gradually overcoming the
      difficulties which presented in its first organization, and that our
      prospects in general are growing more favorable."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine is said by several biographers to have gone to Paris in the May of
      this year. No doubt he was missed from London, but it was probably because
      he had gone to Thetford, where his mother died about the middle of May.
      Gouverneur Morris reports interviews with him August 8th and 15th, in
      London. The beautiful iron bridge, 110 feet long, had been erected in June
      at Leasing-Green (now Paddington-Green) at the joint expense of Paine and
      Peter Whiteside, an American merchant in London. It was attracting a fair
      number of visitors, at a shilling each, also favorable press notices, and
      all promised well.
    </p>
    <p>
      So Paine was free to run over to Paris, where Carlyle mentions him, this
      year, as among the English "missionaries."* It was a brief visit, however,
      for October finds him again in London, drawn probably by intimations of
      disaster to the interests of his Bridge. Whiteside had failed, and his
      assignees, finding on his books £620 debited to Paine's Bridge, came upon
      the inventor for the money; no doubt unfairly, for it seems to have been
      Whiteside's investment, but Paine, the American merchants Cleggett and
      Murdoch becoming his bail, scraped together the money and paid it Probably
      he lost through Whiteside's bankruptcy other moneys, among them the sum he
      had deposited to supply his mother with her weekly nine shillings. Paine
      was too much accustomed to straitened means to allow this affair to
      trouble him much. The Bridge exhibition went on smoothly enough. Country
      gentlemen, deputations from riverside towns, visited it, and suggested
      negotiations for utilizing the invention. The snug copyright fortune which
      the author had sacrificed to the American cause seemed about to be
      recovered by the inventor.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Her Paine; rebellious Staymaker; unkempt; who feels that
     he, a single needleman, did, by his 'Common Sense' pamphlet,
     free America;&mdash;that he can and will free all this World;
     perhaps even the other."&mdash;French Revolution.
</pre>
    <p>
      But again the Cause arose before him; he must part from all&mdash;patent
      interests, literary leisure, fine society&mdash;and take the hand of
      Liberty, undowered, but as yet unstained. He must beat his bridge-iron
      into a Key that shall unlock the British Bastille, whose walls he sees
      steadily closing around the people.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XX. "THE RIGHTS OF MAN"
    </h2>
    <p>
      Edmund Burke's "Reflexions on the Revolution in France" appeared about
      November 1, 1790 Paine was staying at the Angel inn, Islington, and there
      immediately began his reply. With his sentiment for anniversaries, he may
      have begun his work on November 4th, in honor of the English Revolution,
      whose centenary celebration he had witnessed three years before. In a
      hundred years all that had been turned into a more secure lease of
      monarchy. Burke's pamphlet founded on that Revolution a claim that the
      throne represented a perpetual popular franchise. Paine might have heard
      under his window the boys, with their
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "Please to remember The fifth of November,"
</pre>
    <p>
      and seen their effigy of Guy Fawkes, which in two years his own effigy was
      to replace. But no misgivings of that kind haunted him. For his eyes the
      omens hung over the dark Past; on the horizon a new day was breaking in
      morning stars and stripes. With the inspiration of perfect faith, born of
      the sacrifices that had ended so triumphantly in America, Paine wrote the
      book which, coming from such deep, the deeps answered.
    </p>
    <p>
      Although Paine had been revising his religion, much of the orthodox temper
      survived in him; notably, he still required some kind of Satan to bring
      out his full energy. In America it had been George III., duly hoofed and
      horned, at whom his inkstand was hurled; now it is Burke, who appeared
      with all the seductive brilliancy of a fallen Lucifer. No man had been
      more idealized by Paine than Burke. Not only because of his magnificent
      defence of American patriots, but because of his far-reaching exposures of
      despotism, then creeping, snake-like, from one skin to another. At the
      very time that Paine was writing "Common Sense," Burke was pointing out
      that "the power of the crown, almost dead and rotten as prerogative, has
      grown up anew, with much more strength and far less odium, under the name
      of influence." He had given liberalism the sentence: "The forms of a free
      and the ends of an arbitrary government are things not altogether
      incompatible." He had been the intimate friend of Priestley and other
      liberals, and when Paine arrived in 1787 had taken him to his heart and
      home. Paine maintained his faith in Burke after Priestley and Price had
      remarked a change. In the winter of 1789, when the enthusiastic author was
      sending out jubilant missives to Washington and others, announcing the
      glorious transformation of France, he sent one to Burke, who might even
      then have been preparing the attack on France, delivered early in the
      Parliament of 1790. When, soon after his return from Paris, Paine mingled
      with the mourners for their lost leader, he was informed that Burke had
      for some time been a "masked pensioner," to the extent of £1,500 per
      annum. This rumor Paine mentioned, and it was not denied, whether because
      true, or because Burke was looking forward to his subsequent pension of
      £2,500, is doubtful. Burke's book preceded the events in France which
      caused reaction in the minds of Wordsworth and other thinkers in England
      and America. The French were then engaged in adapting their government to
      the free principles of which Burke himself had long been the eloquent
      advocate. It was not without justice that Erskine charged him with having
      challenged a Revolution in England, by claiming that its hereditary
      monarchy was bound on the people by a compact of the previous century, and
      that, good or bad, they had no power to alter it. The power of Burke's
      pamphlet lay largely in his deftness with the methods of those he
      assailed. He had courted their company, familiarized himself with their
      ideas, received their confidences. This had been especially the case with
      Paine. So there seemed to be a <i>soupcon</i> of treachery in his
      subtleties and his disclosures.
    </p>
    <p>
      But after all he did not know Paine. He had not imagined the completeness
      with which the struggle in America had trained this man in every art of
      controversy. Grappling with Philadelphia Tories, Quakers, reactionists,
      with aristocrats on the one hand and anarchists on the other, Paine had
      been familiarized beyond all men with every deep and by-way of the subject
      on which Burke had ventured. Where Burke had dabbled Paine had dived.
      Never did man reputed wise go beyond his depth in such a bowl as when
      Burke appealed to a revolution of 1688 as authoritative. If one revolution
      could be authoritative, why not another? How did the seventeenth century
      secure a monopoly in revolution? If a revolution in one century could
      transfer the throne from one family to another, why might not the same
      power in another transfer it to an elective monarch, or a president, or
      leave it vacant?
    </p>
    <p>
      To demolish Burke was the least part of Paine's task. Burke was, indeed,
      already answered by the government established in America, presided over
      by a man to whom the world paid homage. To Washington, Paine's work was
      dedicated. His real design was to write a Constitution for the English
      nation. And to-day the student of political history may find in Burke's
      pamphlet the fossilized, and in Paine's (potentially) the living,
      Constitution of Great Britain.
    </p>
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    <h2>
      {1791}
    </h2>
    <p>
      For adequacy to a purpose Paine's "Common Sense" and his "Rights of Man"
      have never been surpassed. Washington pronounced the former unanswerable,
      and Burke passed the like verdict on the latter when he said that the
      refutation it deserved was "that of criminal justice." There was not the
      slightest confusion of ideas and aim in this book. In laying down first
      principles of human government, Paine imports no preference of his own for
      one form or another. The people have the right to establish any government
      they choose, be it democracy or monarchy,&mdash;if not hereditary. He
      explains with nicety of consecutive statement that a real Constitution
      must be of the people, and for the people. That is, for the people who
      make it; they have no right, by any hereditary principle, to bind another
      people, unborn. His principle of the rights of man was founded in the
      religious axiom of his age that all men derived existence from a divine
      maker. To say men are born equal means that they are created equal.
      Precedent contradicts precedent, authority is against authority, in all
      our appeals to antiquity, until we reach the time when man came from the
      hands of his maker. "What was he then? Man. Man was his high and only
      title, and a higher cannot be given him." "God said Let us make man in our
      own image." No distinction between men is pointed out. All histories, all
      traditions, of the creation agree as to the unity of man. Generation being
      the mode by which creation is carried forward, every child derives its
      existence from God. "The world is as new to him as it was to the first man
      that existed, and his natural right to it is of the same kind." On these
      natural rights Paine founds man's civil rights. To secure his natural
      rights the individual deposits some of them&mdash;e.g. the right to judge
      in his own cause&mdash;in the common stock of society.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine next proceeds to distinguish governments which have arisen out of
      this social compact from those which have not. Governments are classified
      as founded on&mdash;(1) superstition; (2) power; (3) the common interests
      of society, and the common rights of man: that is, on priestcraft, on
      conquest, on reason. A national constitution is the act of the people
      antecedent to government; a government cannot therefore determine or alter
      the organic law it temporarily represents. Pitt's bill to reform
      Parliament involves the absurdity of trusting an admittedly vitiated body
      to reform itself. The judges are to sit in their own case. "The right of
      reform is in the nation in its original character, and the constitutional
      method would be by a general convention elected for the purpose." The
      organization of the aggregate of rights which individuals concede to
      society, for the security of all rights, makes the Republic. So far as the
      rights have been surrendered to extraneous authority, as of priest-craft,
      hereditary power, or conquest,&mdash;it is Despotism.
    </p>
    <p>
      To set forth these general principles was Paine's first design. His next
      aim was to put on record the true and exact history of events in France up
      to the year 1791. This history, partly that of an eyewitness, partly
      obtained from the best men in France&mdash;Lafayette, Danton, Brissot, and
      others,&mdash;and by mingling with the masses, constitutes the most fresh
      and important existing contribution to our knowledge of the movement in
      its early stages. The majority of histories of the French Revolution,
      Carlyle's especially, are vitiated by reason of their inadequate attention
      to Paine's narrative. There had been then few serious outbreaks of the
      mob, but of these Burke had made the most Paine contends that the outrages
      can no more be charged against the French than the London riots of 1780
      against the English nation; then retorts that mobs are the inevitable
      consequence of mis-government.
    </p>
    <p>
      "It is by distortedly exalting some men, that others are distortedly
      debased. A vast mass of mankind are degradedly thrown into the background
      of the human picture, to bring forward, with greater glare, the puppet
      show of state and aristocracy. In the commencement of a revolution, those
      men are rather followers of the camp than of the standard of liberty, and
      have yet to be instructed how to use it."
    </p>
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    <h2>
      Part I. of "The Rights of Man" was printed by Johnson in time for the
    </h2>
    <p>
      opening of Parliament (February), but this publisher became frightened,
      and only a few copies bearing his name found their way into private hands,&mdash;one
      of these being in the British Museum. J. S. Jordan, 166 Fleet Street,
      consented to publish it, and Paine, entrusting it to a committee of his
      friends&mdash;William Godwin, Thomas Holcroft, and Thomas Brand Hollis&mdash;took
      his departure for Paris.* From that city he sent a brief preface which
      appeared with Jordan's first edition, March 13, 1791. Oldys (Chalmers)
      asserts that the work was altered by Jordan. This assertion, in its
      sweeping form, is disproved not only by Holcroft's note to Godwin, but by
      a comparison of the "Johnson" and "Jordan "volumes in the British
      Museum."**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "I have got it&mdash;If this do not cure my cough it is a
     damned perverse mule of a cough&mdash;The pamphlet&mdash;From the row
     &mdash;But mum&mdash;We don't sell it&mdash;Oh, no&mdash;Ears and Eggs&mdash;Verbatim,
     except the addition of a short preface, which as you have
     not seen, I send you my copy&mdash;Not a single castration (Laud
     be unto God and J. S. Jordan!) can I discover&mdash;Hey for the
     New Jerusalem! The Millennium! And peace and eternal
     beatitude be unto the soul of Thomas Paine!"&mdash;C. Kegan
     Paul's "William Godwin." In supposing that Paine may have
     gone to Paris before his book appeared (March 13th), I have
     followed Rickman, who says the work was written "partly at
     the Angel, at Islington, partly in Harding Street, Fetter
     Lane, and finished at Versailles." He adds that "many
     hundred thousand more copies were rapidly sold." But I have
     no certain trace of Paine in Paris in 1791 earlier than
     April 8th.

     ** This comparison was made for me by a careful writer, Mr.
     J. M. Wheeler, of London, who finds, with a few corrections
     in spelling, but one case of softening: "P. 60, in Johnson
     Paine wrote 'Everything in the English government appears to
     me the reverse of what it ought to be' which in Jordan is
     modified to 'Many things,' etc."
</pre>
    <p>
      The preface to which Holcroft alludes is of biographical interest both as
      regards Paine and Burke. As it does not appear in the American edition it
      is here inserted:
    </p>
    <p>
      "From the part Mr. Burke took in the American Revolution, it was natural
      that I should consider him a friend to mankind; and as our acquaintance
      commenced on that ground, it would have been more agreeable to me to have
      had cause to continue in that opinion, than to change it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "At the time Mr. Burke made his violent speech last winter in the English
      Parliament against the French Revolution and the National Assembly, I was
      in Paris, and had written him, but a short time before, to inform him how
      prosperously matters were going on. Soon after this I saw his
      advertisement of the Pamphlet he intended to publish. As the attack was to
      be made in a language but little studied, and less understood, in France,
      and as everything suffers by translation, I promised some of the friends
      of the Revolution in that country, that whenever Mr. Burke's Pamphlet came
      forth, I would answer it. This appeared to me the more necessary to be
      done, when I saw the flagrant misrepresentations which Mr. Burke's
      Pamphlet contains; and that while it is an outrageous abuse of the French
      Revolution, and the principles of Liberty, it is an imposition on the rest
      of the world.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am the more astonished and disappointed at this conduct in Mr. Burke,
      as (from the circumstance I am going to mention) I had formed other
      expectations.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I had seen enough of the miseries of war, to wish it might never more
      have existence in the world, and that some other mode might be found out
      to settle the differences that should occasionally arise in the
      neighbourhood of nations. This certainly might be done if Courts were
      disposed to set honestly about it, or if countries were enlightened enough
      not to be made the dupes of Courts. The people of America had been bred up
      in the same prejudices against France, which at that time characterized
      the people of England; but experience and an acquaintance with the French
      Nation have most effectually shown to the Americans the falsehood of those
      prejudices; and I do not believe that a more cordial and confidential
      intercourse exists between any two countries than between America and
      France.
    </p>
    <p>
      "When I came to France in the spring of 1787, the Archbishop of Thoulouse
      was then Minister, and at that time highly esteemed. I became much
      acquainted with the private Secretary of that Minister, a man of an
      enlarged benevolent heart; and found that his sentiments and my own
      perfectly agreed with respect to the madness of war, and the wretched
      impolicy of two nations, like England and France, continually worrying
      each other, to no other end than that of a mutual increase of burdens and
      taxes. That I might be assured I had not misunderstood him, nor he me, I
      put the substance of our opinions into writing, and sent it to him;
      subjoining a request, that if I should see among the people of England any
      disposition to cultivate a better understanding between the two nations
      than had hitherto prevailed, how far I might be authorised to say that the
      same disposition prevailed on the part of France? He answered me by letter
      in the most unreserved manner, and that not for himself only, but for the
      Minister, with whose knowledge the letter was declared to be written.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I put this letter into the hands of Mr. Burke almost three years ago, and
      left it with him, where it still remains, hoping, and at the same time
      naturally expecting, from the opinion I had conceived of him, that he
      would find some opportunity of making a good use of it, for the purpose of
      removing those errors and prejudices which two neighbouring nations, from
      the want of knowing each other, had entertained, to the injury of both.
    </p>
    <p>
      "When the French Revolution broke out, it certainly afforded to Mr. Burke
      an opportunity of doing some good, had he been disposed to it; instead of
      which, no sooner did he see the old prejudices wearing away, than he
      immediately began sowing the seeds of a new inveteracy, as if he were
      afraid that England and France would cease to be enemies. That there are
      men in all countries who get their living by war, and by keeping up the
      quarrels of Nations, is as shocking as it is true; but when those who are
      concerned in the government of a country, make it their study to sow
      discord, and cultivate prejudices between Nations, it becomes the more
      unpardonable.
    </p>
    <p>
      "With respect to a paragraph in this work alluding to Mr. Burke's having a
      pension, the report has been some time in circulation, at least two
      months; and as a person is often the last to hear what concerns him the
      most to know, I have mentioned it, that Mr. Burke may have an opportunity
      of contradicting the rumour, if he thinks proper."
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Rights of Man" produced a great impression from the first. It
      powerfully reinforced the "Constitutional Society," formed seven years
      before, which Paine had joined. The book was adopted as their new <i>Magna
      Charta</i>. Their enthusiasm was poured forth on March 23d in resolutions
      which Daniel Williams, secretary, is directed to transmit "to all our
      corresponding Constitutional Societies in England, Scotland, and France."
      In Ireland the work was widely welcomed. I find a note that "at a numerous
      meeting of the Whigs of the Capital [Dublin] on Tuesday the 5th of April,
      Hugh Crothers in the chair," a committee was appointed to consider the
      most effectual mode of disseminating Mr. Paine's pamphlet on "The Rights
      of Man."
    </p>
    <p>
      In order to be uniform with Burke's pamphlet the earlier editions of "The
      Rights of Man," were in the three-shilling style. The proceeds enriched
      the Society for Constitutional Information, though Paine had been drained
      of funds by the failure of Whiteside. Gouverneur Morris, as appears by the
      subjoined extracts from his diary, is disgusted with Paine's "wretched
      apartments" in Paris, in which, however, the reader may see something
      finer than the diarist's luxury, which the author might have rivalled with
      the means devoted to his Cause. This was perhaps what Morris and Paine s
      friend Hodges agreed in deeming a sort of lunacy.
    </p>
    <p>
      "April 8. Return home, and read the answer of Paine to Burke's book; there
      are good things in the answer as well as in the book. Paine calls on me.
      He says that he found great difficulty in prevailing on any bookseller to
      publish his book; that it is extremely popular in England, and, of course,
      the writer, which he considers as one of the many uncommon revolutions of
      this age. He turns the conversation on times of yore, and as he mentions
      me among those who were his enemies, I frankly acknowledge that I urged
      his dismissal from the office he held of secretary to the Committee of
      Foreign Affairs."
    </p>
    <p>
      "April 16. This morning I visit Paine and Mr. Hodges. The former is
      abroad, the latter is in the wretched apartments they occupy. He speaks of
      Paine as being a little mad, which is not improbable."
    </p>
    <p>
      "April 25. This morning Paine calls and tells me that the Marquis de
      Lafayette has accepted the position of head of the National Guards."
    </p>
    <p>
      "May 1. Dine with Montmorin. Bouinville is here. He is just returned from
      England. He tells me that Paine's book works mightily in England."
    </p>
    <p>
      Up to this point Paine had, indeed, carried England with him,&mdash;for
      England was at heart with Fox and the Opposition. When Burke made his
      first attack on the French Revolution (February 9, 1790), he was
      repeatedly called to order; and Fox&mdash;with tears, for their long
      friendship was breaking forever&mdash;overwhelmed Burke with his rebuke.
      Even Pitt did not say a word for him. His pamphlet nine months later was
      ascribed to inspiration of the King, from whom he expected favors; and
      although the madmen under whom the French Revolution fell presently came
      to the support of his case.
    </p>
    <p>
      Burke personally never recovered his place in the esteem of England. That
      the popular instinct was true, and that Burke was playing a deeper game
      than appeared, was afterwards revealed in the archives of England and
      France.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Thirty thousand copies of Burke's book were circulated in
     all the courts and among the European aristocracy as so many
     lighted brands to set Europe in flames. During this time the
     author, by his secret correspondence, excited Queen Marie-
     Antoinette, the court, the foreigners, to conspire against
     the Revolution. 'No compromises with rebels!' he wrote;
     'appeal to sovereign neighbors; above all trust to the
     support of foreign armies.'"&mdash;"Histoire de France," par
     Henri Martin, i., p. 151.
</pre>
    <p>
      There was every reason why Paine's reply should carry liberal statesmen
      with him. His pamphlet was statesmanlike. The French Constitution at that
      time was the inchoate instrument beginning with the "Declaration of
      Rights," adopted on Lafayette's proposal (August 26, 1789), and containing
      provisions contrary to Paine's views. It recognized the reigning house,
      and made its executive power hereditary. Yet so free was Paine from
      pedantry, so anxious for any peaceful advance, that it was at the expected
      inauguration of this Constitution he had consented to bear the American
      flag, and in his reply to Burke he respects the right of a people to
      establish even hereditary executive, the right of constitutional reform
      being retained. "The French constitution distinguishes between the king
      and the sovereign; it considers the station of the king as official, and
      places sovereignty in the nation." In the same practical way he deals with
      other survivals in the French Constitution&mdash;such as clericalism, and
      the property qualification for suffrage&mdash;by dwelling on their
      mitigations, while reaffirming his own principles on these points.
    </p>
    <p>
      A very important part of Paine's answer was that which related to the
      United States. Burke, the most famous defender of American revolutionists,
      was anxious to separate their movement from that in France. Paine, with
      ample knowledge, proved how largely the uprising in France was due to the
      training of Lafayette and other French officers in America, and to the
      influence of Franklin, who was "not the diplomatist of a court, but of
      man." He also drew attention to the effect of the American State
      Constitutions, which were a grammar of liberty.* He points out that under
      this transatlantic influence French liberalism had deviated from the line
      of its forerunners,&mdash;from Montesquieu, "obliged to divide himself
      between principle and prudence"; Voltaire, "both the flatterer and
      satirist of despotism"; Rousseau, leaving "the mind in love with an object
      without describing the means of possessing it"; Turgot, whose maxims are
      directed to "reform the administration of government rather than the
      government itself." To these high praise is awarded, but they all had to
      be filtered through America.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Dr. Franklin had these constitutions translated, and
     presented them in a finely bound volume to the King.
     According to Paine, who must have heard it from Franklin,
     Vergennes resisted their publication, but was obliged to
     give way to public demand. Paine could not allude to the
     effect of his own work, "Common Sense," which may have been
     the more effective because its argument against monarchy was
     omitted from the translation. But his enemies did not fail
     to credit his pen with the catastrophes in France. John
     Adams declares that the Constitution of Pennsylvania was
     ascribed wrongly to Franklin; it was written by Paine and
     three others; Turgot, Condorcet, and the Duke de la
     Rochefoucauld were enamored of it, and two of them "owed
     their final and fatal catastrophe to this blind love"
     (Letter to S. Perley, June 19, 1809). Whence Cheetham.
     dwelling on the enormity of the "single representative
     assembly," queries: "May not Paine's constitution of
     Pennsylvania have been the cause of the tyranny of
     Robespierre?"
</pre>
    <p>
      And it goes without saying that it was not the reactionary America with
      which John Adams and Gouverneur Morris had familiarized Burke. "The Rights
      of Man" was the first exposition of the republicanism of Jefferson,
      Madison, and Edmund Randolph that ever appeared. And as this republicanism
      was just then in deadly struggle with reaction, the first storm raised by
      Paine's book occurred in America. It was known in America that Paine was
      about to beard the British lion in his den, and to expectant ears the roar
      was heard before its utterance.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Paine's answer to Burke (writes Madison to Jefferson, May 1st) has not
      yet been received here [New York]. The moment it can be got, Freneau tells
      me, it will be published in Child's paper [<i>Daily Advertiser</i>], It is
      said that the pamphlet has been suppressed, and that the author withdrew
      to France before or immediately after its appearance. This may account for
      his not sending copies to his friends in this country."
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Beckley, however, had by this time received a copy and loaned it to
      Jefferson, with a request that he would send it to J. B. Smith, whose
      brother, S. H. Smith, printed it with the following Preface:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The following Extracts from a note accompanying a copy of this pamphlet
      for republication is so respectable a testing of its value, that the
      Printer hopes the distinguished writer will excuse its present appearance.
      It proceeds from a character equally eminent in the councils of America,
      and conversant in the affairs of France, from a long and recent residence
      at the Court of Versailles in the Diplomatic department; and at the same
      time that it does justice to the writings of Mr. Paine, it reflects honor
      on the source from which it flows by directing the mind to a contemplation
      of that Republican firmness and Democratic simplicity which endear their
      possessor to every friend of the Rights of Man.
    </p>
    <p>
      "After some prefatory remarks the Secretary of State observes:
    </p>
    <p>
      "' I am extremely pleased to find it will be reprinted, and that something
      is at length to be publickly said against the political heresies which
      have sprung up among us.
    </p>
    <p>
      "'I have no doubt our citizens will rally a <i>second </i>time round the
      <i>standard</i> of Common Sense.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      As the pamphlet had been dedicated to the President,* this encomium of the
      Secretary of State ("Jefferson" was not mentioned by the sagacious
      publisher) gave it the air of a manifesto by the administration. Had all
      been contrived, Paine's arrow could not have been more perfectly feathered
      to reach the heart of the anti-republican faction. The Secretary's
      allusion to "political heresies" was so plainly meant for the
      Vice-President that a million hands tossed the gauntlet to him, and
      supposed it was his own hand that took it up. These letters, to <i>The
      Columbian Centinel</i> (Boston), were indeed published in England as by
      "John Adams," and in the trial of Paine were quoted by the
      Attorney-General as proceeding from "the second in the executive
      government" of America. Had it been generally known, however, that they
      were by the Vice-President's son, John Quincy Adams, the effect might not
      have been very different on the father. Edmund Randolph, in view of John
      Adams' past services, felt some regret at the attacks on him, and wrote to
      Madison: "I should rejoice that the controversy has been excited, were it
      not that under the character of [Publicola] he, who was sufficiently
      depressed before, is now irredeemable in the public opinion without being
      the real author." The youth, however, was only in his twenty-fourth year,
      and pretty certainly under his father's inspiration.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Sir, I present you a small treatise in defence of those
     principles of freedom which your exemplary virtue hath so
     eminently contributed to establish. That the rights of men
     may become as universal as your benevolence can wish, and
     that you may enjoy the happiness of seeing the new world
     regenerate the old, is the prayer of, Sir, your much obliged
     and obedient humble servant, Thomas Paine."
</pre>
    <p>
      It is improbable, however, that John Adams could have written such
      scholarly and self-restrained criticisms on any work by Paine, mere
      mention of whom always made him foam at the mouth. Publicola's arguments
      could not get a fair hearing amid surviving animosities against England
      and enthusiasm for a republican movement in France, as yet not a
      revolution, which promised the prevalence of American ideas in Europe. The
      actual England of that era, whose evils were powerfully portrayed by
      Paine, defeated in advance any theoretical estimate of the advantages of
      its unwritten Constitution. America had, too, an inventor's pride in its
      written Constitution, as yet untried by experience. Publicola assailed,
      successfully as I think, Paine's principle that a vitiated legislature
      could never be trusted to reform itself. It was answered that there is no
      reason why the people may not delegate to a legislature, renewed by
      suffrage, the power of altering even the organic law. Publicola contends
      that the people could not act in their original character in changing a
      constitution, in opposition to an existing legislature, without danger of
      anarchy and war; that if the people were in harmony with their legislature
      it could be trusted to carry out their amendments; that a legislature
      without such constitutional powers would nevertheless exercise them by
      forced constructions; and that the difficulty and delay of gathering the
      people in convention might conceivably endanger the commonwealth, were the
      power of fundamental alteration not delegated to the legislature,&mdash;a
      concurrent right being reserved by the people.
    </p>
    <p>
      This philosophical statement, interesting in the light of French
      revolutions and English evolutions, recoiled on Publicola from the walls
      of Paine's real fortress. This was built of the fact that in England the
      majority was not represented even in the Commons, and that the people had
      no representation at all in two branches of their government. Moreover,
      Paine's plea had been simply for such reconstitution of government as
      would enable the people to reform it without revolution or convulsion.
      Publicola was compelled to admit that the English people had no resort but
      the right of revolution, so that it appeared mere Monarchism to argue
      against Paine's plea for a self-amending constitution in England.
    </p>
    <p>
      Publicola's retort on the Secretary's phrase, "political heresies"
      (infelicitous from a freethinker),&mdash;"Does he consider this pamphlet
      of Mr. Paine's as the canonical book of political scripture,&mdash;hurt
      Jefferson so much that he supposed himself harmed. He was indeed much
      annoyed by the whole affair, and straightway wrote to political leaders
      letters&mdash;some private, others to be quoted,&mdash;in which he sought
      to smooth things by declaring that his note was not meant for publication.
      To Washington he writes (May 8th) the Beckley-Smith story, beginning:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am afraid the indiscretion of a printer has committed me with my friend
      Mr. Adams, for whom, as one of the most honest and disinterested men
      alive, I have a cordial esteem, increased by long habits of concurrence in
      opinion in the days of his republicanism; and even since his apostasy to
      hereditary monarchy and nobility, though we differ, we differ as friends
      should do."
    </p>
    <p>
      The "Jeffersonians" were, of course, delighted, and there is no knowing
      how much reputation for pluck the Secretary was gaining in the country at
      the very moment when his intimate friends were soothing his tremors. These
      were increased by the agitation of the British representatives in America
      over the affair. The following re-enforcement was sent by Madison on May
      12th:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I had seen Paine's pamphlet, with the Preface of the Philadelphia
      edition. It immediately occurred that you were brought into the
      frontispiece in the manner you explain. But I had not foreseen the
      particular use made of it by the British partizans. Mr. Adams can least of
      all complain. Under a mock defence of the Republican constitutions of his
      country he attacked them with all the force he possessed, and this in a
      book with his name to it, while he was the Representative of his country
      at a foreign Court. Since he has been the second magistrate in the new
      Republic, his pen has constantly been at work in the same Cause; and
      though his name has not been prefixed to his anti-republican discourses,
      the author has been as well known as if that formality had been observed.
      Surely if it be innocent and decent in one servant of the public thus to
      write attacks against its Government, it cannot be very criminal or
      indecent in another to patronize a written defence of the principles on
      which that Government is founded. The sensibility of Hammond [British
      Minister] and Bond [British Consul-General] for the indignity to the
      British Constitution is truly ridiculous. If offence could be justly taken
      in that quarter, what would France have a right to say to Burke's
      pamphlet, and the countenance given to it and its author, particularly by
      the King himself? What, in fact, might not the United States say, when
      revolutions and democratic Governments come in for a large charge of the
      scurrility lavished on those of France?"
    </p>
    <p>
      One curious circumstance of this incident was that the fuss made by these
      British agents was about a book concerning which their government, under
      whose nose it was published, had not said a word. There was, indeed, one
      sting in the American edition which was not in the English, but that does
      not appear to have been noticed.* The resentment shown by the British
      agents was plainly meant to aid Adams and the partisans of England in
      their efforts to crush the republicans, and bring Washington to their side
      in hostility to Jefferson. Four years later they succeeded, and already it
      was apparent to the republican leaders that fine engineering was required
      to keep the Colossus on their side. Washington being at Mount Vernon, his
      secretary, Tobias Lear, was approached by Major Beckwith, an English agent
      (at Mrs. Washington's reception), who undertook to lecture through him the
      President and Secretary of State. He expressed surprise that Paine's
      pamphlet should be dedicated to the President, as it contained remarks
      "that could not but be offensive to the British government." The Major
      might have been embarrassed if asked his instructions on the point, but
      Lear only said that the President had not seen the pamphlet, nor could he
      be held responsible for its sentiments. "True," said Beckwith, "but I
      observe, in the American edition, that the Secretary of State has given a
      most unequivocal sanction to the book, as <i>Secretary of State</i>; it is
      not said as Mr. Jefferson." Lear said he had not seen the pamphlet, "but,"
      he added, "I will venture to say that the Secretary of State has not done
      a thing which he would not justify." Beckwith then remarked that he had
      spoken only as "a private character," and Lear went off to report the
      conversation in a letter to Washington (May 8th), and next day to
      Attorney-General Randolph. Lear also reports to Washington that he had
      heard Adams say, with his hand upon his breast: "I detest that book and
      its tendency, from the bottom of my heart." Meanwhile the
      Attorney-General, after conversation with Beckwith, visited Jefferson, and
      asked if he had authorized the publication of his note in Paine's
      pamphlet.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * It has already been stated that the volume as printed by
     Jordan (London) in March, contained one single modification
     of that which Johnson had printed in February, but declined
     to publish. The American edition was printed from the
     Johnson volume; and where the English were reading "Many
     things," etc, the Americans read: "Every thing in the
     English government appears to me the reverse of what it
     ought to be, and of what it is said to be."
</pre>
    <p>
      "Mr. Jefferson said that, so far from having authorized it, he was
      exceedingly sorry to see it there; not from a disavowal of the approbation
      which it gave the work, but because it had been sent to the printer, with
      the pamphlet for republication, without the most distant idea that he
      would think of publishing any part of it. And Mr. Jefferson further added
      that he wished it might be understood, that he did not authorize the
      publication of any part of his note."
    </p>
    <p>
      These words of Lear to Washington, written no doubt in Randolph's
      presence, suggest the delicacy of the situation. Jefferson's anxiety led
      him to write Vice-President Adams (July 17th) the Beckley-Smith story.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I thought [he adds] so little of the note that I did not even keep a copy
      of it, nor ever heard a tittle more of it till, the week following, I was
      thunderstruck with seeing it come out at the head of the pamphlet. I hoped
      that it would not attract. But I found on my return from a journey of a
      month, that a writer came forward under the name of Publicola, attacking
      not only the author and principles of the pamphlet, but myself as its
      sponsor by name. Soon after came hosts of other writers, defending the
      pamphlet and attacking you by name as the writer of Publicola. Thus our
      names were thrown on the stage as public antagonists."
    </p>
    <p>
      Then follows some effusiveness for Adams, and protestations that he has
      written none of these attacks. Jefferson fully believed that Publicola was
      the Vice-President, and had so informed Monroe, on July 10th. It was
      important that his lieutenants should not suspect their leader of
      shrinking, and Jefferson's letters to them are in a different vein.
      "Publicola," he tells Monroe, "in attacking all Paine's principles, is
      very desirous of involving me in the same censure with the author. I
      certainly merit the same, for I profess the same principles; but it is
      equally certain I never meant to have entered as a volunteer in the cause.
      My occupations do not permit it." To Paine he writes (July 29th): "Indeed
      I am glad you did not come away till you had written your Rights of Man. A
      writer under the signature of Publicola has attacked it, and a host of
      champions has entered the arena immediately in your defence." It is added
      that the controversy has shown the people firm in their republicanism,
      "contrary to the assertions of a sect here, high in name but small in
      numbers," who were hoping that the masses were becoming converted "to the
      doctrine of King, Lords, and Commons."
    </p>
    <p>
      In the letter to which this was a reply, Paine had stated his intention of
      returning to America in the spring.* The enthusiasm for Paine and his
      principles elicited by the controversy was so overwhelming that Edmund
      Randolph and Jefferson made an effort to secure him a place in
      Washington's Cabinet. But, though reinforced by Madison, they failed**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "I enclose you a few observations on the establishment of
     a Mint. I have not seen your report on that subject and
     therefore cannot tell how nearly our opinions run together;
     but as it is by thinking upon and talking subjects over that
     we approach towards truth, there may probably be something
     in the enclosed that may be of use.&mdash;As the establishment of
     a Mint combines a portion of politics with a knowledge of
     the Arts, and a variety of other matters, it is a subject I
     shall very much like to talk with you upon. I intend at all
     events to be in America in the Spring, and it will please me
     much to arrive before you have gone thro' the arrangement."
     &mdash;Paine to Jefferson, dated London, September 28, 1790.

     ** Madison to Jefferson, July 13th,&mdash;"I wish you success
     with all my heart in your efforts for Paine. Besides the
     advantage to him which he deserves, an appointment for him
     at this moment would do public good in various ways."
</pre>
    <p>
      These statesmen little knew how far Washington had committed himself to
      the British government. In October, 1789, Washington, with his own hand,
      had written to Gouverneur Morris, desiring him in "the capacity of private
      agent, and on the authority and credit of this letter, to converse with
      His Britannic Majesty's ministers on these points; viz., whether there be
      any, and what objections to performing those articles in the treaty which
      remained to be performed on his part, and whether they incline to a treaty
      of commerce with the United States on any, and what terms?" This was a
      secret between Washington, Morris, and the British Cabinet.* It was the
      deepest desire of Washington to free America from British garrisons, and
      his expectation was to secure this by the bribe of a liberal commercial
      treaty, as he ultimately did. The demonstration of the British agents in
      America against Paine's pamphlet, their offence at its dedication to the
      President and sanction by the Secretary of State, were well calculated.
      That it was all an American <i>coup</i>, unwarranted by any advice from
      England, could not occur to Washington, who was probably surprised when he
      presently received a letter from Paine showing that he was getting along
      quite comfortably under the government he was said to have aggrieved.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Diary of Gouverneur Morris," i., p. 310.
</pre>
    <p>
      Edmund Randolph to Madison, July 21st.&mdash;"I need not relate to you,
      that since the <i>standard</i> of republicanism has been erected, it has
      been resorted to by a numerous corps. The newspapers will tell you how
      much the crest of aristocracy has fallen.... But he [Adams] is impotent,
      and something is due to past services. Mr. J. and myself have attempted to
      bring Paine forward as a successor to Osgood [Postmaster-General]. It
      seems to be a fair opportunity for a declaration of certain sentiments.
      But all that I have heard has been that it would be too pointed to keep a
      vacancy unfilled until his return from the other side of the water."
    </p>
    <p>
      "London, July 21, 1791&mdash;Dear Sir.&mdash;I received your favor of last
      August by Col: Humphries since which I have not written to or heard from
      you. I mention this that you may know no letters have miscarried. I took
      the liberty of addressing my late work 'Rights of Man,' to you; but tho' I
      left it at that time to find its way to you, I now request your acceptance
      of fifty copies as a token of remembrance to yourself and my Friends. The
      work has had a run beyond anything that has been published in this Country
      on the subject of Government, and the demand continues. In Ireland it has
      had a much greater. A letter I received from Dublin, 10th of May,
      mentioned that the fourth edition was then on sale. I know not what number
      of copies were printed at each edition, except the second, which was ten
      thousand. The same fate follows me here as I <i>at first</i> experienced
      in America, strong friends and violent enemies, but as I have got the ear
      of the Country, I shall go on, and at least shew them, what is a novelty
      here, that there can be a person beyond the reach of corruption.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I arrived here from france about ten days ago. M. de la Fayette is well.
      The affairs of that Country are verging to a new crisis, whether the
      Government shall be Monarchical and heredetary or wholly representative? I
      think the latter opinion will very generally prevail in the end. On this
      question the people are much forwarder than the National Assembly.
    </p>
    <p>
      "After the establishment of the American Revolution, it did not appear to
      me that any object could arise great enough to engage me a second time. I
      began to feel myself happy in being quiet; but I now experience that
      principle is not confined to Time or place, and that the ardour of
      seventy-six is capable of renewing itself. I have another work on hand
      which I intend shall be my last, for I long much to return to America. It
      is not natural that fame should wish for a rival, but the case is
      otherwise with me, for I do most sincerely wish there was some person in
      this Country that could usefully and successfully attract the public
      attention, and leave me with a satisfied mind to the enjoyment of quiet
      life: but it is painful to see errors and abuses and sit down a senseless
      spectator. Of this your own mind will interpret mine.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have printed sixteen thousand copies; when the whole are gone of which
      there remain between three and four thousand I shall then make a cheap
      edition, just sufficient to bring in the price of the printing and paper
      as I did by Common Sense.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Green who will present you this, has been very much my friend. I
      wanted last October to draw for fifty pounds on General Lewis Morris who
      has some money of mine, but as he is unknown in the Commercial line, and
      American credit not very good, and my own expended, I could not succeed,
      especially as Gov'r Morris was then in Holland. Col: Humphries went with
      me to your Agent Mr. Walsh, to whom I stated the case, and took the
      liberty of saying that I knew you would not think it a trouble to receive
      it of Gen. Morris on Mr. Walsh's account, but he declined it. Mr. Green
      afterwards supplied me and I have since repaid him. He has a troublesome
      affair on his hands here, and is in danger of losing thirty or forty
      thousand pounds, embarked under the flag of the United States in East
      India property. The persons who have received it withhold it and shelter
      themselves under some law contrivance. He wishes to state the case to
      Congress not only on his own account, but as a matter that may be
      nationally interesting.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The public papers will inform you of the riots and tumults at Birmingham,
      and of some disturbances at Paris, and as Mr. Green can detail them to you
      more particularly than I can do in a letter I leave those matters to his
      information. I am, etc."
    </p>
    <p>
      Nine months elapsed before Washington answered this letter, and although
      important events of those months have yet to be related, the answer may be
      here put on record.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Philadelphia, 6 May, 1792.&mdash;Dear Sir.&mdash;To my friends, and those
      who know my occupations, I am sure no apology is necessary for keeping
      their letters so much longer unanswered, than my inclination would lead me
      to do. I shall therefore offer no excuse for not having sooner
      acknowledged the receipt of your letter of the 21st of June [July]. My
      thanks, however, for the token of your remembrance, in the fifty copies of
      '<i>The Rights of Man</i>,' are offered with no less cordiality, than they
      would have been had I answered your letter in the first moment of
      receiving it.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The duties of my office, which at all times, especially during the
      session of Congress, require an unremitting attention, naturally become
      more pressing towards the close of it; and as that body have resolved to
      rise tomorrow, and as I have determined, in case they should, to set out
      for Mount Vernon on the next day, you will readily conclude that the
      present is a busy moment with me; and to that I am persuaded your goodness
      will impute my not entering into the several points touched upon in your
      letter. Let it suffice, therefore, at this time, to say, that I rejoice in
      the information of your personal prosperity, and, as no one can feel a
      greater interest in the happiness of mankind than I do, that it is the
      first wish of my heart, that the enlightened policy of the present age may
      diffuse to all men those blessings, to which they are entitled, and lay
      the foundation of happiness for future generations.&mdash;With great
      esteem, I am, dear Sir &amp;c.
    </p>
    <p>
      "P. S. Since writing the foregoing, I have received your letter of the
      13th of February, with the twelve copies of your new work, which
      accompanied it, and for which you must accept my additional thanks."
    </p>
    <p>
      There is no lack of personal cordiality in this letter, but one may
      recognize in its ingenious vagueness, in its omission of any
      acknowledgment of the dedication of Paine's book, that he mistrusts the
      European revolution and its American allies.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0021" id="link2HCH0021">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXI. FOUNDING THE EUROPEAN REPUBLIC
    </h2>
    <p>
      It has already been mentioned that John Adams had been proclaimed in
      France the author of "Common Sense."* The true author was now known, but,
      as the anti-monarchal parts of his work were expurgated, Paine, in turn,
      was supposed to be a kind of John Adams&mdash;a revolutionary royalist.
      This misunderstanding was personally distasteful, but it had the important
      compensation of enabling Paine to come before Europe with a work adapted
      to its conditions, essentially different from those of America to which
      "Common Sense" was addressed in 1776. It was a matter of indifference to
      him whether the individual executive was called "King "or "President." He
      objected to the thing, not the name, but as republican superstition had
      insisted on it in America there was little doubt that France would follow
      the example. Under these circumstances Paine made up his mind that the
      republican principle would not be lost by the harmonizing policy of
      preserving the nominal and ornamental king while abolishing his
      sovereignty. The erection of a tremendous presidential power in the United
      States might well suggest to so staunch a supporter of ministerial
      government that this substance might be secured under a show of royalty.
      Dr. Robinet considers it a remarkable "prophecy" that Paine should have
      written in 1787 of an approaching alliance of "the Majesty of the
      Sovereign with the Majesty of the Nation" in France. This was opposed to
      the theories of Jefferson, but it was the scheme of Mirabeau, the hope of
      Lafayette, and had not the throne been rotten this prudent policy might
      have succeeded. It was with an eye to France as well as to England that
      Paine, in his reply to Burke, had so carefully distinguished between
      executive sovereignty subject to law and personal monarchy.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "When I arrived in France, the French naturally had a
     great many questions to settle. The first was whether I was
     the famous Adams, 'Ah, le fameux Adams.' In order to
     speculate a little upon this subject, the pamphlet 'Common
     Sense' had been printed in the 'Affaires de l'Angle-terre et
     de l'Amerique,' and expressly ascribed to Mr. Adams, 'the
     celebrated member of Congress.' It must be further known
     that although the pamphlet 'Common Sense' was received in
     France and in all Europe with rapture, yet there were
     certain parts of it that they did not dare to publish in
     France. The reasons of this any man may guess. 'Common
     Sense' undertakes to prove that monarchy is unlawful by the
     Old Testament They therefore gave the substance of it, as
     they said; and paying many compliments to Mr. Adams, his
     sense and rich imagination, they were obliged to ascribe
     some parts of it to republican zeal. When I arrived at
     Bordeaux all that I could say or do would not convince
     anybody but that I was the fameux Adams. 'C'est un homme
     calibre. Votre nom est bien connu ici.'"&mdash;"Works of John
     Adams," vol. iii., p. 189. This was in 1779, and when Adams
     entered on his official duties at Paris the honors thrust
     upon him at Bordeaux became burdensome.
</pre>
    <p>
      When the last proof of his book was revised Paine sped to Paris, and
      placed it in the hand of his friend M. Lanthenas for translation. Mirabeau
      was on his death-bed, and Paine witnessed that historic procession, four
      miles long, which bore the orator to his shrine. Witnessed it with relief,
      perhaps, for he is ominously silent concerning Mirabeau. With others he
      strained his eyes to see the Coming Man; with others he sees formidable
      Danton glaring at Lafayette; and presently sees advancing softly between
      them the sentimental, philanthropic&mdash;Robespierre.
    </p>
    <p>
      It was a happy hour for Paine when, on a day in May, he saw Robespierre
      rise in the National Assembly to propose abolition of the death penalty.
      How sweet this echo of the old "testimonies" of Thetford Quaker meetings.
      "Capital punishment," cries Robespierre, "is but a base assassination&mdash;punishing
      one crime by another, murder with murder. Since judges are not infallible
      they have no right to pronounce irreparable sentences." He is seconded by
      the jurist Duport, who says impressively: "Let us at least make
      revolutionary scenes as little tragic as possible! Let us render man
      honorable to man!" Marat, right man for the role, answered with the
      barbaric demand "blood for blood," and prevailed. But Paine was won over
      to Robespierre by this humane enthusiasm. The day was to come when he must
      confront Robespierre with a memory of this scene.
    </p>
    <p>
      That Robespierre would supersede Lafayette Paine could little imagine. The
      King was in the charge of the great friend of America, and never had
      country a fairer prospect than France in those beautiful spring days. But
      the royal family fled. In the early morning of June 21st Lafayette burst
      into Paine's bedroom, before he was up, and cried: "The birds are flown!"
      "It is well," said Paine; "I hope there will be no attempt to recall
      them." Hastily dressing, he rushed out into the street, and found the
      people in uproar. They were clamoring as if some great loss had befallen
      them. At the Hotel deVille Lafayette was menaced by the crowd, which
      accused him of having assisted the King's flight, and could only answer
      them: "What are you complaining of? Each of you saves twenty sous tax by
      suppression of the Civil List." Paine encounters his friend Thomas
      Christie. "You see," he said, "the absurdity of monarchical governments;
      here will be a whole nation disturbed by the folly of one man."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The letter of Christie (Priestley's nephew), written June
     22d, appeared in the London Morning Chronicle, June 29th.
</pre>
    <p>
      Here was Marat's opportunity. His journal, <i>L'Ami du Peuple</i>,
      clamored for a dictator, and for the head of Lafayette. Against him rose
      young Bonneville, who, in <i>La Bouche de Fer</i> wrote: "No more kings!
      No dictator! Assemble the People in the face of the sun; proclaim that the
      Law alone shall be sovereign,&mdash;the Law, the Law alone, and made for
      all!"
    </p>
    <p>
      Bonneville's words in his journal about that time were apt to be
      translations from the works of his friend Paine, with whom his life was
      afterwards so closely interwoven. The little group of men who had studied
      Paine, ardent republicans, beheld a nation suddenly become frantic to
      recover a king who could not be of the slightest value to any party in the
      state. The miserable man had left a letter denouncing all the liberal
      measures he had signed since October, 1789, which sealed his doom as a
      monarch. The appalling fact was revealed that the most powerful
      revolutionists&mdash;Robespierre and Marat especially&mdash;had never
      considered a Republic, and did not know what it was.
    </p>
    <p>
      On June 25th, Paine was a heavy-hearted spectator of the return of the
      arrested king. He had personal realization that day of the folly of a
      people in bringing back a king who had relieved them of his presence. He
      had omitted to decorate his hat with a cockade, and the mob fell on him
      with cries of "Aristocrat! a la lanterne!" After some rough handling he
      was rescued by a Frenchman who spoke English, and explained the accidental
      character of the offence. Poor Paine's Quaker training had not included
      the importance of badges, else the incident had revealed to him that even
      the popular rage against Louis was superstitious homage to a cockade.
      Never did friend of the people have severer proofs that they are generally
      wrong. In America, while writing as with his heart's blood the first plea
      for its independence, he was "shadowed" as a British spy; and in France he
      narrowly escapes the aristocrat's lantern, at the very moment when he was
      founding the first republican society, and writing its declaration.
    </p>
    <p>
      This "Société Républicaine," as yet of five members, inaugurated itself on
      July 1st, by placarding Paris with its manifesto, which was even nailed on
      the door of the National Assembly.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Brethren and fellow citizens:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The serene tranquillity, the mutual confidence which prevailed amongst
      us, during the time of the late King's escape, the indifference with which
      we beheld him return, are unequivocal proofs that the absence of a King is
      more desirable than his presence, and that he is not only a political
      superfluity, but a grievous burden, pressing hard on the whole nation.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Let us not be imposed upon by sophisms; all that concerns this is reduced
      to four points.
    </p>
    <p>
      "He has abdicated the throne in having fled from his post. Abdication and
      desertion are not characterized by the length of absence; but by the
      single act of flight. In the present instance, the act is everything, and
      the time nothing.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The nation can never give back its confidence to a man who false to his
      trust, perjured to his oath, conspires a clandestine flight, obtains a
      fraudulent passport, conceals a King of France under the disguise of a
      valet, directs his course towards a frontier covered with traitors and
      deserters, and evidently meditates a return into our country, with a force
      capable of imposing his own despotic laws.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Whether ought his flight to be considered as his own act, or the act of
      those who fled with him? Was it a spontaneous resolution of his own, or
      was it inspired into him by others? The alternative is immaterial; whether
      fool or hypocrite, idiot or traitor, he has proved himself equally
      unworthy of the important functions that had been delegated to him.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In every sense that the question can be considered, the reciprocal
      obligation which subsisted between us is dissolved. He holds no longer any
      authority. We owe him no longer obedience. We see in him no more than an
      indifferent person; we can regard him only as Louis Capet.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The history of France presents little else than a long series of public
      calamity, which takes its source from the vices of the Kings; we have been
      the wretched victims that have never ceased to suffer either for them or
      by them. The catalogue of their oppressions was complete, but to complete
      the sum of their crimes, treason yet was wanting. Now the only vacancy is
      filled up, the dreadful list is full; the system is exhausted; there are
      no remaining errors for them to commit, their reign is consequently at an
      end.
    </p>
    <p>
      "What kind of office must that be in a government which requires neither
      experience nor ability to execute? that may be abandoned to the desperate
      chance of birth, that may be filled with an idiot, a madman, a tyrant,
      with equal effect as by the good, the virtuous, and the wise? An office of
      this nature is a mere nonentity: it is a place of show, not of use. Let
      France then, arrived at the age of reason, no longer be deluded by the
      sound of words, and let her deliberately examine, if a King, however
      insignificant and contemptible in himself, may not at the same time be
      extremely dangerous.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The thirty millions which it costs to support a King in the éclat of
      stupid brutal luxury, presents us with an easy method of reducing taxes,
      which reduction would at once release the people, and stop the progress of
      political corruption. The grandeur of nations consists, not, as Kings
      pretend, in the splendor of thrones, but in a conspicuous sense of their
      own dignity, and in a just disdain of those barbarous follies and crimes,
      which, under the sanction of royalty have hitherto desolated Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      "As to the personal safety of Louis Capet, it is so much the more
      confirmed, as France will not stoop to degrade herself by a spirit of
      revenge against a wretch who has dishonored himself. In defending a just
      and glorious cause, it is not possible to degrade it, and the universal
      tranquillity which prevails is an undeniable proof, that a free people
      know how to respect themselves."
    </p>
    <p>
      Malouet, a leading royalist member, tore down the handbill, and, having
      ascertained its author, demanded the prosecution of Thomas Paine and
      Achille Duchatelet. He was vehemently supported by Martineau, deputy of
      Paris, and for a time there was a tremendous agitation. The majority, not
      prepared to commit themselves to anything at all.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "How great is a calm, couchant people! On the morrow men
     will say to one another, 'We have no king, yet we slept
     sound enough.' On the morrow Achille Duchatelet, and Thomas
     Paine, the rebellious needleman, shall have the walls of
     Paris profusely plastered with their placard, announcing
     that there must be a republic."&mdash;Carlyle.
</pre>
    <p>
      Dumont ("Recollections of Mirabeau") gives a particular account of this
      paper, which Duchatelet wished him to translate. "Paine and he, the one an
      American, the other a young thoughtless member of the French nobility, put
      themselves forward to change the whole system of government in France."
      Lafayette had been sounded, but said it would take twenty years to bring
      freedom to maturity in France. "But some of the seed thrown out by the
      audacious hand of Paine began to bud forth in the minds of many leading
      individuals." (E. g. Condorcet, Brissot, Petion, Claviere.) voted the
      order of the day, affecting, says Henri Martin, a disdain that hid
      embarrassment and inquietude.
    </p>
    <p>
      This document, destined to reappear in a farther crisis, and the royalist
      rage, raised Paine's Republican Club to vast importance. Even the
      Jacobins, who had formally declined to sanction republicanism, were
      troubled by the discovery of a society more radical than themselves. It
      was only some years later that it was made known (by Paine) that this
      formidable association consisted of five members, and it is still doubtful
      who these were. Certainly Paine, Achille Duchatelet, and Condorcet;
      probably also Brissot, and Nicolas Bonneville. In order to avail itself of
      this tide of fame, the Société Républicaine started a journal,&mdash;<i>The
      Republican.</i>* The time was not ripe, however; only one copy appeared;
      that, however, contained a letter by Paine, written in June, which excited
      considerable flutter. To the reader of to-day it is mainly interesting as
      showing Paine's perception that the French required instruction in the
      alphabet of republicanism; but, amid its studied moderation, there was a
      paragraph which the situation rendered pregnant:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Le Republicain; on le defenseur du gouvernement
     Representatif; par une Société des Républicans.    A Paris.
     July 1791.    No. 1."
</pre>
    <p>
      "Whenever the French Constitution shall be rendered conformable to its
      declaration of rights, we shall then be enabled to give to France, and
      with justice, the appellation of a <i>Civic Empire</i>; for its government
      will be the empire of laws, founded on the great republican principles of
      <i>elective representation</i> and the rights of man. But monarchy and
      hereditary succession are incompatible with the <i>basis</i> of its
      Constitution."
    </p>
    <p>
      Now this was the very constitution which Paine, in his answer to Burke,
      had made comparatively presentable; to this day it survives in human
      memory mainly through indulgent citations in "The Rights of Man." Those
      angels who, in the celestial war, tried to keep friendly with both sides,
      had human counterparts in France, their constitutional oracle being the
      Abbé Sievès. He had entered warmly into the Revolution, invented the name
      "National Assembly," opposed the veto power, supported the Declaration of
      Rights. But he had a superstitious faith in individual executive, which,
      as an opportunist, he proposed to vest in the reigning house. This class
      of "survivals" in the constitution were the work of Sieyès, who was the
      brain of the Jacobins, now led by Robespierre, and with him ignoring
      republicanism for no better reason than that their title was "Société des
      Amis de la Constitution."* Sieyès petted his constitution maternally,
      perhaps because nobody else loved it, and bristled at Paine's criticism.
      He wrote a letter to the <i>Moniteur</i>, asserting that there was more
      liberty under a monarchy than under a republic He announced his intention
      of maintaining monarchical executive against the new party started into
      life by the King's flight. In the same journal (July 8th,) Paine accepts
      the challenge "with pleasure."** Paine himself was something of an
      opportunist; as in America he had favored reconciliation with George III.
      up to the Lexington massacre, so had he desired a <i>modus vivendi</i>
      with Louis XVI. up to his flight.* But now he unfurls the anti-monarchical
      flag.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The club, founded in 1789, was called "Jacobin," because
     they met in the hall of the Dominicans, who had been called
     Jacobins from the street St. Jacques in which they were
     first established, anno 1219.

     ** It was probably this letter that Gouverneur Morris
     alludes to in his "Diary," when, writing of a Fourth of July
     dinner given by Mr. Short (U. S. Chargé d'Affaires), he
     mentions the presence of Paine, "inflated to the eyes and
     big with a letter of Revolutions."

     *** In this spirit was written Part I. of "The Rights of
     Man" whose translation by M. Lanthenas, with new preface,
     appeared in May. Sieyès agreed that "hereditaryship" was
     theoretically wrong, "but," he said, "refer to the histories
     of all elective monarchies and principalities: is there one
     in which the elective mode is not worse than the hereditary
     succession?" For notes on this incident see Professor F. A.
     Aulard's important work, "Les Orateurs de l'Assemblee
     Constituante," p. 411. Also Henri Martin's "Histoire de
     France," i., p. 193.
</pre>
    <p>
      "I am not the personal enemy of Kings. Quite the contrary. No man wishes
      more heartily than myself to see them all in the happy and honorable state
      of private individuals; but I am the avowed, open, and intrepid enemy of
      what is called monarchy; and I am such by principles which nothing can
      either alter or corrupt&mdash;by my attachment to humanity; by the anxiety
      which I feel within myself for the dignity and honor of the human race; by
      the disgust which I experience when I observe men directed by children and
      governed by brutes; by the horror which all the evils that monarchy has
      spread over the earth excite within my breast; and by those sentiments
      which make me shudder at the calamities, the exactions, the wars, and the
      massacres with which monarchy has crushed mankind: in short, it is against
      all the hell of monarchy that I have declared war."
    </p>
    <p>
      In reply Sieyès used the terms "monarchy" and "republic" in unusual
      senses. He defines "republic" as a government in which the executive power
      is lodged in more than one person, "monarchy" as one where it is entrusted
      to one only. He asserted that while he was in this sense a monarchist
      Paine was a "polycrat." In a republic all action must finally lodge in an
      executive council deciding by majority, and nominated by the people or the
      National Assembly. Sieyès did not, however, care to enter the lists. "My
      letter does not announce that I have leisure to enter into a controversy
      with republican <i>polycrats</i>."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine now set out for London. He travelled with Lord Daer and Etienne
      Dumont, Mirabeau's secretary. Dumont had a pique against Paine, whose
      republican manifesto had upset a literary scheme of his,&mdash;to evoke
      Mirabeau from the tomb and make him explain to the National Assembly that
      the King's flight was a court plot, that they should free Louis XVI. from
      aristocratic captivity, and support him. But on reading the Paine placard,
      "I determined," says Dumont, "for fear of evil consequences to myself, to
      make Mirabeau return to his tomb."* Dumont protests that Paine was fully
      convinced that the world would be benefited if all other books were burned
      except "The Rights of Man," and no doubt the republican apostle had a
      sublime faith in the sacred character of his "testimonies" against kings.
      Without attempting to determine whether this was the self-reliance of
      humility or egoism, it may be safely affirmed that it was that which made
      Paine's strokes so effective.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Souvenirs sur Mirabeau." Par Etienne Dumont.
</pre>
    <p>
      It may also be remarked again that Paine showed a prudence with which he
      has not been credited. Thus, there is little doubt that this return to
      London was in pursuance of an invitation to attend a celebration of the
      second anniversary of the fall of the Bastille. He arrived at the White
      Bear, Piccadilly, the day before (July 13th), but on finding that there
      was much excitement about his republican manifesto in France he concluded
      that his presence at the meeting might connect it with movements across
      the Channel, and did not attend. Equal prudence was not, however,
      displayed by his opponents, who induced the landlord of the Crown and
      Anchor to close his doors against the advertised meeting. This effort to
      prevent the free assemblage of Englishmen, and for the humane purpose of
      celebrating the destruction of a prison whose horrors had excited popular
      indignation, caused general anger. After due consideration it was deemed
      opportune for those who sympathized with the movement in France to issue a
      manifesto on the subject. It was written by Paine, and adopted by a
      meeting held at the Thatched House Tavern, August 20th, being signed by
      John Home Tooke, as Chairman. This "Address and Declaration of the Friends
      of Universal Peace and Liberty," though preceded by the vigorous
      "Declaration of the Volunteers of Belfast," quoted in its second
      paragraph, was the earliest warning England received that the revolution
      was now its grim guest.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Friends and Fellow Citizens: At a moment like the present, when wilful
      misrepresentations are industriously spread by partizans of arbitrary
      power and the advocates of passive obedience and court government, we
      think it incumbent upon us to declare to the world our principles, and the
      motives of our conduct.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We rejoice at the glorious event of the French revolution. If it be
      asked, 'What is the French revolution to us?' we answer as has already
      been answered in another place, 'It is much&mdash;much to us as men; much
      to us as Englishmen. As men, we rejoice in the freedom of twenty-five
      millions of men.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We rejoice in the prospect which such a magnificent example opens to the
      world.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "We congratulate the French nation for having laid the ax; to the root of
      tyranny, and for erecting government on the sacred hereditary rights of
      man; rights which appertain to all, and not to any one more than another.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We know of no human authority superior to that of a whole nation; and we
      profess and claim it as our principle that every nation has at all times
      an inherent and indefeasable right to constitute and establish such
      government for itself as best accords with its disposition, interest, and
      happiness.
    </p>
    <p>
      "As Englishmen we also rejoice, because we are immediately interested in
      the French Revolution.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Without inquiring into the justice, on either side, of the reproachful
      charges of intrigue and ambition which the English and French courts have
      constantly made on each other, we confine ourselves to this observation,&mdash;that
      if the court of France only was in fault, and the numerous wars which have
      distressed both countries are chargeable to her alone, that court now
      exists no longer, and the cause and the consequence must cease together.
      The French therefore, by the revolution they have made, have conquered for
      us as well as for themselves, if it be true that this court only was in
      fault, and ours never.
    </p>
    <p>
      "On this side of the case the French revolution concerns us immediately:
      we are oppressed with a heavy national debt, a burthen of taxes, an
      expensive administration of government, beyond those of any people in the
      world.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We have also a very numerous poor; and we hold that the moral obligation
      of providing for old age, helpless infancy, and poverty, is far superior
      to that of supplying the invented wants of courtly extravagance, ambition,
      and intrigue.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We believe there is no instance to be produced but in England, of seven
      millions of inhabitants, which make but little more than one million
      families, paying yearly seventeen millions of taxes.
    </p>
    <p>
      "As it has always been held out by the administrations that the restless
      ambition of the court of France rendered this ex-pences necessary to us
      for our own defence, we consequently rejoice, as men deeply interested in
      the French revolution; for that court, as we have already said, exists no
      longer, and consequently the same enormous expences need not continue to
      us.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thus rejoicing as we sincerely do, both as men and Englishmen, as lovers
      of universal peace and freedom, and as friends to our national prosperity
      and reduction of our public expences, we cannot but express our
      astonishment that any part or any members of our own government should
      reprobate the extinction of that very power in France, or wish to see it
      restored, to whose influence they formerly attributed (whilst they
      appeared to lament) the enormous increase of our own burthens and taxes.
      What, then, are they sorry that the pretence for new oppressive taxes, and
      the occasion for continuing many old taxes, will be at an end? If so, and
      if it is the policy of courts and court government to prefer enemies to
      friends, and a system of war to that of peace, as affording more pretences
      for places, offices, pensions, revenue and taxation, it is high time for
      the people of every nation to look with circumspection to their own
      interest.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Those who pay the expences, and not those who participate in the
      emoluments arising from them, are the persons immediately interested in
      inquiries of this kind. We are a part of that national body on whom this
      annual expence of seventeen millions falls; and we consider the present
      opportunity of the French revolution as a most happy one for lessening the
      enormous load under which this nation groans. If this be not done we shall
      then have reason to conclude that the cry of intrigue and ambition against
      other courts is no more than the common cant of all courts.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We think it also necessary to express our astonishment that a government
      desirous of being called free, should prefer connexion with the most
      despotic and arbitrary powers in Europe. We know of none more deserving
      this description than those of Turkey and Prussia, and the whole
      combination of German despots.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Separated as we happily are by nature from the tumults of the continent,
      we reprobate all systems and intrigues which sacrifice (and that too at a
      great expence) the blessings of our natural situation. Such systems cannot
      have a natural origin.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If we are asked what government is, we hold it to be nothing more than a
      national association; and we hold that to be the best which secures to
      every man his rights and promotes the greatest quantity of happiness with
      the least expence. We live to improve, or we live in vain; and therefore
      we admit of no maxims of government or policy on the mere score of
      antiquity or other men's authority, the old whigs or the new.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We will exercise the reason with which we are endued, or we possess it
      unworthily. As reason is given at all times, it is for the purpose of
      being used at all times.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Among the blessings which the French revolution has produced to that
      nation we enumerate the abolition of the feudal system, of injustice, and
      of tyranny, on the 4th of August, 1789. Beneath the feudal system all
      Europe has long groaned, and from it England is not yet free. Game laws,
      borough tenures, and tyrannical monopolies of numerous kinds still remain
      amongst us; but rejoicing as we sincerely do in the freedom of others till
      we shall haply accomplish our own, we intended to commemorate this prelude
      to the universal extirpation of the feudal system by meeting on the
      anniversary of that day (the 4th of August) at the Crown and Anchor: from
      this meeting we were prevented by the interference of certain unnamed and
      sculking persons with the master of the tavern, who informed us that on
      their representation he would not receive us. Let those who live by or
      countenance feudal oppressions take the reproach of this ineffectual
      meanness and cowardice to themselves: they cannot stifle the public
      declaration of our honest, open, and avowed opinions. These are our
      principles, and these our sentiments; they embrace the interest and
      happiness of the great body of the nation of which we are a part. As to
      riots and tumults, let those answer for them who by wilful
      misrepresentations endeavour to excite and promote them; or who seek to
      stun the sense of the nation, and lose the great cause of public good in
      the outrages of a mis-informed mob. We take our ground on principles that
      require no such riotous aid.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We have nothing to apprehend from the poor for we are pleading their
      cause; and we fear not proud oppression for we have truth on our side.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We say and we repeat it that the French revolution opens to the world an
      opportunity in which all good citizens must rejoice, that of promoting the
      general happiness of man, and that it moreover offers to this country in
      particular an opportunity of reducing our enormous taxes: these are our
      objects, and we will pursue them."
    </p>
    <p>
      A comparative study of Paine's two republican manifestos&mdash;that
      placarded in Paris July 1st, and this of August 20th to the English&mdash;reveals
      the difference between the two nations at that period. No break with the
      throne in England is suggested, as none had been declared in France until
      the King had fled, leaving behind him a virtual proclamation of war
      against all the reforms he had been signing since 1789. The Thatched House
      address leaves it open for the King to take the side of the Republic, and
      be its chief. The address is simply an applied "Declaration of Rights."
      Paine had already maintained, in his reply to Burke, that the English
      monarch was an importation unrelated to the real nation, "which is left to
      govern itself, and does govern itself, by magistrates and juries, almost
      on its own charge, on republican principles." His chief complaint is that
      royalty is an expensive "sinecure." So far had George III. withdrawn from
      his attempt to govern as well as reign, which had ended so disastrously in
      America. The fall of the French King who had aided the American
      "rebellion" was probably viewed with satisfaction by the English court, so
      long as the revolution confined itself to France. But now it had raised
      its head in England, and the alarm of aristocracy was as if it were
      threatened with an invasion of political cholera.
    </p>
    <p>
      The disease was brought over by Paine. He must be isolated. But he had a
      hold on the people, including a large number of literary men, and
      Nonconformist preachers. The authorities, therefore, began working
      cautiously, privately inducing the landlords of the Crown and Anchor and
      the Thatched House to refuse their rooms to the "Painites," as they were
      beginning to be called But this was a confession of Paine's power. Indeed
      all opposition at that time was favorable to Paine. Publicola's reply to
      "The Rights of Man," attributed to Vice-President Adams, could only
      heighten Paine's fame; for John Adams' blazing court-dress, which amused
      us at the Centenary (1889), was not forgotten in England; and while his
      influence was limited to court circles, the entrance of so high an
      official into the arena was accepted as homage to the author. The
      publication at the same time of the endorsement of Paine's "Rights of Man"
      by the Secretary of State, the great Jefferson, completed the triumph. The
      English government now had Paine on its hands, and must deal with him in
      one way or another.
    </p>
    <p>
      The closing of one door after another of the usual places of assembly to
      sympathizers with the republican movement in France, being by hidden
      hands, could not be charged upon Pitt's government; it was, however, a
      plain indication that a free expression through public meetings could not
      be secured without risk of riots. And probably there would have been
      violent scenes in London had it not been for the moderation of the Quaker
      leader. At this juncture Paine held a supremacy in the constitutional
      clubs of England and Ireland equal to that of Robespierre over the
      Jacobins of Paris. He had the giant's strength, but did not use it like a
      giant. He sat himself down in a quiet corner of London, began another
      book, and from time to time consulted his Cabinet of Reformers.
    </p>
    <p>
      His abode was with Thomas Rickman, a bookseller, his devoted friend. He
      had known Rickman at Lewes, as a youthful musical genius of the club
      there, hence called "Clio." He had then set some song of Paine's to music,
      and afterwards his American patriotic songs, as well as many of his own.
      He now lived in London with wife and children&mdash;these bearing names of
      the great republicans, beginning with Thomas Paine,&mdash;and with them
      the author resided for a time. A particular value, therefore, attaches to
      the following passages in Rickman's book:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Paine's life in London was a quiet round of philosophical leisure and
      enjoyment. It was occupied in writing, in a small epistolary
      correspondence, in walking about with me to visit different friends,
      occasionally lounging at coffee-houses and public places, or being visited
      by a select few. Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the French and American
      ambassadors, Mr. Sharp the engraver, Romney the painter, Mrs.
      Wolstonecraft, Joel Barlow, Mr. Hull, Mr. Christie, Dr. Priestley, Dr.
      Towers, Col. Oswald, the walking Stewart, Captain Sampson Perry, Mr.
      Tuffin, Mr. William Choppin, Captain De Stark, Mr. Home Tooke, &amp;c.
      &amp;c. were among the number of his friends and acquaintance; and of
      course, as he was my inmate, the most of my associates were frequently
      his. At this time he read but little, took his nap after dinner, and
      played with my family at some game in the evening, as chess, dominos, and
      drafts, but never at cards; in recitations, singing, music, &amp;c; or
      passed it in conversation: the part he took in the latter was always
      enlightened, full of information, entertainment, and anecdote.
      Occasionally we visited enlightened friends, indulged in domestic jaunts
      and recreations from home, frequently lounging at the White Bear,
      Picadilly, with his old friend the walking Stewart, and other clever
      travellers from France, and different parts of Europe and America. When by
      ourselves we sat very late, and often broke in on the morning hours,
      indulging the reciprocal interchange of affectionate and confidential
      intercourse. 'Warm from the heart and faithful to its fires' was that
      intercourse, and gave to us the 'feast of reason and the flow of soul.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Paine in his person was about five feet ten inches high, and rather
      athletic; he was broad shouldered, and latterly stooped a little. His eye,
      of which the painter could not convey the exquisite meaning, was full,
      brilliant, and singularly piercing; it had in it the 'muse of fire.' In
      his dress and person he was generally very cleanly, and wore his hair
      cued, with side curls, and powdered, so that he looked altogether like a
      gentleman of the old French school. His manners were easy and gracious;
      his knowledge was universal and boundless; in private company and among
      his friends his conversation had every fascination that anecdote, novelty
      and truth could give it. In mixt company and among strangers he said
      little, and was no public speaker."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine does not appear to have ever learned that his name had been pressed
      for a place in Washington's Cabinet, and apparently he did not know until
      long after it was over what a tempest in Jefferson's teapot his book had
      innocently caused. The facts came to him while he was engaged on his next
      work, in which they are occasionally reflected. In introducing an English
      friend to William Short, U. S. Chargé d'Affaires at Paris, under date of
      November 2d, Paine reports progress:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I received your favour conveying a letter from Mr. Jefferson and the
      answers to Publicola for which I thank you. I had John Adams in my mind
      when I wrote the pamphlet and it has hit as I expected.
    </p>
    <p>
      "M. Lenobia who presents you this is come to pass a few days at Paris. He
      is a bon republicain and you will oblige me much by introducing him among
      our friends of bon foi. I am again in the press but shall not be out till
      about Christmas, when the Town will begin to fill. By what I can find, the
      Government Gentry begin to threaten. They have already tried all the
      under-plots of abuse and scurrility without effect; and have managed those
      in general so badly as to make the work and the author the more famous;
      several answers also have been written against it which did not excite
      reading enough to pay the expence of printing.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have but one way to be secure in my next work which is, to go further
      than in my first. I see that <i>great rogues</i> escape by the excess of
      their crimes, and, perhaps, it may be the same in honest cases. However, I
      shall make a pretty large division in the public opinion, probably too
      much so to encourage the Government to put it to issue, for it will be
      rather like begging them than me.
    </p>
    <p>
      "By all the accounts we have here, the french emigrants are in a hopeless
      condition abroad; for my own part I never saw anything to fear from
      foreign courts&mdash;they are more afraid of the french Revolution than
      the revolution needs to be of them; and the same caution which they take
      to prevent the french principles getting among their armies, will prevent
      their sending armies among the principles.
    </p>
    <p>
      "We have distressing accounts here from St. Domingo. It is the natural
      consequence of Slavery and must be expected every where. The Negroes are
      enraged at the opposition made to their relief and are determined, if not
      to relieve themselves to punish their enemies. We have no new accounts
      from the East Indies, and people are in much doubt. I am, affectionately
      yours, Thomas Paine."
    </p>
    <p>
      The "scurrility" referred to may have been that of George Chalmers,
      elsewhere mentioned. Two days after this letter to Short was written Paine
      received a notable ovation.
    </p>
    <p>
      There was a so-called "Revolution Society" in London, originally formed by
      a number of prominent dissenters. The Society had manifested its existence
      only by listening to a sermon on the anniversary of the Revolution of 1688
      (November 4th) and thereafter dining together. It had not been supposed to
      interest itself in any later revolution until 1789. In that year the
      annual sermon was delivered by Dr. Richard Price, the Unitarian whose
      defence of the American Revolution received the thanks of Congress. In
      1776 Price and Burke stood shoulder to shoulder, but the sermon of 1789
      sundered them. It was "On the Love of our Country," and affirmed the
      constitutional right of the English people to frame their own government,
      to choose their own governors, and to cashier them for misconduct. This
      was the "red rag" that drew Burke into the arena. Dr. Price died April 19,
      1791, and his great discourse gathered new force from the tributes of
      Priestley and others at his grave. He had been a staunch friend of Paine,
      and at the November festival of this year his place was accorded to the
      man on whom the "Constitutionalists" beheld the mantle of Price and the
      wreath of Washington. The company at this dinner of 1791 at the London
      Tavern, included many eminent men, some of them members of Parliament. The
      old Society was transformed&mdash;William and Mary and 1688 passed into
      oblivion before Thomas Paine and 1791. It was probably for this occasion
      that the song was written (by whom I know not)&mdash;"Paine's Welcome to
      Great Britain."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "He comes&mdash;the great Reformer comes!
     Cease, cease your trumpets, cease, cease your drums!
     Those warlike sounds offend the ear,
     Peace and Friendship now appear:
     Welcome, welcome, welcome, welcome,
     Welcome, thou Reformer, here!

     "Prepare, prepare, your songs prepare,
     Freedom cheers the brow of care;
     The joyful tidings spread around,
     Monarchs tremble at the sound!
     Freedom, freedom, freedom, freedom,&mdash;
     Rights of Man, and Paine resound!"
</pre>
    <p>
      Mr. Dignum sang (to the tune of "The tear that bedews sensibility's
      shrine.")
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "Unfold, Father Time, thy long records unfold,
     Of noble achievements accomplished of old;
     When men, by the standard of Liberty led,
     Undauntedly conquered or chearfully bled:
     But now 'midst the triumphs these moments reveal,
     Their glories all fade and their lustre turns pale,
     While France rises up, and proclaims the decree
     That tears off their chains, and bids millions be free.

     "As spring to the fields, or as dew to the flowers.
     To the earth parched with heat, as the soft dropping showers,
     As health to the wretch that lies languid and wan,
     Or rest to the weary&mdash;is Freedom to man!
     Where Freedom the light of her countenance gives,
     There only he triumphs, there only he lives;
     Then seize the glad moment and hail the decree
     That tears off their chains, and bids millions be free.

     "Too long had oppression and terror entwined
     Those tyrant-formed chains that enslaved the free mind;
     While dark superstition, with nature at strife,
     For ages had locked up the fountain of life;
     But the daemon is fled, the delusion is past,
     And reason and virtue have triumphed at last;
     Then seize the glad moments, and hail the decree,
     That tears off their chains, and bids millions be free.

     "France, we share in the rapture thy bosom that fills,
     While the Genius of Liberty bounds o'er thy hills:
     Redundant henceforth may thy purple juice flow,
     Prouder wave thy green woods, and thine olive trees grow!
     While the hand of philosophy long shall entwine,
     Blest emblems, the laurel, the myrtle and vine,
     And heaven through all ages confirm the decree
     That tears off their chains, and bids millions be free!"
</pre>
    <p>
      Paine gave as his toast, "The Revolution of the World," and no doubt at
      this point was sung "A New Song," as it was then called, written by Paine
      himself to the tune of "Rule Britannia":
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "Hail, Great Republic of the world,
     The rising empire of the West,
     Where famed Columbus, with a mighty mind inspired,
     Gave tortured Europe scenes of rest.
     Be thou forever, forever great and free,
     The Land of Love and Liberty.

     "Beneath thy spreading mantling vine,
     Beside thy flowery groves and springs,
     And on thy lofty, thy lofty mountains' brow,
     May all thy sons and fair ones sing.

     Chorus.

     "From thee may rudest nations learn
     To prize the cause thy sons began;
     From thee may future, may future tyrants know
     That sacred are the Rights of Man.

     "From thee may hated discord fly,
     With all her dark, her gloomy train;
     And o'er thy fertile, thy fertile wide domain
     May everlasting friendship reign.

     "Of thee may lisping infancy
     The pleasing wondrous story tell,
     And patriot sages in venerable mood
     Instruct the world to govern well.

     "Ye guardian angels watch around,
     From harm protect the new-born State;
     And all ye friendly, ye friendly nations join,
     And thus salute the Child of Fate.

     Be thou forever, forever great and free,
     The Land of Love and Liberty!"
</pre>
    <p>
      Notwithstanding royal tremors these gentlemen were genuinely loyal in
      singing the old anthem with new words:
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     "God save the Rights of Man!
     Give him a heart to scan
     Blessings so dear;
     Let them be spread around,
     Wherever Man is found,
     And with the welcome sound
     Ravish his ear!"
</pre>
    <p>
      No report is preserved of Paine's speech, but we may feel sure that in
      giving his sentiment "The Revolution of the World" he set forth his
      favorite theme&mdash;that revolutions of nations should be as quiet,
      lawful, and fruitful as the revolutions of the earth.
    </p>
    <p>
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    <h2>
      {1792}
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXII. THE RIGHT OF EVOLUTION
    </h2>
    <p>
      The Abbé Sieyès did not escape by declining to stand by his challenge of
      the republicans. In the second part of "The Rights of Man" Paine considers
      the position of that gentleman, namely, that hereditary monarchy is an
      evil, but the elective mode historically proven worse. That both are bad
      Paine agrees, but "such a mode of reasoning on such a subject is
      inadmissible, because it finally amounts to an accusation of providence,
      as if she had left to man no other choice with respect to government than
      between two evils." Every now and then this Quaker Antæus touches his
      mother earth&mdash;the theocratic principle&mdash;in this way; the
      invigoration is recognizable in a religious seriousness, which, however,
      makes no allowance for the merely ornamental parts of government, always
      so popular. "The splendor of a throne is the corruption of a state."
      However, the time was too serious for the utility of bagatelles to be much
      considered by any. Paine engages Sieyès on his own ground, and brings
      historic evidence to prove that the wars of succession, civil and foreign,
      show hereditary a worse evil than elective headship, as illustrated by
      Poland, Holland, and America. But he does not defend the method of either
      of these countries, and clearly shows that he is, as Sieyès said, a
      "poly-crat," so far as the numerical composition of the Executive is
      concerned.* He affirms, however, that governing is no function of a
      republican Executive. The law alone governs. "The sovereign authority in
      any country is the power of making laws, and everything else is an
      official department."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     *"I have always been opposed to the mode of refining
     government up to an individual, or what is called a single
     Executive. Such a man will always be the chief of a party. A
     plurality is far better. It combines the mass of a nation
     better together. And besides this, it is necessary to the
     manly mind of a republic that it lose the debasing idea of
     obeying an individual."&mdash;Paine MS.
</pre>
    <p>
      More than fifty thousand copies of the first part of "The Rights of Man"
      had been sold, and the public hungrily awaited the author's next work. But
      he kept back his proofs until Burke should fulfil his promise of returning
      to the subject and comparing the English and French constitutions. He was
      disappointed, however, at finding no such comparison in Burke's "Appeal
      from the New to the Old Whigs." It did, however, contain a menace that was
      worth waiting for.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Oldys" (Chalmers) says that Paine was disappointed at not being arrested
      for his first pamphlet on "The Rights of Man," and had, "while fluttering
      on the wing for Paris, hovered about London a whole week waiting to be
      taken." It is, indeed, possible that he would have been glad to elicit
      just then a fresh decision from the courts in favor of freedom of speech
      and of the press, which would strengthen faint hearts. If he had this
      desire he was resolved not to be disappointed a second time.
    </p>
    <p>
      A publisher (Chapman) offered him a thousand guineas for the manuscript of
      Part II. Paine declined; "he wished to reserve it in his own hands." Facts
      afterwards appeared which rendered it probable that this was a ministerial
      effort to suppress the book.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Paine may, indeed, only have apprehended alterations,
     which he always dreaded. His friends, knowing how much his
     antagonists had made of his grammatical faults, sometimes
     suggested expert revision. "He would say," says Richard
     Carlile, "that he only wished to be known as he was, without
     being decked with the plumes of another."
</pre>
    <p>
      Paine's Part Second was to appear about the first of February, or before
      the meeting of Parliament But the printer (Chapman) threw up the
      publication, alleging its "dangerous tendencies," whereby it was delayed
      until February 17th, when it was published by Jordan. Meanwhile, his
      elaborate scheme for reducing taxes so resembled that which Pitt had just
      proposed in Parliament that the author appended his reasons for believing
      that his pages had been read by the government clerk, Chalmers, and his
      plan revealed to Pitt. "Be the case, however, as it may, Mr. Pitt's plan,
      little and diminutive as it is, would have made a very awkward appearance
      had this work appeared at the time the printer had engaged to finish it."
    </p>
    <p>
      At the time (September) when Chapman began printing Paine's Part II.,
      George Chalmers brought to the same press his libellous "Life of Pain." On
      learning that Chapman was printing Paine, Chalmers took his book away. As
      Chalmers was a government employe, and his work larger. Chapman returned
      Paine's work to him half printed, and the Chalmers book was restored to
      him. As Chapman stated in his testimony, and so wrote to Paine (January
      17, 1792), that he was unwilling to go on with the printing because of the
      dangerous tendency of a part of it, his offer of a thousand guineas for it
      could only have contemplated its expurgation or total suppression. That it
      was the latter, and that the money was to be paid by the government, is
      rendered probable by the evidences in Chalmers' book, when it appeared,
      that he had been allowed the perusal of Paine's manuscript while in
      Chapman's hands. Chalmers also displays intimate knowledge of Chapman's
      business transactions with Paine.
    </p>
    <p>
      In the light of Pitt's subsequent career it is a significant fact that, in
      the beginning of 1792, he should be suspected of stealing Paine's thunder!
      And, indeed, throughout Paine's Part Second the tone towards Pitt implies
      some expectation of reform from him. Its severity is that which English
      agitators for constitutional reform have for a half century made familiar
      and honorable. The historical student finds mirrored in this work the rosy
      picture of the United States as seen at its dawn by the disfranchised
      people of Europe, and beside that a burdened England now hardly credible.
      It includes an historical statement of the powers claimed by the crown and
      gradually distributed among non-elective peers and class-elective
      commoners, the result being a combination of all three against admission
      of the people to any degree of self-government. Though the arraignment is
      heavy, the method of reform is set forth with moderation. Particular
      burdens are pointed out, and England is warned to escape violent
      revolution by accommodating itself to the new age. It is admitted that no
      new system need be constructed. "Mankind (from the long tyranny of assumed
      power) have had so few opportunities of making the necessary trials on
      modes and principles of government, in order to discover the best, <i>that
      government is but now beginning to be known</i>, and experience is yet
      wanting to determine many particulars." Paine frankly retracts an old
      opinion of his own, that the legislature should be unicameral. He now
      thinks that, though there should be but one representation, it might
      secure wiser deliberation to divide it, by lot, into two or three parts.
      "Every proposed bill shall first be debated in those parts, by succession,
      that they may become hearers of each other, but without taking any vote;
      after which the whole representation to assemble, for a general debate,
      and determination by vote." The great necessity is that England shall
      gather its people, by representation, in convention and frame a
      constitution which shall contain the means of peaceful development in
      accordance with enlightenment and necessity.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Part I. Paine stated his general principles with some reservations, in
      view of the survival of royalty in the French constitution. In Part II.
      his political philosophy is freely and fully developed, and may be
      summarized as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      1. Government is the organization of the aggregate of those natural rights
      which individuals are not competent to secure individually, and therefore
      surrender to the control of society in exchange for the protection of all
      rights.
    </p>
    <p>
      2. Republican government is that in which the welfare of the whole nation
      is the object.
    </p>
    <p>
      3. Monarchy is government, more or less arbitrary, in which the interests
      of an individual are paramount to those of the people generally.
    </p>
    <p>
      4. Aristocracy is government, partially arbitrary, in which the interests
      of a class are paramount to those of the people generally.
    </p>
    <p>
      5. Democracy is the whole people governing themselves without secondary
      means.
    </p>
    <p>
      6. Representative government is the control of a nation by persons elected
      by the whole nation.
    </p>
    <p>
      7. The Rights of Man mean the right of all to representation.
    </p>
    <p>
      Democracy, simple enough in small and primitive societies, degenerates
      into confusion by extension to large populations. Monarchy, which
      originated amid such confusion, degenerates into incapacity by extension
      to vast and complex interests requiring "an assemblage of practical
      knowledges which no one individual can possess." "The aristocratical form
      has the same vices and defects with the monarchical, except that the
      chance of abilities is better from the proportion of numbers."
    </p>
    <p>
      The representative republic advocated by Paine is different from merely
      epitomized democracy. "Representation is the delegated monarchy of a
      nation." In the early days of the American republic, when presidential
      electors were independent of the constituents who elected them, the
      filtration of democracy was a favorite principle among republicans. Paine
      evidently regards the representative as different from a delegate, or mere
      commissioner carrying out instructions. The representatives of a people
      are clothed with their sovereignty; that, and not opinions or orders, has
      been transferred to them by constituencies. Hence we find Paine, after
      describing the English people as "fools" (p. 260), urging representation
      as a sort of natural selection of wisdom.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Whatever wisdom constituency is, it is like a seedless plant; it may be
      reared when it appears, but it cannot be voluntarily produced. There is
      always a sufficiency somewhere in the general mass of society for all
      purposes; but, with respect to the parts of society, it is continually
      changing place. It rises in one today, in another tomorrow, and has most
      probably visited in rotation every family of the earth, and again
      withdrawn. As this is the order of nature, the order of government must
      follow it, or government will, as we see it does, degenerate into
      ignorance. The hereditary system therefore, is as repugnant to human
      wisdom as to human rights; and is as absurd as unjust As the republic of
      letters brings forward the best literary productions, by giving to genius
      a fair and universal chance, so the representative system is calculated to
      produce the wisest laws, by collecting wisdom where it can be found."
    </p>
    <p>
      We have seen that "Publicola" (John Quincy Adams) in his answer to Paine's
      Part I. had left the people no right to alter government but the right of
      revolution, by violence; Erskine pointed out that Burkes pamphlet had
      similarly closed every other means of reform. Paine would civilize
      reformation:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Formerly, when divisions arose respecting governments, recourse was had
      to the sword, and civil war ensued. That savage custom is exploded by the
      new system, and reference is had to national conventions. Discussion and
      the general will arbitrate the question, private opinion yields with a
      good grace, and order is preserved uninterrupted."
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus he is really trying to supplant the right of revolution with the
      right of evolution:
    </p>
    <p>
      "It is now towards the middle of February. Were I to take a turn in the
      country the trees would present a leafless wintery appearance. As people
      are apt to pluck twigs as they go along, I perhaps might do the same, and
      by chance might observe that a single bud on that twig had begun to smell.
      I should reason very unnaturally, or rather not reason at all to suppose
      this was the only bud in England which had this appearance. Instead of
      deciding thus, I should instantly conclude that the same appearance was
      beginning, or about to begin, everywhere; and though the vegetable sleep
      will continue longer on some trees and plants than others, and though some
      of them may not blossom for two or three years, all will be in leaf in the
      summer, except those which are rotten. What pace the political summer may
      keep with the natural, no human foresight can determine. It is, however,
      not difficult to perceive that the Spring is begun. Thus wishing, as I
      sincerely do, freedom and happiness to all nations, I close the Second
      Part."
    </p>
    <p>
      Apparently the publisher expected trouble. In the <i>Gazetteer</i>,
      January 25th, had appeared the following notice:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Paine, it is known, is to produce another book this season. The
      composition of this is now past, and it was given a few weeks since to two
      printers, whose presses it was to go through as soon as possible. They
      printed about half of it, and then, being alarmed by <i>some intimations,</i>
      refused to go further. Some delay has thus occurred, but another printer
      has taken it, and in the course of the next month it will appear. Its
      title is to be a repetition of the former, 'The Rights of Man,' of which
      the words 'Part the Second' will shew that it is a continuation."
    </p>
    <p>
      That the original printer, Chapman, impeded the publication is suggested
      by the fact that on February 7th, thirteen days after the above
      announcement, Paine writes: "Mr. Chapman, please to deliver to Mr. Jordan
      the remaining sheets of the Rights of Man." And that "some intimations"
      were received by Jordan also may be inferred from the following note and
      enclosure to him:
    </p>
    <p>
      "February 16, 1792.&mdash;For your satisfaction and my own, I send you the
      enclosed, tho' I do not apprehend there will be any occasion to use it.
      If, in case there should, you will immediately send a line for me under
      cover to Mr. Johnson, St. Paul's Church-Yard, who will forward it to me,
      upon which I shall come and answer personally for the work. Send also to
      Mr. Home Tooke.&mdash;T. P."
    </p>
    <p>
      "February 16, 1792.&mdash;Sir: Should any person, under the sanction of
      any kind of authority, enquire of you respecting the author and publisher
      of the Rights of Man, you will please to mention me as the author and
      publisher of that work, and shew to such person this letter. I will, as
      soon as I am made acquainted with it, appear and answer for the work
      personally.&mdash;Your humble servant,
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Pain."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Jordan, No. 166 Fleet-street."
    </p>
    <p>
      Some copies were in Paine's hands three days before publication, as
      appears by a note of February 13th to Jefferson, on hearing of Morris'
      appointment as Minister to France:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Kennedy, who brings this to New York, is on the point of setting out.
      I am therefore confined to time. I have enclosed six copies of my work for
      yourself in a parcel addressed to the President, and three or four for my
      other friends, which I wish you to take the trouble of presenting.
    </p>
    <p>
      "I have just heard of Governeur Morris's appointment. <i>It is a most
      unfortunate one</i>; and, as I shall mention the same thing to him when I
      see him, I do not express it to you with the injunction of confidence. He
      is just now arrived in London, and this circumstance has served, as I see
      by the french papers, to increase the dislike and suspicion of some of
      that nation and the National Assembly against him.
    </p>
    <p>
      "In the present state of Europe it would be best to make no appointments."
    </p>
    <p>
      Lafayette wrote Washington a strong private protest against Morris, but in
      vain. Paine spoke frankly to Morris, who mentions him on Washington's
      birthday:
    </p>
    <p>
      "February 22. I read Paine's new publication today, and tell him that I am
      really afraid he will be punished. He seems to laugh at this, and relies
      on the force he has in the nation. He seems to become every hour more
      drunk with self-conceit. It seems, however, that his work excites but
      little emotion, and rather raises indignation. I tell him that the
      disordered state of things in France works against all schemes of
      reformation both here and elsewhere. He declares that the riots and
      outrages in France are nothing at all. It is not worth while to contest
      such declarations. I tell him, therefore, that as I am sure he does not
      mean what he says, I shall not dispute it. Visit the Duchess of Gordon,
      who tells me that she supposes I give Paine his information about America,
      and speaks very slightly of our situation, as being engaged in a civil war
      with the Indians. I smile, and tell her that Britain is also at war with
      Indians, though in another hemisphere."
    </p>
    <p>
      In his appendix Paine alludes vaguely to the book of George Chalmers
      ("Oldys").
    </p>
    <p>
      "A ministerial bookseller in Picadilly, who has been employed, as common
      report says, by a clerk of one of the boards closely connected with the
      Ministry (the board of Trade and Plantations, of which Lord Hawkesbury is
      president) to publish what he calls my Life (I wish his own life and that
      of the Cabinet were as good,) used to have his books printed at the same
      printing office that I employed."
    </p>
    <p>
      In his fifth edition Chalmers claims that this notice of his work,
      unaccompanied by any denial of its statements, is an admission of their
      truth. It looks as if Paine had not then seen the book, but he never
      further alluded to it. There was nothing in Chalmers' political or
      orthographical criticisms requiring answer, and its tar and feathers were
      so adroitly mixed, and applied with such a masterly hand, that Paine had
      to endure his literary lynching in silence. "Nothing can lie like the
      truth."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Not that Chalmers confines himself to perversions of fact.
     The book bore on its title-page five falsehoods: "Pain,"
     instead of "Paine": "Francis Oldys"; "A. M.";
     "University of Pennsylvania"; "With a Defence of his
     Writings." There is a marked increase of virulence with the
     successive editions. The second is in cheap form, and bears
     at the back of its title this note: "Read this, and then
     hand it to others who are requested to do likewise."
</pre>
    <p>
      Chalmers' libels were so ingeniously interwoven with the actual stumbles
      and humiliations of Paine's early life, that the facts could not be told
      without dragging before the public his mother's corpse, and breaking
      treaty with his divorced wife. Chalmers would have been more successful as
      a government employe in this business had he not cared more for himself
      than for his party. By advertising, as we have seen (Preface, xv), his
      first edition as a "Defence" of Paine's writings he reaped a pecuniary
      harvest from the Painites before the substitution of "Review" tempted the
      Burkites. This trick probably enraged more than it converted. The pompous
      pseudonym covered a vanity weak enough to presently drop its lion skin,
      revealing ears sufficiently long to expect for a government clerk the
      attention accorded to a reverend M.A. of the University of Pennsylvania.
      This degree was not only understood in England with a clerical
      connotation, but it competed with Paine's "M.A." from the same
      institution. The pseudonym also concealed the record of Chalmers as a Tory
      refugee from Maryland, and an opponent of Burke, long enough to sell
      several editions. But the author was known early in 1792, and was named in
      an important pamphlet by no means altogether favorable to Paine. After
      rebuking Paine for personalities towards men whose station prevents reply,
      this writer also disagrees with him about the Constitution. But he
      declares that Paine has collected the essence of the most venerated
      writers of Europe in the past, and applied the same to the executive
      government, which cannot stand the test.
    </p>
    <p>
      "The Constitution will; but <i>the present mode of administering that
      Constitution</i> must shrink from the comparison. And this is the reason,
      that foolish Mr. Rose of the Treasury trembles on the bench, and the
      crafty clerk in Lord Hawkesbury's office, carries on his base attacks
      against Paine by sap, fights him under the mask of a Philadelphia parson,
      fit disguise for the most impudent falsehoods that ever were published,
      and stabs him in the dark. But, of this upstart clerk at the Cockpit, more
      hereafter."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Paine's Political and Moral Maxims, etc. By a Free-Born
     Englishman. London. Printed for H. D. Symonds, Paternoster
     Row, 1792." The introductory letter is dated May 15th.
</pre>
    <p>
      George Chalmers being mentioned by name in this and other pamphlets, and
      nothing like a repudiation coming from him or from "Oldys" in any of his
      ten editions, the libel recoiled on the government, while it damaged
      Paine. The meanness of meeting inconvenient arguments by sniffing village
      gossip for private scandals was resented, and the calumnies were
      discounted. Nevertheless, there was probably some weakening in the
      "Paineite" ranks. Although this "un-English" tracking of a man from his
      cradle, and masked assassination angered the republicans, it could hardly
      fail to intimidate some. In every period it has been seen that the largest
      interests, even the liberties, of English peoples may be placed
      momentarily at the mercy of any incident strongly exciting the moral
      sentiment A crafty clerk accuses Paine of maltreating his wife; the
      leader's phalanx of friends is for one instant disconcerted; Burke
      perceives the opportunity and points it out to the King; Pitt must show
      equal jealousy of royal authority; Paine is prosecuted. There is little
      doubt that Pitt was forced to this first step which reversed the
      traditions of English freedom, and gave that Minister his historic place
      as the English Robespierre of counter-revolution.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Pitt 'used to say,' according to Lady Hester Stanhope,
     'that Tom Paine was quite in the right, but then he would
     add, what am I to do? As things are, if I were to encourage
     Tom Paine's opinions we should have a bloody revolution."&mdash;
     Encyclop. Britaanica.
</pre>
    <p>
      On May 14th Paine, being at Bromley, Kent, learned that the government had
      issued summons against Jordan, his publisher. He hastened to London and
      assumed the expense of Jordan's defence. Jordan, however, privately
      compromised the affair by agreeing to plead guilty, surrender his notes
      relating to Paine, and receive a verdict to the author's prejudice&mdash;that
      being really the end of the government's business with the publisher. On
      May 21st a summons was left on Paine at his London lodgings (Rickman's
      house) to appear at the Court of King's Bench on June 8th. On the same day
      issued a royal proclamation against seditious writings. On May 25th, in
      the debate on the Proclamation, Secretary Dundas said in the House of
      Commons that the proceedings against Jordan were instituted because Mr.
      Paine could not be found. Thereupon Paine, detecting the unreality of the
      prosecution of his publisher, addressed a letter to the Attorney-General..
      Alluding to the remark of Dundas in Parliament, he says:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Mr. Paine, Sir, so far from secreting himself never went a step out of
      his way, nor in the least instance varied from his usual conduct, to avoid
      any measure you might choose to adopt with respect to him. It is on the
      purity of his heart, and the universal utility of the principles and plans
      which his writings contain, that he rests the issue; and he will not
      dishonour it by any kind of subterfuge. The apartments which he occupied
      at the time of writing the work last winter, he has continued to occupy to
      the present hour, and the solicitors of the prosecution know where to find
      him; of which there is a proof in their own office, as far back as the
      21st of May, and also in the office of my own attorney.&mdash;But
      admitting, for the sake of the case, that the reason for proceeding
      against the publication was, as Mr. Dundas stated, that Mr. Paine could
      not be found, that reason can now exist no longer. The instant that I was
      informed that an information was preparing to be filed against me as the
      author of, I believe, one of the most useful and benevolent books ever
      offered to mankind, I directed my attorney to put in an appearance; and as
      I shall meet the prosecution fully and fairly, and with a good and upright
      conscience, I have a right to expect that no act of littleness will be
      made use of on the part of the prosecution towards influencing the future
      issue with respect to the author. This expression may, perhaps, appear
      obscure to you, but I am in the possession of some matters which serve to
      show that the action against the publisher is not intended to be a <i>real</i>
      action."
    </p>
    <p>
      He then intimates that, if his suspicions should prove well-founded, he
      will withdraw from his intention of defending the publisher, and proposes
      that the case against Jordan be given up. At the close of his letter Paine
      says:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I believe that Mr. Burke, finding himself defeated, has been one of the
      promoters of this prosecution; and I shall return the compliment by
      shewing, in a future publication, that he has been a masked pensioner at
      £1500 per annum for about ten years. Thus it is that the public money is
      wasted, and the dread of public investigation is produced."
    </p>
    <p>
      The secret negotiations with the publisher being thus discovered, no more
      was heard of Jordan, except that his papers were brought out at Paine's
      trial.
    </p>
    <p>
      The Information against Paine, covering forty-one pages, octavo, is a
      curiosity. It recites that "Thomas Paine, late of London, gentleman, being
      a wicked, malicious, seditious, and ill-disposed person, and being greatly
      disaffected to our said Sovereign Lord the now King, and to the happy
      constitution and government of this kingdom... and to bring them into
      hatred and contempt, on the sixteenth day of February, in the
      thirty-second year of the reign of our said present Sovereign Lord the
      King, with force and arms at London aforesaid, to wit, in the parish of
      St. Mary le Bone, in the Ward of Cheap, he, the said Thomas, wickedly,
      maliciously and seditiously, did write and publish, and caused to be
      written and published, a certain false, scandalous, malicious, and
      seditious libel, of and concerning the said late happy Revolution, and the
      said settlements and limitations of the crown and regal governments of the
      said kingdoms and dominions... intituled, 'Rights of Man, Part the Second,
      Combining principle and practice.'... In one part thereof, according to
      the tenor and effect following, that is to say, 'All hereditary government
      is in its nature tyranny. An heritable crown' (meaning, amongst others,
      the crown of this kingdom) 'or an heritable throne,' (meaning the throne
      of this kingdom), 'or by what-other fanciful name such things may be
      called, have no other significant explanation than that mankind are
      heritable property. To inherit a government is to inherit the people, as
      if they were flocks and herds.'... 'The time is not very distant when
      England will laugh at itself for sending to Holland, Hanover, Zell, or
      Brunswick, for men' (meaning the said King William the Third, and King
      George the First) « at the expence of a million a year, who understood
      neither her laws, her language, nor her interest, and whose capacities
      would scarcely have fitted them for the office of a parish constable. If
      government could be trusted to such hands, it must be some easy and simple
      thing indeed; and materials fit for all the purposes may be found in every
      town and village in England.' In contempt of our said Lord the now King
      and his laws, to the evil example of all others in like case offending,
      and against the peace of our said Lord the King, his crown and dignity.
      Whereupon the said Attorney General of our said Lord the King, who for our
      said Lord the King in this behalf, prose-cuteth for our said Lord the
      King, prayeth the consideration of the court here in the premises, and
      that due process of law may be awarded against him, the said Thomas Paine,
      in this behalf, to make him answer to our said Lord the King, touching and
      concerning the premises aforesaid.
    </p>
    <p>
      "To this information the defendant hath appeared, and pleaded Not Guilty,
      and thereupon issue is joined."
    </p>
    <p>
      The specifications and quotations in the Information are reiterated twice,
      in one case (Paine's note on William and Mary centenary), three times.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     *  "I happened to be in England at the celebration of the
     centenary of the Revolution of 1688. The characters of
     William and Mary have always appeared to me detestable; the
     one seeking to destroy his uncle, the other her father, to
     get possession of power themselves; yet, as the nation was
     disposed to think something of the event, I felt hurt at
     seeing it ascribe the whole reputation of it to a man who
     had undertaken it as a job; and who besides what he
     otherwise got, charged six hundred thousand pounds for the
     expense of the little fleet that brought him from Holland.
     George the First acted the same close-fisted part as William
     had done, and bought the Duchy of Bremen with the money he
     got from England, two hundred and fifty thousand pounds over
     and above his pay as King; and, having thus purchased it at
     the expense of England, added it to his Hanoverian dominions
     for his own private profit. In fact every nation that does
     not govern itself is governed as a job. England has been the
     prey of jobs ever since the Revolution."
</pre>
    <p>
      It is marvellous that such an author, martial with "force and arms," could
      still walk freely about London. But the machinery for suppressing thought
      had always a tendency to rust in England; it had to be refurbished. To the
      royal proclamation against seditious writings corporations and rotten
      boroughs responded with loyal addresses. In the debate on that
      proclamation (May 25th) Secretary Dundas and Mr. Adam had arraigned Paine,
      and he addressed an open letter to the Secretary (June 6th) which was well
      received. Mr. Adam had said that:
    </p>
    <p>
      "He had well considered the subject of constitutional publications, and
      was by no means ready to say that books of science upon government though
      recommending a doctrine or system different from the form of our
      constitution were fit objects of prosecution; that if he did, he must
      condemn Harrington for his Oceana, Sir Thomas More for his Utopia, and
      Hume for his Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth. But the publication of Mr.
      Paine reviled what was most sacred in the Constitution, destroyed every
      principle of subordination, and established nothing in their room."
    </p>
    <p>
      The real difficulty was that Paine <i>had</i> put something in the room of
      hereditary monarchy&mdash;not a Utopia, but the representative system of
      the United States. He now again compares the governmental expenses of
      England and America and their condition. He shows that the entire
      government of the United States costs less than the English pension list
      alone.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Here is a form and system of government that is better organized than any
      other government in the world, and that for less than one hundred thousand
      pounds, and yet every member of Congress receives as a compensation for
      his time and attendance on public business, one pound seven shillings per
      day, which is at the rate of nearly five hundred pounds a year. This is a
      government that has nothing to fear. It needs no proclamations to deter
      people from writing and reading. It needs no political superstition to
      support it. It was by encouraging discussion and rendering the press free
      upon all subjects of government, that the principles of government became
      understood in America, and the people are now enjoying their present
      blessings under it. You hear of no riots, tumults and disorders in that
      country; because there exists no cause to produce them. Those things are
      never the effect of freedom, but of restraint, oppression, and excessive
      taxation."
    </p>
    <p>
      On June 8th Paine appeared in court and was much disappointed by the
      postponement of his trial to December. Lord Onslow having summoned a
      meeting at Epsom of the gentry in Surrey, to respond to the proclamation,
      receives due notice. Paine sends for presentation to the gentlemen one
      hundred copies of his "Rights of Man," one thousand of his "Letter to
      Dundas." The bearer is Home Tooke, who opens his speech of presentation by
      remarking on the impropriety that the meeting should be presided over by
      Lord Onslow, a bed-chamber lord (sinecure) at £1,000, with a pension of
      £3,000. Tooke, being cut short, his speech was continued by Paine, whose
      two letters to Onslow (June 17th and 21st) were widely circulated.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * To this noble pensioner and sinecurist he says: "What
     honour or happiness you can derive from being the principal
     pauper of the neighborhood, and occasioning a greater
     expence than the poor, the aged, and the infirm for ten
     miles round, I leave you to enjoy. At the same time I can
     see that it is no wonder you should be strenuous in
     suppressing a book which strikes at the root of these
     abuses."
</pre>
    <p>
      On June 20th was written a respectful letter to the Sheriff of Sussex, or
      other presiding officer, requesting that it be read at a meeting to be
      held in Lewes. This interesting letter has already been quoted in
      connection with Paine's early residence at Lewes. In these letters the
      author reinforces his accused book, reminds the assemblies of their
      illegal conduct in influencing the verdict in a pending matter, taunts
      them with their meanness in seeking to refute by brute force what forty
      pamphlets had failed to refute by argument.
    </p>
    <p>
      The meeting at Lewes, his old town, to respond to the proclamation
      occurred on the fourth of July. That anniversary of his first cause was
      celebrated by Paine also. Notified by his publisher that upwards of a
      thousand pounds stood to his credit, he directed it to be all sent as a
      present to the Society for Constitutional Information.*
    </p>
    <p>
      A careful tract of 1793 estimates the sales of "The Rights of Man" up to
      that year at 200,000 copies.** In the opinion of the famous publisher of
      such literature, Richard Carlile, the kings proclamation seriously impeded
      the sale. "One part of the community is afraid to sell, and another to
      purchase, under such conditions. It is not too much to say that, if
      'Rights of Man' had obtained two or three years' free circulation in
      England and Scotland, it would have produced a similar effect to that
      which 'Common Sense' did in the United States." However, the reign of
      terror had not yet begun in France, nor the consequent reign of panic in
      England.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * The Argus, July 6, 1792. See "Biographia Addenda," No.
     Til., London, 1792. To the same society Paine had given the
     right to publish his "Letter to Dundas," "Common Sense," and
     "Letter to Raynal" in new editions.

     ** "Impartial Memoirs of the Life of Thomas Paine," London,
     1793. There were numbers of small "Lives" of Paine printed
     in these years, but most of them were mere stealings from
     "Oldys."
</pre>
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    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIII. THE DEPUTY FOR CALAIS IN THE CONVENTION
    </h2>
    <p>
      The prosecution of Paine in England had its counterpart in a shrine across
      the channel. The <i>Moniteur</i>, June 17, 1792, announces the burning of
      Paine's works at "Excester," and the expulsion from Manchester of a man
      pointed out as Paine. Since April 16th his "Rights of Man,"
      sympathetically translated by M. Lanthenas, had been in every French home.
      Paine's portrait, just painted in England by Romney and engraved by
      Sharpe, was in every cottage, framed in immortelles. In this book the
      philosophy of visionary reformers took practical shape. From the ashes of
      Rousseau's "Contrat Social," burnt in Paris, rose "The Rights of Man," no
      phoenix, but an eagle of the new world, with eye not blinded by any royal
      sun.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * L'Esprit da Contrat Social; suivi de l'Esprit de Sens
     Commun do Thomas Paine. Present a la Convention. Par le
     Citoyen Boinvilliers, Instituteur et ci-devant Membre de
     plusieurs Soci&amp;es Litteraires. L'an second.
</pre>
    <p>
      It comes to tell how by union of France and America&mdash;of Lafayette and
      Washington&mdash;the "Contrat Social" was framed into the Constitution of
      a happy and glorious new earth, over it a new heaven unclouded by priestly
      power or superstitions. By that book of Paine's (Part I), the idea of a
      national convention was made the purpose of the French leaders who were
      really inspired by an "enthusiasm of humanity." In December, 1791, when
      the legislature sits paralyzed under royal vetoes, Paine's panacea is
      proposed.*
    </p>
    <p>
      On the tenth of August, 1792, after the massacre of the Marseillese by the
      King's Swiss guards, one book, hurled from the window of the mobbed
      palace, felled an American spectator&mdash;Robert Gilmor, of Baltimore&mdash;who
      consoled himself by carrying it home. The book, now in the collection of
      Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, New York, was a copy of "The Thirteen
      Constitutions," translated by Franklin's order into French (1783) and
      distributed among the monarchs of Europe.**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Veto after Veto; your thumbscrew paralysed! Gods and men
     may see that the Legislature is in a false position. As,
     alas, who is in a true one? Voices already murmur for a
     National Convention."&mdash;Carlyle.

     ** "Constitutions des Treize etats-Unis de l'Amerique." The
     French king's arms are on the red morocco binding, and on
     the title a shield, striped and winged; above this thirteen
     minute stars shaped into one large star, six-pointed. For
     the particulars of Franklin's gift to the monarchs see
     Sparks' "Franklin," x., p. 39.    See also p. 390 of this
     volume.
</pre>
    <p>
      What a contrast between the peace and order amid which the thirteen
      peoples, when the old laws and authorities were abolished, formed new
      ones, and these scenes in France! "For upwards of two years from the
      commencement of the American war," wrote Paine, "and a longer period, in
      several of the American States, there were no established forms of
      government. The old governments had been abolished, and the country was
      too much occupied in defence to employ its attention in establishing new
      governments; yet, during this interval, order and harmony were preserved
      as inviolate as in any country in Europe." When Burke pointed to the first
      riots in France, Paine could make a retort: the mob is what your cruel
      governments have made it, and only proves how necessary the overthrow of
      such governments. That French human nature was different from English
      nature he could not admit. Liberty and equality would soon end these
      troubles of transition. On that same tenth of August Paine's two great
      preliminaries are adopted: the hereditary representative is superseded and
      a national convention is called. The machinery for such convention, the
      constituencies, the objects of it, had been read in "The Rights of Man,"
      as illustrated in the United States and Pennsylvania, by every French
      statesman.1 It was the American Republic they were about to found; and
      notwithstanding the misrepresentation of that nation by its surviving
      courtiers, these French republicans recognized their real American
      Minister: Paine is summoned.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Theorie et Pratique des Droits de l'Homme. Par Thomas
     Paine, Secrettaire da Congres au Departement des Affaires
     £trangeres pendant la guerre d'Araenque, auteur du ' Sens
     Commun,' et des Reponses a Burke. Traduit en Francais par F.
     Lanthenas, D.M., et par le Traducteur du "Sens Common." A
     Paris: Chez les Directeurs de l'lmprimerie du Cercle Social,
     rue du Theatre Francais, No. 4. 1792. L'an quatrierae de La
     Liberte."
</pre>
    <p>
      On August 26, 1792, the National Assembly, on proposal of M. Guadet, in
      the name of the "Commission Extraordinaire," conferred the title of French
      citizen on "Priestley, Payne, Ben thorn, Wilberforce, Clarkson,
      Mackintosh, David Williams, Gorani, Anacharsis Clootz, Campe, Cornielle,
      Paw, N. Pestalozzi, Washington, Hamilton, Madison, Klopstoc, Kosciusko,
      Gilleers." Schiller was afterwards added, and on September 25 th the <i>Patriote</i>
      announces the same title conferred on Thomas Cooper, John Home Tooke, John
      Oswald, George Boies, Thomas Christie, Dr. Joseph Warner, Englishmen, and
      Joel Barlow, American.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Life and Letters of Joel Barlow," etc., by Charles Burr
     Todd, New York, 1886, p. 97.
</pre>
    <p>
      Paine was elected to the French Convention by four different departments&mdash;Oise,
      Puy-de-Dome, Somme, and Pas-de-Calais. The votes appear to have been
      unanimous.
    </p>
    <p>
      Here is an enthusiastic appeal (Riom, le 8 Septembre) signed by Louvet,
      "auteur de la Sentinelle," and thirty-two others, representing nine
      communes, to Paine, that day elected representative of Puy-de-Dome:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Your love for humanity, for liberty and equality, the useful works that
      have issued from your heart and pen in their defence, have determined our
      choice. It has been hailed with universal and reiterated applause. Come,
      friend of the people, to swell the number of patriots in an assembly which
      will decide the destiny of a great people, perhaps of the human race. The
      happy period you have predicted for the nations has arrived. Come! do not
      deceive their hope!"
    </p>
    <p>
      But already Calais, which elected him September 6th, had sent a municipal
      officer, Achille Audibert, to London, to entreat Paine's acceptance. Paine
      was so eager to meet the English government in court, that he delayed his
      answer. But his friends had reason to fear that his martyrdom might be
      less mild than he anticipated, and urged his acceptance. There had been
      formed a society of the "Friends of Liberty," and, at its gathering of
      September 12th, Paine appears to have poured forth "inflammatory
      eloquence." At the house of his friend Johnson, on the following evening,
      Paine was reporting what he had said to some sympathizers, among them the
      mystical William Blake, who was convinced that the speech of the previous
      night would be followed by arrest. Gilchrist's account of what followed is
      here quoted:
    </p>
    <p>
      "On Paine's rising to leave, Blake laid his hand on the orator's shoulder,
      saying, 'You must not go home, or you are a dead man,' and hurried him off
      on his way to France, whither he was now in any case bound to take his
      seat as a legislator. By the time Paine was at Dover, the officers were in
      his house, [he was staying at Rickman's, in Marylebone] and, some twenty
      minutes after the Custom House officials at Dover had turned over his
      slender baggage, narrowly escaped from the English Tories. Those were
      hanging days! Blake on the occasion showed greater sagacity than Paine,
      whom, indeed, Fuseli affirmed to be more ignorant of the common affairs of
      life than himself even. Spite of unworldliness and visionary faculty,
      Blake never wanted for prudence and sagacity in ordinary matters."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Life of William Blake," by Alexander Gilchrist, p. 94.
</pre>
    <p>
      Before leaving London Paine managed to have an interview with the American
      Minister, Pinckney, who thought he could do good service in the
      Convention.
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Frost, who accompanied Paine and Audibert, had information of certain
      plans of the officials. He guided them to Dover by a circuitous route&mdash;Rochester,
      Sandwich, Deal. With what emotions does our world-wanderer find himself in
      the old town where he married and suffered with his first love, Mary
      Lambert, whose grave is near! Nor is he so far from Cranbrook, where his
      wife receives her mysterious remittances, but since their separation "has
      not heard of" this said Thomas Paine, as her testimony goes some years
      later. Paine is parting from England and its ghosts forever. The
      travellers find Dover excited by the royal proclamation. The collector of
      customs has had general instructions to be vigilant, and searches the
      three men, even to their pockets. Frost pretended a desire to escape,
      drawing the scent from Paine. In his report (September 15th) of the search
      to Mr. Dundas, Paine says:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Among the letters which he took out of my trunk were two sealed letters,
      given into my charge by the American minister in London [Pinckney], one of
      which was addressed to the American minister at Paris, the other to a
      private gentleman; a letter from the president of the United States, and a
      letter from the secretary of State in America, both directed to me, and
      which I had received from the American minister, now in London, and were
      private letters of friendship; a letter from the electoral body of the
      department of Calais, containing the notification of my being elected to
      the National Convention; and a letter from the president of the National
      Assembly informing me of my being also elected for the department of the
      Oise [Versailles].... When the collector had taken what papers and letters
      he pleased out of the trunks, he proposed to read them. The first letter
      he took up for this purpose was that from the president of the United
      States to me. While he was doing this I said, that it was very
      extraordinary that General Washington could not write a letter of private
      friendship to me, without its being subject to be read by a customhouse
      officer. Upon this Mr. Frost laid his hand over the face of the letter,
      and told the collector that he should not read it, and took it from him.
      Mr. Frost then, casting his eyes on the concluding paragraph of the
      letter, said, I will read this part to you, which he did; of which the
      following is an exact transcript&mdash;'And as no one can feel a greater
      interest in the happiness of mankind than I do, it is the first wish of my
      heart that the enlightened policy of the present age may diffuse to all
      men those blessings to which they are entitled and lay the foundation of
      happiness for future generations.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      So Washington's nine months' delay (p. 302) in acknowledging Paine's
      letter and gift of fifty volumes had brought his letter in the nick of
      time. The collector quailed before the President's signature. He took away
      the documents, leaving a list of them, and they were presently returned.
      Soon afterward the packet sailed, and "twenty minutes later" the order for
      Paine's arrest reached Dover. Too late! Baffled pursuers gnash their
      teeth, and Paine passes to his ovation.
    </p>
    <p>
      What the ovation was to be he could hardly anticipate even from the
      cordial, or glowing, letter of Hérault Séchelles summoning him to the
      Convention,&mdash;a fine translation of which by Cobbett is given in the
      Appendix. Ancient Calais, in its time, had received heroes from across the
      channel, but hitherto never with joy. That honor the centuries reserved
      for a Thetford Quaker. As the packet sails in a salute is fired from the
      battery; cheers sound along the shore. As the representative for Calais
      steps on French soil soldiers make his avenue, the officers embrace him,
      the national cockade is presented. A beautiful lady advances, requesting
      the honor of setting the cockade in his hat, and makes him a pretty
      speech, ending with Liberty, Equality, and France. As they move along the
      Rue de l'Egalité (late Rue du Roi) the air rings with "Vive Thomas Paine!"
      At the town hall he is presented to the Municipality, by each member
      embraced, by the Mayor also addressed. At the meeting of the
      Constitutional Society of Calais, in the <i>Minimes</i>, he sits beside
      the president, beneath the bust of Mirabeau and the united colors of
      France, England, and America. There is an official ceremony announcing his
      election, and plaudits of the crowd, "<i>Vive la Nation!</i>" "<i>Vive
      Thomas Paine!</i>" The <i>Minimes</i> proving too small, the meeting next
      day is held in the church, where martyred saints and miraculous Madonnas
      look down on this miraculous Quaker, turned savior of society. In the
      evening, at the theatre, a box is decorated "For the Author of 'The Rights
      of Man.'"
    </p>
    <p>
      Thus for once our wayfarer, so marked by time and fate, received such
      welcome as hitherto had been accorded only to princes. Alas, that the aged
      eyes which watched over his humble cradle could not linger long enough to
      see a vision of this greatness, or that she who bore the name of Elizabeth
      Paine was too far out of his world as not even to know that her husband
      was in Europe. A theatrical La France must be his only bride, and in the
      end play the role of a cruel stepmother. When Washington was on his way to
      his inauguration in New York, passing beneath triumphal arches, amid
      applauding crowds, a sadness came over him as he reflected, so he wrote a
      friend, how easily all this enthusiasm might be reversed by a failure in
      the office for which he felt himself so little competent But for Paine on
      his way to sit in the Convention of a People's representatives&mdash;one
      summoned by his own pen for objects to which his life was devoted, for
      which he had the training of events as well as studies,&mdash;for him
      there could be no black star hovering over his welcome and his triumphal
      pathway to Paris. For, besides his fame, there had preceded him to every
      town rumors of how this representative of man&mdash;of man in America,
      England, France&mdash;had been hunted by British oppressors down to the
      very edge of their coast. Those outwitted pursuers had made Paine a
      greater power in France than he might otherwise have been. The <i>Moniteur</i>
      (September 23d) told the story, and adds: "Probably M. Payne will have
      been indemnified for such injustices by the brilliant reception accorded
      him on his arrival on French soil."
    </p>
    <p>
      Other representatives of Calais were Personne, Carnat, Bollet, Magniez,
      Varlet, Guffroy, Eulard, Duquesnoy, Lebas, Daunon. It could hardly be
      expected that there should be no jealousy of the concentration of
      enthusiasm on the brilliant Anglo-American. However, none of this yet
      appeared, and Paine glided flower-crowned in his beautiful barge, smoothly
      toward his Niagara rapids. He had, indeed, heard the distant roar, in such
      confused, hardly credited, rumors of September massacres as had reached
      London, but his faith in the National Convention was devout. All the riots
      were easily explained by the absence of that charm. He had his flask of
      constitutional oil, other representatives no doubt had theirs, and when
      they gathered on September 21 st, amid equinoctial gales, the troubled
      waters would be still.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine reached White's Hotel, Paris, September 19th; on the 20th attends a
      gathering of the "Conventionnels"; on the 21st moves in their procession
      to the Tuileries, for verification of credentials by the expiring
      Assembly, repairing with them for work in the Salle du Manege. He was
      introduced by the Abbé Grégoire, and received with acclamations.
    </p>
    <p>
      On September 21st, then, the Year One opens. It greets mankind with the
      decree: "Royalty is from this day abolished in France."
    </p>
    <p>
      September 22d, on a petition from Orleans, Dan-ton proposes removal of the
      entire administrative corps, municipal and judicial, to prevent their
      removal by popular violence. Paine (through Goupilleau) suggests
      postponement for more thorough discussion. Having got rid of kings they
      must be rid of royal hirelings; but if partial reforms are made in the
      judiciary system those institutions cannot possess coherence; for the
      present persons might be changed without altering laws; finally, justice
      cannot be administered by men ignorant of the laws. Danton welcomes
      Paine's views, and it is decreed that the administrative bodies be renewed
      by popular election; but the limitations on eligibility, fixed by the
      Constitution of 1791, are abolished&mdash;the judge need not be a lawyer,
      nor the municipal officer a proprietor.
    </p>
    <p>
      On September 25th appears Paine's letter to his "Fellow Citizens,"
      expressing his "affectionate gratitude" for his adoption and his election.
      "My felicity is increased by seeing the barrier broken down that divided
      patriotism by spots of earth, and limited citizenship to the soil, like
      vegetation." The letter is fairly "floreal" with optimistic felicities.
      "An over-ruling Providence is regenerating the old world by the principles
      of the new." "It is impossible to conquer a nation determined to be free."
      "It is now the cause of all nations against the cause of all courts." "In
      entering on this great scene, greater than any nation has been called to
      act in, let us say to the agitated mind, be calm! Let us punish by
      instruction, rather than by revenge. Let us begin the new era by a
      greatness of friendship, and hail the approach of union and success."
    </p>
    <p>
      October 11th, a committee to frame a constitution is appointed, consisting
      of Sieyès, Paine, Bris-sot, Potion, Vergniaud, Gensonne, Barrere, Danton,
      Condorcet. Supplementary&mdash;Barbaroux, Hérault Séchelles, Lanthenas,
      Débry, the Abbé Fauchet, Lavicourterie. Paine was placed second to his old
      adversary, Sieyès, only because of his unfamiliarity with French. At least
      four of the committee understood English&mdash;Condorcet, Danton, Barrere,
      and Brissot. Paine had known Brissot in America, their friendship being
      caused by literary tastes in common, and the zeal of both for negro
      emancipation.
    </p>
    <p>
      On October 25th was written for <i>Le Patriote Francais</i> (edited by
      Brissot) an address by Paine arguing carefully the fallacies of royalism.
      He tersely expresses the view now hardly paradoxical, that "a talented
      king is worse than a fool."
    </p>
    <p>
      "We are astonished at reading that the Egyptians set upon the throne a
      stone, which they called king. Well! such a monarch was less absurd and
      less mischievous than those before whom nations prostrate themselves. At
      least he deceived no one. None supposed that he possessed qualities or a
      character. They did not call him Father of his People; and yet it would
      have been scarcely more ridiculous than to give such a title to a
      blockhead (<i>un éturdi</i>) whom the right of succession crowns at
      eighteen. A dumb idol is better than one animated."'
    </p>
    <p>
      In this letter Paine adroitly prepares the way for his purpose of saving
      the life of Louis XVI., for whose blood the thirst is growing. "It is
      little," he says, "to overthrow the idol; it is the pedestal which must
      especially be beaten down. It is the kingly <i>office</i>, rather than the
      officer, that is destructive (<i>meurtriere</i>). This is not seen by
      every one."
    </p>
    <p>
      In those who sympathized with the human spirit of his views Paine inspired
      deep affection. A volume might be filled with the personal tributes to
      him. In Paris he was the centre of a loving circle, from the first. "I
      lodge," writes Lord Edward Fitzgerald to his mother (October 30th), "with
      my friend Paine&mdash;we breakfast, dine, and sup together. The more I see
      of his interior, the more I like and respect him. I cannot express how
      kind he is to me; there is a simplicity of manner, a goodness of heart,
      and a strength of mind in him, that I never knew a man before possess."**
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Father of his People" was a title of Geo. III. "Father of
     his Country" was applied to Peyton Randolph, first president
     of Congress. Paine's essay, quoted above, which is not
     included in the editions of Paine's works, was printed by
     James Watson in London, 1843, the translation being by W. J.
     Linton, who, while editing the National, also wrote the same
     year, and for the same publisher, a small but useful "Life
     of Paine."

     ** Moore's "Life and Death of Lord Edward Fitzgerald."
</pre>
    <p>
      Paine was chosen by his fellow-deputies of Calais to offer the Convention
      the congratulations of their department on the abolition of monarchy. This
      letter, written October 27th, was on that day read in Convention, in
      French.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Citizen President: In the name of the deputies of the department of Pas
      de Calais, I have the honor of presenting to the Convention the
      felicitations of the General Council of the Commune of Calais on the
      abolition of royalty.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Amid the joy inspired by this event, one can not forbear some pain at the
      folly of our ancestors, who have placed us under the necessity of treating
      seriously (<i>solennellement</i>) the abolition of a phantom.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thomas Paine, Deputy, etc."*
    </p>
    <p>
      The <i>Moniteur</i>, without printing the letter, says that applause
      followed the word "<i>fantome</i>" The use of this word was a resumption
      of Paine's effort to save the life of the king, then a prisoner of state,
      by a suggestion of his insignificance.** But he very soon realizes the
      power of the phantom, which lies not only in the monarchical Trade Union
      of Europe but in the superstition of monarchy in those who presently
      beheaded poor Louis. Paine was always careful to call him Louis Capet, but
      the French deputies took the king seriously to the last. The king's divine
      foot was on their necks in the moment when their axe was on his. But Paine
      feared a more terrible form which had arisen in place of the royal
      prisoner of the Temple. On the fourth day of the Convention Marat arose
      with the words, "It seems a great many here are my enemies," and received
      the shouted answer, "All! all!" Paine had seen Marat hypnotize the
      Convention, and hold it subdued in the hollow of his hand. Here was King
      Stork ready to succeed King Log.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * This letter I copied and translated in the Historical
     Exhibition of the Revolution, in Paris, 1889. This letter of
     the "<i>philosophe anglais</i>" as he is described in the
     catalogue, is in the collection of M. Charavay, and was
     framed with the Bonneville portrait of Paine.

     ** In his republican manifesto at the time of the king's
     flight he had deprecated revenge towards the captured
     monarch.
</pre>
    <p>
      But what has the Convention to do with deciding about Louis XVI., or about
      affairs, foreign or domestic? It is there like the Philadelphia Convention
      of 1787; its business is to frame a Constitution, then dissolve, and let
      the organs it created determine special affairs. So the committee work
      hard on the Constitution; "Deputy Paine and France generally expect,"
      finds Carlyle, "all finished in a few months." But, alas, the phantom is
      too strong for the political philosophers. The crowned heads of Europe are
      sinking their differences for a time and consulting about this imprisoned
      brother. And at the same time the subjects of those heads are looking
      eagerly towards the Convention.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "That which will astonish posterity is that at Stockholm,
     five months after the death of Gustavus, and while the
     northern Powers are leaguing themselves against the liberty
     of France, there has been published a translation of Thomas
     Paine's "Rights of Man," the translator being one of the
     King's secretaries! "&mdash;Moniteur Nov. 8, 1792.
</pre>
    <p>
      The foreign menaces had thus far caused the ferocities of the revolution,
      for France knew it was worm-eaten with enemies of republicanism. But now
      the Duke of Brunswick had retreated, the French arms were victorious
      everywhere; and it is just possible that the suicide of the Republic&mdash;the
      Reign of Terror&mdash;might never have been completed but for that
      discovery (November 20th) of secret papers walled up in the Tuileries.
      These papers compromised many, revealed foreign schemes, and made all
      Paris shriek "Treason!" The smith (Gamain) who revealed the locality of
      that invisible iron press which he had set under the wainscot, made a good
      deal of history that day.
    </p>
    <p>
      A cry for the king's life was raised, for to France he was the head and
      front of all conspiracy.
    </p>
    <p>
      How everybody bent under the breath of those days may be seen in the fact
      that even Gouverneur Morris is found writing to Lord Wycombe (November
      22d): "All who wish to partake thereof [freedom] will find in us (ye
      French) a sure and certain ally. We will chase tyranny, and, above all, <i>aristocracy</i>,
      off the theatre of the Universe."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Diary and Letters." The letter was probably written with
     knowledge of its liability to fall into the hands of the
     French Committee. It could not deceive Wycombe.
</pre>
    <p>
      Paine was living in the "Passage des Pétites Peres, No. 7." There are now
      two narrow passages of that name, uniting near the church "Notre Dame des
      Victoires," which still bears the words, "Liberty Egalité, Fraternity."
      No. 7 has disappeared as a number, but it may have described a part of
      either No. 8 or No. 9,&mdash;both ancient. Here he was close to a chapel
      of the Capucines, unless, indeed, it had already been replaced by this
      church, whose interior walls are covered with tablets set up by
      individuals in acknowledgment of the Virgin's miraculous benefits to them.
      Here he might study superstition, and no doubt did; but on November 20th
      he has to deal with the madness of a populace which has broken the outer
      chains of superstition with a superstition of their own, one without
      restraints to replace the chains. Beneath his window the Place des
      Victoires will be crowded with revolutionists, frantic under rumors of the
      discovered iron press and its treasonable papers. He could hardly look out
      without seeing some poor human scape-goat seeking the altar's safety. Our
      Lady will look on him from her church the sad-eyed inquiry: "Is this,
      then, the new religion of Liberty, with which you supplant the Mother and
      Babe?"
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine has carried to success his anti-monarchical faith. He was the first
      to assail monarchy in America and in France. A little more than a year
      before, he had founded the first Republican Society in Europe, and written
      its Declaration on the door of the National Assembly. Sieyès had denounced
      him then as a "polyarchist." Now he sat with Sieyès daily, framing a
      republican Constitution, having just felicitated the Convention on the
      abolition of the phantom&mdash;Royalty. And now, on this terrible night of
      November 20th, this unmaker of kings finds himself the solitary deputy
      ready to risk his life to save the man whose crown he had destroyed. It is
      not simply because the old Quaker heart in him recoils from bloodshed, but
      that he would save the Republic from the peril of foreign invasion, which
      would surely follow the execution of Louis, and from disgrace in America,
      whose independence owed much to the fallen monarch.
    </p>
    <p>
      In his little room, the lonely author, unable to write French, animated by
      sentiments which the best of the French revolutionists could not
      understand&mdash;Danton reminding him that "revolutions are not made of
      rose-water"&mdash;must have before the morrow's Convention some word that
      shall control the fury of the moment. Rose-water will not answer now.
      Louis must pass his ordeal; his secret schemes have been revealed; the
      treachery of his submissions to the people exposed. He is guilty, and the
      alternatives are a calm trial, or death by the hands of the mob. What is
      now most needed is delay, and, that secured, diversion of national rage
      from the individual Louis to the universal anti-republican Satan inspiring
      the crowned heads of Europe. Before the morning dawns, Paine has written
      his letter to the president It is translated before the Convention meets,
      November 21st, and is read to that body the same day.* Louis XVI., he
      says, should be tried. The advice is not suggested by vengeance, but by
      justice and policy. If innocent, he may be allowed to prove it; if guilty,
      he must be punished or pardoned by the nation. He would, however, consider
      Louis, individually, beneath the notice of the republic. The importance of
      his trial is that there is a conspiracy of "crowned brigands" against the
      liberties not only of France, but of all nations, and there is ground for
      suspecting that Louis XVI. was a partner in it. He should be utilized to
      ferret out the whole gang, and reveal to the various peoples what their
      monarchs, some of whom work in secret for fear of their subjects, are
      doing. Louis XVI. should not be dealt with except in the interest of all
      Europe.
    </p>
    <p>
      "If, seeing in Louis XVI. only a weak and narrow-minded man, badly reared,
      as all like him, subject, it is said, to intemperance, imprudently
      re-established by the Constituent Assembly on a throne for which he was
      unfit,&mdash;if we hereafter show him some compassion, this compassion
      should be the effect of national magnanimity, and not a result of the
      burlesque notion of pretended inviolability.'"
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "L' Histoire Parlementaire," xx., p. 367.

     ** This essay has suffered in the translation found in
     English and American editions of Paine. The words "national
     magnanimity" are omitted. The phrase "brigands couronnes"
     becomes "crowned robbers" in England, and "crowned ruffians"
     in America. Both versions are commonplace, and convey an
     impression of haste and mere abuse. But Paine was a slow
     writer, and weighed his words even when "quarelling in
     print. When this letter was written to the Convention its
     members were reading his Essay on Royalty, which filled
     seven columns of Brissot's Patriot Francois three weeks
     before. In that he had traced royalty to the bandit-chief.
     Several troops of banditti assemble for the purpose of
     upsetting some country, of laying contributions over it, of
     seizing the landed property, of reducing the people to
     thraldom. The expedition being accomplished, the chief of
     the gang assumes the title of king or monarch. Such has been
     the origin of royalty among all nations who live by the
     chase, agriculture, or the tending of flocks. A second
     chieftain arriving obtains by force what has been acquired
     by violence. He despoils his predecessor, loads him with
     fetters, puts him to death, and assumes his title. In the
     course of ages the memory of the outrage is lost; his
     successors establish new forms of government; through
     policy, they become the instruments of a little good; they
     invent, or cause to be invented, false genealogical tables;
     they employ every means to render their race sacred; the
     knavery of priests steps in to their assistance; for their
     body-guard they take religion itself; then it is that
     Royalty, or rather Tyranny, becomes immortal. A power
     unjustly usurped is transformed into a hereditary right."
</pre>
    <p>
      Lamartine, in his history of the Girondists, reproaches Paine for these
      words concerning a king-who had shown him friendship during the American
      war. But the facts were not well explored in Lamartine's time. Louis Blanc
      recognizes Paine's intent.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Hist, de la Revolution," etc., vol. vii., p. 396.
</pre>
    <p>
      "He had learned in England that killing a monarch does not kill monarchs."
      This grand revolutionary proposal to raise the inevitable trial from the
      low plane of popular wrath against a prisoner to the dignity of a process
      against European monarchy, would have secured delay and calmer counsels.
      If the reader, considering the newly discovered papers, and the whole
      situation, will examine critically Paine's words just quoted, he will find
      them meriting a judgment the reverse of Lamartine's. With consummate art,
      the hourly imperilled king is shielded from vindictive wrath by the
      considerations that he is <i>non compos</i>, not responsible for his
      bringing up, was put back on the throne by the Assembly, after he had left
      it, acknowledging his unfitness, and that compassion for him would be
      becoming to the magnanimity of France. A plea for the King's immunity from
      trial, for his innocence or his virtues, would at that juncture have been
      fatal. As it was, this ingenious document made an impression on the
      Convention, which ordered it to be printed. *
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Convention Nationale. Opinion de Thomas Payne, Depute"
     du Departement de la Somme, concern ant le jugement de Louis
     XVI. Precede" de sa lettre d'envoi au President de la
     Convention. Imprime" par ordre de la Convention Nationale. A
     Paris. De rimprimerie Nationale." It is very remarkable
     that, in a State paper, Paine should be described as deputy
     for the Somme. His votes in the Convention are all entered
     under Calais. Dr. John Moore, who saw much of Paine at this
     time, says, in his work on the French Revolution, that his
     (Paine's) writings for the Convention were usually
     translated into French by the Marchioness of Condorcet.
</pre>
    <p>
      The delay which Paine's proposal would involve was, as Louis Blanc
      remarks, fatal to it. It remains now only to work among the members of the
      Convention, and secure if possible a majority that will be content, having
      killed the king, to save the man; and, in saving him, to preserve him as
      an imprisoned hostage for the good behavior of Europe. This is now Paine's
      idea, and never did man toil more faithfully for another than he did for
      that discrowned Louis Capet.
    </p>
    <p>
      <a name="link2HCH0024" id="link2HCH0024">
      <!--  H2 anchor --> </a>
    </p>
    <div style="height: 4em;">
      <br /><br /><br /><br />
    </div>
    <h2>
      CHAPTER XXIV. OUTLAWED IN ENGLAND
    </h2>
    <p>
      While Paine was thus, towards the close of 1792, doing the work of a
      humane Englishman in France, his works were causing a revolution in
      England&mdash;a revolution the more effectual because bloodless.
    </p>
    <p>
      In Paine's letter to Secretary Dundas (Calais, September 15th), describing
      the examination of his papers at Dover, a "postscript" states that among
      the papers handled was "a printed proof copy of my Letter to the
      Addressers, which will soon be published." This must have been a
      thumbscrew for the Secretary when he presently read the pamphlet that
      escaped his officers. In humor, freedom, and force this production may be
      compared with Carlyle's "Latter Day Pamphlets." Lord Stormont and Lord
      Grenville having made speeches about him, their services are returned by a
      speech which the author has prepared for them to deliver in Parliament.
      This satirical eulogy on the British constitution set the fashion for
      other radical encomiums of the wisdom of the king and of the peers, the
      incorruptibility of the commons, beauty of rotten boroughs, and freedom of
      the people from taxes, with which prosecuting attorneys were unable to
      deal. Having felicitated himself on the circulation of his opinions by the
      indictment, and the advertisements of his books by loyal "Addresses,"
      Paine taunts the government for its method of answering argument. It had
      been challenging the world for a hundred years to admire the perfection of
      its institutions. At length the challenge is taken up, and, lo, its
      acceptance is turned into a crime, and the only defence of its perfection
      is a prosecution! Paine points out that there was no sign of prosecution
      until his book was placed within reach of the poor. When cheap editions
      were clamored for by Sheffield, Leicester, Chester, Warwickshire, and
      Scotland, he had announced that any one might freely publish it. About the
      middle of April he had himself put a cheap edition in the press. He knew
      he would be prosecuted for that, and so wrote to Thomas Walker.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * At the trial the Attorney-General admitted that he had not
     prosecuted Part I. because it was likely to be confined to
     judicious readers; but this still more reprehensible Part
     II. was, he said, with an industry incredible, ushered into
     the world in all shapes and sizes, thrust into the hands of
     subjects of every description, even children's sweetmeats
     being wrapped in it.
</pre>
    <p>
      It was the common people the government feared. He remarks that on the
      same day (May 21st) the prosecution was instituted and the royal
      proclamation issued&mdash;the latter being indictable as an effort to
      influence the verdict in a pending case. He calls attention to the
      "special jury," before which he was summoned. It is virtually selected by
      the Master of the Crown Office, a dependant on the Civil List assailed in
      his book. The special jury is treated to a dinner, and given two guineas
      for a conviction, and but one guinea and no dinner for acquittal. Even a
      fairly selected local jury could not justly determine a constitutional
      issue affecting every part of the empire. So Paine brings under scrutiny
      every part of the legal machinery sprung on him, adding new illustrations
      of his charges against the whole system. He begins the siege, which
      Bradlaugh was to carry forward in a later time, against the corrupt
      Pension List, introducing it with his promised exposure of Edmund Burke.
      Near the end of Lord North's administration Burke brought in a bill by
      which it was provided that a pension or annuity might be given without
      name, if under oath that it was not for the benefit of a member of the
      House of Commons. Burke's pension had been taken out under the name of
      another man; but being under the necessity of mortgaging it, the real
      pensioner had to be disclosed to the mortgagee.* For the rest, this
      "Address to the Addressers," as it was popularly called,&mdash;or "Part
      Third of the Rights of Man," as one publisher entitled it,&mdash;sowed
      broadcast through England passages that were recited in assemblies, and
      sentences that became proverbs.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * This disclosure, though not disproved, is passed over
     silently by most historians. Nevertheless it was probably
     that which ended Burke's parliamentary career. Two years
     later, at the age of sixty-two, he retired with an
     accumulation of pensions given at the king's request,
     amounting to £3,700 per annum. His reputation had been built
     up on his supposed energy in favor of economy. The secret
     and illegal pension (£1,500) cast light on his sudden
     coalition with Lord North, whom he once proposed to impeach
     as a traitor. The title of "masked pensioner" given by Paine
     branded Burke. Writing in 1819 Cobbett says: "As my Lord
     Grenville introduced the name of Burke, suffer me, my Lord,
     to introduce that of the man [Paine] who put this Burke to
     shame, who drove him off the public stage to seek shelter in
     the pension list, and who is now named fifty million times
     where the name of the pensioned Burke is mentioned once."
</pre>
    <p>
      "It is a dangerous attempt in any government to say to a Nation, <i>Thou
      shalt not read</i>."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Thought, by some means or other, is got abroad in the world, and cannot
      be restrained, though reading may."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Whatever the rights of the people are, they have a right to them, and
      none have a right either to withhold or to grant them."
    </p>
    <p>
      "The project of hereditary Governors and Legislatures was a treasonable
      usurpation over the rights of posterity."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Put a country right, and it will soon put government right."
    </p>
    <p>
      "When the rich plunder the poor of his rights, it becomes an example to
      the poor to plunder the rich of his property."
    </p>
    <p>
      "Who are those that are frightened at reform? Are the public afraid their
      taxes should be lessened too much? Are they afraid that sinecure places
      and pensions should be abolished too fast? Are the poor afraid that their
      condition should be rendered too comfortable?"
    </p>
    <p>
      "A thing moderately good is not so good as it ought to be."
    </p>
    <p>
      "If to expose the fraud and imposition of monarchy, and every species of
      hereditary government&mdash;to lessen the oppression of taxes&mdash;to
      propose plans for the education of helpless infancy, and the comfortable
      support of the aged and distressed&mdash;to endeavour to conciliate
      nations with each other&mdash;to extirpate the horrid practice of war&mdash;to
      promote universal peace, civilization, and commerce&mdash;and to break the
      chains of political superstition, and raise degraded man to his proper
      rank&mdash;if these things be libellous, let me live the life of a
      Libeller, and let the name of Libeller be engraven on my tomb."
    </p>
    <p>
      Two eminent personages were burnt in effigy in Europe about this time, one
      in France, the other in England: Paine and the Pope.
    </p>
    <p>
      Under date of December 19th, the American minister (Morris) enters in his
      diary: "Several Americans dine with me. Paine looks a little down at the
      news from England; he has been burned in effigy."
    </p>
    <p>
      This was the reply of the Addressers, the noblemen and gentry, to Paine's
      "Letter." It is said that on the Fifth of November it was hinted to the
      boys that their Guy Fawkes would extort more pennies if labelled "Tom
      Paine," and that thenceforth the new Guy paraded with a pair of stays
      under his arm. The holocaust of Paines went on through December, being
      timed for the author's trial, set for the eighteenth. One gets glimpses in
      various local records and memoirs of the agitation in England. Thus in
      Mrs. Henry Sandford's account of Thomas Poole,* we read in Charlotte
      Poole's journal:
    </p>
    <p>
      "December 18, 1792.&mdash;John dined with Tom Poole, and from him heard
      that there was a great bustle at Bridgwater yesterday&mdash;that Tom Paine
      was burnt in Effigy, and that he saw Richard Symes sitting on the Cornhill
      with a table before him, receiving the oaths of loyalty to the king, and
      affection to the present constitution, from the populace. I fancy this
      could not have been a very pleasant sight to Tom Poole, for he has imbibed
      some of the wild notions of liberty and equality that at present prevail
      so much; and it is but within these two or three days that a report has
      been circulated that he has distributed seditious pamphlets to the common
      people of Stowey. But this report is entirely without foundation.
      Everybody at this time talks politicks, and is looking with anxiety for
      fresh intelligence from France, which is a scene of guilt and confusion."
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Thomas Poole and his Friends." By Mrs. Henry Sandford.
     New York: Macmillan, 1888.
</pre>
    <p>
      In Richardson's "Borderer's Table Book" is recorded: "1792 (Dec.)&mdash;This
      month, Thomas Paine, author of the 'Rights of Man,' &amp;c. &amp;c., was
      burnt at most of the towns and considerable villages in Northumberland and
      Durham." No doubt, among the Durham towns, Wearmouth saw at the stake an
      effigy of the man whose iron bridge, taken down at Paddington, and sold
      for other benefit than Paine's, was used in spanning the Wear with the
      arch of his invention; all amid shouts of "God save the King," and
      plaudits for the various public-spirited gentlemen and architects, who
      patriotically appropriated the merits and patent of the inventor. The <i>Bury
      Post</i> (published near Paine's birthplace) says, December 12th:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The populace in different places have been lately amusing themselves by
      burning effigies. As the culprit on whom they meant to execute this
      punishment was Thomas Paine, they were not interrupted by any power civil
      or military. The ceremony has been at Croydon in Surrey, at Warrington, at
      Lymington, and at Plymouth."
    </p>
    <p>
      January 9, 1793:
    </p>
    <p>
      "On Saturday last the effigy of Thomas Paine was carried round the town of
      Swaffham, and afterwards hung on a gibbet, erected on the market-hill for
      that purpose. In the evening his remains were committed to the flames
      amidst acclamations of God save the King, etc."
    </p>
    <p>
      The trial of Paine for high treason was by a Special Jury in the Court of
      King's Bench, Guildhall, on Tuesday, December 18, 1792, before Lord
      Kenyon.*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * Special Jury: John Campbell, John Lightfoot, Christopher
     Taddy, Robert Oliphant, Cornelias Donovan, Robert Rolleston,
     John Lubbock, Richard Tuckwell, William Porter, Thomas
     Bruce, Isaac Railton, Henry Evans. Counsel for the Crown:
     Sir Archibald Macdonald (Attorney-General), Solicitor-
     General, Mr. Bearcroft, Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Wood, Mr. Per-
     cival. Counsel for the Defendant: The Hon. Thomas Erskine,
     Mr. Piggot, Mr. Shepherd, Mr. Fitzgerald, Mr. F. Vaughan.
     Solicitors: For the Crown, Messrs. Chamberlayne and White;
     for Defendant, Mr. Bonney.
</pre>
    <p>
      The "Painites" had probably little hope of acquittal. In Rickman's journal
      (manuscript) he says: "C. Lofft told me he knew a gentleman who tried for
      five or six years to be on the special juries, but could not, being known
      to be a liberty man. He says special juries are packed to all intents and
      purposes." The reason for gathering such powerful counsel for defence must
      have been to obtain from the trial some definitive adjudication on the
      legal liabilities of writers and printers, and at the same time to secure,
      through the authority of Erskine, an affirmation of their constitutional
      rights. Lord Loughborough and others vainly tried to dissuade Erskine from
      defending Paine. For himself, Paine had given up the case some time
      before, and had written from Paris, November 11th, to the
      Attorney-General, stating that, having been called to the Convention in
      France, he could not stay to contest the prosecution, as he wished.
    </p>
    <p>
      "My necessary absence from your country affords the opportunity of knowing
      whether the prosecution was intended against Thomas Paine, or against the
      Rights of the People of England to investigate systems and principles of
      government; for as I cannot now be the object of the prosecution, the
      going on with the prosecution will show that something else was the
      object, and that something else can be no other than the People of
      England.... But I have other reasons than those I have mentioned for
      writing you this letter; and however you chuse to interpret them they
      proceed from a good heart. The time, Sir, is becoming too serious to play
      with Court prosecutions, and sport with national rights. The terrible
      examples that have taken place here upon men who, less than a year ago,
      thought themselves as secure as any prosecuting Judge, Jury, or
      Attorney-General can do now in England, ought to have some weight with men
      in your situation. That the Government of England is as great, if not the
      greatest perfection of fraud and corruption that ever took place since
      governments began, is what you cannot be a stranger to; unless the
      constant habit of seeing it has blinded your sense. But though you may not
      chuse to see it, the people are seeing it very fast, and the progress is
      beyond what you may chuse to believe. Is it possible that you or I can
      believe, or that reason can make any other man believe, that the capacity
      of such a man as Mr. Guelph, or any of his profligate sons, is necessary
      to the government of a nation? I speak to you as one man ought to speak to
      another; and I know also that I speak what other people are beginning to
      think. That you cannot obtain a verdict (and if you do it will signify
      nothing) without <i>packing a Jury</i>, and we <i>both</i> know that such
      tricks are practised, is what I have very good reason to believe.... Do
      not then, Sir, be the instrument of drawing away twelve men into a
      situation that may be injurious to them afterwards. I do not speak this
      from policy, but from benevolence; but if you chuse to go on with the
      process, I make it my request that you would read this letter in Court,
      after which the Judge and the Jury may do what they please. As I do not
      consider myself the object of the prosecution, neither can I be affected
      by the issue one way or the other, I shall, though a foreigner in your
      country, subscribe as much money as any other man towards supporting the
      right of the nation against the prosecution; and it is for this purpose
      only that I shall do it. As I have not time to copy letters, you will
      excuse the corrections."
    </p>
    <p>
      A month after this awful letter was written, Paine no doubt knew its
      imprudence. It was sprung on the Court by the Attorney-General, and must
      alone have settled the verdict, had it not been foregone. Erskine, Paine's
      leading counsel, was Attorney-General for the Prince of Wales&mdash;foremost
      of "Mr. Guelph's profligate sons,"&mdash;and he was compelled to treat as
      a forgery the letter all felt to be genuine. He endeavored to prevent the
      reading of it, but Lord Kenyon decided that "in prosecutions for high
      treason, where overt acts are laid, you may prove overt acts not laid to
      prove those that are laid. If it [the letter] goes to prove him the author
      of the book, I am bound to admit it." Authorship of the book being
      admitted, this was only a pretext. The Attorney-General winced a good deal
      at the allusion to the profligate sons, and asked:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Is he [Paine] to teach human creatures, whose moments of existence depend
      upon the permission of a Being, merciful, long-suffering, and of great
      goodness, that those whose youthful errors, from which even royalty is not
      exempted, are to be treasured up in a vindictive memory, and are to
      receive sentence of irremissible sin at His hands?"
    </p>
    <p>
      It may be incidentally remarked here that the Attorney-General could
      hardly have failed to retort with charges against the author, had not
      Paine's reputation remained proof against the libellous "biography" by the
      government clerk, Chalmers.
    </p>
    <p>
      The main part of the prosecution was thus uttered by Paine himself. While
      reading the letter the prosecutor paused to say: "If I succeed in this
      prosecution he shall never return to this country otherwise than <i>in
      vinculis</i>, for I will outlaw him."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * 22 Howell's State Trials 357. Other reports are by Joseph
     Gurney and "by an eminent advocate." The brief evidence
     consisted mainly of the notes and statements of Paine's
     publishers already mentioned in connection with the
     publication of the indicted work. The Attorney-General cited
     effectively the reply to Paine which he attributed to Vice-
     President Adams. Publicola's pamphlet gave great comfort to
     Paine's prosecutors. Mr. Long writes to Mr. Miles, agent in
     Paris (December 1st), about this "book by the American
     Adams, which is admirable, proving that the American
     government is not founded upon the absurd doctrine of the
     pretended rights of man, and that if it had been it could
     not have stood for a week."
</pre>
    <p>
      Erskine's powerful defence of the constitutional rights of thought and
      speech in England is historical. He built around Paine an enduring
      constitutional fortress, compelling Burke and Fox to lend aid from their
      earlier speeches. The fable with which he closed was long remembered.
    </p>
    <p>
      "Constraint is the natural parent of resistance, and a pregnant proof that
      reason is not on the side of those who use it. You must all remember,
      gentlemen, Lucian's pleasant story: Jupiter and a countryman were walking
      together, conversing with great freedom and familiarity upon the subject
      of heaven and earth. The countryman listened with attention and
      acquiescence, while Jupiter strove only to convince him; but happening to
      hint a doubt, Jupiter turned hastily around and threatened him with his
      thunder. 'Ah, ha!' says the countryman, 'now, Jupiter, I know that you are
      wrong; you are always wrong when you appeal to your thunder.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "This is the case with me. I can reason with the people of England, but I
      cannot fight against the thunder of authority."
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. Attorney-General arose immediately to reply to Mr. Erskine, when Mr.
      Campbell (the foreman of the jury) said: "My Lord, I am authorized by the
      jury here to inform the Attorney-General that a reply is not necessary for
      them, unless the Attorney-General wishes to make it, or your Lordship."
      Mr. Attorney-General sat down, and the jury gave in their verdict&mdash;Guilty.
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine was outlawed.
    </p>
    <p>
      The eye of England followed its outlaw before and after his trial. In the
      English state archives is a note of G. Munro to Lord Grenville, September
      8th, announcing "Mr. Payne's election for the Departement de l'Oise." Earl
      Gower announces, on information of Mr. Mason, that "Tom Payne is on his
      road to take his seat." On September 22d a despatch mentions Paine's
      speech on the judiciary question. "December 17, 1792. Tom Payne is in the
      country unwell, or pretending to be so. The most remarkable of the secret
      despatches, however, are two sent from Paris on the last day of the year
      1792. One of these alludes to the effect of Paine's trial and outlawry on
      the English radicals in Paris:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Tom Payne's fate and the unanimity of the English has staggered the
      boldest of them, and they are now dwindling into nothing. Another address
      was, however, proposed for the National Convention; this motion, I
      understand, was made by Tom Payne and seconded by Mr. Mery; it was opposed
      by Mr. Frost, seconded by Mr. McDonald."
    </p>
    <p>
      The second allusion to Paine on December 31st deserves to be pondered by
      historians:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Tom Payne has proposed banishing the royal family of France, and I have
      heard is writing his opinion on the subject; his consequence seems daily
      lessening in this country, and I should never be surprised if he some day
      receives the fate he merits."
    </p>
    <p>
      It thus seems that whatever good deed Paine was about, he deserves death.
      Earl Gower, and the agents he left on his departure (September) in Paris,
      must have known that Paine's proposal was the only alternative of the
      king's execution, and that if his consequence was lessening it was solely
      because of labors to save the lives of the royal family. This humane man
      has the death-sentence of Robespierre on him anticipated by the ambassador
      of a country which, while affecting grief for Louis XVI., was helping on
      his fate.* Danton said to Count Theodore de Lameth:
    </p>
    <p>
      "I am willing to try and save the King, but I must have a million of money
      to buy up the necessary votes, and the money must be on hand in eight
      days. I warn you that although I may save his life I shall vote for his
      death; I am quite willing to save his head, but not to lose mine."
    </p>
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      {1793}
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    <p>
      The Count and the Spanish Ambassador broached the matter to Pitt, who
      refused the money.** He was not willing to spend a few thousands to save
      the life of America's friend, though he made his death a pretext for
      exhausting his treasury to deluge Europe with blood.
    </p>
    <p>
      Gouverneur Morris, whose dislike of Paine's republicanism was equally
      cynical,*** was intimate with Earl Gower, and no doubt gave him his
      information.
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * After September it was, as Talleyrand says, "no longer a
     question that the king should reign, but that he himself,
     the queen, their children, his sister, should be saved. It
     might have been done. It was at least a duty to attempt it.
     At that time France was only at war with the Emperor
     [Austria], the Empire [the German states], and Sardinia, Had
     all the other states concerted themselves to offer their
     mediation by proposing to recognise whatever form of
     government France might be pleased to adopt, with the sole
     condition that the prisoners in the Temple should be allowed
     to leave the country and retire wherever they liked, though
     such a proposal, as may be supposed, would not have filled
     the demagogues with delight, they would have been powerless
     to resist it."&mdash;Memoirs of the Prince de Talleyrand.    New
     York, 1891, i., p. 168.

     **  Taine's "French Revolution" (American ed.), iii., p.
     135. See also the "Correspondence of W. A. Miles on the
     French Revolution," London, 1890, i., p. 398. The Abbé Noel,
     a month before the king's death, pointed out to this British
     agent how he might be saved.

     ***  In relating to John Randolph of Roanoke Paine's
     exposure of Silas Deane, Morris regards it as the prevention
     of a fraud, but nevertheless thinks Paine deserved
     punishment for his "impudence"!
</pre>
    <p>
      Morris was clear-headed enough to perceive that the massacres in France
      were mainly due to the menaces of foreign monarchs, and was in hearty
      sympathy with Paine's plan for saving the life of Louis XVI. On December
      28th he writes to Washington that a majority of the Convention
    </p>
    <p>
      "...have it in contemplation not only to refer the judgment to the
      electors of France, that is, to her people, but also to send him and his
      family to America, which Paine is to move for. He mentioned this to me in
      confidence, but I have since heard it from another quarter."
    </p>
    <p>
      On January 6, 1793, Morris writes to Washington concerning Genet, the new
      Minister to the United States, who had been introduced to him by Paine,
      and dined with him. At the close he says:
    </p>
    <p>
      "The King's fate is to be decided next Monday the 14th. That unhappy man,
      conversing with one of his council on his own fate, calmly summed up the
      motives of every kind, and concluded that a majority of the Council
      [Convention] would vote for referring his case to the people, and that in
      consequence he should be massacred. I think he must die or reign."
    </p>
    <p>
      Paine also feared that a reference to the populace meant death. He had
      counted a majority in the Convention who were opposed to the execution.
      Submission of the question to the masses would thus, if his majority stood
      firm, be risking the life of Louis again. Unfortunately this question had
      to be determined before the vote on life or death. At the opening of the
      year 1793 he felt cheerful about the situation. On January 3d he wrote to
      John King, a retreating comrade in England, as follows:
    </p>
    <p>
      "Dear King,&mdash;I don't know anything, these many years, that surprised
      and hurt me more than the sentiments you published in the Courtly Herald,
      the 12th December, signed John King, Egham Lodge. You have gone back from
      all you ever said. When I first knew you in Ailiffe-street, an obscure
      part of the city, a child, without fortune or friends, I noticed you;
      because I thought I saw in you, young as you was, a bluntness of temper, a
      boldness of opinion, and an originality of thought, that portended some
      future good. I was pleased to discuss with you, under our friend Oliver's
      lime-tree, those political notions which I have since given the world in
      my 'Rights of Man.'
    </p>
    <p>
      "You used to complain of abuses as well as me. What, then, means this
      sudden attachment to Kings? this fondness of the English Government, and
      hatred of the French? If you mean to curry favour, by aiding your
      Government, you are mistaken; they never recompence those who serve it;
      they buy off those who can annoy it, and let the good that is rendered it
      be its own reward. Believe me, King, more is to be obtained by cherishing
      the rising spirit of the People, than by subduing it. Follow my fortunes,
      and I will be answerable that you shall make your own.&mdash;Thomas
      Paine."*
    </p>
<pre xml:space="preserve">
     * "Mr. King's Speech, at Egham, with Thomas Paine's Letter,"
     etc Egham, 1793. In his reply, January 11th, King says:
     "Such men as Frost, Barlow, and others, your associates,
     show the forlornness of your cause. Our respectable citizens
     do not go to you," etc. Writing February 11th, King
     expresses satisfaction at Paine's vote on the King's fate:
     "the imputation of cruelty will not now be added to the
     other censures on your character; but the catastrophe of
     this unhappy Monarch has shewn you the danger of putting a
     nation in ferment."
</pre>
    <p>
      This last sentence may even now raise a smile. King must subsequently have
      reflected with satisfaction that he did not "follow the fortunes" of
      Paine, which led him into prison at the end of the year. A third letter
      from him to Paine appeared in the <i>Morning Herald</i>, April 17, 1793,
      in which he says:
    </p>
    <p>
      "'If the French kill their king, it will be a signal for my departure, for
      I will not abide among such sanguinary men.' These, Mr. Paine, were your
      words at our last meeting; yet after this you are not only with them, but
      the chief modeller of their new Constitution."
    </p>
    <p>
      Mr. King might have reflected that the author of the "Rights of Man,"
      which he had admired, was personally safer in regicide France than in
      liberticide England, which had outlawed him.
    </p>
    <p>
      END OF VOL. I.
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