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<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[i]</a></span></p>

<div class="chapter">

<h1>THE HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES</h1>

<p class="pc2">BY</p>

<p class="pc2 elarge"><span class="smcap">Joseph Francois Michaud</span>.</p>

<p class="pc1 mid"><i>TRANSLATED BY W. ROBSON.</i></p>

<p class="pc2 large">A New Edition,</p>

<p class="pc2">WITH PREFACE AND SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER BY
HAMILTON W. MABIE.</p>


<p class="pc4 large"><i>IN THREE VOLUMES.</i></p>


<p class="pc4 mid">VOL. III.</p>


<p class="pc4">NEW YORK:
A. C. ARMSTRONG &amp; SON,
<span class="smcap">714 Broadway</span>.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[ii]</a><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[iii]</a></span></p>

<div class="chapter">

<h2 class="p4">CONTENTS TO VOL. III.</h2>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:joseph-michaud-history-of-the-crusades-v3-dec2.jpg" width="150" height="41"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<table id="toc" summary="cont">

 <tr>
  <td class="tdbk">BOOK XV.&mdash;A.D. 1255-1270.</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdbh">EIGHTH CRUSADE.</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdt">Christian cities of Palestine fortified by Louis IX.&mdash;Quarrels among
the Crusaders&mdash;Divisions among the Saracens&mdash;Aibek, sultan of Egypt,
assassinated&mdash;Chegger-Adour, the sultana, assassinated&mdash;The Moguls, or
Tartars, capture Bagdad&mdash;Koutouz elected sultan of Egypt&mdash;The Moguls
capture the principal cities of Syria&mdash;The general terror inspired among
the Mussulmans and Christians&mdash;Apprehensions of Bela IV., king of
Hungary&mdash;Assassination of Koutouz&mdash;The Mamelukes of Egypt&mdash;Bibars
proclaimed sultan of Egypt&mdash;Declares war against the Christians
of Palestine&mdash;The Mamelukes defeat and expel the Tartars from Palestine&mdash;Constantinople
recaptured by the Greeks, and the Latins expelled&mdash;The
Christians defeated by the Mamelukes, and Palestine laid waste&mdash;Cæsarea,
Arsouf, and Sefed besieged and captured&mdash;Slaughter of the
Christians&mdash;Mohammedanism not a religion of the sword&mdash;Charlemagne’s
career&mdash;Capture of Jaffa by the sultan of Egypt&mdash;Bohemond forms a
treaty with Bibars&mdash;Antioch captured and destroyed, and the inhabitants
slaughtered&mdash;Quarrels of the popes with the sovereigns of Europe&mdash;Royal
family of Swabia&mdash;Charles, count of Anjou, crowned by the pope
as king of Sicily&mdash;Mainfroy&mdash;Conraddin disputes the crown of Sicily&mdash;Louis
IX. determines upon a fresh crusade to the Holy Land&mdash;The illustrious
personages who take the cross in his support&mdash;Joinville declines to
accompany him&mdash;Abaga, khan of the Tartars, sends ambassadors to
Rome&mdash;Pope Clement IV. supports the new crusade&mdash;The clergy oppose
the levying of contributions&mdash;A council held at Northampton for aiding
the crusade&mdash;James king of Arragon, and Edward prince of England,
engage in the crusade&mdash;Death of Clement IV.&mdash;The Crusaders arrive at
Tunis&mdash;Historical notice of Tunis&mdash;The Mohammedans resist the Crusaders&mdash;Sickness
and mortality among the Crusaders&mdash;Death of the
duke de Nevers&mdash;Illness and fervent devotion of Louis&mdash;His death&mdash;Charles
of Anjou lands at Tunis, and takes the command of the Crusaders&mdash;Returns
to France with the bodies of his father, wife, and brother&mdash;The
virtue? and piety of Louis IX.&mdash;Prince Edward of England arrives
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[iv]</a></span>in Palestine&mdash;Nazareth captured by the Crusaders&mdash;Prince Edward returns
to England&mdash;Thibault elected pope, under the title of Gregory X.&mdash;He
convokes the council of Lyons for reviving a new crusade&mdash;Curious
document issued by Humbert de Romanis&mdash;Three pretenders to the
throne of Jerusalem&mdash;The continued victories of Bibars&mdash;His death and
character&mdash;Death of Gregory X.&mdash;Revolt in Sicily&mdash;The Sicilian vespers&mdash;Kealaoun,
the sultan of Egypt, concludes a treaty with the Christians
of Ptolemaïs, and enters into treaties with European princes&mdash;Fort of
Margat captured by the Mussulmans&mdash;Sieur Barthélemi becomes a Mohammedan
renegade&mdash;Tripoli captured and destroyed, and the Christians
slaughtered&mdash;Description of Ptolemaïs&mdash;Chalil elected sultan of Egypt&mdash;The
Mussulman sect of Chages&mdash;Ptolemaïs captured and destroyed by
Chalil&mdash;Virgins of St. Clair self-mutilated and destroyed&mdash;Death of
William de Clermont&mdash;Devoted heroism of the Templars&mdash;Capture and
destruction of Tyre, Berytus, Sidon, and all the Christian cities along the
coast of Palestine</td>
  <td class="tdrlw">pp. <a href="#Page_1">1-91.</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdc">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdbk">BOOK XVI.&mdash;A.D. 1291-1396.</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdbh">ATTEMPTED CRUSADES AGAINST THE TURKS.</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdt">Pope Nicholas IV. attempts to revive a fresh crusade against the East&mdash;Sends
missionaries to the Tartars&mdash;Their contests with the Mussulmans
revive the hopes of the Christians&mdash;Argun, the Tartar chief&mdash;Conquests
of the Tartars&mdash;Cazan, the Mogul prince, sends ambassadors to
the Pope&mdash;Clement IV. proclaims a crusade at the council of Vienna&mdash;Exploits
of the Hospitallers&mdash;Conquests and wealth of the Templars&mdash;Accusations
against them&mdash;Philip le Bel of France takes the cross&mdash;His
death&mdash;Philip le Long&mdash;His death&mdash;Charles le Bel&mdash;His death&mdash;Raymond
Lulli preaches a fresh crusade&mdash;Philip of Valois convokes an
assembly at Paris for reviving a fresh crusade&mdash;Renewed persecutions of
the Christians in Palestine&mdash;Brother Andrew of Antioch&mdash;Petrarch an
apostle of the holy war&mdash;Humbert II., dauphin of Viennois, takes the
cross&mdash;Hugh of Lusignan, king of Cyprus&mdash;Political troubles of France&mdash;King
John taken prisoner at Poictiers&mdash;Engages in a fresh crusade&mdash;Urban
V. convokes a meeting at Avignon&mdash;Peter de Lusignan, and
Charles IV., emperor of Germany, engage in the crusade&mdash;Alexandria
captured and burnt by the Crusaders&mdash;Barbary invaded by the Christian
forces&mdash;Tripoli captured and burnt&mdash;Towns of Syria destroyed&mdash;Origin
and history of the Turks and the Ottoman empire&mdash;Their conquests and
invasion of Greece&mdash;Constantinople menaced by the Turks&mdash;Its tottering
state&mdash;The emperors of Constantinople&mdash;Amurath, the Turkish sultan&mdash;Bajazet&mdash;Two
popes at the same time&mdash;Crusade against the Turks determined
on&mdash;Bajazet defeats the Christian forces with great slaughter&mdash;Defeats
the Hungarians&mdash;Manuel, emperor of Constantinople, visits
France&mdash;Distracted state of Europe&mdash;History and conquests of Tamerlane
the Tartar&mdash;The Turks defeated, and Syria overrun by the Tartars&mdash;Bajazet
raises the siege of Constantinople, and is defeated by Tamerlane&mdash;Smyrna
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span>captured and destroyed&mdash;The Ottomans reconquer the
provinces overrun by Tamerlane&mdash;The Greek Church submits to papal
authority&mdash;The barbarities of the Turks towards the Christians&mdash;Pope
Eugenius exhorts the Christian states to another crusade&mdash;Cardinal
Julian preaches in its favour&mdash;Amurath enters into a treaty of peace
with the Crusaders, which being violated, they are defeated with great
slaughter&mdash;Ladislaus, king of Poland, and Cardinal Julian, slain&mdash;Battle
of Warna&mdash;Accession of Mahomet II. to the Ottoman throne&mdash;His
extensive empire&mdash;Besieges Constantinople&mdash;Character of Constantine
Palæologus, the Greek emperor&mdash;His great efforts in defence of his
capital&mdash;Mahomet takes the city by storm&mdash;Death of the emperor and
destruction of the Greek empire</td>
  <td class="tdrlw">pp. <a href="#Page_92">92-158.</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdc">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdbk">BOOK XVII.&mdash;A.D. 1453-1481.</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdbh">CRUSADES AGAINST THE TURKS.</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdt">Consternation among the Christian states at the fall of Constantinople.&mdash;Philip,
duke of Burgundy, assembles his nobility at Lille&mdash;Curious
festival held by&mdash;Enthusiasm in favour of a crusade against the Turks&mdash;Bishop
Sylvius, John Capistran, Frederick III. of Germany, and Pope
Calixtus III. endeavour to stir up the crusade&mdash;The Turks penetrate
into Hungary&mdash;Valour of Hunniades&mdash;They are defeated at Belgrade&mdash;An
alarming comet&mdash;Bishop Sylvius elected Pope&mdash;Extended conquests
of Mahomet II.&mdash;He subdues Greece&mdash;The Pope convokes an assembly at
Mantua to urge on the crusade&mdash;His negociations with Mahomet&mdash;Bosnia
conquered&mdash;Pius II. engages personally in the crusade, reaches Ancona,
and dies&mdash;Scanderberg defeats the Turks&mdash;Mahomet II. swears to annihilate
Christianity&mdash;The king of Persia marches against the Turks, and
his army is destroyed&mdash;Cardinal Caraffa commands a fleet of Crusaders&mdash;Satalia
and Smyrna pillaged by the Christian forces&mdash;Possessions of the
Venetians and Genoese captured by the Turks&mdash;Jacques Cœur&mdash;Cyprus
subjected to the Mussulmans&mdash;Taken possession of by the Turks&mdash;Rhodes
bravely defended by the knights of St. John&mdash;The Turks invade Hungary
and different parts of Europe simultaneously&mdash;Defeated by Corvinus,
king of Hungary&mdash;Otranto captured by the Turks, and afterwards abandoned&mdash;Pope
Sextus IV. implores the aid of Christian Europe against
the Turks&mdash;Distracted state of Italy&mdash;Death of Mahomet II., and
divisions in his family&mdash;Zizim disputes the Turkish empire with Bajazet,
and visits Europe&mdash;Charles VIII. of Naples, engages in a crusade
against the Turks&mdash;Alphonso II. of Arragon&mdash;Italy invaded, and Rome
possessed by the French&mdash;Andrew Palæologus sells his claims to the
empire of the East&mdash;Death of Zizim&mdash;-Bajazet declares war against
Venice&mdash;Negotiates a treaty&mdash;Undertakes an expedition against Portugal&mdash;Commercial
ambition of Venice&mdash;Diet at Augsburgh&mdash;Helian’s speech
against the Venetians&mdash;Council of Lateran convoked by Julius II.&mdash;Bajazet
II. dethroned, and succeeded by Selim&mdash;Disorders of Christendom&mdash;Selim
conquers the king of Persia and the sultan of Egypt&mdash;Palestine
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span>and all the rival powers of the East under the domination of the Turks&mdash;Exertions
of Leo X. for reviving a crusade against them&mdash;Vida, the
Italian poet&mdash;Novagero’s eulogies on Leo X.&mdash;Cultivation of Greek in
Italy&mdash;Great preparations for the new crusade&mdash;Eloquence of Sadoletus,
and letters of Francis I. in its favour&mdash;Sale of indulgences&mdash;Quarrels of
the Augustines and the Dominicans&mdash;Preaching of Luther against indulgences&mdash;Soliman
succeeds to the Ottoman empire&mdash;Belgrade and Rhodes
captured by the Turks&mdash;The knights of St. John expelled from Rhodes,
and transferred to Malta&mdash;Francis I. made prisoner at the battle of
Pavia&mdash;The Hungarians defeated by the Turks, and Louis II. slain&mdash;Clement
VII. imprisoned by Charles V.&mdash;Religious distractions of Europe&mdash;Vienna
besieged by the Turks&mdash;Hungary enters into a treaty of peace&mdash;Policy
of Henry VIII., of Francis I., and of Charles V.&mdash;The Barbary
states taken under the protection of the Ottoman Porte&mdash;Preaching of
Luther&mdash;Heroic defence of Malta&mdash;Death of Soliman, and accession of
Selim&mdash;Capture of Cyprus&mdash;The Turks signally defeated at the naval
battle of Lepanto&mdash;Universal rejoicings throughout Christendom&mdash;General
spread of civilization in Europe&mdash;Brilliant age of Leo X.&mdash;The
military power of the Turks begins to decline&mdash;Defeated by Sobieski
before the walls of Vienna&mdash;Causes and history of their decline&mdash;The
Moors driven from Spain&mdash;State of Christendom in Europe, and
progress of the Reformation&mdash;Ignatius Loyola&mdash;Pilgrimages to the Holy
Land&mdash;A spirit of resignation assumes the place of enthusiasm for the
crusades</td>
  <td class="tdrlw">pp. <a href="#Page_159">159-250.</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdc">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdbk">BOOK XVIII.&mdash;A.D. 1571-1685.</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdt">Reflections on the state of Europe, on the various classes of society,
and on the progress of navigation, industry, arts, and general knowledge
during and after the crusades</td>
  <td class="tdrlw">pp. <a href="#Page_251">251-348.</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdc">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdbk">APPENDIX.</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdt">Pilgrimages&mdash;Itinerary from Bordeaux to Jerusalem&mdash;Foulque of Anjou&mdash;William
of Malmesbury&mdash;Robert of Normandy&mdash;Charlemagne&mdash;Chronicle
of Tours&mdash;Letters of Bohemond, of Archbishop Daimbert, and
of the principal Crusaders&mdash;Council of Naplouse&mdash;Bull of Pope Eugenius
III. for the second crusade&mdash;Letter from Saladin, detailing his
capture of Jerusalem and the battle of Tiberias&mdash;Sermon made at Jerusalem
by Mohammed Ben Zeky&mdash;Bull of Gregory VIII. <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 1187&mdash;Council
of Paris, held in 1188&mdash;Notes on the Greek fire&mdash;Memoir on the
forest of Saron, or the enchanted forest of Tasso&mdash;Ralph Dicet&mdash;Ralph
of Coggershall&mdash;Trick attempted by Saladin&mdash;Imprisonment of Richard I.&mdash;Journey
in Wales by Archbishop Baldwin&mdash;Jourdain’s letter on the
“Assassins” of Syria&mdash;History of the Ismaëlians, or “Assassins”&mdash;Treaty
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span>entered into by the leaders of the Crusaders for the division of
Constantinople and the Greek empire&mdash;On the death of the marquis of
Montferrat&mdash;Fragment of Nicetas’s Chronicles on the destruction of the
statues of Constantinople by the Crusaders&mdash;Jourdain’s letter on the
crusade of children in 1212&mdash;Letter of Pope Innocent III. urging on
the crusade to the Holy Land&mdash;Poetry of the troubadours for the crusades&mdash;Funeral
ceremonies of the Prussians&mdash;Letter from Count d’Artois
on the taking of Damietta&mdash;Letter of St. Louis on his captivity and
deliverance&mdash;List of the great officers or knights who followed St. Louis
to Tunis&mdash;Instructions of St. Louis addressed on his death-bed to Philip-le-Hardi&mdash;Edward
I., king of England, and his attempted assassination&mdash;Opening
of the troncs in France, and expenditure of the receipts&mdash;Memoir
of Leibnitz, addressed to Louis XIV.&mdash;Capitulations between
France and the Ottoman Porte&mdash;Raynouard’s note on Hanmer’s “Mysterium
Baphometi Revelatum”</td>
  <td class="tdrlw">pp. <a href="#Page_349">349-500.</a></td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td class="tdc">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td>
 </tr>

 <tr>
  <td><span class="smcap">General Index</span></td>
  <td class="tdrlw">p. <a href="#Page_501">501.</a></td>
 </tr>

</table>

<hr class="chap" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a><br /><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc4 elarge">HISTORY</p>

<p class="pc2">OF</p>

<p class="pc1 large">THE CRUSADES.</p>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:joseph-michaud-history-of-the-crusades-v3-dec2.jpg" width="150" height="41"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

</div>

<div class="chapter">

<h2 class="p2">BOOK XV.</h2>

<p class="pc">&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc mid">EIGHTH CRUSADE.</p>

<p class="pc lmid">A.D. 1255-1270.</p>


<p class="p2"><span class="smcap">Louis</span> IX., during his sojourn in Palestine, had not only
employed himself in fortifying the Christian cities; he had
neglected no means of establishing that union and harmony
among the Christians themselves, which he felt would create
their only security against the attacks of the Mussulmans:
unhappily for this people, whom he would have preserved at
the peril of his life, his counsels were not long in being forgotten,
and the spirit of discord soon displaced the generous
sentiments to which his example and discourses had given a
momentary life.</p>

<p>It may have been observed in the course of this history,
that several maritime nations had stores, counting-houses,
and considerable commercial establishments at Ptolemaïs,
which had become the capital of Palestine. Among these
nations, Genoa and Venice occupied the first rank: each of
these colonies inhabited a separate quarter, and had different
laws, besides interests, which kept them at constant variance;
the only thing they possessed in common,<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> was the Church of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>
St. Sabbas, in which the Venetians and the Genoese assembled
together to celebrate the ceremonies of their religion.</p>

<p>This common possession had often been a subject of
quarrel between them; a short time after the departure
of St. Louis, discord broke out anew, and roused all the
passions that the spirit of rivalry and jealousy could give
birth to between two nations which had so long contended
for the empire of the sea and pre-eminence in commerce.
Amidst this struggle, in which the very object of the contest
ought to have recalled sentiments of peace and charity
to their hearts, the Genoese and Venetians often came to
blows in the city of Ptolemaïs, and more than once, the
sanctuary, which the two parties had fortified like a place of
war, resounded with the din of their sacrilegious battles.</p>

<p>Discord very soon crossed the seas, and carried fresh
troubles into the West. Genoa interested the Pisans in
her cause, and sought allies and auxiliaries even among the
Greeks, at that time impatient to repossess Constantinople.
Venice, in order to avenge her injuries, courted the alliance
of Manfroi, who had been excommunicated by the head of
the Church. Troops were raised, fleets were armed, and the
parties attacked each other both by land and sea; and this
war, which the sovereign pontiff was unable to quell, lasted
more than twenty years, sometimes to the advantage of the
Venetians, as frequently to that of the Genoese; but always
fatal to the Christian colonies of the East.</p>

<p>This spirit of discord likewise extended its baneful influence
to the rival orders of St. John and the Temple; and the
blood of these courageous defenders of the Holy Land
flowed in torrents in cities of which they had undertaken
the defence; the Hospitallers and Templars pursued and
attacked each other with a fury that nothing could appease
or turn aside, both orders invoking the aid of the knights
that remained in the West. Thus the noblest families of
Christendom were dragged into these sanguinary quarrels,
and it was no longer asked in Europe whether the Franks
had conquered the Saracens, but if victory had been favourable
to the knights of the Temple or to those of the Hospital.</p>

<p>The brave Sergines, whom Louis IX. had at his departure
left at Ptolemaïs, and the wisest of the other defenders of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
the Holy Land, had neither authority enough to reëstablish
tranquillity, nor troops enough to resist the attacks of the
Mussulmans. The only hope of safety which appeared to
be left to the Christians of Palestine, arose from the divisions
which also troubled the empire of the Saracens; every
day new revolutions broke out among the Mamelukes; but,
by a singular contrast, feuds, that weakened the power of
the Franks, often seemed only to increase that of their enemies.
If, from the feeble kingdom of Jerusalem, we pass
into Egypt, we there behold the strange spectacle of a
government founded by revolt, and strengthening itself
amidst political tempests. The Christian colonies, since the
taking of Jerusalem, by Saladin, had no longer a common
centre or a common tie; the kings of Jerusalem, in losing
their capital, lost an authority which served at least as a
war-cry, by which to rally ardent spirits around them.
Nothing was preserved of royalty but the name, nothing
was gained from republicanism but its license. As to the
Mamelukes, they were less a nation than an army, in which
they at first quarrelled for a leader, and in which they afterwards
obeyed him blindly. From the bosom of each of their
revolutions sprang a military despotism, armed with all the
passions that had given birth to it, and, what must have
redoubled the alarm of the Christians, this despotism breathed
nothing but war and conquest.</p>

<p>We have said, in the preceding book, that Aibek, after
having espoused the sultana Chegger-Eddour, had mounted
the throne of Saladin; but it was not long before his reign
was disturbed by the rivalries of the emirs. The death of
Phares-Eddin Octhaï, one of the leaders opposed to the new
sultan, disconcerted the projects of the faction, but the
jealousy of a woman did that which neither faction nor
license had been able to effect. Chegger-Eddour could not
pardon Aibek for having asked the hand of a daughter of
the prince of Mossoul, and the faithless husband was assassinated
in the bath by slaves. The sultana, after having
gratified her woman’s vengeance, called in the ambition of
the emirs and the crimes of policy to her aid.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> She sent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>
for the emir Saif-Eddin, to ask his advice, and to offer him
her hand and empire. Upon being introduced into the
palace, Saif-Eddin found the Sultana seated, with the bleeding
body of her husband at her feet: at this spectacle, the
emir was seized with horror, and the calmness which the
sultana displayed, together with the sight of the bloody
throne, upon which she proposed to him to take his seat
with her, added to his fright; Chegger-Eddour summoned
two other emirs, who could not endure her presence, but
fled away, terrified at what they saw and heard. This scene
passed during the night. At break of day, the news of it
was spread throughout Cairo, and the indignation of the
people and the army was general and active: the mother of
Aibek amply revenged the death of her son. Chegger-Eddour,
in her turn, perished by the hands of slaves, and
her body, which was cast into the castle ditch, might teach
all the ambitious who were contending for the empire, that
revolutions, likewise, sometimes have their justice.</p>

<p>Amidst the tumult, a son of Aibek, fifteen years of age,
was raised to the throne; but the approach of a war soon
caused a new revolution to break out, and precipitated the
youth from his giddy eminence: great events were ripening
in Asia, and a storm was brewing in Persia, which was soon
to burst over both Syria and Egypt.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>

<p>The Moguls, under the command of Oulagon, had laid
siege to Bagdad, at a moment when the city was divided
into several sects, all more earnest in their conflicts with
each other than in their preparations to repulse a formidable
enemy. The caliph, as well as his people, was sunk deep in
voluptuous effeminacy, and the pride created by the vain
adulation of the Mussulmans, made him neglect true and
available means of defence. The Tartars took the city by
storm, and gave it up to all the horrors of war. The last
and thirty-seventh of the successors of Abbas, dragged away<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>
like the vilest captive, lost his life in the midst of such
tumult and disorder, that history<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> is unable to say whether
he died of despair, or whether he fell beneath the sword of
his enemies.</p>

<p>This violence, committed upon the head of the Mussulman
religion, with the march of the Moguls towards Syria, threw
the Mamelukes into the greatest consternation. They then
deemed it necessary to displace the son of Aibek, and elect
a leader able to guide them amidst the perils that threatened
them, and their choice fell upon Koutouz, the bravest and
most able of the emirs.</p>

<p>Whilst Egypt was earnestly engaged in preparations to
resist the Moguls, the Christians appeared to expect their
deliverance from this war against the Mussulmans; the
khan of Tartary had promised the king of Armenia to carry
his conquests as far as the banks of the Nile; and oriental
chronicles relate that the Armenian troops were united with
those of the Moguls.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The latter, after having crossed the
Euphrates, took possession of Aleppo, Damascus, and the
principal cities of Syria. On all sides, the Mussulmans
fled before the Tartars, and the disciples of Christ were protected
by the victorious hordes; from that time the Christians
only beheld liberators in these redoubtable conquerors.
In the churches, and even upon the tomb of Christ, prayers
were put up for the triumph of the Moguls, and in the
excess of their joy, the Christians of Palestine abandoned
their general practice of imploring aid from the powers of
Europe.</p>

<p>In the mean time Europe itself entertained a very
different idea of this war; the progress of the Moguls
created the greatest terror in all the nations of the West;
they not only dreaded the Mogul arms on account of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
Christian colonies of the East; they trembled for themselves;<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
for whilst the hordes of Oulagon were ravaging Syria, other
armies of the same nation were desolating the banks of the
Dniester and the Danube. Pope Alexander, addressing the
princes, prelates, and all the faithful, exhorted them to unite
against the barbarians. Councils were assembled in France,
England, Italy, and Germany, to deliberate upon the dangers
of Christendom; the head of the Church ordered prayers to
be offered up and processions to be made, blasphemies to be
punished, and luxury to be suppressed at the table and in
dress,&mdash;measures which might be conceived proper to mitigate
the anger of Heaven, but very insufficient to stop the
invasion of the Moguls.</p>

<p>The hordes, however, which ravaged Hungary and Poland
were dispersed, and terror again took possession of the
Christians of the East, whose hopes had been so sanguine.
Oulagon, recalled into Persia by civil wars, left his lieutenant,
Ketboga, in Syria, with directions to follow up his conquests.
The Christians were still applauding the victories of the
Moguls, when a quarrel, provoked by some German
Crusaders, all at once changed the state of things, and
made enemies of those who had been considered as auxiliaries.
Some Mussulman villages which paid tribute to the Tartars,
having been pillaged, Ketboga sent to demand a reparation
of the Christians, which they refused. In the course of the
dispute raised on this subject, the nephew of the Mogul
commander was killed. From that time the Tartar leader
declared open war against the Christians, ravaged the
territory of Sidon, and menaced that of Ptolemaïs. At the
aspect of their desolated plains, all the hopes of the Christians
vanished; they had had no bounds to their hopes and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>
their joy, they had now none to their grief or their fears.
The alarm created in them by a barbarous people, made
them forget that most of their misfortunes came from Egypt,
and as they had given over all idea of succours from the
West, many of them now placed all their confidence in the
arms of the Mamelukes.</p>

<p>A great portion of Palestine had already been invaded by
the Moguls, when the sultan of Cairo set out on his march
to meet them at the head of his army; he remained three
days in the neighbourhood of Ptolemaïs, where he renewed
a truce with the Christians. Soon after, a battle was fought
in the plain of Tiberias; Ketboga lost his life in the middle
of the conflict, and the army of the Tartars, beaten and
scattered, abandoned Syria.</p>

<p>To whichever side victory might have inclined, the Christians
had nothing to hope from the conqueror; the Mussulmans
could not pardon them for having sought the support
of the victorious Moguls, and having taken advantage of the
desolation of Syria, to insult the disciples of Mahomet.
The churches were demolished at Damascus; the Christians
were persecuted in all the Mussulman cities, and these
persecutions were the presage of a war in which fanaticism
exercised all its furies. On all sides complaints and menaces
arose against the Franks of Palestine; the cry of <i>war with
the Christians</i> resounded through all the provinces in the
power of the Mamelukes; the animosity was so great, that
the sultan of Cairo, who had just triumphed over the Tartars,
was the victim to his fidelity in observing the last truce concluded
with the Franks. Bibars, who had killed the last
sultan of the family of Saladin, took advantage of this
effervescence of the public mind to endeavour to raise a
party against Koutouz, by affecting great hatred for the
Christians, and by reproaching the sultan with a criminal
moderation towards the enemies of Islamism.</p>

<p>When the fermentation had been worked up to the highest
point, Bibars, having assembled his accomplices, surprised
the sultan whilst hunting, struck him several mortal blows,
then, all stained as he was with the blood of his master, he
hastened to the Mameluke army, at that time collected at
Sallhie; he presented himself to the atabek or lieutenant of
the prince, announcing the death of Koutouz. Upon being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>
asked who killed the sultan. “It was I,” answered he. “In
that case,” said the atabek, “reign in his place.”<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Strange
words, which characterize at a single stroke the spirit of the
Mamelukes, as well as of the government they had founded!
The army proclaimed Bibars sultan of Egypt, and the ceremonies
prepared at Cairo for the reception of the conqueror
of the Tartars, served to celebrate the coronation of
his murderer.</p>

<p>This revolution gave the Mussulmans the sovereign most
to be dreaded by the Christians. Bibars was named <i>the
pillar of the Mussulman religion and the father of victories</i>;
and he was destined to merit these titles by completing the
ruin of the Franks. He had scarcely mounted the throne
before he gave the signal for war.</p>

<p>The Christians of Palestine being totally without means
of resisting the Mameluke forces, sent deputies to the West
to solicit prompt and efficient succour. The sovereign
pontiff appeared affected by the account of the perils of the
Holy Land, and exhorted the faithful to take the cross; but
the tone of his exhortations, and the motives that he named
in his circulars, only too plainly evinced his desire to see
Europe take up arms against other enemies than the
Mussulmans. “The Saracens,” said he, “know that it will
be impossible for any Christian prince to make a long abode
in the East,<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and that the Holy Land will never have any
but transient succour from distant countries.”</p>

<p>Alexander IV. was much more sincere and far more
eloquent in his manifestoes against the house of Swabia; the
interest he took in the contest he was carrying on in the
kingdom of Naples could not be diverted by the undertaking
of a holy war. Clement IV., who succeeded him, made
some few demonstrations of zeal to engage the European
nations to take arms against the Mussulmans; but the policy
of his predecessors had left too many germs of discord and
trouble in Italy, to allow him to give much attention to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
East. On one side, Germany, still without an emperor,
though with three pretenders to the empire, could spare no
warriors for the Holy Land. England was a prey to a civil
war, in which the barons wore a white cross as their badge
of union against the king, and in which priests exhorted
them to the fight, pointing to heaven as the reward of their
bravery and their rebellion. This strange crusade precluded
all thoughts of one beyond the seas. France was the only
kingdom from which the prayers of the Christians of Palestine
were not repulsed; some French knights took the cross,
and chose Eudes, count of Nevers, son of the duke of
Burgundy, as their leader; and these were all the succours
Europe could afford to send to the East.</p>

<p>At the same time that the afflicting news arrived from the
Holy Land, an event was announced which would have
plunged the whole West in mourning, if the conquests of
the Crusaders had then excited anything like the interest to
which they had given birth in former ages. We have frequently
had occasion to deplore the rapid decline of the
Latin empire of Constantinople; for a length of time,
Baldwin had had no means for supporting the imperial
dignity, or paying his scanty troop of soldiers, but the alms
of Christendom, and some loans obtained from Venice, for
which he was obliged to give his own son as a hostage, or,
more properly, a pledge. In pressing moments of want, he
sold the relics, he tore the lead from the roofs of the churches,
and the timber of public edifices was used for heating the
fires of the imperial kitchens. Towers half-demolished,
ramparts without defences, palaces smoky and deserted,
houses and whole streets abandoned, such was the spectacle
presented by the queen of eastern cities.</p>

<p>Baldwin had concluded a truce with Michael Palæologus.
The facility with which this truce was made ought to have
inspired the Latins with some suspicion; but the deplorable
state of the Franks did not prevent them from despising
their enemies or dreaming of fresh conquests. In hopes of
pillage, and forgetful of the perfidious character of the
Greeks, a Venetian fleet bore such as remained of the defenders
of Byzantium in an expedition against Daphnusia,
situated at the embouchure of the Black Sea. The Greeks
of Nice, informed by some peasants from the shores of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>
Bosphorus, did not hesitate to take advantage of the opportunity
fortune thus presented. These peasants pointed out
to the general of Michael Palæologus, who was about to
make war in Epirus, an opening that had been made under
the ramparts of Constantinople, close to the Golden Gate,
by which more troops might be introduced than would be
necessary for the conquest of the city. Baldwin had none
with him but children, old men, women, and traders; among
the latter of whom were the Genoese newly allied to the
Greeks. When the soldiers of Michael had penetrated into
the city, they were surprised to find no enemy to contend
with; whilst they preserved their ranks, and advanced with
precaution, a troop of Comans, whom the Greek emperor
had in his pay, traversed the city, sword and fire in hand.
The small, terrified crowd of the Latins fled towards the
port; whilst the Greek inhabitants hastened to meet the
conqueror, shouting, “Long life to Michael Palæologus,
emperor of the Romans!” Baldwin, awakened by these
cries and the tumult that drew near to his palace, hastened
to quit a city that no longer was his. The Venetian fleet,
returning from the expedition to Daphnusia, arrived in time
to receive the fugitive emperor and all that remained of the
empire of the Franks upon the Bosphorus. Thus the Latins
were deprived of that city that it had cost them such prodigies
of valour to obtain; the Greeks reëntered it without
striking a blow, seconded only by the treachery of a few
peasants and the darkness of night. Baldwin II., after having
reigned in Byzantium during thirty-seven years, resumed
the mendicant course he had practised in his youth, and wandered
from one court to another, imploring the assistance of
Christians. Pope Urban received him with a mixture of
compassion and contempt. In a letter addressed to Louis IX.,
the pontiff deplored the loss of Constantinople, and groaned
bitterly over the obscured glory of the Latin Church.
Urban expressed a desire that a crusade should be undertaken
for the recovery of Byzantium; but he found men’s
minds but very little disposed to undertake such an enterprise:
the clergy of both England and France refused subsidies
for an expedition which they pronounced useless.
The pope was obliged to content himself with the submission
and presents of Michael Palæologus, who, still in dread in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>
the bosom of his new conquest, promised, in order to appease
the Holy See, to recognise the Church of Rome, and to
succour the holy places.</p>

<p>In the mean time the situation of the Christians of
Palestine became every day more alarming, and more worthy
of the compassion of the nations and princes of the West.
The new sultan of Cairo, after having ravaged the country
of the Franks, returned a second time, with a more formidable
army than the former. The Franks, alarmed at his
progress, sent to him to sue for peace; his only reply was to
give up the church of Nazareth to the flames; the Mussulmans
ravaged all the country situated between Naïn and
Mount Thabor, and then encamped within sight of Ptolemaïs.</p>

<p>The most distinguished of the Christian warriors had
attempted an expedition towards Tiberias; but this gallant
troop, the last resource of the Franks, had just been defeated
and dispersed by the infidels; fifty knights had arrived
in Palestine with the duke of Nevers; but what could such
a feeble reinforcement do to arrest the progress of a victorious
army.</p>

<p>The country was laid waste, and the inhabitants of the
cities kept themselves closely shut up behind their ramparts,
in the constant apprehension of beholding the enemy under
their walls. After threatening Ptolemaïs, Bibars threw himself
upon the city of Cæsarea; the Christians, after a spirited
resistance, abandoned the place, and retired into the castle,
which was surrounded by the waters of the sea. This fortress,
which appeared inaccessible, was only able to resist
the attacks of the Mussulmans a few days.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> The city of
Arsouf was the next object of the Mussulman leader. The
inhabitants defended themselves with almost unexampled
bravery; several times the machines of the besiegers and
the heaps of wood which they raised to the level of the walls,
were consigned to the flames. After having fought at the
foot of the ramparts, the besieged and the besiegers dug out<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>
the earth beneath the walls of the city, and sought each
other, to fight in the mines and subterranean passages;
nothing could relax the ardour of the Christians or the impatient
activity of Bibars. Religious fanaticism animated
the courage of the Mamelukes; the imauns and doctors of
the law flocked to the siege of Arsouf, to be present at the
triumph of Islamism: at length the sultan planted the
standard of the prophet upon the towers of the city, and
the Mussulmans were called to prayers in the churches at
once converted into mosques. The Mamelukes massacred a
great part of the inhabitants; the remainder were condemned
to slavery. Bibars distributed the captives among the
leaders of his army; he then ordered the destruction of the
city, and the Christian prisoners were compelled to demolish
their own dwellings. The conquered territory was divided
and shared among the principal emirs, according to an order
of the sultan, which the Arabian chronicles have preserved
as an historical monument. This liberality towards the conquerors
of the Christians, appeared to the Mussulmans
worthy of the greatest praise, and one of the historians of
Bibars exclaims, in his enthusiasm, “That so noble an action
was written in the book of God, before being inscribed upon
the book of the life of the sultan.”</p>

<p>Such encouragements bestowed upon the emirs, announced
that Bibars still stood in need of their valour to accomplish
other designs. The sultan returned into Egypt, to make
fresh preparations and recruit his army. During his sojourn
at Cairo, he received ambassadors from several kings of the
Franks, from Alphonso, king of Arragon, the king of
Armenia, and some other princes of Palestine. All these
ambassadors demanded peace for the Christians; but their
pressing solicitations only strengthened the sultan in his
project of continuing the war; the more earnest their entreaties,
the greater reason he had to believe they had
nothing else to oppose to him. He answered the envoys of
the count of Jaffa: “The time is come in which we will
endure no more injuries; when a cottage shall be taken
from us, we will take a castle; when you shall seize one of
our labourers, we will consign a thousand of your warriors
to chains.”</p>

<p>Bibars did not delay putting his threats into execution;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
he returned to Palestine, and made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem,
to implore the protection of Mahomet for his arms.
His army immediately received the signal for war, and
ravaged the territory of Tripoli. If some Oriental chronicles
may be believed, the project of Bibars then was to attack
Ptolemaïs; and in so great an enterprise, he did not disdain
the assistance of treachery. The prince of Tyre, says Ibn-Ferat,
united with the Genoese, was to attack Ptolemaïs
with a numerous fleet on the sea side, whilst the Mamelukes
attacked it by land. Bibars in fact presented himself
before Ptolemaïs, but his new auxiliaries no doubt repented
of the promises they had made him; and did not second his
designs. The sultan retired filled with fury, and threatened
to avenge himself upon all the Christians whom war should
place in his power.</p>

<p>He first went to discharge his anger upon the fortress of
Sefed, which was situated in lower Galilee, fifteen leagues
from Ptolemaïs. This fortress had to defend itself against
all the forces that the sultan had gathered together for his
great enterprise. When the siege had begun, Bibars
neglected no means of forcing the garrison to surrender; he
was constantly at the head of his troops, and in one conflict,
his whole army burst into a loud cry to warn him of a
danger that threatened him. To inflame the ardour of the
Mamelukes, he caused robes of honour and purses of money
to be distributed on the field of battle; the great cadi of
Damascus had come to the siege to animate the combatants
by his presence; and the promises he addressed, in the name
of the prophet, to all the Mussulman soldiers, added greatly
to their warlike enthusiasm.</p>

<p>The Christians, however, defended themselves valiantly.
This resistance at first astonished their enemies, and soon
produced discouragement; in vain the sultan endeavoured
to reanimate his soldiers, in vain he ordered that all who
fled should be beaten back with clubs, and placed several
emirs in chains for deserting their posts; neither the dread
of chastisements, nor the hopes of reward, could revive the
courage of the Mussulmans. Bibars would have been
obliged to raise the siege, if discord had not come to his
assistance. He himself took great pains to give birth to it
among the Christians; in the frequent messages sent to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>
garrison, perfidious promises and well-directed threats sowed
the seeds of suspicion and mistrust. At length the divisions
burst forth; some were anxious that they should surrender,
others that they should hold out to death: from that moment
the Mussulmans met with a less obstinate resistance, and
renewed their own attacks with greater ardour; whilst the
Christians accused each other of treacherous proceedings or
intentions, the war-machines made the walls totter, and the
Mamelukes, after several assaults, were upon the point of
opening themselves a road into the place. At length, one
Friday (we quote an Arabian chronicle), the cadi of Damascus
was praying for the combatants, when the Franks were
heard to cry from the top of their half-dismantled towers,
“O Mussulmans, spare us, spare us!” The besieged had
laid down their arms, and fought no longer&mdash;the gates were
immediately opened, and the standard of the Mussulmans
floated over the walls of Sefed.</p>

<p>A capitulation granted the Christians permission to retire
wherever they wished, upon condition that they should take
away with them nothing but their clothes. Bibars, when
seeing them defile before him, sought for a pretext to detain
them in his power. Some were, by his orders, arrested and
accused of carrying away treasures and arms; and the command
was instantly issued to stop all. They were reproached
with having violated the treaty, and were threatened with
death if they did not embrace Islamism. They were loaded
with chains and crowded together in a mass upon a hill,
where they expected nothing but death. A commander of
the Temple and two Cordeliers exhorted their companions
in misfortune to die like Christian heroes. All those warriors,
whom discord had divided, now reunited in one common
evil, had only one feeling and one thought;<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> they wept as
they embraced each other, they encouraged each other to
die becomingly; they passed the night in confessing their
sins towards God, and in deploring their errors and their
differences. On the morrow, two only of these captives
were set at liberty; one was a brother Hospitaller, whom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>
Bibars sent to Ptolemaïs, to announce to the Christians the
taking of Sefed; the other was a Templar, who abandoned
the faith of Christ, and attached himself to the fortunes of
the sultan; all the others, to the number of six hundred,
fell beneath the sword of the Mamelukes. This barbarity,
committed in the name of the Mussulman religion, appears
the more revolting, from the Franks never having given an
example for it, and that amidst the furies of war, they were
never known to require the conversion of infidels, sword in
hand.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>

<p>It is impossible to describe the despair and consternation
of the Christians of Palestine, when they learnt the tragical
end of the defenders of Sefed. Their superstitious grief
invented or blindly received the most marvellous accounts,
which the Western chroniclers have not disdained to repeat;
it was said that a celestial light shone every night over the
bodies of the Christian warriors that remained unburied.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>
It was added that the sultan, annoyed by this prodigy, which
was every day renewed before his eyes, gave orders that the
martyrs of the Christian faith should be buried, and that
around their place of sepulture high walls should be built,
in order that nobody might witness the miracles operated in
favour of the victims he had immolated to his vengeance.</p>

<p>After the taking of Sefed, Bibars returned into Egypt,
and the Franks hoped for a few days of repose and safety;
but the indefatigable sultan never gave his enemies much
time to rejoice at his absence. He only remained in Egypt
till he had recruited his army with fresh troops, and soon
brought back additional desolation to the states of the
Christians. In this campaign, Armenia was the point to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>
which his anger and the power of his arms were directed;
he reproached the Armenian monarch with forbidding Egyptian
merchants to enter his dominions, and could not pardon
him for preventing his own subjects from obtaining merchandise
from Egypt. These differences were quickly settled
on the field of battle; one of the sons of the king of
Armenia lost his liberty, and the other his life: the army of
Bibars returned loaded with booty, and followed by an innumerable
multitude of captives.</p>

<p>As, after each of his victories, the sultan presented himself
before Ptolemaïs, the capital of the Christian states,
he did not fail on his return from this last expedition,
to exhibit before the walls of this city the spoils of the
people of Armenia, together with his own machines of war;
but the moment was not yet arrived in which such a great
undertaking as the capture of Ptolemaïs could be attempted.
After terrifying the inhabitants by his appearance, he suddenly
departed, for the purpose of surprising Jaffa. This
city, the fortifications of which had cost Louis IX. a considerable
sum,<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> after a very slight resistance, fell into the hands
of Bibars, who caused all the walls to be levelled with the
ground. During this excursion, the sultan of Cairo obtained
possession of the castle of Carac and several other forts, and
then marched towards Tripoli. Bohemond having sent to
demand of him what the purpose of his coming was: “I am
come,” replied he, “to gather in your harvests; in my next
campaign I will besiege your capital.” Nevertheless, he
concluded a truce with Tripoli, in the midst of these hostilities;
foreseeing that a treaty of peace would serve as a
veil for the project of another war, and that he should soon
find an opportunity of violating the truce with advantage.</p>

<p>The author of the life of Bibars, who was sent to Bohemond,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
count of Tripoli and prince of Antioch, says that the
sultan was in the train of the ambassador, in the character
of a herald-at-arms. His project was to examine the fortifications
and the means of defence of the city of Tripoli.
In drawing up the treaty, the Mussulman deputies only
gave Bohemond the title of count, whilst he claimed that of
prince; the discussion becoming warm, the envoys of Bibars
naturally turned their eyes towards their master, who made
them a sign to yield.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> On his return to his army, the sultan
laughed heartily with his emirs at this adventure, saying,
“The time is come in which God will curse the prince and
the count.”</p>

<p>By this, Bibars alluded to his project of conquering and
ruining the principality of Antioch. The Egyptian army
received orders to march towards the banks of the Orontes;
and but very few days had passed away before this same
army was encamped under the walls of Antioch, badly
defended by its patriarch, and abandoned by most of its inhabitants.
Historians say very little of this siege, in which
the Christians made but a feeble resistance, and appeared
more frequently as suppliants than as warriors: their submission,
their tears, their prayers, however, made no impression
upon a conqueror whose sole policy was the destruction
of the Christian cities.</p>

<p>As the Mussulmans entered Antioch without a capitulation,
they gave themselves up to all the excesses of license
and victory. In a letter which Bibars addressed to the
count of Tripoli, the barbarous conqueror takes a pleasure
in describing the desolation of the subdued city, and all the
evils which his fury had caused the Christians to undergo.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>
“Death,” says he, “came among the besieged from all sides<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
and by all roads: we killed all that thou hadst appointed to
guard the city or defend its approaches. If thou hadst
seen thy knights trampled under the feet of the horses, thy
provinces given up to pillage, thy riches distributed by measures-full,
the wives of thy subjects put to public sale; if
thou hadst seen the pulpits and crosses overturned, the
leaves of the Gospel torn and cast to the winds, and the
sepulchres of thy patriarchs profaned; if thou hadst seen
thy enemies, the Mussulmans, trampling upon the tabernacle,
and immolating in the sanctuary, monk, priest, and
deacon; in short, if thou hadst seen thy palaces given up to
the flames, the dead devoured by the fire of this world, the
Church of St. Paul and that of St. Peter completely and
entirely destroyed, certes, thou wouldst have cried out:
<i>Would to Heaven that I were become dust!</i>”</p>

<p>Bibars distributed the booty among his soldiers, the
Mamelukes reserving as their portion, the women, girls, and
children. At that time, says an Arabian chronicle, “<i>there
was not the slave of a slave that was not the master of a slave</i>.”
A little boy was worth twelve dirhems, a little girl, five dirhems.
In a single day the city of Antioch lost all its inhabitants,
and a conflagration, lighted by order of Bibars, completed
the work of the barbarians. Most historians agree in
saying that seventeen thousand Christians were slaughtered,
and a hundred thousand dragged away into slavery.</p>

<p>When we recall to our minds the first siege of this city
by the Crusaders, and the labours and the exploits of Bohemond,
Godfrey, and Tancred, who founded the principality
of Antioch, we are afflicted at beholding the end of all that
which the glory of conquerors had produced. When, on
the other side, we see a numerous population, inclosed
within ramparts, making but a feeble defence against an
enemy, and allowing themselves to be slaughtered without
resistance, we cannot help asking what can have become of
the posterity of so many brave warriors as had defended
Antioch, during almost two centuries, against all the Mussulman
powers.</p>

<p>Complaints were made among the Christians against
William, the patriarch, whom they accused of having at
least favoured the invasion and conquest of the Mussulmans,
by a weak pusillanimity. Without offering an opinion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
upon the accusation, we content ourselves with saying, that
the timid prelate did not long enjoy the fruit of his base
conduct; for the Mamelukes, after having permitted him to
retire to Cosseïr, with all his treasures, dragged him from
his retreat by violence; and the faithless pastor, despoiled
of his wealth, and plunged in ignominy, underwent at last a
much more cruel death than he might have expected amidst
his flock, and upon the ramparts of a Christian city.</p>

<p>After the taking of Antioch, the Christians had nothing
left to arrest the progress of the Mussulmans, but the
cities of Tripoli and Ptolemaïs. Bibars was impatient to
attack these last bulwarks of the Franks; but he did
not dare to put trust in his fortune, and aim the last fatal
blow at that power before which the Mussulman nations so
lately trembled. The sultan of Cairo could not forget that
the dangers of the Christians had often roused the whole
West, and this thought alone was sufficient to keep him in
inaction and dread. Thus the sad remains of the Christian
colonies of the East, were still protected by the warlike reputation
of the nations of Europe, and by the remembrance
of the wonders of the early crusades.</p>

<p>Fame had not failed to carry the news of so many disasters
across the seas. The archbishop of Tyre, the grand
masters of the Temple and the Hospital, passed over into
the West, to repeat the groans of the Christian cities of
Syria; but on their arrival, Europe seemed but little disposed
to give ear to their complaints. In vain a crusade was
preached in Germany, Poland, and the more remote countries
of the North; the inhabitants of northern Europe
evinced nothing but indifference for events that were passing
at such a distance from them. The king of Bohemia, the
marquis of Brandenburg, and some other lords that had
taken the cross, seemed in no hurry to perform their oath.
No army set forward on its march; everything was reduced
to preachings and vain preparations.</p>

<p>The misfortunes of the Holy Land were deeply deplored
in the kingdom of France; in a <i>sirvente</i>,<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> composed on this
subject, a contemporary troubadour appears to reproach
Providence with the defeats of the Christians of Palestine,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
and in his poetical delirium, abandons himself to an impious
despair:&mdash;“Sadness and grief,” cried he, “have taken possession
of my soul to such a degree, that little is wanting to
bring me to instant death; for the cross is disgraced,&mdash;that
cross which we have taken in honour of him who died upon
the cross. Neither cross nor faith protects us longer, or
guides us against the cruel Turks,&mdash;whom God curse! But
it appears, as far as man can judge, that it is God’s will to
support them for our destruction. And never believe that
the enemy will stop in his career after such success; on the
contrary, he has sworn and publicly announced that not a
single man who believes in Jesus Christ shall be left alive in
Syria; that the temple even of the holy Mary will be converted
into a mosque. Since the son of Mary, whom this
affront ought to afflict, wills it to be so, <i>since this pleases
him, does it follow that it should please us likewise</i>?</p>

<p>“He is then mad who seeks a quarrel with the Saracens,
when Jesus Christ opposes them in nothing, as they have
obtained victories, and are gaining them still (which grieves
me) over the Franks, the Armenians, and the Persians.
Every day we are conquered; for he sleeps,&mdash;that God that
was accustomed to be so watchful:<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> Mahomet acts with all
his power, and the fierce Bibars seconds him.”</p>

<p>We cannot believe that these exceedingly remarkable
words expressed the feelings of the faithful; but at a time
when poets ventured to speak in this manner, we may well
suppose that men’s minds were not favourable to a crusade.
The troubadour we have quoted does not advise the making
of any war against the Saracens, and inveighs bitterly
against the pope, who sold <i>God and indulgences</i> to arm the
French against the house of Swabia. In fact, the dissensions
raised by the disputed succession of the kingdom of
Naples and Sicily, then occupied the entire attention of the
Holy See, and France was not quite free from party spirit
on the occasion.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span></p>

<p>Not satisfied with launching excommunications and ecclesiastical
thunders against Frederick and his family, the sovereign
pontiffs wished to add the force of arms to the authority
conferred upon them by the Church, and the right of conquest
to that which they thought they possessed over a
kingdom so near to their own capital. As they had no
experience in war, and their lieutenants were equally deficient
in capacity and courage, their armies were defeated.
The court of Rome, thus conquered in the field of battle,
was compelled to acknowledge the ascendancy of victory,
and in this profane struggle lost some of that spiritual power
which alone rendered it formidable.</p>

<p>With the exception of Mainfroy, a natural son of Frederick,
and Conradin, his grandson, the family of Swabia
was extinct. Mainfroy, who possessed both the abilities and
courage of his father, had recently elevated the German
cause in Italy, and braved both the arms and the power of
the pontiffs. The court of Rome, upon finding it could not
retain the kingdom of Sicily for itself, offered it to any one
who would undertake the conquest of it. The crown to
which Mainfroy pretended was first offered to Richard of
Cornwall, and upon his prudent refusal, to Edmund, younger
son of the king of England; but the English parliament
would not grant the subsidies necessary for so great an
undertaking. It was then offered to Louis IX. for his brother,
the count of Anjou; and although the scruples of the
pious monarch for a moment checked the projects of Pope
Urban, Clement IV., on his accession, used fresh persuasions,
and Louis at length suffered himself to be overcome
by the prayers of Charles; at the same time entertaining a
secret hope that the conquest of Sicily would some day prove
instrumental to the defence of the Holy Land.</p>

<p>Charles, after being crowned by the pope in the church of
St. John of the Lateran, entered the kingdom of Naples at
the head of a considerable force, preceded by the fulminations
of the court of Rome. The soldiers of Charles wore
a cross, and fought in the name of the Church; priests exhorted
the combatants, and promised them the protection of
Heaven. Mainfroy succumbed in this, miscalled, holy war,
and lost both his life and his crown at the battle of Cosenza.</p>

<p>The pope being delivered from the cares of this political<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>
crusade, turned his attention to the holy one beyond the
seas; his legates solicited various princes, some to take the
cross, others to accomplish their vows. Clement did not
neglect to press Michael Palæologus to prove the sincerity
of his promises. Charles, who was the acknowledged vassal
of the pope, and who owed his kingdom to him, received
many messages, representing the dangers of the Holy Land,
and reminding him of what he owed to Jesus Christ, who
was outraged by the victories of the Mussulmans. The new
king of Sicily contented himself with sending an embassy
to the sultan of Cairo, and with commending the unfortunate
inhabitants of Palestine to the mercy of Bibars. The
sultan replied to Charles, that he did not reject his intercessions;
but the Christians were destroying themselves
with their own hands; that no one among them had the
power to enforce the observance of treaties, <i>and that the
most contemptible of them were constantly undoing that which
the greatest had done</i>. Bibars, in his turn, sent ambassadors
to Charles, less for the purpose of following up any negotiations,
than to obtain information upon the state and views
of Christendom.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p>

<p>Young Conradin, who was preparing to dispute the
crown of Sicily with Charles of Anjou, in order to avail
himself of every means of supporting his claim, sent deputies
to the sultan of Cairo, in the character of king of Jerusalem,
conjuring him to protect his rights against his rival.
Bibars, in his reply, pretended to endeavour to console
Conradin, but, doubtless, received with joy these proofs of
the divisions that existed among the princes of Europe.</p>

<p>In the state in which Europe then was, one monarch alone
took serious interest in the fate of the Christian colonies of
Asia. The remembrance of a land in which he had so long
dwelt, and the hope of avenging the honour of the French
arms in Egypt,<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> once more directed the thoughts of Louis IX.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
to a new crusade. He however concealed his purpose, and
this great project, says one of his historians,<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> was formed,
so to say, between God and himself. Louis consulted the
pope, who hesitated to answer him, reflecting upon the
dangers that his absence might bring upon France, and
even upon Europe. The first letter of Clement<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> aimed at
diverting the French monarch from so perilous an enterprise;
but, upon being consulted again, the sovereign pontiff
showed none of the same scruples, and declared it to be his
duty to encourage Louis in his design, as he was persuaded,
he said, that this design came from God.</p>

<p>The purpose, however, of this negotiation remained still
buried in profound mystery. Louis, no doubt, was fearful
of prematurely announcing his designs, lest reflection might
weaken the enthusiasm of which he must stand in so much
need, or that a powerful opposition to the undertaking of a
crusade might be formed in both his court and his kingdom;
he thought that, by announcing his project unexpectedly, at
the moment of its being ripe for execution, he should affect
men’s minds more forcibly, and induce them more easily to
follow his example. An assembly of the barons, nobles, and
prelates of the kingdom was solemnly convoked at Paris
towards the middle of Lent. The faithful Joinville was not
forgotten in this convocation; the seneschal foresaw, he says
in his Memoirs, that Louis was about to take the cross, and
the cause of his having this presentiment was, that in a
dream he had seen the king of France clothed in a chasuble
of a bright red colour, made of Rheims serge, which signified
the cross. His almoner, when explaining this dream to
him, added, that the chasuble being of Rheims serge, denoted
that the crusade would be but a trifling or small
exploit.</p>

<p>On the twenty-third day of March, the great parliament
of the kingdom being assembled in a hall of the Louvre, the
king entered, bearing in his hand the crown of thorns of
Christ. At sight of this, the whole assembly became aware
of the monarch’s intentions. Louis, in a speech delivered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
with great animation, described the misfortunes of the Holy
Land, and proclaimed that he was resolved to go and succour
it; he then exhorted all who heard him to take the
cross. When he ceased to speak, a sad but a profound
silence expressed at once the surprise and grief of the barons
and prelates, with the respect that all entertained for the
will of the holy monarch.</p>

<p>Cardinal de St. Cecilia, the pope’s legate, spoke after him,
and in a pathetic exhortation, called upon the French warriors
to take arms. Louis received the cross from the hands
of the cardinal, and his example was followed by three of
his sons. Among these princes, the assembly was affected
at beholding John, count of Nevers, who was born at Damietta
amidst the calamities of the preceding crusade. At
the same time the legate received the oath of John, count of
Brittany, of Alphonso de Brienne, count of Eu, of Marguerite,
the ancient countess of Flanders, and of a great number
of prelates, nobles, and knights.</p>

<p>The determination of St. Louis, of which a sad presentiment
had been entertained, spread deep regret throughout
his kingdom; his people could not behold without sorrow
the departure of a prince whose presence alone preserved
peace, and maintained order and justice everywhere. The
health of the king was very much weakened, and there was
great reason to fear that he would not be able to support the
dangers and fatigues of a crusade; he took his sons with
him; which circumstance added greatly to the public grief.
The disasters of the first crusade were still fresh in the
memory of his subjects, and whilst they thought of the captivity
of the whole of the royal family, they dreaded greater
misfortunes in the future. Joinville does not fear to say,
“that they who had advised the king to undertake this voyage
beyond the seas, had sinned mortally.”</p>

<p>Notwithstanding the general regret, there were neither
complaints nor murmurs against the king; the spirit of resignation,
which was one of the virtues of the monarch,
appeared to have passed into the minds of all his subjects,
and, to employ the very expressions of the pope’s bull, “the
French people saw in the devotion of their king nothing but
a noble and painful sacrifice to the cause of the Christians,
to that cause for which God had not spared his only Son.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span></p>

<p>The greater that was the affection for the king, the greater
was the general grief; but the zeal to partake his perils
more than kept pace with these.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Louis alone thought of
delivering the tomb of Christ and the Christian colonies;
the warlike nobility of the kingdom only thought of following
their king in an expedition which was already looked
upon as unfortunate.</p>

<p>Among those who took the cross after the assembly of the
Louvre, history names Thibault, king of Navarre; Henry,
count of Champagne, and his brother, the count d’Artois,
son of Robert, killed at Mansourah; the counts of Flanders,
de la Marche, St. Pol, and Soissons; the seigneurs de Montmorency,
de Nemours, de Pienne, &amp;c. The sieur de Joinville
was warmly pressed to take the cross, but he resisted
all the persuasions that could be made to him, alleging the
vast injuries sustained by his vassals during the last expedition.
The good seneschal also was not forgetful of the predictions
of his almoner; he earnestly wished to accompany
the king, whom he loved sincerely; but he was not yet recovered
from the terrors he had experienced in Egypt, and
no earthly motive could induce him to revisit the land of the
Saracens.</p>

<p>The determination of the king of France created a lively
sensation throughout Europe, and revived in men’s minds
the little that remained of the old enthusiasm for the crusades.
As he was the chief of the enterprise, most of the
warriors were ambitious of fighting under his immediate
banners; the confidence entertained for his wisdom and
virtues, in some sort fortified minds that dreaded distant
expeditions, and restored hopes to the Christian nations, that
they appeared to have forgotten. The remembrance, even,
of the misfortunes of the first voyage added to the security
of the future, and created a belief in many that the triumph
of the Christian armies would at length be the reward of
past labours and calamities, and the fruit of a salutary
experience.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span></p>

<p>Clement IV. wrote to the king of Armenia to console him
for the evils he had suffered by the invasion of the Mamelukes,
and to announce to him that the Christians of the
East were about to receive powerful succours. Abaga, khan
of the Tartars, who was then prosecuting a war against the
Turks of Asia Minor, sent ambassadors to the court of
Rome, and to several princes of the West, proposing to
attack the Mamelukes in concert with the Franks, and drive
them from Syria and Egypt. The pope received the Mogul
ambassadors with great solemnity; he told them that an
army, led by a powerful monarch, was about to embark for
the East, that the hour fatal to the Mussulmans was come,
and that God would bless his nation, and all the allies of his
nation.</p>

<p>Louis, constantly occupied by his expedition, fixed the
period of his departure for 1270; so that three long years
must pass away before the assistance promised by the sovereign
pontiff could arrive in the East. Vessels to transport
the Crusaders were demanded of the republics of Genoa and
Venice: the Venetians at first refused; but upon learning
that applications were being made to the Genoese, they sent
ambassadors to offer a fleet. After protracted negotiations,
in which Venice evinced more jealousy of the Genoese than
zeal for the crusade, she again refused to concur in the embarkation
of the Christian army, being in less dread of the
anger of Louis IX. than of that of the sultan of Cairo, who
had it in his power to ruin her mercantile establishments in
the East. At length the Genoese engaged to furnish vessels
for the expedition.</p>

<p>But the greatest difficulty was to find the money necessary
for the preparations of the war. Up to this period, the
tenths levied upon the clergy had supplied the expenses of
the crusades;<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> and an opinion generally prevailed, that a
holy war ought to be paid for by men attached to the Church
and devoted to the altars of Jesus Christ. Urban IV., the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
predecessor of Clement, had already ordered throughout the
West, that a levy of a hundredth should be made upon the
revenues of the clergy; and, what might be considered a
traffic in holy things, the court of Rome permitted the distributing
of indulgences, which faculty was granted in proportion
with what was given beyond the tribute required.
The French clergy had addressed several petitions to the
pope upon this subject; but these petitions always remained
unnoticed.</p>

<p>When the late determination of Louis IX. became known,
the Holy See had recourse to the customary means, and,
without the least attention to complaints, which were not
without foundation, the order was issued to levy again a
tenth during three years. Upon this the clergy redoubled
their opposition, and were much more earnest in the defence
of their own revenues than in the defence of the Holy Land.
They complained to the king, and they sent deputies to
Rome, to show the depth of the misery into which the
Church of France was plunged by the burdens imposed
upon it;<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> these deputies represented to the sovereign pontiff
that the exactions of latter times became every day more
intolerable, and that the property of the clergy was no
longer sufficient to support the altars and feed the poor of
Jesus Christ. They added, that injustice and violence had
formerly separated the Greek Church from that of Rome;
giving his holiness to understand, that new rigours would
not fail to produce new schisms. They further said, that if
most crusades, particularly the expedition of Louis IX. into
Egypt, had been unfortunate, it no doubt arose from the
sanctuary having been plundered, and the churches ruined
for the sake of them; as a last reason, they prognosticated
much greater calamities for the future than any that had
been experienced.</p>

<p>Such an address necessarily inflamed the anger of the
sovereign pontiff. Clement, in his reply, warmly reproached
the deputies, and they who had sent them, with their indifference<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
for the cause of all Christians, and for their avarice,
which made them deny their superfluous wealth for the prosecution
of a war in which so many princes and illustrious
warriors perilled their lives. He pointed to the excommunication
ready to fall upon their heads, and, what must have
much more terrified them, he threatened to deprive them of
their property and their benefices. Such was then the
power of Rome, that nothing could be possessed without its
pleasure: the clergy were obliged to submit, and pay the
tenth during four years. The pope further empowered the
king to dispose of all the sums bequeathed by will for the
assistance of the Holy Land; he equally abandoned to him
the money that might be drawn from those who, having
taken the cross, were desirous of redeeming their vows;
which latter means must have produced a considerable sum,
as the clergy gave the cross to everybody, and refused
dispensation to nobody.</p>

<p>Louis IX. neglected none of the resources that his position
as king of France placed in his hands; at this period no
regular impost was known, and, to support the splendour of
their thrones, kings had nothing to depend upon but the
revenues of their domains.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> In order to provide for all the
expenses he was obliged to incur on this occasion, the king
had recourse to the impost called the capitation-tax, which
suzerain lords, according to feudal customs, required of each
of their vassals in any extraordinary circumstances. Usage
authorized him to levy this contribution on account of the
crusade, but he had also the right, on the occasion of a ceremony,
at that time very important, in which his eldest son
Philip was to be received as a knight. Thus, the impost was
demanded in the name of chivalry and in the name of religion;
it was paid without a murmur, because Louis confided
the gathering of it to men of acknowledged integrity.</p>

<p>When Philip received the sword of knighthood, the
French, and particularly the Parisians, expressed their love
for Louis IX. and his family by public rejoicings; all the
nobility hastened from the provinces to be present at the
festivities and spectacles that were celebrated in the capital<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
on this occasion. Amidst the tournaments, the exercises of
the tilt-yard, and the sports in which the skill and courage
of the <i>preux</i> and the <i>paladins</i> were displayed, the crusade
was not forgotten. The pope’s legate pronounced a discourse,
in the isle of St. Louis, upon the misfortunes of the
Holy Land; all the people appeared to be deeply moved by
the exhortations of the prelate; a crowd of knights, and
warriors of all classes, took the cross; thus Louis IX. found
in this circumstance an opportunity of raising money for
the support of his army, and of procuring recruits for the
holy war.</p>

<p>Whilst all France was engaged in preparing for the expedition
beyond the seas, the crusade was preached in the
other countries of Europe. A council was held at Northampton,
in England, in which Ottobon, the pope’s legate,
exhorted the faithful to arm themselves to save the little
that remained of the kingdom of Jerusalem; and Prince
Edward took the cross, to discharge the vow that his father
Henry III. had made when the news reached Europe of the
captivity of Louis IX. in Egypt. After the example of
Edward, his brother Prince Edmund, with the earls of Pembroke
and Warwick, and many knights and barons, agreed
to take arms against the infidels. The same zeal for the
deliverance of the holy places was manifested in Scotland,
where John Baliol and several nobles enrolled themselves
under the banners of the cross.</p>

<p>Catalonia and Castile furnished a great number of Crusaders:
the king of Portugal, and James, king of Arragon,
took the cross. Dona Sancha, one of the daughters of the
Arragonese prince, had made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and
had died in the hospital of St. John, after devoting many
years to the service of pilgrims and the sick. James had
several times conquered the Moors; but neither his exploits
against the infidels, nor the remembrance of a daughter who
had fallen a martyr to Christian charity, could sustain his piety
against the attacks of his earthly passions, and his shameful
connection with Berengaria scandalized Christendom.</p>

<p>The pope, to whom he communicated his design of going
to the Holy Land, replied that Jesus Christ could not accept
the services of a prince <i>who crucified him every day by his
sins</i>. The king of Arragon, by a strange combination of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
opposite sentiments, would neither renounce Berengaria nor
give up his project of going to fight against the infidels in
the East. He renewed his oath in a great assembly at
Toledo, at which the ambassadors of the khan of Tartary
and of the king of Armenia were present. We read in a
Spanish dissertation<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> upon the crusades, that Alphonso the
Wise, who was not able to go to the East himself, furnished
the king of Arragon with a hundred men and a hundred
thousand marvedis in gold; the order of St. James, and
other orders of knighthood, who had often accompanied the
conqueror of the Moors in his battles, supplied him also
with men and money. The city of Barcelona offered him
eighty thousand Barcellonese sols, and Majorca fifty thousand
silver sols, with two equipped vessels. The fleet, composed
of thirty large ships and a great number of smaller
craft, in which were embarked eight hundred men-at-arms
and two thousand foot-soldiers, set out from Barcelona on
the 4th of September, 1268. When they arrived off Majorca,
the fleet was dispersed by a tempest; one part of the
vessels gained the coasts of Asia, another took shelter in the
ports of Sardinia; the vessel the king of Arragon was on
board of was cast upon the coast of Languedoc.</p>

<p>The arrival at Ptolemaïs of the Arragonese Crusaders,
commanded by a natural son of James, restored some hopes
to the Franks of Palestine. An envoy from the king of
Arragon, according to the Oriental chronicles, repaired to
the khan of the Tartars, to announce to him that the Spanish
monarch would soon arrive with his army. But whether he
was detained by the charms of Berengaria, or whether the
tempest that dispersed his fleet made him believe that
Heaven was averse to his pilgrimage, James did not arrive.
His departure, in which he appeared to despise the counsels
of the Holy See, had been severely censured; and his return,
which was attributed to his disgraceful passion, met with an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
equal share of blame. Murmurs likewise arose against the
king of Portugal, who had levied the tenths, but did not
leave his kingdom.</p>

<p>All those who in Europe took an interest in the crusade
had, at this time, their eyes directed towards the kingdom of
Naples, where Charles of Anjou was making great preparations
to accompany his brother into the East; but this
kingdom, recently conquered, was doomed again to be the
theatre of a war kindled by vengeance and ambition. There
fell out in the states of Naples and Sicily, which had so
often changed masters, that which almost always takes
place after a revolution: deceived hopes were changed into
hatreds: the excesses inseparable from a conquest, the presence
of an army proud of its victories, with the too violent
government of Charles, animated the people against their
new king. Clement IV. thought it his duty to give a timely
and salutary warning: “Your kingdom,” he wrote to him,
“at first exhausted by the agents of your authority, is now
torn by your enemies; thus the caterpillar destroys what
has escaped the grasshopper. The kingdom of Sicily and
Naples has not been wanting in men to desolate it; where
now are they that will defend it?” This letter of the pope
announced storms ready to break forth. Many of those who
had called Charles to the throne, regretted the house of
Swabia, and directed their new hopes towards Conradin,
heir of Frederick and of Conrad. This young prince quitted
Germany with an army, and advanced towards Italy,
strengthening himself in his march with the party of the
Ghibellines, and with all those whom the domination of
Charles had irritated. All Italy was in flames, and the
pope, Charles’s protector, retired to Viterbo, had no defence
to afford him, except the thunders of the Church.</p>

<p>Charles of Anjou, however, assembled his troops, and
marched out to meet his rival. The two armies met in the
plain of St. Valentine, near Aquila; the army of Conradin
was cut to pieces, and the young prince fell into the power
of the conqueror. Posterity cannot pardon Charles for
having abused his victory even so far as to condemn and
decapitate his disarmed and vanquished enemy.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> After this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
execution, Sicily and the country of Naples were given up
to all the furies of a jealous, suspicious tyranny; for violence
produces violence, and great political crimes never come
alone. It was thus that Charles got ready for the crusade;
but, on the other hand, Providence was preparing terrible
catastrophes for him: “So true it is,” says an historian,
“that God as often gives kingdoms to punish those he
elevates, as to chastise those whom he brings low.”</p>

<p>Whilst these bloody scenes were passing in Italy, Louis IX.
was following up the establishment of public peace and his
darling object, the crusade, at the same time. The holy
monarch did not forget that the surest manner of softening
the evils of war, as well as of his absence, was to make good
laws; he therefore issued several ordinances, and each of
these ordinances was a monument of his justice. The most
celebrated of all is the Pragmatic Sanction, which Bossuet
called the firmest support of Gallican liberties. He also
employed himself in elevating that monument of legislation
which illustrated his reign, and which became a light for
following ages.</p>

<p>The count of Poictiers, who was to accompany his brother,
was in the mean time engaged in pacifying his provinces,
and established many regulations for maintaining public
order. He, above everything, endeavoured to abolish slavery;
having for a maxim, “That men are born free, and it is
always wise to bring back things to their origin.” This
good prince drew upon himself the benedictions of his
people; and the love of his vassals assured the duration of
the laws he made.</p>

<p>We have said that Prince Edward, son of Henry III., had
taken the oath to combat the infidels. He had recently
displayed a brilliant valour in the civil war that had so long
desolated England; and the deliverance of his father and
the pacification of the kingdom had been the reward of his
exploits. It was his esteem for the character of Louis IX.,
more than the spirit of devotion, that induced him to set out
for the East. The king of France, who himself exhorted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
him to take the cross, lent him seventy thousand livres
tournois for the preparations for his voyage. Edward was
to follow Louis as his vassal, and to conduct under his banners
the English Crusaders, united with those of Guienne.
Gaston de Béarn, to whom the French monarch advanced
the sum of twenty-five thousand livres, prepared to follow
Prince Edward to the Holy Land.</p>

<p>The period fixed upon for the departure of the expedition
was drawing near. By order of the legate, the curés in
every parish had taken the names of the Crusaders, in order
to oblige them to wear the cross publicly, and all had notice
to hold themselves in readiness to embark in the month of
May, 1270. Louis confided the administration of his kingdom,
during his absence, to Matthew, abbot of St. Denis,
and to Simon, sieur de Nesle; he wrote to all the nobles
who were to follow him into the Holy Land, to recommend
them to assemble their knights and men-at-arms. As religious
enthusiasm was not sufficiently strong to make men
forget their worldly interests, many nobles who had taken
the cross entertained great fears of being ruined by the holy
war, and most of them hesitated to set out. Louis undertook
to pay all the expenses of their voyage, and to maintain
them at his own cost during the war,&mdash;a thing that had not
been done in the crusades of Louis VII. or Philip Augustus,
in which the ardour of the Crusaders did not allow them to
give a thought to their fortunes, or to exercise so much foresight.
We have still a valuable monument of this epoch in
a charter, by which the king of France stipulates how much
he is to pay to a great number of barons and knights during
the time the war beyond the seas should last.</p>

<p>Early in the month of March, Louis repaired to the church
of St. Denis, where he received the symbols of pilgrimage,
and placed his kingdom under the protection of the apostles
of France.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Upon the day following this solemn ceremony,
a mass for the crusade was celebrated in the church of Notre
Dame, at Paris. The monarch appeared there, accompanied
by his children and the principal nobles of his court; he
walked from the palace barefooted, carrying his scrip and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
staff. The same day he went to sleep at Vincennes, and
beheld, for the last time, the spot on which he had enjoyed so
much happiness in administering justice to his people. And
it was here too that he took leave of Queen Marguerite,
whom he had never before quitted,&mdash;a separation rendered
so much the more painful by the sorrowful reflection it recalled
of past events, and by melancholy presentiments for
the future.</p>

<p>Both the people and the court were affected by the deepest
regret, and that which added to the public anxiety was the
circumstance that every one was ignorant of the point to
which the expedition was to be directed: the coast of Africa
was only vaguely conjectured. The king of Sicily had taken the
cross without having the least inclination to embark for Asia;
and when the question was discussed in council, he gave it
as his opinion that Tunis should be the object of the first
attack. The kingdom of Tunis covered the seas with pirates,
who infested all the routes to Palestine; it was, besides, the
ally of Egypt, and might, if subdued, be made the readiest
road to that country. These were the ostensible reasons
put forth; the true ones were, that it was of importance to
the king of Sicily that the coasts of Africa should be brought
under European subjection, and that he did not wish to go
too far from Italy. The true reason with St. Louis, and
that which, no doubt, determined him, was, that he believed
it possible to convert the king of Tunis, and thus bring a
vast kingdom under the Christian banners. The Mussulman
prince, whose ambassadors had been several times in France,
had himself given birth to this idea, by saying, that he asked
nothing better than to embrace the religion of Jesus
Christ:<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> thus, that which he had said to turn aside an invasion,
was precisely the cause of the war being directed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
against his territories. Louis IX. often repeated that he
would consent to pass the whole of his life in a dungeon,
without seeing the sun, if, by such a sacrifice, the conversion
of the king of Tunis and his nation could be brought about;
an expression of ardent proselytism that has been blamed
with much bitterness, but which only showed an extreme
desire to see Africa delivered from barbarism, and marching
with Europe in the progress of intelligence and civilization,
which are the great blessings of Christianity.</p>

<p>As Louis traversed his kingdom on his way to Aigues-Mortes,
where the army of the Crusaders was to embark,
he was everywhere hailed by the benedictions of his people,
and gratified by hearing their ardent prayers for the success
of his arms; the clergy and the faithful, assembled in the
churches, prayed for the king and his children, and all that
should follow him. They prayed also for foreign princes
and nobles who had taken the cross, and promised to go into
the East; as if they would, by that means, press them to
hasten their departure.</p>

<p>Very few, however, responded to this religious appeal.
The king of Castile, who had taken the cross, had pretensions
to the imperial crown, nor could he forget the death of
his brother Frederick, immolated by Charles of Anjou. It
was not only that the affairs of the empire detained the
German princes and nobles; the death of young Conradin
had so shocked and disgusted men’s minds in Germany, that
no one from that country would have consented to fight
under the same banners as the king of Sicily. So black a
crime, committed amidst the preparations for a holy war,
appeared to presage great calamities. In the height of their
grief or indignation, people might fear that Heaven would
be angry with the Christians, and that its curse would fall
upon the arms of the Crusaders.</p>

<p>When Louis arrived at Aigues-Mortes, he found neither
the Genoese fleet nor the principal nobles who were to
embark with him; the ambassadors of Palæologus were the
only persons who did not cause themselves to be waited for;
for a great dread of the crusade was entertained at Constantinople,
and this fear was more active than the enthusiasm
of the Crusaders. Louis might have asked the Greek
emperor why, after having promised to send soldiers, he had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>
only sent ambassadors; but Louis, who attached great importance
to the conversion of the Greeks, contented himself
with removing the apprehensions of the envoys, and, as
Clement IV. died at that period, he sent them to the conclave
of the cardinals, to terminate the reunion of the two
churches.</p>

<p>At length the unwilling Crusaders, stimulated by repeated
exhortations, and by the example of Louis, set forward on
their march from all the provinces, and directed their course
towards the ports of Aigues-Mortes and Marseilles. Louis
soon welcomed the arrival of the count of Poictiers, with a
great number of his vassals; the principal nobles brought
with them the most distinguished of their knights and their
most brave and hardy soldiers; many cities likewise contributed
their supply of warriors. Each troop had its banner,
and formed a separate corps, bearing the name of a city
or a province; the battalions of Beaucaire, Carcassonne,
Châlons, Perigord, &amp;c., attracted observation in the Christian
army. These names, it is true, excited great emulation,
but they also gave rise to quarrels, which the wisdom and
firmness of Louis had great difficulty in appeasing. Crusaders
arrived from Catalonia, Castile, and several other
provinces of Spain; five hundred warriors from Friesland
likewise ranged themselves with full confidence under the
standard of such a leader as Louis, saying, that their nation
had always been proud to obey the kings of France.</p>

<p>Before he embarked, the king wrote once more to the
regents of the kingdom, to recommend them to watch carefully
over public morals, to deliver France from corrupt
judges, and to render to everybody, particularly to the poor,
prompt and perfect justice, so that He who judges the
judgments of men might have nothing to reproach him with.</p>

<p>Such were the last farewells that Louis took of France.
The fleet set sail on the fourth of July, 1270, and in a few
days arrived in the road of Cagliari. Here the council of
the counts and barons was assembled in the king’s vessel, to
deliberate upon the plan of the crusade. Those who advocated
the conquest of Tunis, said that by that means the
passages of the Mediterranean would be opened, and the
power of the Mamelukes would be weakened; and that after
that conquest the army would go triumphantly into either<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
Egypt or Palestine. Many of the barons were not of this
opinion; they said, if the Holy Land stood in need of
prompt assistance, they ought to afford it without delay;
whilst they were engaged on the coast of Africa, in a country
with which they were unacquainted, the Christian cities of
Syria might all fall into the hands of the Saracens; the most
redoubtable enemy of the Christians was Bibars, the terrible
sultan of Cairo; it was him they ought first to attack; it
was into his states, into the bosom of his capital, that the
war should be carried, and not to a place two hundred
leagues from Egypt. They added to this, remembrances of
the defeats of the French army on the banks of the Nile,&mdash;defeats
that ought to be avenged upon the very theatre of
so many disasters.</p>

<p>Contemporary history does not say to what extent Louis
was struck with the wisdom of these last opinions; but the
expedition to Tunis flattered his most cherished hopes. It
had been proposed by the king of Sicily, whose concurrence
was necessary to the success of the crusade. It was, therefore,
decided that the Genoese fleet should direct its course
towards Africa; and two days after, on the twentieth of
July, it arrived in sight of Tunis and Carthage.</p>

<p>On the western coast of Africa, opposite Sicily, is a peninsula,
described by Strabo, whose circumference is three
hundred and forty stadii, or forty-two miles. This peninsula
advances into the sea between two gulfs, one of which, on
the west, offers a commodious port; the other, on the south-east,
communicates, by means of a canal, with a lake which
extends three leagues into the land, and which modern geographers
term the Gullet. It was upon this spot was built
the great rival of Rome, whose site extended over the two
shores of the sea. Neither the conquests of the Romans,
nor the ravages of the Vandals, had been able to entirely
destroy this once flourishing city; but in the seventh century,
after being invaded and laid waste by the Saracens, it
became nothing but a mass of ruins; a moderate-sized village
upon the port, called Marsa, a tower on the point of
the cape, a pretty strong castle on the hill of Byrsa,&mdash;these
were all the remains of that city whose power so long
dominated over the Mediterranean and the coasts of Africa
and Asia.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span></p>

<p>At five leagues’ distance, towards the south-east, a little
beyond the gulf and the lake of the Gullet, arose a city,
called in ancient times Tynis or Tunissa,<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> of which Scipio
made himself master before he attacked Carthage. Tunis
had thriven by the fall of other cities, and in the thirteenth
century she vied in wealth and population with the most
flourishing cities of Africa. It contained ten thousand
houses, and had three extensive suburbs; the spoils of
nations and the produce of an immense commerce had enriched
it; and all that the art of fortification could invent
had been employed to defend the access to it.</p>

<p>The coast on which Tunis stood was the theatre of many
revolutions, of which ancient history has transmitted accounts
to us; but modern history has not, in the same manner,
consecrated the revolutions of the Saracens. We can
scarcely follow the march of the barbarians who planted the
standard of Islamism upon so many ruins. All that we
positively know is, that Tunis, for a long time united to the
kingdom of Morocco, was separated from it under a warlike
prince, whose third successor was reigning in the time of
St. Louis.</p>

<p>At the sight of the Christian fleet, the inhabitants of the
coast of Africa were seized with terror, and all who were
upon the Carthage shore took flight towards the mountains
or towards Tunis. Some vessels that were in the port were
abandoned by their crews; the king ordered Florent de
Varennes, who performed the functions of admiral, to get
into a boat and reconnoitre the coast. Varennes found
nobody in the port or upon the shore; he sent word to the
king that there was no time to be lost, he must take immediate
advantage of the consternation of the enemy. But it
was remembered that in the preceding expedition the descent
upon the coast of Egypt had been too precipitate; in this it
was determined to risk nothing. Inexperienced youth had
presided over the former war; now it was directed by old
age and ripe manhood: it was resolved to wait till the
morrow.</p>

<p>The next day, at dawn, the coast appeared covered with
Saracens, among whom were many men on horseback. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
Crusaders, not the less, commenced their preparations for
landing. At the approach of the Christians, the multitude
of infidels disappeared; which, according to the account of
an eye witness, was a blessing from Heaven, for the disorder
was so great, that a hundred men would have been sufficient
to stop the disembarkation of the whole army.</p>

<p>When the Christian army had landed, it was drawn up in
order of battle upon the shore, and, in accordance with the
laws of war, Pierre de Condé, almoner to the king, read,
with a loud voice, a proclamation, by which the conquerors
took possession of the territory. This proclamation, which
Louis had drawn up himself, began by these words: “I proclaim,
in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of Louis,
king of France, his sergeant,” &amp;c.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p>

<p>The baggage, provisions, and munitions of war were
landed; a vast space was marked out, and the Christian soldiers
pitched their tents. Whilst they were digging ditches
and raising intrenchments to protect the army from a surprise,
they took possession of the tower built on the point
of the cape; and on the following day, five hundred sailors
planted the standard of the lilies upon the castle of Carthage.
The village of Marsa, which was close to the castle, fell
likewise into the hands of the Crusaders; the women and
the sick were placed here, whilst the army remained beneath
their tents.</p>

<p>Louis still hoped for the conversion of the king of Tunis,
but this pious illusion was very quickly dissolved. The
Mussulman prince sent messengers to the king, to inform,
him that he would come and meet him at the head of a
hundred thousand men, and would require baptism of him
on the field of battle; the Moorish king added, that he had
caused all the Christians in his dominions to be seized, and
that every one of them should be massacred if the Christian
army presumed to insult his capital.</p>

<p>The menaces and vain bravadoes of the prince of Tunis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
effected no change in the plans of the crusade; the Moors,
besides, inspired no fear, and they themselves could not
conceal the terror which the sight only of the Christians
created in them. Not daring to face their enemy, their
scattered bands sometimes hovered around the Christian
army, seeking to surprise any stragglers from the camp; and
at others, uniting together, they poured down towards the
advanced posts, launched a few arrows, showed their naked
swords, and then depended upon the swiftness of their
horses to secure them from the pursuit of the Christians.
They not unfrequently had recourse to treachery: three
hundred of them came into the camp of the Crusaders, and
said they wished to embrace the Christian faith, and a hundred
more followed them, announcing the same intention.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>
After being received with open arms, they waited for what
they deemed a favourable opportunity, and fell upon a body
of the Christians, sword in hand; but being overwhelmed
by numbers, most of them were killed, and the rest were
allowed to escape. Three of the principals fell on their
knees, and implored the compassion of the leaders. The
contempt the Franks had for such enemies obtained their
pardon, and they were driven out of the camp.</p>

<p>At length the Mussulman army, emboldened by the inaction
of the Christians, presented itself several times on
the plain. Nothing would have been more easy than to
attack and conquer it; but Louis had resolved to act upon
the defensive, and to await the arrival of the king of Sicily
for beginning the war,&mdash;a fatal resolution, which ruined
everything: the Sicilian monarch, who had advised this ill-starred
expedition, was destined to complete, by his delays,
the evil he had begun by his counsels.</p>

<p>The Mussulmans flocked from all parts of Africa to defend
the cause of Islamism against the Christians. Preparations
were carried on in Egypt to meet the invasion of the Franks,
and in the month of August, Bibars announced by messengers,
that he was about to march to the assistance of Tunis.
The troops which the sultan of Cairo maintained in the
province of Barka received orders to set forward. Thus,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
the Moorish army was about to become formidable; but it
was not this host of Saracens that the Crusaders had most
to dread. Other dangers, other misfortunes threatened
them: the Christian army wanted water; they had none but
salted provisions; the soldiers could not endure the climate
of Africa; winds constantly prevailed, which, coming from
the torrid zone, appeared to the Europeans to be the breath
of a devouring fire. The Saracens upon the neighbouring
mountains raised the sand with certain instruments made
for the purpose, and the dust was carried by the wind in
burning clouds down upon the plain upon which the Christians
were encamped. At last, dysentery, that fatal malady
of warm climates, began to commit frightful ravages among
the troops; and the plague, which appears to be born of
itself upon this burning, arid sand, spread its dire contagion
through the Christian army.</p>

<p>They were obliged to be under arms night and day; not
to defend themselves from an enemy that always fled away
from them, but to guard against surprise. A vast number
of the Crusaders sunk under fatigue, famine, and disease.
The French had soon to regret the loss of Bouchard, count
de Vendome, the count de la Marche, Gauthier de Nemours,
the lords de Montmorency, de Pienne, de Bressac, Guy
d’Aspremont, and Raoul, brother of the count de Soissons.
It became impossible to bury the dead; the ditches of the
camp were filled with carcases, thrown in heaps, which
added to the corruption of the air and to the spectacle of
the general desolation.</p>

<p>At length Olivier de Termes, a Languedocian gentleman,
coming from Sicily, announced that King Charles was quite
ready to embark with his army. This news was received
with joy, but had no power to alleviate the evils the Crusaders
were then exposed to. The heats became excessive;
the want of water, bad food, disease, which continued its
ravages, and the grief at being shut up in a camp without
the power to fight, completed the despondency that had
taken possession of the minds of leaders and soldiers.
Louis endeavoured to cheer them both by his words and his
example; but he himself fell ill with dysentery. Prince
Philip, the duke de Nevers, the king of Navarre, and the
legate also felt the effects of the contagion. The duke de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
Nevers, surnamed Tristan, was born at Damietta during the
captivity of the king, and was particularly the object of his
father’s love. The young prince remained in the royal tent;
but as he appeared to be sinking under the effects of the
disease, it was judged best to convey him on board one of
the vessels. The monarch incessantly demanded news of his
son; but all who surrounded him preserved a melancholy
silence. At length they were obliged to inform him that
the duke de Nevers was dead; the feelings of the father
prevailed over the resignation of the Christian, and he wept
bitterly. A short time afterwards, the pope’s legate died,
deeply regretted by the clergy and the soldiers of the cross,
who regarded him as their spiritual father.</p>

<p>In spite of his sufferings, in spite of his griefs, Louis IX.
was constantly engaged in endeavours to alleviate the situation
of his army. He gave orders as long as he had any
strength left, dividing his time between the duties of a
Christian and those of a monarch. The fever, however,
increased; no longer able to attend either to his cares for
the army or to exercises of piety, he ordered the cross to be
placed before him, and stretching out his hands, he in silence
implored Him who had suffered for all men.</p>

<p>The whole army was in a state of mourning; the soldiers
walked about in tears, demanding of Heaven the preservation
of so good a prince. Amidst the general grief, Louis
turned his thoughts towards the accomplishment of the
divine laws and the destinies of France. Philip, who was
his successor to the throne, was in his tent; he desired him
to approach his bed, and in a faltering voice gave him counsels
in what manner he should govern the kingdom of his
fathers. The instructions he gave him comprise the most
noble maxims of religion and loyalty; and that which will
render them for ever worthy of the respect of posterity is,
that they had the authority of his example, and only recalled
the virtues of his own life. After having recommended
Philip to respect, and cause to be respected, religion and its
ministers, and at all times, and above all things, to fear to
offend God:<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> “My dear son,” added he, “be charitable and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
merciful towards the poor and all who suffer. If thou
attainest the throne, show thyself worthy, by thy conduct,
of receiving the holy unction with which the kings of France
are consecrated. When thou shalt be king, show thyself just
in all things, and let nothing turn thee aside from the path
of truth and rectitude. If the widow and orphan contend
before thee with the powerful man, declare thyself of the
party of the feeble against the strong, until the truth shall
be known to thee. In affairs in which thou thyself shalt be
interested, support at first the cause of the other; for if
thou dost not act in that sort, thy counsellors will hesitate
to speak against thee, which thou oughtest not to desire.
My dear son, above all things I recommend thee to avoid
war with every Christian nation; if thou art reduced by
necessity to make it, at least take care that the poor people,
who are not in the wrong, be kept safe from all harm. Give
all thy efforts to appease the divisions that may arise in thy
kingdom, for nothing is so pleasing to God as the spectacle
of concord and peace. Neglect nothing to provide good
lieutenants (baillis) and provosts in thy provinces. Give
power freely to men who know how to use it, and punish all
who abuse it; for if it is thy duty to hate evil in another,
much greater reason hast thou to hate it in them who hold
their authority of thee. Be just in the levying of thy public
taxes, and be wise and moderate in the expenditure of them;
beware of foolish expenses, which lead to unjust imposts;
correct with prudence all that is defective in the laws of thy
kingdom. Maintain with loyalty the rights and franchises
that thy predecessors have left, for the happier that thy
subjects shall be, the greater thou wilt be; the more irreproachable
thy government shall be, the more thy enemies
will fear to attack it.”</p>

<p>Louis gave Philip several more counsels upon the love he
owed to God, his people, and his family; then pouring out
his full heart, he uttered nothing but the language of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
parent who is about to be separated from a son he loves tenderly.
“I bestow upon thee,” said he, “all the benedictions
that a father can bestow upon a dear son. Aid me by
masses and prayers, and let me have a part in all the good
actions thou shalt perform. I beseech our Lord Jesus
Christ, by his great mercy, to guard thee from all evils, and
to keep thee from doing anything contrary to his will; and
that after this mortal life we may see Him, love Him, and
praise Him together in a life everlasting.”</p>

<p>When we reflect that these words were pronounced on
the coast of Africa by a dying king of France, we experience
a mixture of surprise and emotion, which even the coldest
and most indifferent hearts can scarcely fail to partake of.
Judge, then, of the effect they must have produced upon the
feelings of a desolate son! Philip listened to them with
respectful sorrow, and commanded them to be faithfully
transcribed, in order that he might have them before his
eyes all the days of his life.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p>

<p>Louis then turned to his daughter, the queen of Navarre,
who sat, drowned in tears, at the foot of his bed: in a precept
which he had prepared for her, he laid before her all the
duties of a queen and a wife. Above all, he recommended
her to take the greatest care of her husband, who was then
sick; and, never forgetful of even the smallest circumstances,
he advised the king of Navarre, on his return to Champagne,
to pay all his debts before he began to rebuild the convent
of the Cordeliers of Provins.</p>

<p>These instructions were the last words that Louis addressed
to his children; from that time they never saw him again.
The ambassadors of Michael Palæologus arriving in the
camp, the king consented to receive them. In the state in
which Louis then was, it was impossible for him to see
through the false promises of the Greeks, or the alarms and
deceitful policy of their emperor; he no longer gave attention<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
to the things of this world. He confined himself to the
expression of his earnest wishes that the reunion of the two
churches might at length be effected, and promised the ambassadors
that his son Philip would do everything in his
power to bring it about. These envoys were Meliteniote,
archdeacon of the imperial chapel, and the celebrated Vechus,
chancellor of the church of Constantinople. They were
both so much affected by the words and the virtues of St.
Louis, that they afterwards gave their most zealous endeavours
to promote the reunion, and both ended by becoming
victims to the policy of the Greeks.</p>

<p>After this interview Louis thought of nothing but his
God, and remained alone with his confessor. His almoners
recited before him the prayers of the Church, to which he
responded. He then received the Viaticum and extreme
unction. “From Sunday, at the hour of nones,” says an
ocular witness, “till Monday, at the hour of tierce, his
mouth never ceased, either day or night, to praise our Lord,
and to pray for the people he had brought to that place.”
He was heard to pronounce these words of the prophet-king:
“Grant, Lord, that we may despise the prosperities of this
world, and know how to brave its adversities.” He likewise
repeated, as loudly as his feeble state would permit, this
verse of another psalm: “Oh, God! deign to sanctify thy
people, and to watch over them.” Sometimes he invoked
St. Denis, whom he was accustomed to invoke in battle, and
implored him to grant his heavenly support to this army he
was about to leave without a leader. In the night between
Sunday and Monday he was heard to pronounce the word
<i>Jerusalem</i> twice, and then he added: “We will go to Jerusalem.”
His mind was constantly occupied with the idea of
the holy war. Perhaps, likewise, he saw nothing then but
the heavenly Jerusalem, the last country of the just man.</p>

<p>At nine o’clock in the morning of Monday, the twenty-fifth
of August, he lost his speech; but he still looked upon
all who were round him kindly (<i>débonnairement</i>). His
countenance was calm, and it was evident that his mind was,
at the same time, divided between the purest of earthly
affections and the thoughts of eternity. Feeling that death
was approaching fast, he made signs to his attendants to
place him, covered by hair-cloth, upon a bed of ashes.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
Between the hours of tierce and mid-day he appeared to
sleep, and lay with his eyes closed for more than half an hour
at a time. He then seemed to revive, opened his eyes, and
looking towards heaven, exclaimed: “O Lord! I shall enter
into thy house, and shall worship thee in thy holy tabernacle!”
Hi died at three o’clock in the afternoon.</p>

<p>We have spoken of the profound grief which prevailed
among the Crusaders when Louis fell sick. There was not
a leader or a soldier that did not forget his own ills in his
anxiety for the king. At every hour of the day and night
these faithful warriors crowded round the monarch’s tent,
and when they beheld the sad and apprehensive air of all
who came out of it, they turned away, with their eyes cast
to the earth, and their souls filled with the most gloomy
thoughts. In the camp, the soldiers scarcely durst ask each
other a question, for they heard none but sorrowful tidings.
At length, when the event that all had dreaded was announced
to the army, the French warriors abandoned themselves to
despair; they saw in the death of Louis a signal for all sorts
of calamities, and anxiously inquired of each other what
leader was to conduct them back to their homes. With the
general groans and tears were mingled many bitter reproaches
against those who had advised this fatal expedition, particularly
the king of Sicily, whom all accused of being the cause
of the disasters of the war.</p>

<p>On the very day of the king’s death Charles of Anjou and
his army landed near Carthage; trumpets and other warlike
music resounded along the shore, but a profound and melancholy
silence was preserved in the camp of the Crusaders,
and not a man went forth to meet the Sicilians, whom they
had looked for with so much impatience. Sad forebodings
rushed into the mind of Charles; he galloped forward, and
flying to the tent of the king, found his royal brother dead,
and stretched upon his bed of ashes. The features of Louis
were scarcely altered, his death had been so calm. Charles
prostrated himself at his feet, watering them with his tears,
and calling him sometimes his brother, sometimes his lord.
He remained a long time in this attitude, without seeing
any of those who surrounded him, continuing to address
Louis as if he had been still living, and reproaching himself,
in accents of despair, with not having heard, with not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
having received, the last words of the most affectionate of
brothers and best of kings.</p>

<p>The mortal remains of Louis were deposited in two
funereal urns. The entrails of the holy monarch were
granted to Charles of Anjou, who sent them to the abbey
of Montréal, where these precious relics, for a length of
time, attracted the devotion and respect of the faithful.
The bones and the heart of Louis remained in the hands of
Philip. This young prince was desirous of sending them to
France, but the leaders and soldiers would not consent to
be separated from all that was left to them of their beloved
monarch. The presence of this sacred deposit amongst the
Crusaders appeared to them a safeguard against new misfortunes,
and the most sure means of drawing down the
protection of Heaven upon the Christian army.</p>

<p>Philip was still sick, and his malady created great anxiety.
The army considered him the worthy successor of Louis,
and the affection that had been felt for the father descended
to the son; he received, amidst the public grief, the homage
and oaths of the leaders, barons, and nobles. His first care
was to confirm the regency, and all that his father had established
in France before his departure. Geoffrey de Beaulieu,
William de Chartres, and John de Mons, confessors
and almoners to the king, were directed to carry these orders
of Philip’s into the West. Among the letters which these
ecclesiastics took with them into France, history has preserved
that which was addressed to the clergy <i>and to all
people of worth</i> in the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> After having described
their labours, the perils and the death of Louis IX., the
young prince implored God to grant that he might follow
the steps of so good a father, might accomplish his sacred
commands, and put in practice all his counsels. Philip concluded
his letter, which was read aloud in all churches, by
supplicating the ecclesiastics and the faithful “to put up to
the King of Kings their prayers and their offerings for that
prince, with whose zeal for religion, and tender solicitude
for the kingdom of France, which he loved as the apple of
his eye, they were so well acquainted.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span></p>

<p>The death of Louis had greatly raised the confidence of
the Saracens. The mourning and grief which they observed
in the Christian army were, by them, mistaken for discouragement,
and they flattered themselves they should obtain
a triumph over their enemies; but these hopes were speedily
dispelled. The king of Sicily took the command of the
Christian army during the sickness of Philip, and resumed
the war. The troops he had brought with him were eager
for fight, and all the French seemed anxious to seek a distraction
from their grief in the field of battle. The disease
which had desolated their army appeared to have suspended
its ravages, and the soldiers, a long time imprisoned in their
camp, felt their strength revive at the sight of the perils of
war. Several conflicts took place around the lake of the
Gullet, of which the Christians wished to get possession, to
facilitate their approach to Tunis. The Moors, who, but a
few days before, threatened to exterminate or make slaves of
all the Crusaders, were not able to sustain the shock of their
enemies; the cross-bowmen alone were frequently sufficient
to disperse their numberless multitude. Horrible howlings,
with the noise of kettle-drums and other instruments, announced
their approach; clouds of dust descending from the
neighbouring heights announced their retreat, and screened
their flight. In two encounters they were overtaken, and
left a great many of their host stretched upon the plain.
Another time their camp was carried, and given up to pillage.
The sovereign of Tunis could not reckon upon his
army for the defence of his states, and he himself set them
no example of bravery, for he remained constantly shut up
in his subterranean grottoes, to avoid at the same time the
burning rays of the sun and the perils of fight. Pressed by
his fears, he at length could see no hopes of safety but in
peace, and he resolved to purchase it, even at the cost of all
his treasures. His ambassadors came repeatedly to the
Christian army with directions to make proposals, and,
above all, to endeavour to seduce the king of Sicily by
brilliant promises.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span></p>

<p>When the report of these negotiations was spread through
the camp of the Crusaders, it gave birth to very different
opinions. The soldiers, to whom the plunder of Tunis had
been promised, wished to continue the war; some of the
leaders, to whom other hopes had been given, did not evince
the same ardour as the soldiers. By the death of Louis IX.
and the apostolic legate, the crusade had lost both its principal
motive and that moral force which had animated everything.
The spirit of the Crusaders, which nobody directed,
worked upon by a thousand various passions, floated in uncertainty,
and this uncertainty was likely, in the end, to
keep the army in a state of inaction, and bring about the
abandonment of the war. Philip was desirous of returning
to France, whither the affairs of his kingdom peremptorily
called him. Most of the barons and French nobles began
to sigh for their country. At length it was agreed that the
pacific proposals of the king of Tunis should be deliberated
upon.</p>

<p>In the council, those to whom no promise had been held
out, and who were not so impatient as the others to quit the
coast of Africa, were of opinion that they ought to prosecute
the war. “It was for the conquest of Tunis that
Louis IX. had embarked at Carthage, and that the Christian
army had undergone so many evils. How could they pay
higher honour to the memory of Louis and so many Frenchmen,
like him, martyrs to their zeal and their faith, than by
carrying on and completing their work? All Christendom
knew that the Crusaders threatened Tunis, that the Moors
fled at the sight of them, and that the city was ready to
open its gates. What would Christendom say on learning
that the Crusaders had fled before the vanquished, and
robbed themselves of their own victory?”</p>

<p>Those who were of opinion that the peace should be concluded,
answered, that the question was not only to enter
Tunis, but to conquer the country, which could only be done
by exterminating the population. “Besides, a prolonged
siege would very much weaken the Christian army. Winter
was approaching, in which they could procure no provisions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
and in which continual rains would, perhaps, cause more
diseases than excessive heat had done. The taking of Tunis
was not the principal object of the crusade; it was necessary
to make peace upon advantageous conditions, to obtain
means to carry the war afterwards where circumstances
might require.” The leaders who spoke thus were themselves
the same that had promoted the expedition against
Tunis: the king of Sicily was at their head; they no longer
urged the necessity for clearing the Mediterranean of pirates
who infested the route of pilgrims; they said no more about
depriving the sultan of Egypt of his most powerful ally.
The reasons they gave for putting an end to the war were
precisely the same as they had given for commencing it.
Their opinion, however, prevailed; not because others were
convinced by what they heard, but, as it often happens in
the most important deliberations, the majority decide rather
from motives they do not avow, than from those they appear
to support.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>

<p>On the thirty-first of October a truce of ten years was
concluded between the king of Tunis and the leaders of the
Christian army. All the prisoners were to be given up on
both sides, and Christians who had been previously captives
were to be set at liberty. The sovereign of Tunis engaged
not to require of the Franks any of the dues imposed in his
kingdom upon foreign commerce. The treaty granted all
Christians liberty to reside in the states of Tunis, to build
churches there, and even to preach their faith there. The
Mussulman prince was bound to pay to the king of Sicily
an annual tribute of forty thousand crowns, and two hundred
and ten thousand ounces of gold to the leader of the
Christian army for the expenses of the war.</p>

<p>It was, doubtless, the last condition that decided the
question: the two hundred and ten thousand ounces of gold
exceeded the sum that Louis IX. had paid in Egypt for the
ransom of his army; but a part of it only was received at
first. Who could assure the payment of the rest when the
Christian army had quitted the coast of Africa? The king
of Sicily alone could derive any advantage from this treaty,
so disgraceful to the French arms; he had not only found<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
means of making a Mussulman prince pay the tribute of
forty thousand gold crowns, which he owed the Pope as
vassal of the Holy See; but the peace which they had concluded,
in some sort, placed at his disposal an army capable
of undertaking much greater conquests than that of Tunis.
Thus, complaints immediately arose reproaching the king of
Sicily with having, at his pleasure, changed the aim of the
crusade, in order to make the Christian army subservient to
his ambition.</p>

<p>A few days after the signing of the truce, Prince Edward
arrived off the coast of Carthage, with the English and
Scotch Crusaders. Having sailed from Aigues-Mortes, he
directed his course towards Palestine, and came to take
orders from the king of France. The French and Sicilians
were prodigal in their expressions of sincere friendship for
the English. Edward was received with great honours, but
when he learned they had made peace, he retired into his
tent, and refused to be present at any of the councils of the
Christian army.</p>

<p>The Crusaders became impatient to quit an arid and murderous
land, which recalled to them nothing but misfortunes,
without the least mixture of glory. The Christian army
embarked on the eighteenth of November for Sicily; and,
as if Heaven had decreed that this expedition should be
nothing but a series of misfortunes, a frightful tempest
assailed the fleet just as it was about to enter the port of
Trapani. Eighteen large ships and four thousand Crusaders
were submerged, and perished in the waves. Most of the
leaders and soldiers lost their arms, equipments, and horses.
If one historian is to be believed, the money received from
the king of Tunis was lost in this shipwreck.</p>

<p>After so great a misfortune, the king of Sicily neglected
no means of succouring the Crusaders. We may believe in
the generous sentiments which he expressed upon the occasion;
but there is little doubt that, with his feelings a hope
was mixed of deriving something favourable to his projects
from this deplorable circumstance. When all the leaders
were arrived, several councils were held to ascertain what
remained to be done. As every one deplored his own losses,
Charles proposed a sure means of repairing them, which was
the conquest of Greece. This was the plan he had arranged;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
in the first place, all the Crusaders should pass the winter in
Sicily; in the spring, the count of Poictiers should set out
for Palestine with a part of the army, the rest was to follow
Charles to Epirus, and from thence to Byzantium. This
project had something adventurous and chivalric in it, very
likely to seduce the French barons and nobles; but letters
to the young king arrived from France, in which the regents
represented in strong colours the grief and alarms of his
people. Philip declared that he could not stay in Sicily,
but should immediately return to his own dominions. This
determination destroyed all Charles’s hopes; the French
lords would not abandon their young monarch, and the
princes and all the leaders of the Christian army laid aside
the cross. An Italian chronicle reports that Charles, in his
vexation, confiscated to his own profit all the vessels and all
the effects which, after the late shipwreck, were thrown upon
the coasts of Sicily. He had profited by the misfortunes of
the army before Tunis, and he now enriched himself with
the spoils of his companions in arms. This act of injustice
and violence completed the dislike that most of the Crusaders
had conceived for him; this was particularly the case
with the Genoese, to whom the fleet belonged in which the
Christian army had embarked.</p>

<p>It was, however, decided that they should resume the
crusade four years later. The two kings, the princes, and
the most influential leaders, engaged themselves by oath to
embark for Syria with their troops in the month of July of
the fourth year;&mdash;a vain promise, that not one of them was
destined to keep, and which they only made then to excuse
in their own eyes the inconsistency of their conduct in this
war. Edward, who had announced his resolution of passing
the winter in Sicily, and setting out for Palestine in the
spring, was the only one that did not break his promises.</p>

<p>The French warriors abandoned all thoughts of the crusade;
but they were yet far from seeing the closing of that
abyss of miseries which it had opened beneath their feet.
The king of Navarre died shortly after landing at Trapani,
and his wife Isabella was so deeply affected by his death,
that she immediately followed him to the tomb. Philip set
out on his return to France in the month of January, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
the young queen, who had accompanied him, became another
victim of the crusade. In crossing Calabria, whilst fording
a river near Cosenza, her horse fell, and she being pregnant,
this fall caused her death. Thus Philip pursued his journey,
bearing with him the bodies of his father, his brother, and
his wife. He learnt on his march that the count and
countess of Poictiers, returning to Languedoc, had both
died in Tuscany from the effects of the contagious malady
of the coast of Africa. Passing by Viterbo, Philip witnessed
the tragical end of one of the most illustrious of his companions
in arms; Henry d’Allemagne was attacked by the
sons of the earl of Leicester, pursued into a church, and
massacred at the foot of the altar. Thus, great crimes were
joined with great calamities, to add to the cruel remembrances
that this crusade was destined to leave behind it.</p>

<p>Philip, after crossing Mount Cenis, returned to Paris
through Burgundy and Champagne. What days of mourning
for France! At the departure of Louis IX. for the East,
the whole nation had been impressed by the most melancholy
presentiments; and, alas! all these presentiments were
but too fully realized!</p>

<p>It was not the flag of victory, but a funeral pall that preceded
the French warriors in their march. Funereal urns,
the wreck of an army but lately so flourishing, a young sick
prince, who had only escaped by a miracle the death that
had swept away his family&mdash;this was all that came back from
the crusade! The people came from all parts to meet the
melancholy train; they surrounded the young king, they
strove to approach the remains of St. Louis, and it was
made evident, by their pious propriety and their religious
sadness, that the sentiments which led them there were not
such as generally precipitate the multitude upon the steps
of the masters of the earth.</p>

<p>On the arrival of Philip in his capital, the bones and the
heart of St. Louis were conveyed to the church of Notre
Dame, where ecclesiastics sang the hymns of the service of
the dead during the whole night. On the following day the
funeral of the royal martyr was celebrated in the church of
St. Denis. In the midst of an immense assemblage of all
classes of the people, deeply affected by what they saw, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
young monarch advanced, bearing on his shoulders the
mortal remains of his father. He stopped several times on
his way, and crosses, which were placed at every station,
recalled, up to the last century, this beautiful picture of
filial piety.</p>

<p>Louis IX. was deposited near his grandfather Philip
Augustus, and his father Louis VIII. Although he had
forbidden his tomb to be ornamented, it was covered with
plates of silver, which were afterwards carried away by the
English. At a later period a more terrible revolution broke
into his tomb and scattered his ashes; but this revolution
has not been able to destroy his memory.</p>

<p>No, posterity will never cease to praise that passion for
justice which filled the whole life of Louis IX., that ardour
in search of truth, so rare even among the greatest kings;
that love of peace, to which he sacrificed even the glory he
had acquired in arms; that solicitude for the good of all;
that tender consideration for poverty; that profound respect
for the rights of misfortune and for the lives of men:&mdash;virtues
which astonished the middle ages, and which our
own times still perceive in the descendants of so good a
prince.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p>

<p>The ascendancy which his virtue and piety gave him he only
employed in defending his people against everything that was
unjust. This ascendancy, which he preserved over his age,
gave to his laws an empire, which laws, whatever they may
be, rarely obtain but with time. A few years after his reign,
provinces demanded to be united to the crown, under the
sole hope and the sole condition of enjoying the <i>wise ordinances
of the king, who loved justice</i>. Such were the conquests
of St. Louis. It is well known, that after his victories
over the English he restored Guienne to them, in spite of
the advice of his barons, who considered this act of generosity
to be contrary to the interests of the kingdom. Perhaps
it only belongs to elevated minds like his to know how much
wisdom there is in the counsels of moderation! An illustrious
writer of the last age has said, when speaking of
Louis IX., <i>that great moderate men are rare</i>, and it is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
doubtless on that account that the world does not understand
them.</p>

<p>In the position in which France at that time was placed,
a vulgar genius would have fomented divisions; whereas
Louis only sought to appease them; and it was this spirit of
conciliation which rendered him the arbitrator of kings and
nations, and gave him more strength and power than could
have been procured by the combinations of the wisest policy.
Among the contemporaries of St. Louis persons were not
wanting who blamed his moderation, and many who pride
themselves upon being skilful politicians blame him even
now. Strange skill, which tends to create a belief that
morality is foreign to the happiness of nations, and which
cannot afford to the leaders of empires the same virtues
that God has bestowed upon man for the preservation of
society!</p>

<p>The more we admire the reign of Louis IX. the greater is
our astonishment at his having twice interrupted the course
of its blessings, and quitted a people he rendered happy by
his presence. But, whilst beholding the passions which
agitate the present generation, who will dare to raise his
voice for the purpose of accusing past ages! If at the
moment in which I write this history all Europe is moved
by the rumour of a general rising against the Mussulmans,
now masters of Byzantium;&mdash;if the most ardent disciples of
the modern school of philosophy are putting up vows for the
triumph of the Gospel over the Koran, for the deliverance
of the Greeks, and the resurrection of Athens and Lacedæmon,
how can we believe that in the middle ages princes
and Christian nations would not be affected by the horrible
state of slavery of Jerusalem, and all those holy regions
from which the light first broke upon Christendom? Consistently
with the character which Louis IX. displayed in
all the circumstances of his life, how could he remain indifferent
to the calamities of the Christian colonies, which
were principally peopled by Frenchmen, and which were
considered as another France,&mdash;the France of the east?
We must not forget, likewise, that the great aim of his
policy was to unite the nations of the east and west by the
ties of Christianity; and that this aim, if he had succeeded
in it, would have been greatly to the advantage of humanity.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
Ambition itself has been sometimes pardoned for projects
much more chimerical, and wars much more unfortunate.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p>

<p>However it may be, we can venture to say that the captivity
and death of St. Louis in distant regions did not at all
lessen the respect in which his name and his virtues were
held in Europe. Perhaps even such extraordinary misfortunes,
suffered in the name of religion and of all that was
then reverenced, added something to the splendour of the
monarchy; for the times we have seen were then far distant
in which the misfortunes of kings have only served to despoil
royalty of that which makes it respected among men. The
death of Louis IX. was a great subject of grief for the
French; but with the regret which his loss created, there
was mingled, for the whole people, the thoughts of the
happy future which Louis had prepared, and for pious minds
the hope of having a guardian and a support in heaven.
Very shortly the death of a king of France was celebrated
as a fresh triumph for religion,&mdash;as a fresh glory for his
country; and the anniversary of the day on which he expired
became thereafter one of the solemn festivals of the Christian
Church and of the French monarchy.</p>

<p>A beautiful spectacle was that canonical inquiry in which
the common father of the faithful interrogated the contemporaries
of Louis IX. upon the virtues of his life and the
benefits of his reign! Frenchmen of all classes came forward
to attest, upon the Gospel, that the monarch whose
death they lamented was worthy of all the rewards of
heaven. Among them were many of his old companions in
arms, who had shared his chains in Egypt, and beheld him
dying on his bed of ashes before Tunis. The whole of
Europe confirmed their religious testimony, and repeated
these words of the head of the Church:&mdash;“<i>House of France,
rejoice at having given to the world so great a prince; rejoice,
people of France, at having had so good a king!</i>”<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p>

<p>The death of Louis IX., as we have already said, had suddenly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
suspended all enterprises beyond the seas. Edward
only, accompanied by the count of Brittany, his brother
Edmund, and three hundred knights, had gone into Syria
at the head of a small army of five hundred Crusaders from
Friesland. All these Crusaders together only formed a body
of a thousand or twelve hundred combatants; and this was
all that reached Asia of those numberless armies that had
been raised in the West for the deliverance of the Holy
Land. So feeble a reinforcement was not calculated to inspire
confidence or restore security to the Christians of
Palestine, not yet recovered from their consternation at
hearing of the retreat of the Crusaders from before Tunis,
and their return into Europe.</p>

<p>Most of the princes and Christian states of Syria, in the
fear of being invaded, had concluded treaties with the sultan
of Cairo; many must have hesitated at engaging in a war
from which the slender succours from Europe could allow
them no hopes of great advantages, and in which likewise they
had to dread being abandoned by the Crusaders, ever eager
to return to the West. Nevertheless, the Templars and the
Hospitallers, who never missed an opportunity of fighting
with the Saracens, united themselves with Prince Edward,
whose fame had preceded him into the East. Bibars, who
was then ravaging the territories of Ptolemaïs, drew his
forces off from a city which he had filled with alarm, and
appeared for a moment to have abandoned the execution of
his projects.</p>

<p>The little army of the Christians, composed of from six to
seven thousand men, advanced upon the Mussulman territories,
directing its course towards Phœnicia, in order to
re-establish the communication that had been interrupted
between the Christian cities. In this expedition the Crusaders
had much to suffer from excessive heat; many died
from indulging in fruits and honey, which the country produced
in abundance. They marched afterwards towards the
city of Nazareth, upon the walls of which they planted the
standard of Christ. The soldiers of the cross could not
remember without indignation that Bibars had completely
destroyed the church of this city, consecrated to the Virgin.
Nazareth was given up to pillage, and all the Mussulmans
found in the city expiated by being put to the sword, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
burning and destruction of one of the most beautiful monuments
raised by the Christians in Syria.</p>

<p>After this victory, for which we cannot praise the Crusaders,
the Christian army had to combat the Mussulman
troops, who were impatient to avenge the excesses committed
at Nazareth. Whether he had learnt to respect the
superiority of his enemies, or whether he had cause to complain
of the warriors of Palestine, Edward returned within
the walls of Ptolemaïs, and sought for no more contests.
The frequent excursions of the Saracens could not provoke
him to take up arms; but whilst he remained thus safe from
the perils of war, he was on the point of perishing by the
hand of a Mussulman whom he had taken into his service.
Some of the chronicles of the time tell us that the emir of
Jaffa armed the hand of the assassin; others say that the
blow was directed by the sect of the Ismaëlians, who still
subsisted, notwithstanding the war declared against them
by both the Tartars and the Mamelukes.</p>

<p>After having thus run the danger of losing his life,
Edward, cured of his wounds, only thought of concluding a
truce with Bibars; and being recalled into England by the
prayers of Henry III., whose successor he was, he quitted
the East without having done anything important for the
cause he had sworn to defend. Thus all the results of this
crusade, which had so much alarmed the Mussulmans, were
reduced, on one side, to the massacre of the unarmed population
of Nazareth, and on the other, to the vain conquest
of the ruins of Carthage. Another result of this war, and
the only one it had for Europe, was to entirely discourage
the Christian warriors, and make them forget the East.
After Edward, no prince from the West ever crossed the
seas to combat with the infidels in Asia, and the crusade in
which he took a part so little glorious, was the last of those
which had for object the deliverance or recovery of the Holy
Land.</p>

<p>Among the circumstances that produced the failure of
this crusade, history must not forget the protracted vacancy
of the papal throne, during which no voice was raised to
animate the Crusaders, in which there was no authority
powerful enough, particularly after the death of St. Louis,
to direct their enterprise. After a lapse of two years, however,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
the conclave chose a successor of St. Peter; and, fortunately
for the eastern Christians, the suffrages fell upon
Thibault, archdeacon of Liege, who had followed the Frisons
into Asia, and whom the intelligence of his elevation found
still in Palestine. The Christians of Syria had reason to
hope that the new pontiff, for so long a time a witness of
their perils and their miseries, would not fail to employ
all his power to succour them. Thibault gave them an
assurance of it before he quitted Ptolemaïs, and in a discourse
which he addressed to the assembled people, he took
for his text this verse of the hundred and thirty-seventh
Psalm: “If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, may I myself be
forgotten among men!”</p>

<p>The patriarch of Jerusalem, and the grand masters of the
Temple and the Hospital accompanied Gregory X. into the
West. On his return, the pontiff applied himself at once
to the re-establishment of peace in Italy and Germany. He
engaged the princes, particularly the king of France, to
unite their efforts in assisting the Holy Land. Philip contented
himself with sending a few troops into the East, and
with advancing thirty-six thousand silver marks to the Pope,
for which sum he held as security all the possessions of the
Templars in his kingdom. Pisa, Genoa, and Marseilles furnished
several galleys, and five hundred warriors were
embarked for Ptolemaïs, at the expense of the sovereign
pontiff.</p>

<p>This assistance was far from answering the hopes or the
wants of the Christian colonies. Gregory resolved to interest
all Christendom in his project, and for that purpose
convoked a council at Lyons, in 1274. This council was
much more numerous and more solemn than that which
Innocent IV. had assembled thirty years before in the same
city. At this were present the patriarchs of Jerusalem and
Constantinople, more than a thousand bishops and archbishops,
the envoys of the emperors of the East and of the
West, those of the kings of France and Cyprus, and of all
the princes of Europe and beyond the seas. In this numerous
assembly, no persons attracted so much attention
as the Tartar princes and ambassadors, sent by the powerful
head of the Moguls, to form an alliance with the Christians
against the Mussulmans; several of these Tartar princes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
received baptism from the hands of the Pope, and Christians
who were witnesses of this ceremony saw in it an assured
pledge of the Divine promises.</p>

<p>All admired the power of God who had chosen the instruments
of his designs from remote and little known regions;
the crowd of the faithful looked upon the supreme head of
the hordes of Tartary as another Cyrus, whom Providence
had charged with the destruction of Babylon and the deliverance
of Jerusalem. At the last sitting, the Council of
Lyons decreed that a new crusade should be undertaken,
and that during ten years a tenth should be levied upon all
ecclesiastical property. Palæologus, who at length submitted
to the Latin church, promised to send troops for the
deliverance of the heritage of Christ; the Pope recognized
Rodolph of Hapsbourg as emperor of the West, upon condition
that he would go into Palestine at the head of an
army.</p>

<p>But notwithstanding the grand spectacle of such a council,
the decisions and the exhortations of the Pope and the prelates
could not arouse the enthusiasm of the faithful, which
was no longer anything, to borrow an expression from
Scripture, “but the smoking remains of a burnt cloth.”
Gregory X. had succeeded in re-establishing peace among
the Italian republics, and in terminating all the discords of
Germany relative to the succession to the empire: no war
interfered with the crusade; but the minds of both princes
and nations had taken a fresh direction. We still possess a
written document of this period, which, doubtless, obtained
the approbation if not the encouragement of the pope, and
which appears to us well calculated to throw a light upon
the spirit of the age, and show us what was then the general
opinion of expeditions to the East. In this document, which
will be considered whimsical, at least in its form, the author,
Humbert de Romanis, endeavours to revive the zeal of
Christians for the holy war, and, while deploring the indifference
of his contemporaries, he points out eight obstacles
to the effects of his preaching: 1st. <i>A sinful habit</i>; 2nd. <i>The
dread of fatigue</i>; 3rd. <i>Repugnance to quit their native country</i>;
4th. <i>An excessive love of family</i>; 5th. <i>The evil discourses of
men</i>; 6th. <i>A weakness of mind that creates a belief that every
thing is impossible</i>; 7th. <i>Bad examples</i>; 8th. <i>A faith without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
warmth</i>. To all these motives for indifference the author
might have added other reasons drawn from the policy and
the new interests of Europe; but without allowing himself to
be stopped by so many obstacles, the intrepid defender of the
crusades, proceeding always by enumerations and categories,
hastens to denote seven powerful passions, which, according
to him, ought to cause the partisans of the holy to triumph;
these reasons were: 1st. <i>Zeal for the glory of God</i>; 2nd. <i>Zeal
for the Christian faith</i>; 3rd. <i>Brotherly charity</i>; 4th. <i>Devotional
respect for the Holy Land</i>; 5th. <i>The war commenced
by the Mussulmans</i>; 6th. <i>The example of the first Crusaders</i>;
7th. <i>The blessings of the Church</i>. After these enumerations,
Humbert de Romanis repeats the objections that
were made in his time against undertaking crusades. Some
said that wars, of whatever kind they might be, only served
to promote the shedding of blood, and that there were quite
enough of those that could not be avoided, and of those that
people were obliged to make in self-defence; others said that
it was tempting God to quit a land in which his will had
caused us to be born, and in which his goodness heaped
blessings upon us, to go into a country which God had
given to other nations, and in which we were constantly
abandoned by him to all the miseries of exile. It was further
said, that it was not permissible to invade the territories
of the Saracens, that there was no more reason for pursuing
the Mussulmans than the Jews, that the wars made against
them would never effect their conversion, and in short, that
this war did not appear to be agreeable to God, since he
permitted so many misfortunes to overwhelm the Crusaders.</p>

<p>Humbert de Romanis, in his book, answers all these and
many other objections; but these objections themselves were
founded upon the spirit of the age, which could not be
changed by reasoning. He in vain repeated that the Holy
Land originally belonged to the Christians, and that they
had the right to endeavour to reconquer it; that the vine of
the Lord ought to be defended by the sword against those
who wished to root it up; that if they extirpated the brambles
from a barren soil, they were much more strongly bound
to drive from a holy land a rude and barbarous nation. He
in vain repeated what had been so often said before, that the
misfortunes of the crusades did not happen because those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
crusades were displeasing to God, but because it was God’s
will to punish the Crusaders, and try their constancy and
faith. All this display of ecclesiastical erudition and argumentation
persuaded nobody; not because people were more
enlightened than they had been some years before, but
because they entertained other thoughts: similar discourses
would have succeeded admirably in the preceding century,
when addressed to dominant passions; but they produced
no effect when addressed to indifference.</p>

<p>This European indifference was fatal to the Christian
colonies of the East; it gave them up without defence to
the mercy of an enemy who every day became more powerful,
and whose fanaticism was inflamed by victory. On
the other hand, fresh symptoms of decay, and new signs of
approaching ruin, were observable in the confederation of
the Franks of Syria. All those petty principalities, all those
cities scattered along the Syrian coasts were shared among
them; and all the passions which the spirit of rivalry gives
birth to became the auxiliaries of the Saracens. Every one
of these petty states, in a constant state of fear, eagerly
purchased a few days of peace, or a few months of existence,
by treaties with Bibars, treaties in which the common
honour and interests of the Christians were almost always
sacrificed. The sultan of Cairo did not disdain to conclude
a treaty of alliance with a single city, or even with a town;
and nothing is more curious than to see figuring in these
acts of policy, on the one side the sovereign of Egypt,
Syria, Mesopotamia, and twenty other provinces; and on
the other a little city like Sidon<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> or Tortosa, with its fields,
its orchards, and its mills: a deplorable contrast, which must
have made the Christians feel the extent of their humiliation,
and proved to them all they had to fear. In all these
treaties it was the Mussulman policy to promote division
among the Franks, and to hold them in a state of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
dependence,<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> never considering them as allies, but as vassals,
farmers or tributaries.</p>

<p>Such was the peace enjoyed by the Christian states in
Syria; and a further matter to be deplored was, that there
were then three pretenders to the kingdom of Jerusalem:&mdash;the
king of Cyprus, the king of Sicily, and Mary of
Antioch, who was descended from the fourth daughter of
Isabella, the wife of Amaury. Parties disputed, and even
fought for a kingdom half destroyed; or rather they contended
for the disgrace of ruining it entirely, and giving it
up, rent by discord, to the domination of the Saracens.</p>

<p>Bibars, in the meanwhile, steadily pursued the course of
his conquests; every day fame spread abroad an account of
some fresh triumph; at one time he re-entered Cairo,
dragging in his train a king of Nubia, whom he had just
conquered; at another, he returned from Armenia, whence
he brought thirty thousand horses and ten thousand children
of both sexes. These accounts spread terror among the
Christian cities, a terror that was very little mitigated by
their treaties with the sultan of Egypt; no one could tell
what might be the next conquest Bibars contemplated, and
every city was trembling lest it should be the next object of
his ambition or his fury, when the death of this fierce conqueror
afforded the Christians a few moments of security
and joy.</p>

<p>The end of Bibars is related after various manners; we
will follow the account of the historian Ibn-Ferat, with
whose expressions even we shall sometimes make free.
Bibars was about to set out for Damascus, to fight the
Tartars in the neighbourhood of the Euphrates; but before
his departure he demanded an extraordinary impost. The
imaun Mohyeddin Almoury addressed remonstrances to him
on the subject; but the sultan replied: “Oh! my master, I
will abolish this tax when I shall have conquered our
enemies.” When Bibars had triumphed over the Tartars,
he wrote in the following terms to the chief of the divan at
Damascus: “We will not dismount from our horse until<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
thou hast levied an impost of two hundred thousand dirhems
upon Damascus, one of three hundred thousand upon its
territories, one of three hundred thousand upon its towns,
and one of ten hundred thousand dirhems upon the southern
provinces.” Thus the joy created by the victory of
Bibars was changed into sadness, and the people prayed for
the death of the sultan. Complaints were carried to the
cheick Mohyeddin, a pious and respected man;<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> and
scarcely was the levy of the tribute begun when Bibars was
razed from the roll of the living&mdash;he died poisoned.</p>

<p>The Arabian historians place Bibars among the great
princes of the dynasty of the Baharite Mamelukes. He
was originally sold as a slave, and although he only lived
among soldiers, a penetrating sagacity of mind supplied the
place of education. When afterwards, he had become familiar
with war, and had been cast among the factions of the army,
he had acquired all the knowledge that was necessary to
enable him to reign over the Mamelukes. The quality
which was of most service to him in the career of his ambition
was his incredible activity; during the seventeen
years of his reign, he did not allow himself one day of repose;
he was present, almost at the same time, in Syria, in Egypt,
and upon the banks of the Euphrates: the chronicles relate
that he was frequently perambulating the streets of Damascus,
whilst his courtiers were awaiting the moment of
his waking at the gates of the palace of Cairo. As two sultans
of Egypt had perished beneath his hands, and as he had
arrived at empire by means of violent revolutions, that which
he most dreaded was the influence of his own example; all
those whose ambition he feared, or whose fidelity he doubted,
were immediately sacrificed. The most simple communications
between man and man were sufficient to alarm his
fierce and suspicious temper; if oriental historians may be
credited, during the reign of Bibars, friends shunned each<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
other in the streets, and no man durst enter into the house
of another. When it was important to him to conceal his
designs, to cast a veil over his proceedings, or himself to
avoid the public eye, woe to him who should divine his
thought, pronounce his name, or salute him on his way.
Severe with his soldiers, a flatterer with his emirs, entertaining
no repugnance for artifice, preferring violence, sporting
with treaties and oaths, practising a dissimulation that
nobody could penetrate, possessed by an avarice that made
him pitiless in the levying of tributes; having never retreated
before an enemy, before an obstacle, or before a
crime, his genius and character seemed made for the government,
which he had in some sort founded, a monstrous
government, which sustained itself by vices and excesses,
and which could not possibly have subsisted in conjunction
with moderation and virtue.</p>

<p>His enemies and his subjects trembled equally before him;
they trembled still around that litter which transported his
remains from Damascus to Cairo. But so many excesses,
so many violences, so many triumphs, which only ministered
to his personal ambition, were not able to fix the crown in
his family; his two sons only ascended the throne to descend
from it again. Kelaoun, the bravest of the emirs, soon
usurped the sovereign power; a uniform line of succession
to the throne was not at all likely to be preserved in an
army constantly exposed to sedition. Every Mameluke
believed himself born for empire, and in this republic of
slaves it appeared permissible for every one to dream of
tyranny. A thing almost incredible,&mdash;that which appeared
most calculated to ruin this band of turbulent soldiery, was
precisely that which saved it; weakness or incapacity could
never support itself long upon the throne, and amidst the
tumult of factions, it almost always happened that the most
brave and the most able was chosen to direct the government,
and lead in war.</p>

<p>Bibars had commenced the ruin of the Christians; Kelaoun
was destined to complete it. In the West, Gregory
in vain prosecuted the preparations, or rather the preachings
of the crusade; he several times renewed his intreaties to
Rodolph of Hapsburg, but Rodolph had an empire to preserve;
it was useless for the pope to threaten to deprive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
him of his crown; the new emperor saw much less danger
for him in the anger of the sovereign pontiff than in an
expedition which would lead him so far from his states. At
length Gregory died, without having been able to fulfil the
promises he had made to the Christians of the East. Palestine
received, from time to time, some succours from
Europe; but these succours, scarcely ever arriving seasonably,
appeared less likely to increase than to compromise
its safety. The king of Sicily, who had caused himself to
be proclaimed king of Jerusalem, sent some soldiers and a
governor to Ptolemaïs; he was preparing to make a formidable
expedition into Syria,<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> and his ambition, perhaps,
might, in this circumstance, have been serviceable to the
cause of the Christians, if a revolution had not suddenly
put an end to his projects.</p>

<p>The discontent of the people in his states, particularly in
Sicily, continually increased. The people had been burdened
with a heavy tax for the last crusade, and the publication of
a new one was received with many murmurs; the enemies
of Charles saw nothing in the assumption of the cross but a
signal for violence and brigandage; it is under this sacred
banner, they said, that he is accustomed to shed innocent
blood: they further remembered that the conquest of Naples
had been made under the standard of the cross. At length
the signal of revolt being given, eight thousand Frenchmen
were immolated to the manes of Conradin, and the Sicilian
vespers completed the destruction of all Charles’s Eastern
projects.</p>

<p>Kelaoun from that time had it in his power to attack the
Christians; but busied in establishing his authority among
the Mamelukes, and in repulsing the Tartars, who had advanced
towards the Euphrates, he consented to conclude a
truce with the Franks of Ptolemaïs. It may plainly be
perceived by this treaty, which the Arabian authors have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span>
preserved, what were the designs of the sultans of Cairo,
and the extent of the ascendancy they assumed over their
feeble enemies.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The Christians engaged, in the event of
any prince of the Franks making an expedition into Asia, to
warn the infidels of the coming of Christian armies from the
West. This was at the same time signing a dishonourable
condition, and renouncing all hopes of a crusade.</p>

<p>The armies of the West, besides, were fighting for other
interests than those of the Holy Land, and there was no
reason to believe they would be seen in Asia for a length
of time. Most of the princes of Europe at that time never
bestowed a thought upon the Mussulmans or their victories;
such princes or states as had any interests to guard in the
East,<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> not only allied themselves without scruple with the
sultan of Egypt, but promised by treaties, and swore upon
the Gospel, to declare themselves the enemies of all the
Christian powers that should attack the states of their
Mussulman ally.</p>

<p>Thus all these treaties, dictated sometimes by ambition
and avarice, and sometimes by fear, raised every day a new
barrier between the Christians of the East and those of the
West. Besides, these treaties were no checks upon the
sultan of Cairo, who always found some pretext for breaking<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
them, when war presented more advantages than peace. It
was thus with the fortress of Margat, situated upon the
river Eleuctera, in the neighbourhood of Tripoli. The
Hospitallers who guarded this castle were accused of making
incursions upon the lands of the Mussulmans; and this
accusation, which was not perhaps without foundation, was
soon followed by the siege of the place. The towers and
ramparts for a long time resisted the shock of the machines
of war; the garrison repulsed every attack; but whilst they
were fighting upon the walls, and at the foot of the walls,
miners were digging away the earth from beneath them.
At length the fortress, undermined on all sides, was ready
to fall to pieces at the first signal. The Hospitallers made
an honourable capitulation, and Margat opened its gates
to the Mussulman army.</p>

<p>Upon the seacoast, between Margat and Tortosa, stood
another castle, to which a Frank nobleman had retired,
whom some of the Arabian chroniclers call the sieur de
Telima, and others, the sieur Barthélemi. This Frank
lord never ceased ravaging the lands of his neighbourhood,
and every day returned home to his fortress loaded with the
spoils of the Saracens. Kelaoun was desirous of attacking
the castle of the sieur Barthélemi, but thinking it impregnable,
he wrote to the count of Tripoli,&mdash;“It is thou who
hast built, or hast allowed to be built, this castle; evil be to
thee, evil be to thy capital, evil be to thy people, if it be
not promptly demolished.”<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> The count of Tripoli was the
more alarmed at these menaces, from the Mussulman troops
being, at the moment he received the letter, in his territories:
he offered the seigneur Barthélemi considerable
lands in exchange for his castle; he made him the most
brilliant promises and offers, but all in vain. At length the
son of Barthélemi interfered in the negotiation, and set out
to implore the compassion of the sultan of Cairo. The
enraged old man flew after his son, overtook him in the city
of Ptolemaïs, and poniarded him before the assembled
people. This parricide disgusted all the Christians; and
Barthélemi was at last abandoned by his own soldiers, who
held his crime in great horror. The castle, which was left<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>
unprotected, was shortly after demolished. From that time
the sieur Barthélemi became the most inveterate enemy of
the Christians; and, retired among the infidels, was constantly
employed in associating them with his vengeance,
and in urging the destruction of the Christian cities.</p>

<p>His pitiless hatred had but too many opportunities of
being satisfied. The sultan of Cairo pursued the war against
the Christians, and everything seemed to favour his enterprizes.
He had for a long time entertained the project of
gaining possession of Laodicea, whose port rivalled that of
Alexandria; but the citadel of that city, surrounded by the
waters of the sea, was inaccessible; an earthquake, which
shook the towers of the fortress, facilitated his conquest of
it. The castle of Carac and some other forts, built on the
coast of Phœnicia, fell into the hands of the Mussulmans.
After having thus laid open all the avenues to Tripoli, the
sultan turned the whole of his attention to the siege of that
city. Neither the faith of treaties, nor the recent submissions
of Bohemond, were able to retard for a moment the
fall of a flourishing city: no Christian city, no prince of
Palestine offered the least assistance to Tripoli. Such indeed
was the spirit of division that always reigned among
the Franks, that the Templars, in conjunction with the
seigneur de Giblet, had entertained the project of introducing
some Christian soldiers into Bohemond’s city, and
taking it by surprise. They were not able, it is true, to
execute their design; but what evils must not these odious
jealousies, these black treacheries, have brought upon the
feeble remains of the Christian colonies!</p>

<p>A formidable army appeared before the walls of Tripoli,
and a great number of machines were erected against the
ramparts: after a siege of thirty-five days, the Mussulmans
penetrated into the city, fire and sword in hand. Seven
thousand Christians fell under the arms of the conqueror;
the women and children were dragged away into slavery, and
the terrified crowd vainly sought an asylum from the blood-thirsty
Mamelukes in the island of St. Nicholas. Aboulfeda
relates, that having occasion to go to that island, a few days
after the taking of Tripoli, he found it covered with dead
bodies. Some of the inhabitants having succeeded in getting
on board ships, fled away from their desolate country; but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
the sea drove them back again upon the shore, where they
were massacred by the Mussulmans. Not only the population
of Tripoli was almost exterminated, but the sultan gave
orders that the city should be burnt and demolished. The
port of Tripoli attracted a great part of the commerce of the
Mediterranean; the city contained more than four thousand
silk-looms; its palaces were admired, its towers and its
fortifications appeared impregnable. So many sources of
prosperity, all that could cause peace to nourish or serve for
defence in war, all perished under the flame, the axe, and
the hammer! The principal aim of the Mussulman policy
in this war, was to destroy all that the Christians had done;
to leave no traces of their power upon the coasts of Syria;
nothing which could afterwards attract thither the princes
and warriors of the West, nothing that could yield them the
means of maintaining themselves there if ever they should
be tempted again to unfurl their standards in the East.</p>

<p>Ptolemaïs, which remained neuter in this cruel war, learnt
the fall and destruction of a Christian city from some fugitives,
who, having escaped the sword of the Mussulmans,
came to intreat an asylum within its walls. From this sad
intelligence, it might easily predict the misfortunes that
awaited it. Ptolemaïs was then the capital of the Christian
colonies, and the most considerable city of Syria. Most of
the Franks, upon being driven from the other cities of Palestine,
had taken refuge there, bringing with them all their
portable wealth. In its port anchored all the warlike fleets
that came from the West, with the richest trading vessels
from most countries of the world. The city had not less
increased in extent than population; it was constructed of
square-cut stones; all the walls of the houses rose to an
equal height, and a platform or terrace surmounted most of
the buildings.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> The interior of the principal houses was
ornamented with paintings, and they received light by the
means of glass windows, which was at that time an extraordinary
luxury. In the public places, coverings of silk or
transparent stuffs screened the inhabitants from the ardours<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
of the sun. Between the two ramparts which bounded the
city on the east, were built castles and palaces, the residences
of the great; the artizans and traders occupied the interior
of the city. Among the princes and nobles who had mansions
in Ptolemaïs, were the king of Jerusalem, his brothers
and his family, the princes of Galilee and Antioch, the lieutenants
of France and Sicily, the duke of Cæsarea, the counts
of Tripoli and Jaffa, the lords of Barouth, Tyre, Tiberias,
Ibelin, Arsaph, &amp;c. We read in an old chronicle that all
these magnates were accustomed to walk in the public places,
wearing crowns of gold like kings, whilst the vestments of
their numerous trains glittered with gold and precious stones.
Every day was passed in festivity, spectacles or tournaments;
whilst the port was a mart of exchange for the treasures of
the East and the West, exhibiting at all times an animated
picture of commerce and industry.</p>

<p>Contemporary history deplores with severity the corruption
of morals that prevailed in Ptolemaïs, the crowds of
strangers bringing with them the vices of all countries.
Effeminacy and luxury pervaded every class, the clergy themselves
being unable to escape the general contagion: the
inhabitants of Ptolemaïs were esteemed the most voluptuous
and dissolute of all the nations of Syria. Ptolemaïs was not
only the richest city of Syria, it was further supposed to be the
best fortified. St. Louis, during his abode in Palestine, had
neglected nothing to repair and increase its fortifications.
On the land side, a double wall surrounded the city, commanded
at distances by lofty battlemented towers; and a
wide and deep ditch prevented access to the ramparts.
Towards the sea, the city was defended by a fortress built
at the entrance of the port, by the castle of the temple on
the south, and by the tower called the King’s Tower, on the
east.</p>

<p>Ptolemaïs appears then to have possessed much better
means of defence than at the period at which it stood out
for three years against all the forces of Europe. No power
could have subdued it if it had been inhabited by true
citizens, and not by foreigners, pilgrims, and traders, at all
times ready to transport themselves and their wealth from
one place to another. The persons who represented the
king of Naples, the lieutenants of the king of Cyprus, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
French, the English, the pope’s legate, the patriarch of
Jerusalem, the prince of Antioch, the three military orders,
the Venetians, the Genoese, the Pisans, the Armenians, the
Tartars, had all and each their separate quarter, their jurisdiction,
their tribunals, their magistrates&mdash;all independent
of each other, and all enjoying the right of sovereignty.
All these quarters were as so many different cities, opposed
to each other by customs, by language, by manners, and
above all, by rivalries and jealousies. It was impossible to
preserve order in a city in which so many sovereigns made
laws, which had no uniform government, and in which the
crime pursued in one part, was protected in another. Thus
all the passions were without a check, and often gave birth
to sanguinary and disgraceful scenes: in addition to the
quarrels that took their rise in the country, there was not
a feud in Europe, particularly in Italy, that was not felt
in Ptolemaïs. The discords of the Guelphs and the Ghibelines
were here carried on with warmth, and the rivalries
of Venice and Genoa had caused torrents of blood to flow.
Each nation had fortifications in the quarter it inhabited,
against the others; and the churches even were fortified.
At the entrance to each division was a fortress, with gates
and iron chains; it was plainly to be perceived that all these
means of defence had been employed less for the purpose of
stopping the progress of an enemy, than as a barrier against
neighbours and rivals.</p>

<p>The leaders of all the quarters and the principal inhabitants
of the city sometimes assembled; but they seldom,
agreed, and were at all times mistrustful of each other:
these assemblies never laid down any settled plan of conduct,
never established any wholesome fixed rule, and, above
all, never showed the least foresight.</p>

<p>The city at the same time demanded succours from the
West, and solicited a truce with the Saracens. When a
treaty was concluded, no one had sufficient power to secure
its observance; on the contrary, every one had it in his
power to violate it, and thus bring upon the city all the ills
that this violation would produce.</p>

<p>After the taking of Tripoli, the sultan of Cairo menaced
the city of Ptolemaïs; nevertheless, whether he dreaded the
despair of the inhabitants, or thought that the favourable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>
moment was not yet arrived, he yielded to their solicitations,
and renewed a truce with them for two years, two
months, two weeks, two days, and two hours. According
to a chronicle, the pope’s legate disapproved of the treaty,
and caused some Mussulman traders, who came to Ptolemaïs,
to be insulted: the Templars and the other military orders
were desirous of making reparation to the sultan of Egypt;
but the legate opposed them, and threatened to excommunicate
all who should have the least intercourse with the
infidels.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p>

<p>An Arabian author assigns another motive for the violences
committed against the Mussulmans. He relates that
the wife of a rich inhabitant of Ptolemaïs, being deeply
enamoured of a young Mussulman, had appointed a meeting
with him in one of the gardens that surround the city; the
husband, warned of this outrage against conjugal fidelity,
gathers together some friends, goes out from Ptolemaïs with
them,<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> surprises his wife and her seducer, and immolates
them both to his injured honour. Some Mussulmans are
drawn to the spot; the Christians come up in still greater
numbers; the quarrel becomes angry and general; and every
Mussulman is massacred.</p>

<p>These violences, which fame did not fail to exaggerate
whilst narrating them, might give the sultan of Egypt a
pretext for renewing the war; and the Christians, who
plainly perceived their new perils, implored the assistance
of the sovereign pontiff. The pope engaged Venice to furnish
twenty-five galleys, and this fleet transported to Ptolemaïs
a troop of sixteen hundred men, levied in haste in
Italy. This reinforcement, which was sent to the inhabitants
of Palestine for their defence, provoked their ruin;
the soldiers of the Holy See, levied among adventurers and
vagabonds, gave themselves up to all sorts of excesses.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
Having no regular pay, they plundered Christians and Mussulmans
indiscriminately; at last, this undisciplined troop
marched out of the city in arms, and made an incursion
upon the lands of the Saracens. Everything was laid waste
on their passage; towns and villages were pillaged, the inhabitants
insulted, and many of them massacred. The sultan
of Cairo sent ambassadors to the Christians to complain of
these outrages, committed in a time of peace. On the arrival
of the Mussulman envoys several councils were held in
Ptolemaïs. Opinions were at first divided; some were
willing to take the part of those who had broken the truce;
others thought it more just and prudent to give satisfaction
to the sultan, and solicit the continuation of the treaty. In
the end, it was determined to send a deputation to Cairo,
commissioned to make excuses and offer presents. Upon
being admitted to an audience of Kelaoun, the deputation
alleged that the offences had been committed by some soldiers
who had come from the West, and in no case by the
inhabitants of Ptolemaïs. The deputies, in the name of
their city, offered to punish the authors of the disorders;
but their submission and prayers produced no effect upon
the sultan, who reproached them severely with making a jest
of the faith of treaties, and with giving an asylum to disturbers
of peace and foes to the laws of nations. He was the
more inflexible, from thinking the opportunity a favourable
one for carrying out his projects; he was aware that no
crusade was in preparation in Europe, and he knew that all
the succour from the West was reduced to this band of adventurers
who had just broken the truce. Kelaoun sent
back the ambassadors, threatening the city of Ptolemaïs
with the whole weight of his anger: his orders were already
given for preparations for war throughout all his provinces.</p>

<p>Immediately after the return of the ambassadors<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> a grand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
council was called, at which were present the patriarch of
Jerusalem, John de Gresli, who commanded for the king of
France, Messire Oste de Granson for the king of England, the
grand masters of the Temple and the Hospital, the principal
persons of the city, and a great number of citizens and
pilgrims. When the deputies had rendered an account of
their mission, and repeated the threats of the sultan, the
patriarch addressed the assembly; his virtues, his gray hairs,
his zeal for the cause of the Christians, all inspired confidence
and respect. This venerable prelate exhorted all who
heard him to arm themselves for the defence of the city, to
remember that they were Christians, and that it was their
duty to die for the cause of Christ; he conjured them to
forget their discords, to have no other enemies but the Mussulmans,
and to show themselves worthy of the holy cause
for which they were about to fight. His eloquence awakened
the generous feelings of his audience, and all swore to obey
the exhortations of the patriarch: happy would it have been
for the city of Ptolemaïs if its inhabitants and its defenders
had preserved the same dispositions and the same enthusiasm
amidst the perils and mischances of war!</p>

<p>They asked for succour in all quarters; a few pilgrims
arrived from the West, and a few warriors from the isles of
the Mediterranean: the king of Cyprus landed with five
hundred men. These new auxiliaries and all who were able
to bear arms in the city, amounted to nine hundred horsemen
and ten thousand foot soldiers. They were divided into
four bodies, charged with the defence of the towers and the
ramparts. The first of these divisions was under the command
of Oste de Granson and John de Gresli, the one with
the English and the Picards, the other with the French;
the second division was commanded by the king of Cyprus,
in conjunction with the grand master of the Teutonic order;
the third by the grand master of St. John, and the grand
master of the knights of Canterbury; the fourth by the
grand masters of the Temple and of St. Lazarus: a council
of eight leaders was to govern the city during the siege.</p>

<p>The Mussulmans were preparing for the war in all quarters;
everything was in motion from the banks of the Nile
to those of the Euphrates. The sultan Kelaoun having
fallen sick on leaving Cairo, sent before him seven principal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>
emirs, each having four thousand horse and twenty thousand
foot under his command. On their arrival upon the territories
of Ptolemaïs, gardens, country-houses, the vines which
covered the hills&mdash;everything was destroyed. The sight of
the conflagration which arose on all sides, the distracted
crowd of the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, who fled
from their homes, with their goods, their flocks, and their
families, warned Ptolemaïs of the execution of the threats
and the sinister projects of the Saracens: there were several
battles fought on the plain, but nothing remarkable or decisive;
the Mussulmans waited the arrival of the sultan to
commence the labours of the siege.</p>

<p>In the meanwhile, Kelaoun was still detained in Egypt by
sickness, and feeling his end approach, the sultan sent for
his son and his principal emirs; he recommended to the
latter, to serve his son as they had served himself; and to
the former, to follow up the war against the Christians
without any intermission, conjuring him not to grant his
remains the honour of sepulture before he had conquered
the city of Ptolemaïs. Chalil swore to accomplish the last
wishes of his father; and when Kelaoun had closed his eyes,
the ulemas and the imauns assembled in the chapel in which
his remains were deposited, and read during the whole night
verses from the Koran, never ceasing to invoke their prophet
against the disciples of Christ. Chalil did not delay
setting forward on his march with his army. The Franks
hoped that the death of Kelaoun would give birth to some
disorders among the Mamelukes; but hatred for the Christians
was a sufficient bond of union for the Mussulman
soldiers; the siege even of Ptolemaïs, the hope of annihilating
a Christian city, stifled all the germs of discord, and
consolidated the power of Chalil, whom they proclaimed
beforehand the conqueror of the Franks, and the <i>pacificator
of the Mussulman religion</i>.</p>

<p>The sultan arrived before Ptolemaïs; his army covering a
space of several leagues, from the sea to the mountains.
More than three hundred machines of war were ready to
batter the ramparts of the city. Aboulfeda, who was
present at this siege, speaks of one of these machines which
a hundred chariots were scarcely sufficient to transport.</p>

<p>This formidable preparation spread consternation among<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
the inhabitants of Ptolemaïs. The grand master of the templars,
despairing of the defence or of the salvation of the
city, assembled the leaders to consult if there were any
means of renewing the truce, and thus escaping inevitable
ruin.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> Repairing to the tent of the sultan, he demanded
peace of him; and seeking to produce an effect upon his
mind, he exaggerated the strength of Ptolemaïs; the sultan,
dreading doubtless the difficulties of the siege, and hoping
to find another opportunity of making himself master of the
city, consented to a truce upon condition that every inhabitant
should pay him a Venetian denier. The grand
master on his return convoked an assembly of the people
in the church of the Holy Cross, and laid before them the
conditions the sultan placed upon the conclusion of a fresh
truce. His advice was, that they should comply with these
conditions, provided there were no other means of saving
Ptolemaïs. Scarcely had he expressed his opinion, when the
multitude rushed in in fury, uttering loud cries of <i>treachery</i>!
and very nearly did the grand master expiate on the spot his
foresight and zeal for the salvation of the city. From that
time the only thought of this generous warrior was to die
arms in hand for an ungrateful and frivolous people, incapable
of repelling war by war, and not enduring to be saved
by peace.</p>

<p>The presence of the sultan had redoubled the ardour of
the Mussulman troops. From the day of his arrival the
siege was prosecuted with incredible vigour. The army of
the besiegers amounted to sixty thousand horse and a hundred
and forty thousand foot, who constantly relieved each
other, and left the besieged not a moment of repose. The
machines hurled stones and enormous pieces of wood, the
fall of which shook the palaces and houses of the city to
their foundation. A shower of arrows, darts, fire-pots, and
leaden balls was poured night and day upon the ramparts
and towers. In the first assaults, the Christians killed a
great number of the infidels who approached the walls with
arrows and stones; they made many sorties, in one of which
they penetrated to the tents of the Saracens. Being at
length repulsed, some of them fell into the hands of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
Mussulmans, and the Syrian horsemen, who had fastened
the heads of the vanquished to the necks of their horses,
went to display before the sultan of Cairo the barbarous
trophies of a dearly-bought victory.</p>

<p>Danger at first united all the inhabitants of Ptolemaïs,
and animated them with the same sentiments. In the early
combats nothing could equal their ardour; they were sustained
by the expectation of receiving succours from the
West, and they hoped, also, that some advantages gained
over the Saracens would force the besiegers to retreat; but
in proportion as these hopes vanished, their zeal diminished;
most of them were incapable of supporting lengthened
fatigue; the sight of a peril which unceasingly returned
exhausted their courage; the defenders of the ramparts perceived
that their numbers were lessened daily; the port was
covered with Christians departing from the city, and bearing
their treasures with them. The example of those who thus
fled completed the discouragement of those who remained;
and in a city which numbered a hundred thousand inhabitants,
and which, at the commencement of the siege, had
furnished nearly twenty thousand warriors, only twelve
thousand could at length be mustered under arms.</p>

<p>To desertion, another evil was soon added, which was dissension
among the leaders; several of them disapproved of
the measures that were adopted for the defence of the city,
and because their opinions did not prevail in the council,
they remained inactive, forgetful of the perils and evils which
threatened both the city and themselves.</p>

<p>On the fourth day of May, after the siege had lasted
nearly a month, the sultan of Cairo gave the signal for an
assault. From daybreak, all the drums of the army, placed
upon three hundred camels, spread a fearful and stunning
noise. The most formidable of the machines of war were
employed in battering the ramparts towards the gate and
tower of St. Antony, on the east side of the city. This post
was guarded by the soldiers of the king of Cyprus; the
Mussulmans planted their ladders at the foot of the walls;
the defence was not less spirited than the attack; the conflict
lasted during the whole day, and night alone forced the
Saracens to retreat. After this severe struggle, the king of
Cyprus became more anxious for safety than glory, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>
determined to abandon a city which he had now no hopes of
saving. He retired with his troop in the evening, under
the pretence of taking some necessary repose, and, confiding
the post of peril to the Teutonic knights, promised to return
with daylight; but when the sun arose, the king of Cyprus
had embarked with all his knights and three thousand soldiers.
What were the surprise and indignation of the Christian
warriors at the news of this dastardly desertion! “Would
to heaven,” says the author of an account that lies before us,<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>&mdash;“would
to heaven that a whirlwind had arisen, had submerged
these base fugitives, and that they had sunk like
lead to the bottom of the sea!”</p>

<p>On the morrow, the Mussulmans gave a fresh assault;
covered by their long bucklers, they advanced in good order
towards their machines, carrying a vast number of ladders.
The Christians defended the approach to the walls for some
time; but when the besiegers perceived that the towers, occupied
on the preceding day by the Cypriots, were abandoned,
their audacity increased, and they made incredible efforts to
fill up the ditch, by casting into it stones, earth, and the
carcases of their dead horses. Contemporary historians
relate a circumstance of this part of the siege to which it is
very difficult to give credit: a troop of sectaries, who were
called Chages, followed the army of the Mamelukes; the
devotion of these sectaries consisted in suffering all sorts of
privations, and even in immolating themselves for the sake
of Islamism: the sultan ordered them to fill up the ditch;
they filled it up with their living bodies, and the Mussulman
cavalry marched over them, to gain the foot of the walls!<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p>

<p>The besiegers fought with fury; some planted their ladders
and mounted in crowds to the ramparts; whilst others
continued to batter the walls with the rams, and brought
every available instrument into play to demolish them. At
length a large breach opened a passage into the city, and
this breach soon became the scene of a bloody and obstinate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
contest. Stones and arrows were abandoned, they now
fought man to man, with lance, sword, and mace. The multitude
of Saracens increased every instant, whilst no fresh
succours were received by the Christians. After a long
and brave resistance, the defenders of the rampart, worn out
with fatigue and overwhelmed by numbers, were obliged to
retreat into the city; the Saracens rushed forward in pursuit
of them, and, what is scarcely to be believed, most of
the inhabitants remained idle spectators, not because their
courage was subdued by the sight of danger, but because
the spirit of rivalry and jealousy was not stifled even by the
feelings of a public and general calamity. “When the news
of the entrance of the Saracens [we borrow the expressions
of a contemporary historian] was spread through the city,
many of the citizens, from malice towards each other, entertained
not near so much pity for the common calamity as
they ought to have done, and took no account of what might
happen to them, thinking in their hearts that the sultan would
do them no harm, because they had not consented to the
violation of the truce.” In their infatuation they preferred
owing their safety to the clemency of the conqueror, rather
than to the bravery of the Christian warriors;<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> far from
lending assistance to their neighbours, every one rejoiced in
secret at their losses; the principal leaders of each quarter,
or of each nation, were sparing of their soldiers, not in order
to preserve their means of contending with the Saracens,
but for the sake of having more empire in the city, and of
husbanding their strength, so as to be on a future day the
most powerful and formidable in the public dissensions.</p>

<p>True bravery, however, did not allow itself to be misled
by such base passions; the troops of the Temple and the
Hospital were found wherever danger called them. William
de Clermont, marshal of the Hospitallers, hastened with his
knights to the spot where peril was most imminent and the
carnage the greatest. He met a crowd of Christians flying
before their enemies; this brave warrior checked their flight
and reanimated their courage, rushing among the Saracens,
and cutting down all that came in his way; the Mussulmans,
says an old chronicle, “fled away at his approach, like sheep<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
before a wolf.” Then most of those who had turned their
backs on the enemy returned to the fight; the shock was
terrible, the slaughter frightful: towards evening the trumpets
of the Saracens sounded a retreat, and all who had
escaped from the swords of the Christians retired in disorder
through the breach they had made. This unexpected
advantage had a wonderful effect upon the spirits of the
besieged. Such as had taken no part in the contest, but
remained quietly in their dwellings, began to fear that they
should be accused of betraying the Christian cause. They
set forward, with banners displayed, and directed their
course towards the gate of St. Antony. The sight of the
field of battle, still covered with traces of carnage, must
have awakened in them some generous feelings, and if they
had not exhibited their bravery, their brother warriors,
stretched upon the earth, who implored them to help them
and dress their wounds, at least offered them an opportunity
of exercising their humanity. The wounded were attended
to, the dead were buried, and they then set about repairing
the walls and placing the machines: the whole of the night
was employed in preparing means of defence for the day
which was to follow.</p>

<p>Before sunrise the next morning, a general assembly was
convoked in the house of the Hospitallers. Sadness was
depicted on every countenance; they had lost two thousand
Christian warriors in the battle of the preceding day; there
now were only seven thousand combatants left in the city;
these were not enough to defend the towers and the ramparts;
they were no longer sustained by the hope of conquering
their enemies; the future presented nothing but one terrible
prospect of perils and calamities. When all were met, the
patriarch of Jerusalem addressed the melancholy assembly.
The venerable prelate directed no reproaches against them
who had not assisted in the fight of the preceding day; the
past must be forgotten; he did not praise them who had
signalized their bravery, for fear of awakening jealousy;
in his discourse he did not venture to speak of country, for
Ptolemaïs was not the country of most of those who listened
to him. The picture of the misfortunes which threatened
the city and every one of its inhabitants, was presented in
the darkest colours; there was no hope, no asylum for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
vanquished; nothing was to be expected from the clemency
of the Saracens, who always accomplished their threats, and
never fulfilled their promises. It was but too certain that
Europe would send them no succour; they had not vessels
enough to enable them to think of flying by sea:&mdash;thus the
patriarch took less pains to dissipate the alarms of his auditors
than to animate them by despair. He terminated his
speech by exhorting them to place all their confidence in
God and their swords, to prepare for fight by penitence, to
love each other, to help each other, and to endeavour to
render their lives or their death glorious for themselves and
serviceable to Christianity.</p>

<p>The speech of the patriarch made the deepest impression
upon the assembly; nothing was heard but sobs and sighs;
every person present was in tears; the religious sentiments
which are generally awakened by the aspect of a great peril,
filled all their hearts with an ardour and an enthusiasm they
had never before experienced; most of them embraced each
other, and exchanged reciprocal exhortations to brave every
danger; they mutually confessed their sins, and even expressed
a hope for the crown of martyrdom; those who had
meditated desertion the day before, swore that they would
never abandon the city, but would die on the ramparts with
their brethren and companions.</p>

<p>The leaders and soldiers then went to the posts entrusted
to their bravery. Such as were not employed in the defence
of the ramparts and towers, made themselves ready to contend
with their enemies, if they should gain access to the
city; barriers were erected in all the streets, and heaps of
stones were collected on the roofs, and at the doors of
houses, to crush the Mussulmans, or impede them on their
march.</p>

<p>Scarcely were these preparations finished, than the air
resounded with the notes of trumpets and the beating of
drums; a horrible noise, proceeding from the plain, announced
the approach of the Saracens. After having discharged
a multitude of arrows, they advanced confidently
towards the wall they had broken through the day before.
But they met with a resistance they did not expect; many
were slain at the foot of the ramparts; but as their number
momentarily increased, their constantly renewed attacks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>
necessarily exhausted the strength of the Christians, at first
in small numbers, and receiving no reinforcements. Towards
the end of the day, the Christians had scarcely the
power to hurl a javelin or handle a lance. The wall began
again to give way beneath the strokes of the rams; then the
patriarch, ever present at the point of danger, exclaimed in a
supplicating tone,&mdash;“Oh, God! surround us with a rampart
that men cannot destroy, and cover us with the ægis of Thy
power!” At hearing this, the soldiers appeared to rally
and make a last effort; they precipitated themselves upon
the enemy, calling upon the <i>blessed Jesus, with a loud voice</i>.
The Saracens, adds our chronicler, <i>called upon the name of
their Mahomet</i>, and uttered the most fearful threats against
the defenders of the Christian faith.</p>

<p>Whilst this conflict was going on upon the ramparts, the
city awaited in great dread the issue of the battle; the
agitation of men’s minds gave birth to a thousand rumours,
which were in turn adopted and rejected. It was reported
in the most remote quarters, that the Christians were victorious,
and the Mussulmans had fled; it was likewise
added, that a fleet with an army on board had arrived from
the West. To these news, which created a momentary joy,
succeeded the most disheartening intelligence; and in all
these reports there was nothing true but that which announced
something inauspicious.</p>

<p>It was soon known that the Mussulmans had entered the
city. The Christian warriors who defended the gate of St.
Antony, had not been able to resist the shock of the enemy,
and fled into the streets, imploring the assistance of the
inhabitants. These latter then remembered the exhortations
of the patriarch; reinforcements hasten from all quarters;
the knights of the Hospital, with the valiant William at
their head, reappear. A storm of stones falls from the tops
of the houses; iron chains are stretched across the passage
of the Mussulman cavalry; such as have been exhausted by
fight recover their strength, and rush again into the <i>mêlée</i>;
they who have come to their assistance follow their steps,
break through the Mussulman battalions, disperse them and
pursue them beyond the ramparts. In every one of these
combats was exhibited all that valour can accomplish when
united with despair. On contemplating, on one side the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
inevitable ruin of a great city, and on the other the efforts
of a small number of defenders who put off, day after day,
scenes of destruction and death, we cannot help feeling both
compassion and surprise. The assaults were renewed without
ceasing, and always with the same fury. At the end of
every day’s conflict, the unfortunate inhabitants of Ptolemaïs
congratulated themselves upon having triumphed over their
enemies; but on the morrow, when the sun appeared above
the horizon, what were their thoughts when they beheld
from the top of their ramparts the Mussulman army still
the same, covering the plain from the sea to the foot of
Karenba and Carmel!</p>

<p>The Saracens, on their part, became astonished at the
resistance which all their attacks met with; so many combats,
in which their innumerable multitude had not been
able to obtain a decided advantage, began to give them
discouragement. In the infidel army it was impossible to
explain the invincible bravery of the Christian soldiers without
assigning miraculous causes for it. A thousand extraordinary
tales flew from mouth to mouth, and struck the
imagination of the gross crowd of the Mussulmans. They
believed they saw two men in every one of those with whom
they fought;<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> in the excess of their astonishment, they persuaded
themselves that every warrior who fell beneath their
stroke was reborn of himself, and returned stronger and
more terrible than ever to the field of battle. The sultan
of Cairo appeared to have lost all hope of taking the city
by assault. It is asserted that the renegadoes, whose apostasy
made them desirous of the ruin of the Christian name,
sought every means to revive his courage; the sieur Barthélemi,
who had sworn an eternal hatred to the Franks,
followed the Mussulman army;<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> this implacable deserter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
neglected nothing to encourage the leaders, to reanimate
them for battle, and awaken in their hearts the furious
passions that constantly devoured his own. In addition to
these, the imauns and sheiks, who were numerous in the
Mameluke camps, pervaded the ranks of the army to inflame
the fanaticism of the soldiers: the sultan threatened all who
flew before the enemy with punishment, and offered immense
rewards for those who should plant the standard of
the Prophet, not upon the walls of Ptolemaïs, but in the
centre of the city.</p>

<p>On the 4th of May, a day fatal to the Christians, the
signal for a fresh assault was given. At dawn the Mussulman
army was under arms, the sultan animating the soldiers
by his presence. Both the attack and the defence were
much more animated and obstinate than they had been for
some days before. Among those who fell on the field of
battle, there were seven Mussulmans for one Christian; but
the Mussulmans could repair their losses; those of the
Christians were irreparable. The Saracens still directed all
their efforts against the tower and the gate of St. Antony.</p>

<p>They were already upon the breach, when the knights of
the Temple formed the rash resolution of making a sortie,
and attacking the camp of the Mussulmans. They found the
enemy’s army drawn up in order of battle; after a bloody
conflict, the Saracens repulsed the Christians, and pursued
them to the foot of the ramparts. The grand master of the
Temple was struck by an arrow and fell in the midst of his
knights. The grand-master of the Hospital, at the same
time received a wound which disabled him. The rout then
became general, and all hope of saving the city was lost.
There were scarcely a thousand Christian warriors left to
defend the gate of St. Antony against the whole Mussulman
army.</p>

<p>The Christians were obliged to yield to the multitude of
their enemies; they directed their course towards the house
of the Templars, situated on the seacoast. It was then that
a death-pall seemed stretched over the whole city of Ptolemaïs:
the Saracens advanced full of fury; there was not a
street that did not become the theatre of carnage; a battle
was fought for every tower, for every palace, and at the
entrance of every public building; and in all these combats,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
so many men were killed, that, according to the report of
an historian, <i>they walked upon the dead as upon a bridge</i>.</p>

<p>As if angry heaven gave the signal for destruction,
a violent storm, accompanied by hail and rain, burst over
the city; the horizon was all at once covered with such
impenetrable darkness, that the combatants could scarcely
distinguish the colours they fought under, or see what
standard floated over the towers; all the scourges contributed
to the desolation of Ptolemaïs; the flames appeared
in several quarters, without any one making an effort to
extinguish them; the conquerors only thought of destroying
the city, the only object of the conquered was to escape.
A multitude of people fled away at hazard, without knowing
where they could hope to find an asylum. Whole families
took refuge in the churches, where they were stifled by the
flames, or cut to pieces at the foot of the altars; nuns and
timid virgins mixed with the multitude which wandered
through the city, or disfigured with wounds their faces and
their bosoms,<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> to escape the brutality of the conquerors:
what was most deplorable in the spectacle then presented<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>
in Ptolemaïs, was the desertion of the leaders, who abandoned
a people in the height of its despair. John de Gresly
and Oste de Granson, who had scarcely shown themselves
upon the ramparts during the siege, fled away at the very
commencement of the battle. Many others, who had taken
the oath to die, at the aspect of this general destruction,
only thought of saving their lives, and threw away their
arms to facilitate their flight. History however is able to
contrast some acts of true heroism with these base desertions.
Our readers cannot have forgotten the brilliant
actions of William de Clement. Amidst the ruins of Ptolemaïs,
amidst the universal destruction, he still defied the
enemy; attempting to rally some Christian warriors, he rode
to the gate of St. Antony, which the Templars had just
abandoned; though alone, he wished to renew the fight;
he pierced through the ranks of the Saracens several times,
and returned, still fighting; when he came back to the
middle of the city, his war-horse (we copy a relation of the
time) was much fatigued, as was he himself also; the war-horse
no longer answered to the spur, and stopped in the
street, as unable to do any more. The Saracens shot Brother
William to the earth with arrows; and thus this loyal champion
of Jesus Christ rendered up his soul to his creator.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p>

<p>We cannot refuse our highest praise to the patriarch of
Jerusalem, who, during the whole siege, shared all the
dangers of the combatants; when he was dragged away
towards the port by his friends, to evade the pursuit of the
Mussulmans, the generous old man complained bitterly at
being separated from his flock in the hour of peril. He
was induced at last to embark, but as he insisted upon
receiving on board his vessel all that presented themselves,
the boat was sunk, and the faithful pastor died the victim
of his charity.</p>

<p>The sea was tempestuous, the vessels could not approach
close to land; the shore presented a heart-rending spectacle:
here a mother called upon her son, there a son implored the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
assistance of his father; many precipitated themselves into
the waves, in despair; the mass of people endeavoured to
gain the vessels by swimming; some were drowned in the
attempt, others were beaten off with oars. Several women
of the noblest families flew in terror to the port, bringing
with them their diamonds and their most valuable effects;
they promised the mariners to become their wives, to give
themselves and all their wealth up to them, if they would
bear them away from this horrid scene; most of them were
conveyed to the Isle of Cyprus: no pity was shown but to
such as had treasures to bestow in return; thus, when tears
had no effect upon hearts, avarice assumed the place of
humanity, and saved some few victims. At length the
Mussulman horsemen came down upon the port, and furiously
pursued the Christians even into the waves: from that
moment no one was able to escape the carnage.</p>

<p>Still, amidst the city given over to pillage, and a prey
to the flames and the barbarity of the conquerors, several
fortresses remained standing, and were defended by some
Christian soldiers; these unfortunate warriors died sword in
hand, without any other witnesses of their glorious end but
their implacable enemies.</p>

<p>The castle of the Templars, in which all the knights who
had escaped the steel of the Saracens had taken refuge, was
soon the only place in the city that held out. The sultan
having granted them a capitulation, sent three hundred
Mussulmans to execute the treaty. Scarcely had these entered
one of the principal towers, the tower of the grand-master,
than they began to outrage the women who had
taken refuge there. This violation of the rights of war
irritated the Christian warriors to such a degree, that all
the Saracens who had entered the tower were instantly
immolated to their too just vengeance. The angry sultan
ordered the siege to be prosecuted against the Christians in
their last asylum, and that all should be put to the sword.
The knights of the Temple and their companions defended
themselves for several days: at length the tower of the grand-master
was undermined, and fell at the very moment the
Mussulmans were mounting to an assault: they who attacked
it and they who defended it were equally crushed by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
its fall; women, children, Christian warriors, all who had
come to seek refuge in the house of the Templars, perished,
buried beneath the ruins. Every church of Ptolemaïs was
plundered, profaned, and then given up to the flames. The
sultan ordered all the principal edifices, with the towers and
ramparts, to be demolished.</p>

<p>The Mussulman soldiers expressed their joy by ferocious
clamours; which joy formed a horrible contrast with the
desolation of the conquered. Amidst the tumultuous scenes
of victory were mingled the screams of women, upon whom
the barbarians were committing violence in their camp, and
the cries of little children, borne away into slavery. A distracted
multitude of fugitives, driven from ruin to ruin, and
finding no place of refuge, directed their course to the tent
of the sultan, to implore his mercy; Chalil distributed these
Christian supplicants among his emirs, who caused them all
to be massacred. Macrisi makes the number of these unhappy
victims amount to ten thousand.</p>

<p>After the taking and the destruction of Ptolemaïs, the
sultan sent one of his emirs with a body of troops to take
possession of the city of Tyre; this city, seized with terror,
opened its gates without resistance. The conquerors likewise
possessed themselves of Berytus, Sidon, and all the
Christian cities along the coast. These cities, which had
not afforded the least succour to Ptolemaïs, in the last great
struggle, and which believed themselves protected by a
truce, beheld their population massacred, dispersed, and led
into slavery; the fury of the Mussulmans extended even to
the stones, they seemed to wish to destroy the very earth
which the Christians had trod upon; their houses, their
temples, the monuments of their piety, their valour and
their industry, everything was condemned to perish with
them by the sword or by fire.</p>

<p>Most of the contemporary chronicles attribute such great
disasters to the sins of the inhabitants of Palestine, and in
the scenes of destruction only behold the effect of that
divine anger which fell upon Nineveh and Babylon. History
must not reject these easy explanations; but it is,
doubtless, permitted to penetrate deeper into human affairs,
and whilst recognising the intervention of Heaven in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
political destinies of nations, it is bound at least to endeavour
to discover the means which Providence has employed to raise,
to maintain for a time, and at length, to destroy empires.</p>

<p>We have shown, in the course of our recital, to what point
the ambition of the leaders, the want of discipline among
the soldiers, the turbulent passions of the multitude, the
corruption of morals, the spirit of discord and dissension,
with egotism and selfishness, had urged on the kingdom of
Jerusalem towards its decline and its destruction. We shall
here offer but one general observation which belongs to our
subject, and which ought not to be omitted in a history of
the crusades.</p>

<p>This power of the Franks had been cast upon Asia, as by
a tempest, and could not support itself there by its own
strength. The true support of the kingdom of Jerusalem
remained in the West, and the principle of its preservation,
the source of its power was foreign to itself; its safety
depended upon a crowd of circumstances which its leaders
could not possibly foresee, upon a crowd of events which
passed far from it; it depended above all upon feelings and
opinions which prevailed among distant nations. Whilst
the enthusiasm which had founded the Christian colonies
was kept up in Europe, these colonies might hope to prolong
their existence; the greatest of their calamities<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> was the
indifference of the nations which dwelt beyond the seas; the
kingdom of Jerusalem began with the crusades, it was
destined to terminate with them.</p>

<p>A Mussulman chronicler, after having described the
desolation of the coasts of Syria, and the expulsion of the
citizens, terminates his account by this singular reflection:
“Things, if it please God, will remain thus till the last
judgment.” The wishes of the Arabian historian, have
hitherto been but too completely fulfilled; the Mussulmans,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
for more than five centuries, have reigned over the countries
occupied by the Christians, and with them has reigned the
genius of destruction which presided over the wars we have
described. The philosopher who contemplates these desolated
regions, these fields uncultivated and deserted, these
towns in ruins, these cities without industry, without laws,
and almost without inhabitants, and who compares them
with what they were in the times of the crusades, cannot
avoid being deeply impressed by regret and compassion.
Without dwelling upon the motives which governed the
actions of the Crusaders, without approving all that a frequently
blind enthusiasm inspired, he must at least acknowledge
that these distant expeditions did some good, and that
if they sometimes carried desolation to the coasts of Syria,
they also carried thither the germs of prosperity and civilization.</p>

<hr class="chap" />
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span></p>

<div class="chapter">

<h2 class="p4">BOOK XVI.</h2>

<p class="pc">&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc mid">ATTEMPTED CRUSADES.</p>
<p class="pc lmid">CRUSADES AGAINST THE TURKS.</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">A.D. 1291-1396.</p>

<p class="p2"><span class="smcap">We</span> are now arrived at the end of the brilliant epoch of
the crusades, but our task is not yet completed; for, as the
curiosity of readers attaches a high value to the knowledge
of the causes of events, in the same degree must it be desirous
of knowing the influence that these events have had
upon the laws, manners, and destinies of nations. After
having witnessed the kindling of so many passions, which
inflamed Europe and Asia during two centuries, who but
must be curious to see in what manner these passions were
progressively extinguished; what were the political combinations
that weakened this universal enthusiasm; and
what were the interests, the opinions, and the institutions
which took place of the spirit of the holy wars. Here the
philosophy of history comes at our wish to enlighten us
with its lamp, and make clear to us the eternal course of
human things. The end of a great revolution may be compared,
in some sort, to the decline of the life of man, it is
then that the fruits of long experience may be gathered, it
is then that the past, with its remembrances and its lessons,
is reflected as in a faithful mirror.</p>

<p>We will pursue, then, with confidence the work we have
begun; if, in the career we have still to go through, we may
have little to say that will awaken the curiosity of common
minds, enlightened spirits will, doubtless, find some interest,
in following with us all these long reverberations of a revolution
which deeply agitated the world, and whose consequences
will be felt by remotest posterity.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span></p>

<p>When the news of the taking of Ptolemaïs arrived in the
West, Pope Nicholas IV. gave his whole attention to the
preaching of a crusade. A bull addressed to all the faithful,
deplored in pathetic terms the late disasters of the Christians;
and the greater that these misfortunes were, the more fully
did the pope offer the treasures of divine mercy and pontifical
indulgences to new Crusaders. An indulgence of a
hundred days was granted to those who would attend the
sermons of the preachers of the crusade, or would come to
the churches to listen to the groans of the city of God.
The holy orators had permission to preach the war of the
East in forbidden places; and, that great sinners might be
induced to become soldiers of the cross, the preachers received
the faculty of granting certain absolutions that had
till that time been reserved for the supreme authority of the
Holy See.</p>

<p>In many provinces, the clergy assembled in consequence
of the directions of the pope, to deliberate upon the means
of recovering Palestine. The prelates employed themselves
in this pious mission with much zeal, and in order to secure
the success of the enterprise, all united in conjuring the
sovereign pontiff to labour without intermission in bringing
about the reëstablishment of peace among Christian
princes.</p>

<p>Several monarchs had already taken the cross; and Nicholas
sent legates to press them to accomplish the vow they
appeared to have forgotten. Edward, king of England,
although he had levied the tenths upon the clergy for the
expenses of the crusade, showed very little inclination to
quit his states for the purpose of returning into Asia. The
emperor Rodolph, who, in the conference of Lausanne, had
promised the pope to make the voyage beyond the seas,
died at this period, much more deeply engaged in the affairs
of Germany, than in those of the Christians of the East.
Nicholas IV. gave Philip to understand that the whole West
had its eyes fixed upon him, and that his example might
influence all Christendom; the sovereign pontiff at the same
time exhorted the prelates of the Church of France to join
with him in persuading the king, the nobles, and the people,
to take arms against the infidels.</p>

<p>The father of the Christian world did not confine his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
endeavours to awakening the zeal of the princes and nations
of the West; he sent apostolic messages to the Greek emperor,
Andronicus Palæologus, the emperor of Trebizond,
and the kings of Armenia, Georgia, and Cyprus, in which
he announced to them the approaching deliverance of the
holy places. As the Christians in their distress had sometimes
turned their looks towards the Tartars, two missionaries
were sent to the coast of Argun, with directions
to offer the Mogul emperor the benedictions of the sovereign
pontiff, and to solicit his powerful aid against the
Mussulmans.</p>

<p>The exertions and exhortations of the pope did not succeed
in arming Europe against the Saracens; contemporary
chronicles say that Nicholas was not able to endure this
indifference of the Christians, and that he died in despair.
After his death, the conclave could not agree in the nomination
of a head of the Church, and the Holy See remained
vacant during twenty-seven months. In this long interval,
the pulpits which had resounded with the complaints of the
faithful of the East, remained mute, and Europe forgot the
last calamities of the Holy Land.</p>

<p>In the East, the affairs of the Christians took a not more
favourable turn. The discord that had arisen between the
princes of the family of Hayton desolated Armenia, and gave
it up to the invasion of the barbarians. The kingdom of
Cyprus, the last asylum of the Franks established in Asia,
only owed a transitory security to the sanguinary divisions
of the Mamelukes of Egypt, and appeared to be fully engaged
by its own dangers.</p>

<p>But whilst Christendom gave up all thoughts of the deliverance
of Jerusalem, the Tartars of Persia, to whom the
pope had sent missionaries, all at once revived the hopes of
the Christians, by forming a project for wresting Syria and
Palestine from the hands of the Mussulmans; an enterprize
which only wanted to be a crusade, to have been proclaimed
by the head of the Church.</p>

<p>The Tartars, for a long time, threatened the Mussulman
powers, whom the Christians regarded as their most cruel
enemies. Argun, when he died, was busied in preparations
for a formidable war. These preparations had spread such
serious alarm among his enemies, that the disciples of Mahomet<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
considered his death as one of the number of miracles
operated in favour of Islamism.</p>

<p>Among the successors of Argun, who were by turns the
enemies and the friends of the Mussulmans, there was one
able leader, who was warlike, and more animated by the
thirst for conquests than the others. The Greek historian
Pachymerus, and the Armenian Hayton, lavish the highest
praises upon the bravery, the virtue, and even the piety of
Cazan. This Mogul prince considered the Christians as
his most faithful allies; and in his armies, in which the
Georgians served, the standard of the cross floated by the
side of the imperial standard. The conquest of the banks
of the Nile and the Jordan engaged all his thoughts. When
new cities were built in his states, he took a delight in
bestowing upon them the names of Aleppo, Damascus,
Alexandria, and of several other places in Egypt and Syria.</p>

<p>Cazan quitted Persia at the head of an army; and the
king of Cyprus with the orders of St. John and the Temple,
being made aware of his projects, joined his standards. A
great battle was fought near Emessa, which was decided
against the sultan of Egypt, who lost the greater part of his
army, and was pursued by the Armenian cavalry to the
verge of the desert. Aleppo and Damascus opened their
gates to the conquerors; and if we may believe the historian
Hayton, Christians once more entered Jerusalem, and the
emperor of the Tartars visited in their company the tomb of
Christ.</p>

<p>It was from that place Cazan sent ambassadors to the
pope and the sovereigns of Europe, to solicit their alliance,
and to offer them possession of the Holy Land. Among
the singularities of this period, our readers will no doubt be
astonished to find a Mogul emperor endeavouring to revive
the spirit of the crusades among the princes of Christendom;
and to see barbarians from the banks of the Irtis and the
Jaxartes waiting upon Calvary and Mount Sion for the
warriors of France, Germany, and Italy, in order to combat
the enemies of Christ. The sovereign pontiff received the
ambassadors of Cazan with distinction; but could only
answer their demands and propositions by promises doomed
to remain unexecuted. The haughtiness with which Boniface
VIII., the successor of Nicholas, spoke to the Christian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
princes, together with his exhortations, which resembled
commands more than entreaties, disgusted the sovereigns,
particularly the king of France. Genoa, which then lay
under an interdict, was the only city of Europe in which a
crusade was seriously spoken of; and by a whimsical circumstance,
it was the ladies who gave the signal and set the
example.</p>

<p>We are still in possession of a brief of the pope’s, in
which the holy father felicitates the ladies who had taken
the cross, upon their following the steps of Cazan, the emperor
of the Tartars, <i>who, although a pagan, had conceived
the generous resolution of delivering the Holy Land</i>. History
has preserved two other letters of the pope, one
addressed to Porchetto, archbishop of Genoa, and the other
to four Genoese nobles, who had undertaken to direct the
expedition. “Oh, prodigy! oh, miracle!” says he to Porchetto;
“a weak and timid sex takes the advance of warriors
in this great enterprise, in this war against the enemies of
Christ, in this fight against the workers of iniquity. The
kings and princes of the earth, regardless of all the solicitations
that have been made to them, refuse to send succours
to the Christians banished from the Holy Land, and here
are women who come forward without being called! Whence
can this magnanimous resolution come, if not from God, the
source of all strength and all virtue!!!” The pope terminated
his letter by directing the archbishop to call together
the clergy and the people, and proclaim the devotion of the
noble Genoese ladies, in order that their example may cast
seeds of good works into the hearts of the people.</p>

<p>This crusade, notwithstanding, never took place; it was
doubtless only preached to rouse the emulation of the
knights, and the pope only directed his attention to it to
give a lesson to the princes of Christendom, by which they
did not at all profit. The letters written upon this occasion
by Boniface VIII. were preserved in the archives of the
republic of Genoa for a long time. Even in the last century,
the helmets and cuirasses which were to have been
worn by the Genoese ladies in this expedition were exhibited
in the arsenal of that city.</p>

<p>The Tartars, in spite of their victories, were not able to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
triumph over the constancy and discipline of the Mamelukes,
who, like themselves, had issued from the deserts of
Scythia. That which had so often happened to the Franks
in the height of the crusades, now happened to the Moguls;
they at first obtained great advantages, but events foreign
to the Holy War recalled them into their own country, and
forced them to abandon their conquests. Cazan was obliged
to quit Syria and return into Persia; he attempted a second
expedition, which he again abandoned; and he died in the
third, amidst his triumphs, bearing with him to the tomb
the last hopes of the Christians.</p>

<p>The Armenian and Cyprian warriors left the holy city,
the ramparts of which they had begun to re-erect, and which
was doomed never again to see the standard of the cross
unfurled within its walls. This last reverse of the Christians
of the East was scarcely known in Europe, where the
name of Jerusalem was still pronounced in the congregations
of the faithful, but had no longer the power to awaken
the enthusiasm of knights and warriors. At the Council of
Vienna, Pope Clement V. proclaimed a crusade; but in this
assembly, in which the abolition of the Templars was determined
upon, Christians were exhorted very feebly to take
up arms against the infidels.</p>

<p>The sovereign pontiff was then much more busy in levying
tenths than in preparations for a holy war. One thing
worthy of remark is, that Clement found himself obliged on
this occasion to recommend moderation to the collectors of
the tenths, and forbade them <i>to seize the chalices, the books,
or the ornaments of the churches</i>. This prohibition of the
pope’s proves to us that violence had often been committed
in collecting the tributes destined to the expenses of the
holy wars; this violence must have assisted in relaxing the
zeal and ardour of nations for distant enterprises, as the
results of which, Christian cities were ruined, and the altars
of Christ plundered.</p>

<p>Europe at that time awaited with great impatience the
issue of an expedition undertaken by the knights of St. John
of Jerusalem. A great number of warriors, excited by the
relation of the adventures of chivalry, and by a passion for
military glory, followed the Hospitallers in their enterprise;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>
women even were desirous of taking a part in this expedition,
and sold their diamonds and jewels to provide for the
expenses of the war.</p>

<p>This army of new crusaders embarked at the port of
Brendisi, and it soon became known in the West that the
knights of the Hospital had taken possession of the isle of
Rhodes.</p>

<p>Renown published everywhere the exploits of the Hospitallers
and their companions in arms; and these exploits,
and the admiration they inspired throughout Christendom,
naturally turned the attention and remembrances of the
faithful to the Templars, who were reproached with the
disgraceful repose in which they forgot both the Holy Land
and the tomb of Christ.</p>

<p>The knights of the Temple, after having been received in
the Isle of Cyprus, had returned to Sicily, where they were
employed by the king in an expedition against Greece.
United with the Catalans and some warriors from Italy,
this warlike body took possession of Thessalonica, made
themselves masters of Athens, advanced towards the Hellespont,
and ravaged a part of Thrace. After this expedition
the Templars disdained the possession of the cities
which had fallen into their power, and leaving the conquered
provinces to their companions in arms, they kept for themselves
the riches of the people they had subdued. It was
then that, loaded with the spoils of Greece, they came to
establish themselves in the West, particularly in France,
where their opulence, their luxury, and their idleness, scandalized
the piety of the faithful, awakened envy, and provoked
the hatred of both the people and the great.</p>

<p>It does not enter into the plan of this work to dilate upon
the process instituted against the Templars; but if we have
followed these noble knights in all their wars against the
Mussulmans,&mdash;if we have been so long witnesses of their
exploits, and, as it were, companions of their labours, we
shall perhaps have acquired the right of expressing our
opinion upon the accusations directed against them. We
must at once declare that we have found nothing up to the
period of the process, either in the chronicles of the East,
or those of the West, which can give birth to or establish
an idea, or even a suspicion, of the crimes imputed to them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>
How can it, in fact, be believed, that a warlike and religious
order, which twenty years before had seen three hundred of
its knights sacrifice themselves upon the ruins of Saphet,
rather than embrace the Mussulman faith, that this order
which had almost entirely buried itself under the ruins of
Ptolemaïs could possibly have contracted an alliance with
infidels, outraged the Christian religion with horrible blasphemies,
and given up to the Saracens that Holy Land filled
with its military glory.</p>

<p>And at what period were all these odious reproaches
addressed to the Templars? at a time when Christendom
seemed to have forgotten Jerusalem, and in which the name
of Christ was not sufficient to awaken the bravery of a
Christian warrior. No doubt the order of the Templars
had degenerated from the austerity of early times, and that
it was no longer animated by that spirit of humility and
religion of which St. Bernard so much boasted; no doubt
some of the knights had brought with them that corruption
which was then the reproach of all the Christians of the
East, and of which Europe itself could offer them numerous
examples; no doubt, in short, some among them might
have wounded morality by their conduct, and offended the
religion of Christ by their irregularities; but we do not
hesitate to say that it was not the province of men to judge
them, and that upon this occasion the merciful God of the
Christians had not deputed his vengeance to human laws.</p>

<p>The real error of the Templars was having quitted the
East, and renounced the spirit of their institution, which
was to receive and protect pilgrims, and to combat with the
enemies of the Christian faith. This order, richer than the
most powerful monarchs, and whose knights were as a
regular army, always ready for fight, became, naturally,
dreaded by the princes who granted them an asylum. The
Templars had not been free from all reproach during their
abode in Cyprus; accustomed to rule in Palestine, they
must have contracted a habit of obedience with difficulty.
The example of the Teutonic knights, who, after quitting
the East, founded a power in the north of Europe which
was dreaded by the neighbouring states, was not likely to
reassure princes who mistrusted the warlike spirit, and the
active and enterprising genius, of the knights of the Temple.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span></p>

<p>Such, probably, were the motives which armed the policy
rather than the justice of sovereigns against them; nothing
so clearly proves the fear they inspired as the rancour with
which they were pursued, and the care that was taken to
render them odious. As soon as their persecution began,
they were only considered as enemies whom it was necessary
to treat as criminals. As rigours without example
preceded their abolition, it was necessary to justify that
measure by fresh rigours. Vengeance and hatred finished
that which the policy of princes had begun; a policy which
had, perhaps, reasons for being suspicious, but which had
none for proving itself barbarous. It is thus we must explain
the tragical issue of this process, in which all the forms
of justice were so violated, that even if the accusations be considered
proved, we must still regard the Templars as victims
and their judges as executioners.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p>

<p>Philip-le-Bel had promised the council of Vienna to go
into the East to combat the infidels, without doubt to procure
pardon for having pursued the knights of the Temple
with so much inveteracy. Amidst the festivals that welcomed
the arrival of Edward in Paris, the French monarch
and the princes of his family took the cross. Most of the
nobles of his court followed his example, and the ladies promised
to accompany the knights to the holy war; but no
one took any measures for setting out. Promises were then
made to cross the seas by persons who had not any serious
intention of leaving their homes. The vow to combat the
Saracens appeared to be a vain ceremony, which engaged
the swearer to nothing. It was taken with perfect indifference,
and violated in the same manner; <i>considered as not
more sacred than the vows the knights made to the ladies</i>.</p>

<p>Philip-le-Bel died without ever having thought of accomplishing
his vow. Philip-le-Long, who succeeded him, entertained
for a moment the project of going into the East.
Edward, who had already several times sworn to fight the
Saracens, at the same time renewed his promise. But the
sovereign pontiff, whether that he doubted their sincerity, or
whether that he stood in need of the concurrence of these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
two monarchs to reëstablish tranquillity in Europe, and to
resist the emperor of Germany, against whom he had armed
himself with the thunders of the Church, or whether, in
short, he thought the moment an unfavourable one, did not
approve of their expedition into Syria. “Before thinking of
the voyage beyond the seas,” wrote he to the king of England,
“we would wish you to establish peace, first in your own
conscience, then in your kingdom.” The father of the faithful
represented to the king of France that the peace, so
necessary to be firm before a crusade should be undertaken,
was almost banished from Christendom. England and Scotland
were at war; the states of Germany were divided
against each other; the king of Sicily and the king of Naples
were only bound by a truce of short duration; reciprocal
mistrust prevented the kings of Cyprus and Armenia from
uniting their forces against the common enemy; the kings
of Spain were quite sufficiently employed in defending their
states against the Moors; the republics of Lombardy were
all in arms against each other; all the cities of Italy were
torn by factions, the provinces a prey to tyrants, the sea
impracticable, the route by land thickly strewed with
dangers. After having given this picture of the deplorable
state of Christendom, the pope pressed Philip to inquire
seriously how he could provide for the expenses of the war
without ruining his people, <i>or without attempting</i>, he added,
<i>to do that which is impossible, as has been done before</i>.</p>

<p>The paternal advice of the sovereign pontiff, and some
troubles which arose in the bosom of his kingdom, determined
Philip to postpone the execution of his project. A
multitude of herdsmen and shepherds, of adventurers and
vagabonds, setting up, as in the time of the captivity of
St. Louis, the pilgrims’ cross, assembled in many places,
persecuted the Jews, and committed most culpable excesses.
Force of arms and the full severity of the laws were obliged
to be resorted to, in order to quell these disorders, of which
the crusade was only a pretext. At the same time several
provinces of France suffered greatly from an epidemic disease;
the Jews were accused of having poisoned the wells,
with the design of suspending the preparations for the holy
war. They were accused of all sorts of plots against the
Christians; and the general fermentation was the greater<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>
from the suspicions being vague, and from the impossibility
of proving or contradicting the crimes alleged. Policy could
discover no other means of dissipating the troubles than
that of entering into the passions of the multitude, and
driving all the Jews out of the kingdom. Amidst these
unhappy circumstances, Philip fell ill, and died regretting
his not having accomplished the vow he had made of warring
against the Saracens.</p>

<p>In the state of abandonment to which the crusades had
fallen, we are surprised at seeing the minds of the French
still occasionally directed towards the delivery of the holy
places. This last flickering of enthusiasm, which our ancestors
kept alight amidst the general indifference, was not
confined to religious sentiments, but extended to a feeling
of patriotism and national glory. It was France which had
given the first impulsion to the holy wars, as we have several
times observed. The name of Palestine, the names of
St. Jean d’Acre or Ptolemaïs, and that of Jerusalem appealed
no less to patriotism than to piety. Although the two expeditions
of Louis IX. had been unsuccessful, the example
of the holy monarch was a great authority for the princes of
his family, and often carried their thoughts to the places
where he had suffered the glory of martyrdom. The memory
of his exploits and even of his misfortunes, the memory of
the heroes who had died on the banks of the Nile and the
Jordan, interested all the families of the kingdom; and the
city in which reposed the ashes of Godfrey and Baldwin of
Bouillon, those distant regions in which so many glorious
battles had been fought, could not be forgotten by French
warriors.</p>

<p>After the death of Philip-le-Long, ambassadors arrived in
Europe from the king of Armenia; this prince, abandoned
by the Tartars, and threatened by the Mamelukes of Egypt,
requested the assistance of the West. The pope wrote to
Charles-le-Bel, the successor of Philip-le-Long, and conjured
him to take up arms against the infidels. Charles received
with respect the counsels and the exhortations of the sovereign
pontiff, and was engaged in preparations for a crusade
when the succession of the county of Flanders caused a war
to break out in the Low Countries. From that time France<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
became attentive only to the events that were passing before
her eyes, and in which her own independence and safety
were deeply interested. At the approach of death, and at a
time when the kingdom had no longer anything to fear,
Charles-le-Bel remembered his oath, and his last thoughts
were directed towards the deliverance of Jerusalem. “I
bequeath,” says he in his will, “to the Holy Land fifty
thousand livres, to be paid and delivered when the general
passage shall be made; and it is my intention, if the passage
be made in my lifetime, to go thither in person.”<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> It was
thus that at this period the spirit of the crusades still occasionally
showed itself; most of the testaments<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> then made
by princes and <i>rich men</i> (these words designated the nobility)
contained some dispositions in favour of the Holy
Land; but we must add, also, that the facility of purchasing
the merit of pilgrimage for money must necessarily have
greatly diminished the number of pilgrims and Crusaders.</p>

<p>Whilst dying people were thus prodigal of their treasure
for the holy war, nobody took up arms. There still, however,
remained some men endowed with a vivid imagination
and an ardent temperament, who made incredible efforts to
rekindle an enthusiasm on the point of being extinguished.
The greater the indifference of nations, the greater were the
ardour and zeal displayed by these men in their preachings.
Among these latter apostles of the crusades, history cites
the name of Raymond Lulli, one of the luminaries of the
schools of the middle ages.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p>

<p>Lulli was possessed during his life but by one thought,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
and that was, to combat and convert the infidels.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> It was
upon the proposition of this zealous missionary that the
council of Vienna decided that chairs should be established
in the universities of Rome, Bologna, Paris, and Salamanca,
for instruction in the languages of the East. He presented
to the pope several memorials upon the means of annihilating
the worship of Mahomet and the domination of his disciples.
Lulli, constantly occupied with his project, made a pilgrimage
into Palestine, travelled through Syria, Armenia,
and Egypt, and came back to Europe to describe the misfortunes,
the captivity, and the disgraces of the Christians
beyond the seas. On his return, he visited all the courts of
the West, seeking to communicate to sovereigns the sentiments
by which he was animated. Finding his efforts were
vain, his zeal carried him to the coast of Africa, where he
endeavoured to convert by his eloquence those same Saracens
against whom he had invoked the arms of Christian warriors.
He returned to Europe, passed through Italy,
France, and Spain, preaching everywhere the necessity for
another crusade. He embarked again for Jerusalem, and
brought back, as the fruit of his pilgrimage, some useful
notions upon the best manner of attacking the countries of
the infidels. All his labours, all his researches, all his
prayers, produced no effect upon the indifference of kings
and nations. Lulli, at length despairing of seeing his projects
realised, and deploring the blindness of his contemporaries,
retired to the island of Majorca, which was his native
country. From the depth of his retreat he still issued memorials
upon an expedition to the East; but solitude soon
wearied his ardent and restless spirit, and he quitted
Majorca, no more to waste his words upon the princes of
Europe, who would not listen to him, but to return to the
Mussulmans, whom he still hoped to lead to the Gospel by
his eloquence. He repaired a second time to Africa, and at
length suffered, as the reward of his preachings, the torments
and the death of martyrs.</p>

<p>Whilst Lulli was striving to direct the efforts of the
faithful to the deliverance of the holy places, a noble Venetian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
likewise consecrated his life and his talents to the revival
of the spirit of the crusades. Sanuti thus describes the
first audience he obtained of the sovereign pontiff: “I am
not sent hither,” said he, “by any king, any prince, or any
republic; it is from the impulse of my own mind that I
come to throw myself at the feet of your holiness, and to
propose to you an easy means of crushing the enemies of
the true faith, of extirpating the sect of Mahomet, and
of recovering the Holy Land.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> My voyages in Cyprus,
Armenia, and Egypt, together with a long sojourn in Romania,
have furnished me with knowledge and information
that may be turned to the profit of Christianity.” On
finishing these words, Sanuti presented two books to the
pope, one covered with red and the other with yellow, and
four geographical charts, the first of the Mediterranean Sea,
the second of the earth and of the sea, the third of the
Holy Land, the fourth, of Egypt. The two books of the
noble Venetian contained the history of the Christian establishments
in the East, and wise counsels respecting the
undertaking of another crusade. His zeal, enlightened by
experience, did not allow him to neglect the least detail
upon the route that was to be followed, upon the point that
it would be best to attack, upon the number of troops, and
upon the fitting out and provisioning of the vessels. He
advised that operations should commence by landing in
Egypt, and weakening the power of the sultans of Cairo.
The most certain means of effecting this latter purpose was
to obtain directly from Bagdad the Indian merchandises
which European commerce was accustomed to get by the
cities of Alexandria and Damietta. Sanuti, at the same
time, advised the sovereign pontiff to redouble the severity
of his censures against those who carried into Egypt arms,
metals, timber for building, or anything that could assist in
equipping fleets or arming the Mameluke soldiery.</p>

<p>The pope bestowed great praises upon Sanuti, and furnished
him with introductions to several sovereigns of
Europe. The Christian princes, particularly the king of
France, received him with kindness, lauded his piety, and
admired his talents&mdash;but took care not to follow his advice.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
Sanuti addressed himself likewise to the emperor of Constantinople,
to engage him in an expedition against the
infidels; he sought everywhere, and by every means, to raise
up enemies against the Mussulmans, and passed his life in
preaching a crusade, without obtaining any more success
than Raymond Lulli had done.</p>

<p>The zeal of the two men of whom we have just spoken
can only be compared to that of Peter the Hermit; they
were both much more enlightened than the cenobite Peter,
but they could get no one to listen to them, and the fruitlessness
of their efforts proves how much the times were
changed. Peter preached in cities and in public places, and
the multitude, inflamed by his discourses, led away and
awakened the feelings of the great. In the times of Lulli
and Sanuti, sovereigns alone could be addressed, and sovereigns,
occupied by their own affairs, showed very little
interest for projects which only concerned Christendom in
general. In the early times of the crusades, the deliverance
of the holy places was a matter of importance; simply to
pronounce the name of Jerusalem was sufficient to appease
differences among princes; later, the least interest of jealousy,
ambition, or self-love had the power to arrest the
progress of, or completely put an end to, a holy enterprise.
Frequently, in the twelfth century, popes and simple
preachers, arming themselves with the authority of Christ,
commanded princes to take up the cross and set out for the
East; in the thirteenth, but more particularly in the fourteenth
century, it was necessary to pray and solicit; and,
generally, the most humble prayers produced no effect.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p>

<p>Thus, the groans of Sion no longer melted hearts, and
Christian eloquence was powerless against infidels. In order
to awaken attention, it was necessary to mingle something
of profane grandeur with the pathetic exhortations of religion;
thus, Europe, which scarcely listened to the missionaries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
of the cross, appeared, all at once, to be aroused by
the arrival of the king of Cyprus, soliciting, in person, the
assistance of Christian princes. The pope, who was then
at Avignon, eagerly announced to the faithful that an
Eastern king was come to his court, and conjured the warriors
of the West to take up arms against the Saracens.
The king of Cyprus and Jerusalem described the invasions
of the Mamelukes, the progress of the Turks, the dangers
which surrounded his kingdom, that of Armenia, and the
isle of Rhodes, and omitted no instance of the numerous
persecutions endured by the Christians who remained in
Syria and Egypt. These sad recitals, coming from a royal
mouth, awakened some generous sentiments in men’s minds;
a league was formed between the sovereign pontiff, the king
of France, and the republic of Venice; and the pope published
a bull by which he ordered the bishops to cause a
crusade to be preached.</p>

<p>Philip of Valois convoked an assembly at Paris, in the
Holy Chapel, at which were present John, king of Bohemia,
the king of Navarre, the dukes of Burgundy, Brittany,
Lorraine, Brabant, and Bourbon, with most of the prelates
and barons of the kingdom. Peter de la Palue, named
patriarch of Jerusalem, and who had recently passed through
Egypt and Palestine, harangued the auditory upon the
necessity for attacking the infidels, and stopping the progress
of their domination in the East. Philip, who had
already taken the cross, renewed the vow he had made, and
as he was preparing to quit his kingdom, the barons took
the oath of obedience to his son Prince John, by raising
their hands towards the crown of thorns of Christ. John
of Bohemia, the king of Navarre, and a great number of
princes and nobles, received the cross from the hands of the
archbishop of Rouen. The crusade was preached throughout
the kingdom, “and gave to all noble lords,” says Froissart,
“great delight, particularly to those who wished to pass
their time in arms, and knew no means then of employing it
otherwise more reasonably.”<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p>

<p>The king of France sent to the pope the archbishop of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>
Rouen, who afterwards ascended the chair of St. Peter
under the name of Clement VI. The archbishop, in full
consistory, pronounced a discourse upon the crusade, and
declared, in the presence of divine majesty, to the holy
father, to the church of Rome and all Christendom, that
Philip of Valois would set out for the East in the month of
August, in the year 1336. The pope felicitated the French
monarch upon his resolution, and granted him the tenths
during six years. These circumstances are related by Philip
Villani, who was at Avignon at the time, and who, after
having spoken in his history of the promise made in the
Dame of the king of France, exclaims:&mdash;“And I, the
historian, I heard the oath pronounced which I have just
related.”</p>

<p>Philip gave orders that a fleet, assembled in the port of
Marseilles, should be made ready to receive forty thousand
Crusaders. Edward III., to whom the crusade offered an
easy means of imposing taxes, promised to accompany the
king of France with an army in the pilgrimage beyond the
seas. Most of the republics of Italy, with the kings of
Arragon, Majorca, and Hungary, engaged to supply money,
troops, and vessels for the expedition. In the midst of their
preparations, the Crusaders lost him who directed and was
the soul of the enterprise. Everything was interrupted by
the death of Pope John XXI., and in this place it becomes
necessary to point out one of the causes which rendered
abortive, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, so many
attempts to carry the war into the East. As the successors
of St. Peter scarcely ever succeeded to the pontifical chair
before they were of an advanced age, they were wanting in
the energy and activity necessary for exciting the Christian
world, directing distant wars, and kindling an enthusiasm,
formerly so difficult to be restrained, now so difficult to be
revived. Each crusade requiring long preparations, the life
of one sovereign pontiff scarcely sufficed for the completion
of such great enterprises. It most frequently happened,
that he who had preached a holy war could not behold the
departure of the Crusaders; and that he who saw the Christian
armies set out, never lived long enough to follow them
through their expeditions, conduct them in their triumphs,
or succour them in their reverses. Thus we never find in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>
the projects which circumstances had formed, that spirit of
sequence and wholeness necessary to secure execution and
success. Add to this, that since the popes had been established
at Avignon, and their apostolic seat was no longer in
the centre of Christendom, they did not exercise the same
ascendancy over the distant provinces, and their authority
every day lost something of that influence attached to the
name only of Rome, considered, during so many centuries,
the capital of the world.</p>

<p>The news of a fresh crusade having reached the East, the
Christians who dwelt in Syria or Egypt, with pilgrims and
European merchants, were exposed to all sorts of persecutions.
The sultan of Cairo and several Mussulman princes
assembled armies for the purpose of resisting the Crusaders,
or to go and attack the Christians in the West. A descendant
of the Abassides, who resided in Egypt, and
assumed the title of caliph, sent letters and messages in
every direction to engage all true believers to take up arms;
promising the martyrs of the Mussulman faith that they
should be present at delicious banquets, and that each of
them should have seven virgins for wives.</p>

<p>The aim of this crusade, preached in the name of the
prophet of Mecca, was to penetrate into Europe by the way
of Gibraltar; the Mussulman warriors swore to annihilate
Christianity, and to convert all the Christian temples into
stables. In proportion as the Saracens were thus becoming
inflamed for an expedition, which they also called a holy
war, Europe beheld the zeal of the princes and warriors who
had sworn to combat the enemies of Christ, grow fainter
and fainter, and at length die away. When Benedict XI.
succeeded John XXI., he found the minds of all changed;
hatreds, mistrusts and jealousies had taken place of a transitory
and insincere enthusiasm; it was in vain that Christians
from the East described the persecutions they had undergone
and the preparations of the infidels against the nations
of the West; it was in vain that the pope continued his
exhortations and his prayers; the greater that the reason
was for undertaking a crusade, the more indifferent people
became, and the more all ranks seemed to shun the idea of
contending with the Saracens. It was at this period that
Brother Andrew of Antioch came to Avignon with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
design of imploring the aid of the pope and the princes of
Christendom. Philip of Valois had come to the court of
the sovereign pontiff, to inform him that he should defer
his voyage into the East, and had mounted his horse to
return to Paris, when Brother Andrew presented himself
before him, and said: “Art thou Philip king of France,
who promised God and his Church to deliver the Holy
Land?” The king answered, “Yes.” Then the monk resumed:
“If thy intention is to perform that which thou
hast promised, I implore Jesus Christ to direct thy steps,
and grant thee the victory; but if the enterprise thou hast
commenced is only to turn to the shame and misfortunes of
Christians, if thou art not, with the help of God, determined
to finish it, if thou hast deceived the holy Catholic Church,
divine justice will fall heavily on thy family and on thy
kingdom, and the blood which the news of thy expedition
has caused to flow will rise up against thee.” The king
surprised at this strange appeal, answered: “Brother Andrew,
come with us:” and Brother Andrew replied without
being moved, and in an inspired tone: “If thou wast going
into the East, I would go before thee, but as thou art going
to the West, go on; I will return to perform penance for
my sins in the land thou hast abandoned.”</p>

<p>Such was even then the authority of the orators who
spoke in the name of Jerusalem, that the last words of
Brother Andrew left trouble and uneasiness in the mind
of a powerful monarch; but fresh political storms had recently
broken out. Edward III. had laid claim to the
throne of the Capets, and his ambition was the signal for a
war which lasted more than a century, and brought the
greatest calamities upon France. Philip, attacked by a
formidable enemy, was obliged to renounce his expedition
beyond the seas, and employ, for the defence of his own
kingdom, the troops and fleets that he had collected for the
deliverance of the heritage of Christ.</p>

<p>The pope did not, however, abandon the project of the
holy war. The poet Petrarch, who was then at Avignon,
proved one of the most ardent apostles of the crusade. This
illustrious poet, whom we are now accustomed to consider
only as the ingenious singer of the praises of the fair Laura,
and who was then deemed the most worthy interpreter of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
the wisdom of the ancients, and one of the great spirits of
his age, addressed an eloquent letter to the Doge of Venice,
to induce him to enter into a war against the Mussulmans.
Some of the states of Italy united their forces to make an
expedition into the East. A chronicle of the counts of
Ason relates that a great number of Crusaders, clothed in
white, with a red cross, marched out of Milan; and that a
fleet, equipped by the sovereign pontiff, passed through the
Archipelago, and surprised the city of Smyrna, in which the
Crusaders were themselves quickly besieged by the Turks.
The pope’s legate and several knights perished in a sortie,
which circumstance determined the sovereign pontiff to
employ new efforts to revive a zeal for the crusade. It was
at this period that the dauphin of Viennois, Humbert II.,
resolved to take the cross, and came to Avignon, to supplicate
the pope to allow him to be the captain of the holy
voyage against the Turks, and against the faithless vassals
of the church of Rome. Humbert easily obtained all he
asked, and returned to his states to make preparations for
his expedition. He alienated his domains, he sold privileges
to the nobility, and immunities to his cities; he levied considerable
sums upon the Jews, and upon the Italian merchants
established in the Viennois; he exacted a tribute
from all his subjects who would not accompany him to the
crusade, and having embarked, with a hundred men-at-arms,
he went to seek in Asia either the fortune of a conqueror or
the glory of a martyr. He found neither the one nor the
other, and returned to Europe without renown and burdened
with debts. History represents Humbert as a weak,
inconstant and irresolute prince. He ruined himself, in the
first place, by his dissipation, then by the expenses of the
crusade; weary of the world and its affairs, he finished by
abandoning to the crown of France his principality, which
he had pledged to Philip of Valois, and retired to a monastery
of Dominican Friars. In order to console him for not
having conquered Egypt or any other country, the pope
bestowed upon him the title of patriarch of Alexandria; and
the king of France, to make him forget Dauphiny, named
him archbishop of Rheims.</p>

<p>Such were the events and the consequences of the crusade
occasioned in Europe by the arrival of Hugh of Lusignan,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
king of Cyprus. Some years having glided away, this prince
came again to solicit the aid of the sovereign pontiff; at this
period most of the sovereigns were in a state of war, and the
pope not being able to do anything for the king of Cyprus,
conceived the singular idea of naming him tribune of Rome.
Hugh of Lusignan accepted this function, and died in Italy,
without having been able to send any succour to the East.</p>

<p>War was not then the only scourge that ravaged the
world; the horrors of the plague were added to the destruction
of arms; this contagion which was called the black
plague, and which took its rise upon the great level plain of
Tartary, extended its devastations over all the countries of
the East and West, and in a few years carried off more than
thirteen millions of men. Historians have remarked that
this scourge in its funeral march followed the footsteps of
the merchants who brought into Europe the productions of
India, and of the pilgrims who returned from Palestine.</p>

<p>As soon as pestilence had ceased its ravages, war resumed
all its fury. The deplorable state in which discord had
plunged Europe at that time, and particularly France, must
have made people regret the periods when the preaching of
a crusade imposed silence upon all passions and suspended
all hostilities. The pope had several times undertaken to
reëstablish peace: he at first addressed supplications to the
English monarch; he afterwards threatened him with the
thunders of the Church, but the voice of the father of the
faithful was lost in the din of arms.</p>

<p>Philip of Valois died amidst the terrible struggle he had
to maintain against England. The loss of the battle of
Poictiers and the captivity of King John became the signal
for the greatest troubles that afflicted the kingdom of
France in the middle ages. The plots of the king of
Navarre, the intrigues of the great, the disorders of the
people, the fury of factions, the sanguinary scenes of the
Jacquerie, spread terror and desolation in the capital and
through the provinces. When France had completed the
exhaustion of her treasures by paying the ransom of King
John, the presence of her monarch was not able to restore
to her the repose she required to repair her misfortunes.
The soldiers of both nations, who were disbanded without
pay, and who found themselves without an asylum, formed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>
themselves into armed bands, and under the name of white
companies, pervaded the kingdom, braving the orders of the
king and the excommunications of the pope, and carrying
wherever they went license, murder and devastation. All
that had escaped the sword of the English, and the avidity
of the collectors of the imposts, became the prey of these
brigands, whose numbers increased in proportion with their
impunity and their excesses. The fields remained uncultivated;
all commercial pursuits were interrupted; and terror
and misery reigned in the cities. Thus the suspension
of hostilities had brought no relief to the evils of nations,
and the disorders which broke out during the peace were
more insupportable than those which had been endured
during the war.</p>

<p>It was in these unfortunate circumstances that Peter,
the son of Hugh of Lusignan, came, after the example of his
father, to solicit the assistance of the Christian princes
against the infidels, and caused Urban V. to adopt the project
of a new crusade. Perhaps he hoped that the state of confusion
in which France was plunged offered him a means of
raising troops, and that he might turn against his enemies of
the East, all the furies of war which desolated the kingdom.</p>

<p>Peter of Lusignan proposed to attack the power of the
sultans of Cairo, whose dominions extended to Jerusalem.
Christendom had at that time more redoubtable enemies
among the Mussulman nations than the Mamelukes of
Egypt. The Turks, who had become masters of Asia
Minor, had recently passed the Hellespont, pushed their
conquests as far as Mount Hemus, and placed the seat of
their empire at Adrianople. That was the enemy that
doubtless ought to have been attacked, but the Turks did
not as yet inspire serious alarm, except in the countries
they had invaded or menaced. At the court of Avignon, at
which were assembled the king of Cyprus, the king of
France, and the king of Denmark, there was no mention
made of the invasion of Romania, or of the dangers of Constantinople,
but of the loss of the Christian colonies in Syria,
and of the captivity in which the city of Christ was still held.</p>

<p>Peter of Lusignan spoke with enthusiasm of the war
against the infidels, and of the deliverance of the holy
places; King John did not listen to him without emotion,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
and finished by forgetting his own misfortunes, to interest
himself about those of the Christians beyond the seas.
Waldemar III., king of Denmark, was equally affected by
the discourse and the accounts of the king of Cyprus. The
pope preached the crusade before the three monarchs: it
was holy week; the remembrance of the sufferings of Christ
appeared to add authority to the words of the pontiff, and
when he deplored the misfortunes of Jerusalem, the princes
who listened to him could not refrain from shedding tears,
and swore to go and fight the Saracens.</p>

<p>We may, doubtless, believe that the king of France was
led to take the cross by a sentiment of piety, and by the
eloquence of the pope; but we must likewise suppose that
the counsels of policy were not entirely foreign to this
determination. The spirit of the holy war, if once really
awakened, would necessarily go far to appease, if not extinguish,
the discords and passions kindled by revolution
and civil war. King John might entertain the hope of
uniting under the standard of the crusade, and seducing to
follow him beyond the seas, the <i>white companies</i>, over whom
he could exercise no authority; and the sovereign pontiff
was no less anxious to get rid of these bands of brigands,
who braved his spiritual power, and threatened to make him
a prisoner in Avignon.</p>

<p>Several great nobles, John of Artois, the count of Eu, the
count Dammartin, the count de Tancarville, and Marshal
Boucicault, followed the example of King John. The Cardinal
Talleyrand de Périgord was named legate of the pope
in the crusade. The king of Denmark promised to unite
his forces with those of the French. To encourage his zeal,
the sovereign pontiff gave him a fragment of the true cross,
and several other relics, the sight of which would constantly
remind him of the holy cause he had sworn to defend.
Waldemar III. had come to the court of Avignon to place
his kingdom under the protection of the Holy See; he took
all the oaths required of him; but the bulls he obtained from
Urban, as the price of his submission, had no efficacy in
restoring peace to his dominions, and the troubles which
followed his return soon made him forget his promises
regarding the holy war.</p>

<p>The king of Cyprus, with most pressing recommendations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>
from the pope, visited all the courts of Europe; the zeal
and the chivalric eloquence of the hero of the cross were
universally admired; but he derived nothing but vague
promises from his enterprise, and received nothing but vain
felicitations for a devotion which found no imitators.</p>

<p>The king of France was the only one of all the Christian
princes who appeared to engage himself earnestly in the
crusade. Urban V., however, showed but little confidence
in the firmness of his resolution, as he felt it necessary to
threaten with excommunication all who should seek to
divert him from the holy enterprise. But all these precautions
of the pope, with the example of the king and the
indulgences of the crusade, were powerless in inducing the
nation to take arms, or in persuading the <i>white companies</i>
to <i>leave the chamber</i>, as they called the kingdom they desolated
with their brigandages. The time fixed for the expedition
was very near at hand, and nothing was ready; there
was neither an army nor a fleet. It was at this period King
John died in London, whither he had returned to offer
himself as an hostage for the duke of Anjou, who had
escaped from prison; and perhaps also to get rid of the
cares of an enterprise which he had no means of executing
or directing with success.</p>

<p>The pope trembled in Avignon, and was compelled to use
his utmost efforts to free himself from these formidable
bands, whose leaders styled themselves <i>the friends of God
and the enemies of all the world</i>. History says that he employed
in his contests with them the small quantity of money
which had been raised for the crusade, and that this excited
violent murmurs. In this state of things, Charles IV., emperor
of Germany, in concert with the king of Hungary,
proposed to take the companies into their pay, and send
them against the Turks. If this project had been executed,
we should have been able to join the name of Bertrand
Duguesclin to the glorious names that adorn the pages of
this history; the Breton hero was to have been the leader
of the troops destined to contend with the Mussulmans on
the banks of the Danube. The sovereign pontiff himself wrote
several letters to him to induce him to take part in this
crusade; but the project of Charles IV. was in the end abandoned,
and Duguesclin led the white companies into Spain.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span></p>

<p>The king of Cyprus, however, had succeeded in enrolling
under his banners a great number of adventurers of all sorts
and conditions, men who were accustomed to live amidst
perils, and who were attracted by the hope of pillaging the
richest countries of the east. The republic of Venice did
not disdain to take part in an expedition from which her
commerce was likely to derive great advantages. Peter of
Lusignan likewise received succours from the brave knights
of Rhodes, and, on his return to the isle of Cyprus, he embarked
at the head of ten thousand men to realize his projects
of conquests over the infidels. The Crusaders, to
whom the pope sent a legate, went to attack Alexandria,
which they found almost without defence. When the place
had fallen into their power, the king of Cyprus wished that
they should fortify themselves in it, and there await the
armies of Cairo; but his soldiers and allies could not resist
their inclination to plunder a flourishing city, and fearing to
be surprised by the Mamelukes, they set fire to Alexandria,
and abandoned it on the fourth day after the conquest.
Without subduing the Mussulmans, they irritated them.
After the precipitate departure of the Crusaders, the
Egyptian people, listening to nothing but hatred and vengeance,
indulged in all sorts of violence against the unfortunate
Christians who dwelt in Egypt. By the orders of
the sultan of Cairo, everything was seized that belonged to
the Venetians; and the Mamelukes, having prepared a fleet,
threatened, in their turn, to make descents upon the isles of
Rhodes and Cyprus. Again the nations of the West were
applied to; the pope intreated all Christian princes to take
arms against the infidels; but not one of them would assume
the cross, and the king of Cyprus was left alone, to fight out
the war he had provoked.</p>

<p>To the ardour for crusades, in the minds of European
warriors, had succeeded a passion for distinguishing and
enriching themselves by chivalric enterprizes and adventurous
expeditions, in which, however, some remembrances
of the holy wars were always mingled. The Genoese having
formed the project of making war upon the coasts of Barbary,
whose piratical inhabitants infested the Mediterranean,
demanded a leader and troops of the king of France. On
the report alone of such an enterprize, a crowd of warriors,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
eager to signalize their bravery, issued from all the provinces;
the count d’Auvergne, the sieur de Coucy, Guy de
la Trimouille, and Messire Jean de Vienne, admiral of France,
solicited the honour of combating the infidels in Africa;
fourteen hundred knights and nobles, under the orders of
the duke of Bourbon, repaired to Genoa, and embarked on
board the fleet of that republic; the French and the Genoese,
the first led by a desire for booty and the love of
glory, the latter by the more positive interests of their commerce,
went to this war beyond the sea as to a banquet.
“Beautiful and pleasant,” says Froissart, “was it to behold
the order of their departure, and how those banners, pennons,
and streamers, fairly and richly wrought with the arms
of the noble knights, floated to the wind and glistened in the
sun; and to hear those trumpets and clarions sound and
resound, and other musicians performing their parts, with
pipes, flutes, and macaires, as well as the sound and the
voice which issued from them, reverberate over all the sea.”
After a few days’ sailing, the Christian army arrived on the
coast of Barbary, and laid siege to the city of <i>Africa</i>. The
inhabitants offered some resistance, and not being able to
conceive why they were thus attacked by an enemy they did
not know, and of whom they had never heard, they sent
deputies to the camp of the Christians to demand of them
what motive had brought them beneath their walls. The
Genoese, doubtless, reminded the deputies of the piracies
carried on in the Mediterranean and upon the coasts of
Italy; but the knights could not allege any grievance, and
must have felt considerably embarrassed how to answer the
questions of the besieged. Froissart, who gives an account
of this expedition, informs us that the duke of Bourbon
called a council of the principal leaders, and after they had
deliberated upon the question proposed by the Saracens, he
addressed this reply to them, which we shall report in the
old language as near that of the times as we are able:
“They who demand why war is made against them, must
know that their lineage and race put to death and crucified
the son of God named Jesus Christ, and that we wish to
avenge upon them this fact and evil deed. Further, they do
not believe in the holy baptism, nor in the Virgin Mary, the
mother of Jesus Christ; and all these things being considered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>
is why we hold the Saracens and all their sect as
enemies.” The besieged were not likely to be convinced by
this explanation, “so,” adds the good Froissart, “they only
laughed at it, and said it was neither reasonable nor proved,
for it was the Jews who put Christ to death, and not they.”</p>

<p>The French knights had more bravery than knowledge,
and were much more expert in fighting than in reasoning.
They prosecuted the siege and made several assaults, but in
all their attacks met with a determined resistance. They
were, however, persuaded that Heaven declared in their
favour, and performed miracles to assure them the victory.
It was said in the camp, that a battalion of ladies in white
had appeared amidst the combatants, and created great
terror among the Saracens. They likewise told of a miraculous
dog which God had sent to the Christian soldiers
as a vigilant sentinel, and which had several times prevented
their being surprised by the Mussulmans. We repeat these
marvellous stories, in order to exhibit the spirit of the
knights, who saw nothing but ladies under circumstances in
which the early Crusaders would have seen saints and angels.
The story of the miraculous dog serves to prove that the
French warriors kept but a bad watch around their camp,
and that they carried on the siege with more bravery than
prudence. Several battles were fought, in which the most
rash lost their lives. The heat of the climate and the season
gave birth to contagious diseases. In proportion as obstacles
multiplied around them, the ardour of the besiegers inclined
daily towards depression. Discord, likewise, broke out in
the Christian army, in which the French and the Genoese
mutually reproached each other with their miseries: winter
was drawing near, and they despaired of reducing the place;
the duke of Bourbon resolved to raise the siege, and to
return to Europe with his knights and soldiers.</p>

<p>During several months no news of this expedition had
arrived in France; processions were made and public prayers
were put up in all the provinces to ask of Heaven the safe
return of the Crusaders. Old chronicles inform us,&mdash;“that
the lady of Coucy, the lady of Sully, the dauphiness of
Auvergne, and all the ladies of France whose lords and husbands
were engaged in this voyage, were in great dismay for
them whilst the voyage lasted; and when the news came to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
them that they had already passed the sea, they were all
much rejoiced.”</p>

<p>This expedition, which the Genoese had promoted with the
intention of defending their commerce against the brigandages
of pirates, only served to increase the evil they wished
to remedy; vengeance, indignation, and fear armed the infidels
against the Christians in every direction. Vessels
issued from all the coasts of Africa, covered the Mediterranean,
and intercepted the communications with Europe;
the merchandizes which had been accustomed to flow from
Damascus, Cairo, and Alexandria, no longer appeared; and
the historians of the times deplore, as a calamity, the impossibility
of procuring spices in either France or Germany.</p>

<p>The war which had begun between Egypt and the kingdom
of Cyprus was prosecuted with equal animosity on both
sides. Whilst the sultan of Cairo threatened the poor
remains of the Christian colonies of the East, the king of
Cyprus and the knights of Rhodes spread terror along all
the coasts of Syria; in one incursion they took possession of
Tripoli, and gave the city up to the flames. Tortosa, Laodicea,
and Belinas met with the same fate: this manner of
making war in a country that they professed to wish to conquer
for the sake of delivering it, excited everywhere the
fury of the Mussulmans, without raising the hopes or the
courage of the Christians who dwelt there. Pilgrimage to
the Holy Land became impracticable, and, during several
years, no European Christians were able to visit Jerusalem.</p>

<p>The sultan of Egypt, however, after many fruitless efforts
to avenge the expedition against Alexandria, made peace with
the king of Cyprus and the knights of Rhodes. It was
agreed that the prisoners should be liberated on both sides,
and that the king of Cyprus should receive half of the dues
levied upon the merchandize which entered at Tyre, Berouth,
Sidon, Alexandria, Jerusalem, and Damascus. The treaty
regulated the tribute which pilgrims should pay in those
places of the Holy Land to which their devotion called them.
The sultan of Egypt restored to the knights of St. John the
house they had formerly possessed in Jerusalem, and the
knights had permission to cause the churches of the holy
sepulchres of Bethlehem, of Nazareth, &amp;c. to be repaired.</p>

<p>Europe at this period turned its eyes from countries which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>
had so long excited its veneration and enthusiasm to direct
them towards regions invaded or threatened by the Turks.
We have seen, towards the end of the eleventh century,
hordes from this nation spread themselves as conquerors
over the whole of Asia. It may be remembered that it was
their invasion of Palestine, and their violent domination over
the holy city, which roused Christendom, and provoked the
first crusade. Their power, which then extended as far as
Nice, and which, even at that time, alarmed the Greeks, was
checked by the victorious armies of the West. The Turks
of whom we are now speaking, and of whom Christendom,
towards the end of the fourteenth century, began to be very
much in dread, like those who had preceded them, drew
their origin from the Tartars. Their warlike tribes, formerly
established in Carismia, had been driven thence by the successors
of Gengiskhan; and the remains of this conquering
nation, after ravaging Syria and Mesopotamia, came, a few
years before the first crusade of St. Louis, to seek an asylum
in Asia Minor.</p>

<p>The weakness of the Greeks and the division of the
Mussulman princes enabled them to conquer several provinces,
and to found a new state among the ruins of several
empires. The terror inspired by their fierce and brutal
valour facilitated their progress, and opened for them the
road to Greece. Countries which had been the cradle of
civilization, of the arts, and of knowledge, soon succumbed
beneath the laws of Ottoman despotism.</p>

<p>There can be no doubt that despotism, such as it was
known then in Asia, and as it is seen in our days, is the
most fragile of human institutions. The violent measures
which it took to preserve itself, showed plainly that it itself
felt a consciousness of its own fragility. When we see it
immolate all the laws of nature to its own laws, hold the
sword constantly suspended over all that approach it, and
itself experience more fear than it inspires, we are tempted
to believe that it has no veritable support. Whilst reading
the oriental history of the middle ages, we are astonished
to see all those empires which the genius of despotism
raised in Asia, fall almost without resistance, and disappear
from the scene of the world. But we must admit, when
this monstrous government supports itself upon religious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>
ideas, and upon the prejudices and passions of a great
nation, it has also its popular ascendancy; it is also, to employ
a mode of speaking very common at present, the expression
of all its wills, and nothing can resist its action, or
arrest the development of its power.</p>

<p>Thus arose the Ottoman empire, which had for its springs
of action a hatred of the Christians, and the conquest of the
Greek empire, and which sustained itself by the double
fanaticism of religion and victory. The Turks had but two
ideas, or rather two ever-acting passions, which with them
supplied the place of patriotism,&mdash;to extend their dominions
and propagate the Mussulman faith. The ambition which
led the sovereign to conquer Christian provinces, was found
to be that of the whole nation, accustomed to enrich themselves
by all the violences of war, and who believed they
obeyed the most sacred precept of the Koran, by exterminating
the race of infidels. If the prince was unceasingly
obliged to animate the religious enthusiasm and the warlike
ardour of his subjects, the subjects, in their turn, kept the
prince as constantly in exercise. The absolute leader of the
Ottomans might commit all sorts of crimes with impunity;
but he could not live long in a state of peace with his
neighbours, without risking his authority and his life. The
Turks could not endure either a pacific prince, or a prince
unfortunate in war; so thoroughly were they persuaded
that they ought to be always fighting, and that they ought
always to conquer. The Ottoman people, to whom nothing
was good or right but conquest, would obey none but a conqueror;
and if they consented to be slaves, and tremble
beneath the frown of a master, it was upon the sole condition
that this all-powerful master should carry abroad the
terror of his arms, and should give chains to other nations.</p>

<p>The Ottoman dynasty which began with the Turkish
nation and gave its name to it, that dynasty, always the
object of veneration, and respected by revolt itself, has presented
by its stability a new spectacle in the East. It has
exhibited to the world a succession of great princes, who
have in history almost all the same physiognomy, and resemble
each other in their pride, their ambition and their
military genius: which proves that all these barbarian heroes
were formed by their national manners, and that among the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
Turks, there is but one single road to greatness. We
may judge what advantages this harmony between subjects
and sovereign must have given to the Ottoman nation, in
its wars against the Christians, or even against other Mussulman
people.</p>

<p>Whilst the only defence of Europe consisted in feudal
troops which were assembled at certain periods, and could
not be held beneath their banners for any length of time
together, the Ottomans were the only people who had a
regular army always under arms. Their warriors, always
animated by one same spirit, had moreover the advantage of
discipline over the insubordinate chivalry of the Franks,
who were constantly agitated by discord, and were put in
action by a thousand different passions.</p>

<p>As the population of the Turks was not always sufficient
for their armies, they forced each family of the countries
they conquered to give up a fifth part of its male children
for the military service. They thus levied a tribute upon
the population of the Christians, and the sons of the effeminate
Greeks became those invincible janissaries who were
one day to besiege Byzantium, and destroy even the ruins
of the empire of the Cæsars. Such were the new people
who were about to place themselves between the East and
the West, and engross all the attention of Christian Europe,
until that time occupied with the deliverance of the holy
places.</p>

<p>When we are acquainted with the power and the character
of the Ottomans, we are astonished at seeing what
remained of the Greek empire subsist a long time in their
vicinity. We must here resume from a past period, the
history of the feeble successors of Constantine, sometimes
forming alliances with the Turks ready to plunder them, at
others, imploring the assistance of the Latins, whom they
hated, and seeking to awaken the spirit of the crusades
whose consequences they dreaded.</p>

<p>At the period of the first invasions of Greece by the
Turks, the emperor Andronicus sent an embassy to the
Pope, to promise him to obey the Romish Church, and to
request of him apostolic legates, with an army capable of
driving away the infidels and opening the route to the Holy
Sepulchre. Cantacuzenes, who followed the example of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>
Andronicus, said to the envoys from the sovereign pontiff:
“I shall consider it my glory to serve Christendom; my
states shall afford the Crusaders a free and safe passage;
my troops, my vessels, my treasures shall be devoted to the
common defence, and my fate will be worthy of envy if I
obtain the crown of martyrdom.” Clement VI., to whom
Cantacuzenes addressed himself, died without having been
able to interest the Christian warriors in the fate of Constantinople.
A short time afterwards, the emperor buried
himself in a cloister; and the brother <i>Josaphat Christodulus</i>,
confounded among the monks of Mount Athos, troubled
himself no longer with a crusade among the Latins.</p>

<p>Under the reign of John Palæologus, the progress of the
Turks became more alarming. The emperor himself went
to solicit the aid of the sovereign pontiff. After having, in
a public ceremony, kissed the hands and feet of the pope, he
acknowledged the double <i>procession</i><a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> of the Holy Ghost, and
the supremacy of the Church of Rome. Touched by this
humble submission, the pope protested he would come to
the succour of the Greeks; but when he applied to the
sovereigns of Europe, he could obtain nothing from them
but vain promises. At the moment at which Palæologus
was about to embark on his return to the East, he was
arrested by his creditors, and remained thus during several
months, without the pope or the princes he had come to
solicit, and who had promised to assist him in the deliverance
of his empire, making the least attempt to deliver him
himself. Palæologus returned to Constantinople, to his
divided family; and his subjects, who despised him, waited in
vain for the performance of the promises of the pope and
the European monarchs. In his despair, he at length
formed the resolution of imploring the clemency of the
sultan Amurath, and of purchasing by a tribute, permission
to continue to reign over the wreck of his empire. He
complained of this hard necessity to the pontiff of Rome,
who caused a new crusade to be preached; but the Christian
monarch beheld with indifference, a prince who had
returned to the bosom of the Catholic Church, condemned
to declare himself the vassal of infidels. The emperor of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>
Byzantium and the head of the Church, by promising, the
one, to arm the West in the cause of Greece, and the other,
to subject the Greeks to the Roman Church, had formed
engagements that they every day found it more difficult to
fulfil. Whilst they were reciprocally upbraiding each other
with not having kept their word, Amurath, who accomplished
his threats better than the pope and the Christian
princes did their promises, added new rigours to the fate of
Palæologus, and interdicted even the repairing of the ramparts
of his capital. Again the supplications to the sovereign
were renewed, and again these supplications were passed on
to the monarchs of Christendom; but they made no reply,
or at most contented themselves with expressing pity for
the emperor and people of Byzantium.</p>

<p>There is no doubt that the Greek emperors stood in great
need of succour from the Latins, but this pusillanimous
policy, which unceasingly invoked the assistance of other
nations, only proclaimed the weakness of the empire, and
necessarily deprived the Greeks, in the hour of peril, of all
confidence in their own strength. On the other side, these
cries of alarm, which constantly resounded throughout
Europe, met with nothing but incredulous minds and indifferent
hearts. It was in vain that the warriors of the
West heard it for ever repeated that Constantinople was
the barrier of Christendom; they could not consider a city
which was unable to provide for its own defence, and was
always in want of succour, as a barrier capable of arresting
the course of a powerful enemy. When Gregory XI. solicited
the emperor of Germany to assist Constantinople, that
prince replied sharply that the Greeks had opened the gates
of Europe to the Turks, and <i>let the wolf into the sheep-fold</i>.</p>

<p>At this time the miserable remains of the empire of the
Cæsars was comprised within the extent of less than twenty
leagues, and in this narrow space there was an empire of
Byzantium, and an empire of Rodesto or Selivrea; the
princes, whom ties of blood ought to have united, quarrelled
with inveterate fury for the rags of the imperial purple.
Brother was armed against brother, and father and son declared
open war; all the crimes that had formerly been
inspired by the ambition of obtaining the sceptre of the
Roman world, were still committed for the advantage of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>
reigning over a few miserable cities. Such was the empire
of the East, upon which the Ottoman dominions continued
on all sides to encroach.</p>

<p>At the period of which we are speaking, all the princes of
the family of Palæologus having been commanded to repair
to the court of Bajazet, obeyed his supreme order tremblingly;
and if they came out safe and sound from the
palace of the sultan, which was for them the den of the
lion, it was because pity disarmed the executioner, and
because the contempt they inspired among the Mussulmans
was their safeguard. The Ottoman emperor contented himself
with commanding Manuel, the son and successor of John
Palæologus, not to deliver Constantinople up to him, but to
remain shut up in it as in a prison, under the penalty of
losing both his crown and his life.</p>

<p>Whilst the Greeks were thus trembling in the presence
of the Turks, the janissaries passed through the straits of
Thermopylæ without obstruction, and advanced into the
Peloponnesus. On the other side, Bajazet, for whom the
rapidity of his conquests procured the surname of <i>Iberim</i>,
or <i>Lightning</i>, invaded the country of the Servians, afterwards
that of the Bulgarians, and was preparing to carry the war
into Hungary.</p>

<p>A deplorable schism then divided Christendom. Two
popes shared the empire of the Church, and the European
republic had no longer a head that could warn it of its dangers,
an organ that could express its wishes and its fears, or
a tie that could bind together its forces; religious opinions
had no longer sufficient influence to bring about a crusade,
and Christendom had nothing left to defend it but the spirit
of chivalry, and the warlike character of some of the nations
of Europe.</p>

<p>The ambassadors whom Manuel sent into the West, repeating
the eternal lamentations of the Greeks over the
barbarities of the Turks, solicited in vain the piety of the
faithful. The envoys of Sigismund, king of Hungary, were
more fortunate in their appeal to the bravery of the knights
and barons of France. Charles VI. had not renounced, if
the historians of the time may be believed, the idea of undertaking
some great enterprise against the enemies of the
true faith: “in order,” says Froissart, “to free the souls of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
his predecessors, King Philip, of excellent memory, and
King John, his grandfather.” The Hungarian envoys took
care to insinuate in their speeches, that the sultan of the
Turks held Christian chivalry in contempt; nothing more
was wanting to inflame the ardour of the French warriors;
and when their monarch declared his intention of entering
into the league against the infidels, every gallant knight in
the kingdom flew to arms. This brave band was commanded
by the duke de Nevers, son of the duke of Burgundy, a
young prince whose rash courage afterwards procured for
him the surname of Jean-sans-Peur (John the Fearless).
Among other leaders were the count de la Marche, Henry
and Philip de Bar, relations of the king of France, Philip of
Artois, constable of the kingdom; John of Vienne, admiral;
the sieur de Coucy, Guy de la Tremouille, and the marshal
de Boucicault, whose name is mixed with the history of
every war of his time.</p>

<p>All ideas of glory, all sentiments of religion and chivalry
were bound up with this expedition. The leaders ruined
themselves to make preparations for their voyage, and to
astonish the East by their magnificence; the people implored
the protection of Heaven for the success of their arms. The
enterprise of the new Crusaders was already compared to
that of Godfrey of Bouillon, and the poets of the times
celebrated the near deliverance of the Holy Land.</p>

<p>The French army, in which were fourteen hundred knights
and as many squires, traversed Germany, and was increased
on its way by a crowd of warriors from Austria and Bavaria.
When they arrived on the banks of the Danube, they found
the entire nobility of Hungary and Bohemia under arms.
Whilst reviewing the numerous soldiers thus assembled to
oppose the Turks, Sigismund exclaimed with delight: “If
heaven were to fall, the lances of the Christian army would
stop it in its descent.”</p>

<p>Never was a war begun under more happy auspices; not
only had the spirit of chivalry drawn together a great number
of warriors beneath the banners of the cross, but several
maritime nations of Italy had taken up arms for the defence
of their eastern commerce. A Venetian fleet, commanded
by the noble Mocenigo, joined the vessels of the Greek emperor
and of the knights of Rhodes near the mouth of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
the Danube, to procure the triumph of the standard of the
Franks in the Hellespont, whilst the Christian army should
march against Constantinople.</p>

<p>As soon as the signal for war was given, nothing could
resist the impetuous valour of the Crusaders; they beat the
Turks everywhere; they took several towns of Bulgaria and
Servia, and laid siege to Nicopolis: happy had it been if
these first advantages had not given them a blind confidence
in victory!</p>

<p>The French knights, who were always found at the head
of the Christian army, could not believe that Bajazet would
dare to attack them; and when it was announced to them
that the sultan, with his army, was drawing near, they chastised
the bold scout who gave them the first intelligence of
it. The Mussulman army, however, had crossed Mount
Hemus, and was advancing towards Nicopolis. When the
two armies were in presence of each other, Sigismund conjured
his allies to moderate their warlike ardour, and to wait
for a favourable opportunity of attacking an enemy with
whom they were totally unacquainted. The duke de Nevers
and the young nobles who accompanied him, listened with
impatience to the advice of the Hungarians, and believed
that they were desirous of disputing with them the honour
of beginning the fight. Scarcely had the standard of the
crescent<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> met their eyes, than they rushed out of the camp
and fell upon the enemy; the Turks retreated, and appeared
to fly; the French pursued them in a disorderly manner,
and soon became separated from the Hungarian army. All
at once, clouds of spahis and janissaries poured down from
the neighbouring forests, in which they had been placed in
ambush. All about the country, pikes had been planted to
impede the march of cavalry. The French warriors being
unable either to advance or retreat, and surrounded by an
innumerable army, no longer fought to conquer, but to die
with glory, and sell their lives dearly. After having, during
several hours, carried slaughter into the enemy’s ranks, all
the French engaged in the conflict either perished by the
swords of the Mussulmans, or were made prisoners.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span></p>

<p>Bajazet, after this first victory, directed all his forces
against the Hungarian army, which terror had already seized,
and which was dispersed at the first shock. Sigismund,
who, on the morning of that day, had counted a hundred
thousand men beneath his banners, threw himself into a
fishing-boat, and coasting along the shores of the Euxine,
found refuge in Constantinople, where his mere presence
announced his defeat, and spread consternation.</p>

<p>Such were the fruits of the presumption and want of discipline
of the French warriors. History has lamented their
reverses more than it has blamed their conduct; it has
satisfied itself with saying, that in order to conquer the
Turks, the Hungarians should have shown the valour of the
French, or the French should have imitated the prudence of
the Hungarians.</p>

<p>Bajazet, who was wounded in the battle, proved barbarous
after victory. Some historians have said that the sultan had
to avenge the death of many Mussulman captives, who had
been massacred by the Christian army. He commanded all
the prisoners, many of whom were wounded and plundered
of their clothes, to be brought before him, and then gave
order to his janissaries to slaughter them before his eyes.
Three thousand French warriors were immolated to his vengeance;
but he spared the duke de Nevers, the count de la
Marche, the sieur de Coucy, Philip of Artois, the count de
Bar, Marshal Boucicault, and some other leaders, on account
of the ransom he hoped to procure for them.</p>

<p>When fame carried the news of so great a disaster into
France, the first who spoke of it were threatened with being
thrown into the Seine: many were imprisoned in the châtelet
of Paris by the king’s orders. At length the most sinister
reports were confirmed by the account of messire de Hély,
whom Bajazet sent into France to announce the defeat of
the Christians and the captivity of their leaders. This
intelligence spread desolation through both the court of
Charles VI. and the kingdom of France. Froissart adds,
in his natural style, “that the high dames of France were
much enraged, and had good cause, for this affected their
hearts too closely.”</p>

<p>In order to mitigate the wrath of the Turkish emperor,
Charles VI. sent him magnificent presents. Messengers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>
passing through Hungary and the territory of Constantinople,
bore to the sultan white falcons from Norway, fine scarlet
cloths, white and red linens from Rheims, <i>draps de
hautes-lices</i>, or tapestries, worked at Arras, in Picardy, representing
the history of Alexander, “which thing,” add contemporary
chronicles, “was very agreeable to all persons of worth
and honour to look upon.” At the court of France means
could not be devised for sending into Turkey the money
required for the liberation of the princes and nobles detained
in the prisons of Bajazet. A banker of Paris performed
that which no sovereign of Europe could then have done; in
concert with some merchants of Genoa, he negotiated for the
ransom of the prisoners, and undertook to pay for this
ransom the sum agreed upon, of two hundred thousand
ducats.</p>

<p>The noble captives, whom the sultan had dragged in his
train as far as Brusa, at length were allowed to return to
Europe. Of the number, all regained their native country,
with the exception of two: Guy of Tremouille died in the
isle of Rhodes. The lady de Coucy, who was incapable of
consolation, sent a faithful knight among the Turks, to learn
the fate of her husband, and the knight returned with the
fatal intelligence that the sieur de Coucy had died in his
prison.</p>

<p>When the duke de Nevers, with his companions in misfortune,
quitted the camp of Bajazet, the sultan addressed
the following words to him, as reported by Froissart:&mdash;“Count
de Nevers, I know right well and am informed that
thou art in thine own country a great lord, and the son of a
great lord. Thou art young; thou mayest, perchance, take
as an injury that requires vengeance that which has befallen
thee in thy first chivalry, and wouldst willingly, to recover
thy honour, assemble forces to come and give me battle; if
I suspected this, and if it were my will, I would make thee
swear upon thy faith and upon the law that thou shouldst
never arm thyself against me, nor any of those that are in
thy company; but no, I will neither require thee nor them
to take this oath; but I wish to tell thee that if, when thou
shalt have returned, it may please thee to assemble a power
to come against me, thou wilt find me always ready and prepared
for both thee and thy people.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span></p>

<p>This speech, which exhibited all the Ottoman pride, must,
without doubt, have been a lesson for young warriors, whose
mad presumption had brought on all the evils of the war.
They despised Bajazet before their defeat; and his haughty
disdain after victory could not appear in their eyes a vain
bravado. “So,” says Froissart, “they remembered it well as
long as they lived.”</p>

<p>On their return to France, the noble knights were received
with the interest that unfortunate bravery inspires.
The court of Charles VI. and that of Burgundy were never
tired of hearing them recount their exploits, their tragical
adventures, and the miseries of their captivity; they told
wonders of the magnificence of Bajazet; and when they
repeated the speeches of the sultan, who was accustomed
to <i>say that he would be lord over all the world, that he would
yet come to Rome, and make his horse eat his oats on the altar
of St. Peter</i>; when they spoke of the armies which the emperor
raised daily to accomplish his menaces, what fear
must, doubtless, have been mixed in the minds of his auditors
with feelings of curiosity and surprise.</p>

<p>The accounts of the duke de Nevers and his companions
awakened, however, the emulation of the warriors, and their
misfortunes in Asia inspired less compassion than a desire
to avenge their defeat. A new expedition against the Turks
was soon announced in France, and a crowd of young nobles
and knights eagerly took up arms. The duke of Orleans,
the brother of the king, was inconsolable at not being able
to obtain permission to place himself at their head, and go
with them to combat the infidels. It was the Marshal
Boucicault, scarcely returned from captivity, who led these
new Crusaders into the East. Their arrival on the shores
of the Bosphorus delivered Byzantium, which was then besieged
by Bajazet. Their exploits raised the courage of the
Greeks, and redeemed the honour of the soldiers of the
West among the Turks. When, after a year of labours and
glorious combats, they returned to their own country, the
Greek emperor Manuel believed he saw fresh evils ready to
overwhelm him, and he resolved to follow Marshal Boucicault
and solicit more assistance from Charles VI.; thus
placing all the hopes of his empire in the French warriors.
He was received with great honours on his passage through<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>
Italy; when he had crossed the Alps, brilliant festivities
awaited him in all the great cities. At two leagues from
Paris he found Charles VI., who, with all his nobles, had
come out to meet him. He made his public entry into the
capital, clothed in a robe of white silk, and mounted on a
white horse, marks of supreme rank among the Franks. It
was gratifying to see a successor of the Cæsars imploring
the arms of chivalry; and the confidence which he placed in
the bravery of the French, flattered the pride of the nation;
but in the condition of France at that period, it was much
more easy to offer Manuel the spectacle of tournaments, and
the brilliant ceremonies of courts, than to furnish him with
the treasures and armies of which he stood in need.
Charles VI. began to feel the approach of that fatal malady
which left the field open to factions, and threw the kingdom
into the greatest misfortunes. England, whose assistance
the emperor of Constantinople likewise solicited, was disturbed
by the usurpation of Henry of Lancaster; and if the
English monarch then took the cross, it was less with the
intention of succouring the Greeks than to divert attention
from his own injustice, and to have a pretext for levying
imposts upon his people. At the same time, the deposition
of Winceslaus set the whole German empire in motion; and
the nascent heresy of John Huss already gave the signal for
the disorders that were destined to trouble Bohemia during
the fifteenth century. Amidst all these agitations in Christendom,
the only power that could have reëstablished harmony
was itself divided, and the Catholic Church, still a
prey to the rival pretensions of two pontiffs, could neither
give its attention to promote peace among the Christians,
nor war against the Turks.</p>

<p>This state of France and Europe completely destroyed all
the hopes of the Greek emperor. After passing two years
in Paris, without obtaining anything, he determined to leave
the West, and having embarked at Venice, he stopped in the
Peloponnesus, where he waited patiently till Fortune should
herself take charge of the entire ruin or the deliverance of
his empire.</p>

<p>This deliverance, which could no longer be expected from
the Christian powers, arrived all at once by means of a
people still more barbarous than the Turks, whose conquests<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
made the entire East tremble. Tamerlane, or Timour,
from the bosom of civil wars, had been elevated to the
throne of the Moguls, and revived in the north of Asia the
formidable empire of Gengishan. History is scarcely able
to follow this new conqueror in his gigantic expeditions.
The imagination is terrified at the rapidity with which, to
make use of an expression of Timour himself, he carried “the
destroying wind of desolation” from Zagathaï to the Indus,
and from the Indus to the icy deserts of Siberia. Such was
the scourge that Heaven sent to destroy the menacing pride
of Bajazet. The historians of the times are not agreed as
to the motives which armed the leader of the Moguls against
the Ottoman emperor; some attribute Tamerlane’s determination
to the complaints of the Mussulman princes of
Asia Minor, whom the sultan of the Turks had driven from
their states; others, faithful to the spirit of their age, and
seeking the causes of great events in celestial phenomena,
explain the invasion of the Tartars by the appearance of a
comet, which was visible during two months to affrighted
Asia. Disdaining marvellous explanations, we will confine
ourselves to saying that peace could not last between two
men urged on by the same ambition, and who were not likely
to pardon each other for having at the same time entertained
the thought of conquering the world. Their character,
as well as their policy, is plainly enough indicated in the
violent threats they reciprocally addressed to each other
before hostilities, and which became the signal for the most
sanguinary catastrophes.</p>

<p>Tamerlane, having set out from Samarcand, first reduced
Seborto, and as if he wished to give Bajazet, before he
attacked him, the spectacle of the ravages which accompanied
his arms everywhere, he all at once directed the
course of his Tartar hordes towards Syria and the provinces
governed by the Mamelukes of Egypt. The valour of his
soldiers, the discords of his enemies, the treachery and perfidy
which he never disdained to call in to the assistance of
his power, opened for him the gates of Aleppo, Damascus,
and Tripoli. Torrents of blood and pyramids of human
heads marked the passage of the Mogul conqueror. His
approach spread terror everywhere, as well among the
Christians as among the Mussulmans; and although he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>
boasted in his discourses of avenging the cause of the
oppressed, Jerusalem might, on this occasion, be grateful
that he did not think of delivering her.</p>

<p>At length the Tartars advanced towards Asia Minor.
Timour traversed Anatolia with an army of eight hundred
thousand men. Bajazet, who raised the siege of Constantinople
to come to meet his redoubtable adversary, encountered
him in the plains of Ancyra. At the end of a battle
which lasted three days, the Ottoman emperor lost at once
his empire and his liberty. The Greeks, to whom fame
soon brought the news of this victory, tremblingly returned
thanks to their fierce liberator; but the indifference with
which he received their embassy, proved that he had had no
intention of meriting their gratitude. Arrived on the shores
of the Bosphorus, the conqueror of Bajazet directed his
looks and his projects towards the West; but the master
of the vast kingdoms of Asia had not a single barque in
which to transport himself to the other side of the canal.
Thus Constantinople, after having escaped the yoke of the
Ottomans, had the good fortune to escape also the presence
of the Tartars, and Europe saw this violent tempest dissipate
itself at a distance from her.</p>

<p>The conqueror vented his anger upon the city of Smyrna,
which was defended by the Knights of Rhodes. This city
was carried by assault, delivered up to pillage, and reduced
to ashes; the Mogul emperor returned to Samarcand in
triumph, dragging the sultan Bajazet in his train, and
meditating by turns the conquest of Africa, the invasion of
the West, and a war against China.</p>

<p>After the battle of Ancyra, several princes of the family
of Bajazet disputed the ravaged provinces of the Ottoman
empire. If the Franks had then appeared in the Strait of
Galliopoli and in Thrace, they might have profited by the
defeat and discords of the Turks, and have driven them
back beyond the Taurus; but the indifference of the Christian
states, with the perfidy and cupidity of some of the
maritime nations of Europe, allowed the Ottoman dynasty
time and means to renovate its depressed power.</p>

<p>The Greeks derived no more advantage from the victory
of Tamerlane than the Latins. Twenty years after the
battle of Ancyra, the Ottomans had retaken all their provinces;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
their armies again environed Constantinople, and it
is at this point we may apply to the power of the Turks the
oriental comparison of that serpent of the desert which an
elephant had crushed in its passage, which joins its dispersed
rings together again, raises its head by degrees, reseizes the
prey it had abandoned, and clasps it within its monstrous
folds.</p>

<p>As long as the Greek emperors were in no fear for the
safety of their capital, they kept up very little intercourse
with the Christian princes of Europe; but upon the appearance
of danger, the court of Byzantium renewed its supplications
and its promises of obedience to the Church of
Rome. A conversation of Manuel, reported by Phrantza,
throws a light upon the situation of the Greeks, and upon
the policy of the timid successors of Constantine. “The
only resource we have left against the Turks,” said this
prince to his son, “is their fear of our union with the Latins,
and the terror with which the warlike nations of the West
inspire them. Whenever you are pressed by the infidels,
send to the court of Rome, and prolong the negotiations,
without ever taking a decisive part.” Manuel added, that
the vanity of the Latins and the obstinacy of the Greeks
would always prevent any real or durable harmony; and
that a union of any kind with the pope, by arousing the
passions of both parties, would only give Byzantium up to
the mercy of the barbarians.</p>

<p>Such counsels, which announce but little frankness in the
policy of the Greeks, could not be long followed up with
success. The dangers became more pressing, the circumstances
more imperative; as Christendom only replied to
vain negotiations by vain promises, the successor of Manuel
found himself obliged to give pledges of his faith and sincerity.
The idea of a council was at length adopted, in
which the two churches should come to an understanding,
and should approximate. The emperor John Palæologus
and the doctors of the Greek Church repaired to Ferrara,
and afterwards to Florence. After long debates, the union
was sworn to on both sides, and solemnly proclaimed. In
the West this event was celebrated as a victory; at Constantinople
it raised cries of blasphemy, apostasy, and
impiety. Thus was the prediction of Manuel accomplished;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>
all the efforts employed to unite opinions, only served to
raise a new barrier between the Greeks and the Latins.</p>

<p>At the councils of Ferrara and Florence, the deputies of
the Armenians, the Maronites, the Jacobites of Syria and
Egypt, the Nestorians, and the Ethiopians submitted, as well
as the Greeks, to the pontifical authority, and without doubt
also, in the same hope of being succoured by the Latins,
and delivered from the tyranny of the Mussulmans. This
solemn proceeding was less a submission to the Holy See
than a homage rendered to the bravery of the Franks, in
whom all the Christians of Asia and Africa beheld liberators.</p>

<p>Pope Eugenius, however, on receiving the submission of
the Greeks, had promised to send succours to Constantinople
and to the Christians of the East. The pontiff
hoped that the union of the two churches and the preaching
of a crusade would fix upon him the eyes of the Christian
world, and restore to the pontifical authority the confidence
and power of which the schisms of the West and the
seditious decrees of the council of Bâle had deprived it. He
wrote to all the princes of Christendom, exhorting them to
unite to put a stop to the invasions of the Mussulmans.
Eugenius, in his letter, described all the evils which the
faithful suffered in the countries under the domination of
the barbarians. “The Turks tied troops of men and women
together, and dragged them along in their train. All the
Christians whom they condemned to slavery, were confounded
with the vilest booty, and sold like beasts of burden.
In their barbarity, they separated the son from the father,
the brother from the sister, and the husband from the wife.
Those whom age or infirmities prevented from walking were
killed upon the high roads or in the middle of cities. Even
infancy could not excite their pity; they put to death innocent
victims that had scarcely begun to exist, and who,
being yet ignorant of fear, smiled upon their executioners
whilst receiving the mortal blow. Every Christian family
was compelled to give up its own sons to the Ottoman
empire, in the same manner as the people of Athens had
been formerly forced to send as a tribute the flower of their
youth to the monster of Crete. Wherever the Turks had
penetrated, the fields were cursed with barrenness, and the
cities were without laws or industry; the Christian religion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>
had no longer either priests or altars; humanity no longer
either support or asylum.” In fact, the father of the faithful
forgot none of the cruelties committed by the enemies
of Christ; he could not restrain the sadness which so many
painful images caused him, and conjured princes and nations
to send assistance to the kingdom of Cyprus, the isle of
Rhodes, and particularly to Constantinople, as these were
the last bulwarks of the West.</p>

<p>The exhortations of the sovereign pontiff were addressed
to none but indifferent hearts in the nations of England,
France, and Spain. Neither the sentiment of humanity,
nor that of patriotism, had power to revive the enthusiasm
to which the spirit of religion and chivalry had in past times
given birth. Distant crusades, whatever was their object,
began to be considered as only the work of a jealous policy,
the springs of which were set in motion, to banish the
princes and nobles whose power and wealth were coveted.
In the state in which Europe then was, such as loved war,
had but too many opportunities for exercising their bravery,
without quitting their homes. The Germans, who had set
on foot forty thousand men to combat the heretics of
Bohemia, remained motionless, when the Turks were represented
to them as ready to carry the standard of Islamism to
the extremities of the West.</p>

<p>The pope, however, was not satisfied with exhorting the
faithful to take up arms, he was desirous of setting them the
example; the pontiff levied soldiers and equipped vessels to
make war against the Turks. The maritime cities of Flanders,
and the republics of Genoa and Venice, which had
great interests in the East, made some preparations; their
fleets united under the standard of St. Peter, and directed
their course towards the Hellespont. The fear of an approaching
invasion awakened the zeal of the nations inhabiting
the shores of the Dneister and the Danube. The
crusade was preached in the diets of Poland and Hungary.
Upon the frontiers threatened by the barbarians, the people,
the clergy, and the nobility obeyed the voice of religion and
patriotism.</p>

<p>The sovereign pontiff named, as legate with the Crusaders,
Cardinal Julian, a prelate of an intrepid character
of an ardent genius, arming himself by turns with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>
sword of fight and with that of speech; as redoubtable in the
field of battle as in the learned contests of the schools. After
having obtained the confidence of the council of Bâle, Cardinal
Julian distinguished himself in the council of Florence,
by defending the dogmas of the Latin church. His eloquence
had roused up all Germany against the Hussites; now he
burned to rouse up all Christendom against the Turks. The
army collected under the banners of the cross had for
leaders Hunniades and Ladislaus; the first, the waywode of
Transylvania, was celebrated among Christian warriors, and
the epithet of the <i>brigand</i>, which the Turks attached to his
name, denoted the hatred and terror he inspired among the
infidels. Upon the head of Ladislaus were united the two
crowns of Poland and Hungary, and he merited, by the
brilliant qualities of his youth, the love of both Poles and
Hungarians. The Crusaders assembled on the Danube, and
quickly received the signal for war. The fleets of the
sovereign pontiff, of Venice, and Genoa cruised in the
Hellespont. The inhabitants of Moldavia, Servia, and Greece
promised to join the Christian army; the sultan of Caramania,
the implacable enemy of the Ottomans, was to attack
them in Asia. The Greek emperor, John Palæologus, announced
great preparations, and got ready to march at the
head of an army to meet his liberators.</p>

<p>Hunniades and Ladislaus advanced as far as Sophia, the
capital of the Bulgarians. Two battles opened for them the
passages of Mount Hemus and the road to Byzantium.
The rigours of winter alone arrested the victorious march of
the Christian warriors; and the army of the Crusaders returned
into Hungary, to await the favourable season for
renewing the war. They returned to Buda in triumph,
amidst the acclamations of an immense population. The
clergy celebrated, by hymns and thanksgivings, the first
victories of the Christians, and Ladislaus repaired, barefooted,
to the church of Notre Dame, in which he hung up
the standards taken from the infidels.</p>

<p>Before the beginning of the war, the Mussulmans had
been persuaded that the destruction of the Christians was
written in the book of destiny. “When all the enemies of
the prophet,” said they among themselves, “shall be destroyed,
each of us will have nothing to do but to guide his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>
plough, and look at his war-horse in his stable.” This
opinion, the offspring of pride and victory, had proved sufficient
to relax the zeal of the Ottoman warriors; and most
of them remained in their homes, whilst the Christians
marched towards Adrianopolis.</p>

<p>When fame informed them of the victories of the Franks
upon the Danube, this blind security all at once gave place
to fear. The sultan Amurath immediately sent ambassadors
to sue for peace. History is silent as to the means of seduction
employed by the Ottoman envoys to win the victorious
Crusaders; but it is well known that they succeeded in
obtaining a favourable hearing for their proposals. Peace
was determined upon in the council of the leaders of the
Christian army. The parties swore, the one upon the
Koran, and the other upon the Gospel, to a truce of ten
years. This unexpected resolution irritated the pride and
zeal of Cardinal Julian, whose mission was to stimulate the
Christians to war. When he saw the leaders of the crusade
unite in a desire for peace, he preserved a haughty silence,
and refused to sign a treaty he disapproved of. The inflexible
legate waited for an opportunity in which he might
give vent to his discontent, and force the Crusaders to
resume their arms. This opportunity was not long in presenting
itself.</p>

<p>Amurath, satisfied with having restored peace to his
states, and fatigued with earthly grandeur, renounced the
cares of empire, and buried himself in a retreat at Magnesia.
The sultan of Caramania informed the Christians
that their most redoubtable enemy <i>had lost his senses</i>, and
had just exchanged the imperial crown for the cap of a
cenobite. He added that Amurath had left the supreme
authority in the hands of a child, and in his message compared
this child <i>to a young plant which the slightest wind
might tear up by the roots</i>.</p>

<p>The same sultan was so thoroughly persuaded that the
Ottoman empire was in its decline, that he entered Anatolia
at the head of an army. About the same time reports
were spread that the emperor of Constantinople was advancing
towards Thrace; that the Greeks of the Peloponnesus
had taken up arms, and that the confederate fleets still
awaited a fresh signal for war in the Hellespont. Another<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>
circumstance, not less important, seemed calculated to
awaken the warlike ardour of the Crusaders; the victory
gained near Sophia had given them a powerful ally in
Greece. In this battle, the son of John Castuct, who commanded
the van of the Ottoman army, suddenly abandoned
the banners and the religion of the Turks, to defend the
worship and the heritage of his ancestors in Albania. The
messengers of Scanderberg announced to the leaders of the
Christian army, that he was ready to join them at the head
of twenty thousand Albanians, assembled under the standard
of the cross.</p>

<p>All these news, arriving at once, had an immediate effect
in changing men’s minds as well as the face of affairs. A
fresh council was called; Cardinal Julian arose among the
leaders, and reproached them with having betrayed both
their fortune and their glory; he reproached them in severe
terms, with having signed a disgraceful peace, which was
sacrilegious, fatal to Europe, and fatal to the Church.
“You had sworn,” said he, “to combat the eternal enemies
of Christendom, and now you have sworn upon the Gospel,
to lay down your arms. To which of these two oaths will
you be faithful? You have just thought proper to conclude
a treaty with the Mussulmans; but have you not also
treaties with your allies? Will you abandon these generous
allies at the moment that they are flying from all parts to
your assistance, and are coming to share the perils of a war
in which God has so visibly protected your first labours?</p>

<p>“But, what do I say? You not only abandon your allies,
you leave, without support and without hope, that crowd of
Christians whom you have promised to deliver from an
insupportable yoke, and who must now remain a prey to all
the outrages of the Mussulmans whom your victories have
irritated. The groans of so many victims will pursue you
into your retreat, and will accuse you before God and
before men.</p>

<p>“You close for ever the gates of Asia against the Christian
phalanxes, and you restore to the Mussulmans the
hopes they had lost of invading the countries of Christendom.
To what interests, answer me, have you sacrificed
your own glory and the safety of the Christian world?
Had not war already given you all that the sultan Amurath<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>
promises? Would he not have already given you still
more; and do not the pledges obtained by victory inspire
more confidence than the promises of infidels?</p>

<p>“What shall I say to the sovereign pontiff who has sent
me to you, not to treat with Mussulmans, but to drive them
beyond the seas? What shall I say to all the pastors of the
Christian Churches, and to all the faithful of the West, who
are now offering up prayers to Heaven for the success of
your arms?</p>

<p>“There is no doubt that the barbarians, whom we have
twice conquered, would never have consented to a peace, if
they had had the means of carrying on the war. Do you
believe they will observe the truce, when fortune shall become
more favourable to them? No; Christian warriors
cannot remain bound by an impious compact which gives
up the Church and Europe to the disciples of Mahomet.
Learn that there is no peace between God and his enemies,
between truth and falsehood, between Heaven and Hell.
There is no necessity for me to absolve you from an oath
evidently contrary to religion and morality, to all that
which constitutes, among men, the sanctity and faith of
promises. I exhort you then, in the name of God, in the
name of the Gospel, to resume your arms and follow me in
the road of salvation and glory.”</p>

<p>The safety of Christendom may, no doubt, be pleaded in
extenuation of the violence of this discourse; but impartial
history, whatever may be the reasons alleged, cannot approve
of this open violation of the faith of oaths. The leaders of
the crusade might merit the reproaches of the apostolic
legate, who accused them of having made a peace disgraceful
in itself and dangerous to Christian Europe; but they certainly
also deserve the contempt of posterity for violating
treaties they had so recently concluded. When Cardinal
Julian began to speak, the minds of his auditors were already
wavering; when he had finished his discourse, the warlike
ardour which animated him seized upon the whole assembly,
and manifested itself by the loud acclamations of a general
approbation. With one unanimous voice they all swore to
recommence the war, on the same spot where they had just
sworn to maintain peace.</p>

<p>The enthusiasm of most of the leaders was at its height<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>
it scarcely allowed them to observe that they had lost half
their army. A great number of the Crusaders had quitted
their colours, some impatient to return to their homes, but
by far the greater part dissatisfied with a treaty, which rendered
their bravery and their exploits useless. The prince
of Servia, a near neighbour of the Turks, and in dread of
their vengeance, did not dare to run the risk of a new war,
and sent no troops to the army of Hunniades and Ladislaus.
They waited in vain for the reinforcements promised by
Skanderberg, who was obliged to defend Albania. There
remained not more than twenty thousand men under the
banners of the cross. A chief of the Wallachians, on joining
the Crusaders with his cavalry, could not refrain from expressing
his surprise to the king of Hungary, at the smallness
of his numbers; and told him that the sultan they were
going to contend with, was frequently followed to the chase
by more slaves than the Christian warriors amounted to.</p>

<p>The principal leaders were advised to defer the commencement
of the war till the arrival of fresh Crusaders, or the
return of those that had left them; but Ladislaus, Hunniades,
and particularly Julian, were persuaded that God
protected the defenders of the cross, and that nothing could
resist them. They set forward on their march, and crossing
the deserts of Bulgaria, encamped at Warna, on the shores
of the Black Sea.</p>

<p>It was there the Crusaders, instead of finding the fleet
which was to second them, learned that Amurath had left
his retreat at Magnesia, and was hastening to meet them
at the head of sixty thousand combatants. At this intelligence
all the extravagant confidence infused by the Cardinal
Julian faded away, and in their despair they accused the
Greeks of having betrayed or abandoned them; and the
Genoese, with the nephew of the Pope, who commanded the
Christian fleet, of having yielded the passage of Galliopoli
to the Turks. This accusation is repeated in all the chronicles
of the West; but the Turkish historians make no
mention of it; they, on the contrary, say that Amurath
crossed the Hellespont at a considerable distance from the
places occupied by the Christian fleet; and that the grand
vizier, who was upon the European shore, protected the
passage of the Ottoman army by a battery of cannon. “As<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>
soon as the troops of Amurath,” adds the Turkish historian
Coggia Effendi, “gained the shore, they offered up prayers
and thanks to the God of Mahomet, <i>and the zephyr of victory
breathed upon the Mussulman banners</i>.” The sultan
pursued his march, swearing by the prophets of Islamism,
to punish its enemies for the violation of treaties. If some
authors may be believed, the emperor of the Turks supplicated
Jesus Christ himself to avenge the outrage committed
upon his name by the perjured warriors. At the approach
of the Ottomans, Hunniades and the legate advised retreat;
but retreat became impossible, and Ladislaus determined to
conquer or die. The battle began: and it was then, says
the Ottoman historian, “that an infinite number of valiant
men were borne to the valley of shadows by torrents of blood.”
At the commencement of the battle both the right and left
wings of the Mussulman army were broken. Some authors
say that Amurath thought of flying, and that he was stopped
by a janissary, who retained him by the bridle of his horse;
others celebrate the firm courage of the sultan, and compare
him to a rock which resists all the blasts of the tempest.
Coggia Effendi, whom we have already quoted, adds that
the Ottoman emperor addressed, upon the field of battle, a
prayer to the God of Mahomet, and conjured him with tears
to remove from the Mussulmans the bitter cup of contempt
and affliction.</p>

<p>Fortune appeared to favour the arms of the Crusaders.
A great part of the Ottoman army fled before twenty-four
thousand Christian soldiers, and nothing could resist the
impetuous courage of the king of Hungary. A crowd of
prelates and bishops, armed with cuirasses and swords, accompanied
Ladislaus, and intreated him to direct his attacks
towards the point at which Amurath still fought, defended
by the bravest of his janissaries. He listened but too willingly
to their imprudent advice, and having rushed among
the enemy’s battalions, he was instantly pierced by a
thousand lances, and fell with all who had been able to
follow him. His head, fixed upon the point of a lance, and
shown to the Hungarians, spread consternation through
their ranks. It was in vain Hunniades and the bishops endeavoured
to revive the courage of the Crusaders, by telling
them they were not fighting for an earthly king, but for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>
Jesus Christ; the whole Christian army disbanded, and fled in
the greatest disorder. Hunniades himself was carried away
with the rest: ten thousand soldiers of the cross lost their
lives, and the Turks made a great number of prisoners.
Cardinal Julian perished either in the battle or the flight.</p>

<p>After his victory, Amurath traversed the field of battle;
and as he observed he did not see among the Christian
bodies one with a gray beard, his vizier replied that men
arrived at the age of reason would never have attempted
such a rash enterprize. These words were nothing more
than a piece of flattery addressed to the sultan; but they
might, nevertheless, serve to characterize a war in which the
leaders of the Christian armies obeyed rather the impulses
of the imprudent passions of youth, than the cooler dictates
of experience and matured age.</p>

<p>The expeditions of the Christians against the Turks began
almost all, like this, by brilliant successes, and finished by
great disasters. Most frequently a crusade was terminated
at the first or the second battle, because the Crusaders had
only valour, and were totally deficient in qualities which
could improve a victory or repair reverses. When conquerors,
they quarrelled for the glory of the fight or the
spoils of the enemy; when conquered, they were at once
depressed and discouraged, and returned to their homes,
accusing each other reciprocally of their defeats.</p>

<p>The battle of Warna secured to the Turks the European
provinces they had invaded, and permitted them to make
fresh conquests. Amurath, after having triumphed over his
enemies, again renounced the imperial crown, and the solitude
of Magnesia once more beheld the conqueror of the
Hungarians clothed in the humble mantle of a hermit; but
the janissaries, whom he had so often led to victory, would
not permit him to renounce the world or enjoy the repose
he was so anxious for. Forced to resume the command of
armies and the reins of empire, he directed his views against
Albania; and he afterwards returned to fight with Hunniades
on the shores of the Danube. He passed the remainder
of his days in making war against the Christians, and with
his last breath recommended his successor to direct his arms
against Constantinople.</p>

<p>Mahomet II., to whom Amurath bequeathed the conquest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
of Byzantium, did not succeed his father till six years after
the battle of Warna. It was then that began the days of
mourning and calamity for the Greeks; and it is at this
period that history offers us, as a spectacle, a last and terrible
conflict; on the one side, an old empire whose glory had
filled the universe, and which had no defence or limits left
but the ramparts of its capital; and on the other, a new empire,
the name of which was scarcely known, and which already
threatened the whole world with invasion.</p>

<p>Constantine and Mahomet, elevated almost at the same
time,&mdash;the one to the throne of Otman, the other to that of
the Cæsars, presented no less difference in their characters
than in their destinies. The moderation and piety of Constantine
were admired, and historians have celebrated his
calm and prudent valour in the field of battle, with his
heroic patience in reverses. Mahomet brought to the
throne an active and enterprising spirit, an ardent and
passionate policy, and an indomitable pride. It is asserted
that he loved letters and the arts; but these peaceful pursuits
were not able to soften his savage ferocity. In war,
he neither spared the lives of his enemies nor of his soldiers;
and the violences of his character often ensanguined
even peace. Whilst in Constantine a monarch could be
recognized brought up in the school of Christianity, in
Mahomet was as easily known a prince formed by the warlike
and intolerant maxims of the Koran. The last of the
Cæsars had all the virtues that can honour and teach the
endurance of a great misfortune. The son of Amurath
exhibited the dark qualities of a conqueror, with all the
passions which, in the day of victory, must leave nothing
but despair to the vanquished.</p>

<p>When Mahomet succeeded to the empire, his first thought
was the conquest of Byzantium. In the negotiations which
preceded the rupture of the peace, Constantine did not
conceal the weakness of the Greek empire, and displayed
all the resignation of a Christian. “My confidence is in
God,” said he to the Ottoman prince; “if it should please
him to soften your heart, I shall rejoice at that happy
change; if it should please him to deliver up Constantinople
to you, I shall submit to his will without a murmur.”</p>

<p>The siege of Byzantium was fixed to begin in the spring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>
of the year 1453; and the Greeks and the Turks passed the
winter in preparation for the defence and the attack. Mahomet
entered with ardour upon an enterprise to which, for
a length of time, all the wishes of the Turkish nation and
all the Ottoman policy has been directed. In the middle
of a night, having sent for his vizier: “Thou seest,” said
Mahomet, “the disorder of my couch. I have carried to it
the trouble which agitates and devours me; henceforth there
will be neither repose nor sleep for me but in the capital of
the Greeks.”</p>

<p>Whilst Mahomet was getting together all his forces to
commence the war, Constantine Palæologus implored assistance
from the nations of Europe. Cries of alarm had so
often been heard from Constantinople, that some regarded
the dangers of the Greek empire as imaginary, and others,
its ruin as inevitable. In vain Constantine promised, as all
his predecessors had done, to unite the Greek Church with
the Roman Church; the remembrance of so many promises,
made in the hour of peril and forgotten in times of safety,
added to the antipathy of the Latins for the people of
Greece. The Pope exhorted feebly the warriors of the West
to take arms, and satisfied himself with sending to the Greek
emperor a legate and some ecclesiastics versed in the art of
argumentation and in the study of theology. Although
the Cardinal Isidore brought with him a considerable treasure,
and had in his suite some Italian soldiers, his arrival
at Constantinople must have spread discouragement among
the Greeks, who expected other succours, and appeared to
have attached a very high value to their submission to the
Church of Rome.</p>

<p>The princes of the Morea and the Archipelago, with those
of Hungary and Bulgaria, some, in dread of being themselves
attacked, the others, restrained by indifference or the
spirit of jealousy, refused to take any part in a war in which
victory would decide their own fate. As Genoa and Venice
had counting-houses and commercial establishments at Constantinople,
two thousand Genoese soldiers and five or six
hundred Venetians presented themselves to assist in defending
the city. A troop of Catalans also arrived, an intrepid
soldiery, by turns the scourge and hope of Greece, whom a
love of war and peril brought to the imperial city. And<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
this was all that was to represent warlike Europe at the
siege of Byzantium.</p>

<p>At this period, several Christian powers were at war with
each other: the continuator of Baronius remarks on this
subject, that the soldiers who then perished in battles fought
in the bosom of Christendom, would have been sufficient
to disperse the Turks, and drive them back to the outward
verge of Asia. But if history, on this occasion, accuses the
nations of the West of indifference, what ought it to say of
that of the Greeks for their own defence? The efforts of
Constantine to unite the two Churches had weakened the
confidence and zeal of his subjects, who prided themselves
upon being orthodox. Among the Greeks, some, in order
to owe nothing to the Latins, declared that God himself
had undertaken to save his people, and upon the faith of
some prophecies they had made, they awaited in inaction a
miraculous deliverance. Others, more dark in their scholastic
reveries, were not willing that Constantinople should
be saved, because they had predicted that the empire must
perish to expiate the crime of the union. Every hope of
victory had in their eyes something impious and contrary to
the will of Heaven. When the emperor spoke of the means
of safety that still remained, and of the necessity for taking
arms, these atrabilarious doctors drew back with a kind of
horror, and the multitude they had misled ran after the
monk Genadius, who, from the depth of his cell, cried out
constantly to the people, that there was nothing to be done,
and that all was lost.</p>

<p>When we study the whimsicalities of the human mind,
that which most affects the enlightened observer is, to see
there are men whose passion is words, whom self-love
attaches to vain subtleties, and for whom the ruin of the
world would be a less painful spectacle than the triumph of
an opinion they have opposed. On the eve of the greatest
perils, Constantinople was filled with people whom hatred
for the Latins made forgetful of even the approach and
menaces of the Turks. The grand duke Notares went so
far as to say that he would like better to see in Byzantium the
turban of Mahomet than the tiara of the pontiff of Rome.</p>

<p>It is not useless to remind our readers here, that in all these
debates there was no question that affected the truths of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
Christianity,&mdash;nothing but some points of ecclesiastical discipline:
celebrating the mass in the Latin tongue, consecrating
unleavened bread, mixing some cold water in the
chalice, communicating with Azymites&mdash;these were things
that were to be hated, things that were to be feared much
more than Islamism. Such were the motives for which the
Greeks repulsed the Franks, their natural allies, loaded them
with anathemas, and invoked the maledictions of Heaven
upon their own city.</p>

<p>Amidst these deplorable disputes the voice of patriotism
was never listened to, and indifference, selfishness, and
cowardice were able to conceal themselves under the respectable
appearance of religion and orthodoxy. A great part of
the population of Constantinople had abandoned the city;
among those that remained, the richest had buried their
treasures, which they might have employed in the general
defence, and which they soon lost, with their liberty and
their lives. The imperial city only contained within its
bosom four thousand nine hundred and seventy defenders,
and the emperor was obliged to plunder the churches to
support them. Thus, from eight to nine thousand combatants
formed the entire garrison of Byzantium, and the last
hope of the empire of the East.</p>

<p>Mahomet had completed his immense preparations. As
the conquest of Byzantium and the pillage of Constantinople
were the richest recompense that could be offered to the
valour of the Ottomans, all the soldiers were, in some sort,
associated with the ambition of their leader. The warlike
ardour and fanaticism which had distinguished the companions
of Omar and the first champions of Islamism were
now revived. From all the regions which extend from the
chain of Taurus to the banks of the Ebro and the Danube
came crowds of warriors, attracted to the army by the hopes
of booty or the desire of distinguishing themselves in a religious
and national war. In order at once to give a clear
idea of the decay and weakness of the Greeks, and of the
strength and power of the Ottomans, it will suffice to say,
that Constantinople and all that remained of the territory of
the empire contained a smaller number of inhabitants of
all kinds than Mahomet mustered soldiers beneath his
banners.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span></p>

<p>The Ottoman army set out from Adrianople at the beginning
of March; and on the sixth of April Mahomet pitched
his tent before the gate of St. Romanus. The signal for battle
was speedily given on both sides. In the early days of the
siege, the Greeks and the Turks displayed all that the art of
war had invented or perfected among the ancients and
moderns. Among his formidable preparations, Mahomet
had not neglected artillery, the use of which was then spread
through the West. One of his cannons, founded under his
own eyes at Adrianople, was of such gigantic proportions,
that three hundred oxen dragged it along with difficulty, and
it launched a ball of seven hundred quintals (seven hundred
pounds weight) to a distance of more than six hundred
toises (six hundred fathoms). Almost all the historians of
the time speak of this terrible instrument of war, but say
very little of the effect it produced in the field of battle. On
examining with care the accounts of contemporaries, and particularly
the descriptions they have left us of these enormous
machines of bronze, which they had so much trouble to
move, we feel persuaded that at the siege of Byzantium the
Ottoman artillery inspired more fright and surprise than it
did execution. The Turks showed very little skill or zeal in
seconding the Frank engineers and artillerymen whom Mahomet
had taken into his service; and it was a great blessing
for Christendom that so powerful a discovery was not perfected
at once in the hands of barbarians, whom Europe
could not have resisted if they had joined this new force to
the advantages they already possessed in war.</p>

<p>The Turks employed other arms and other means of
attack with much more success; such as mines dug under
the ramparts, rolling towers, which were brought close up to
the walls, rams which battered the walls, balistæ, which
launched beams and stones, arrows, javelins, and even the
Greek fire, which still rivalled gunpowder, although the
latter was destined soon to make it neglected and forgotten.
All these means of destruction were employed at the same
time, and assaults were renewed unceasingly. The besieged
could not avail themselves of all their machines, from the
want of hands to work them; and when we reflect on the
smallness of the number of the defenders of Constantinople,
we are astonished that they were able to resist, for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
more than fifty days, the innumerable host of the Ottomans.
This generous soldiery occupied a line of more than a league
in length, repelling, night and day, the assaults of the
enemy, repairing the breaches in the walls, and making sorties;
they appeared to be everywhere at the same time, and
to be equal to everything, animated by the presence of their
leaders, and particularly by the example of Constantine.
Several times fortune favoured the efforts of this heroic
troop, and tingled a few gleams of hope with the sentiment
of sadness and terror which prevailed in Constantinople.
The besieged preserved one advantage, the city was inaccessible
towards the Propontis and on the side of the port.
Mahomet had assembled a numerous fleet in the canal of
the Black Sea; but it only served for the transmission of
provisions and warlike stores. The Ottoman marine could
not contend with the marine of the Greeks, particularly
with that of the Franks; and the Turks themselves acknowledged
that they must yield the empire of the seas to the
Christian nations.</p>

<p>About the middle of the siege, five vessels from the coasts
of Italy and Greece arrived in the canal. The whole Ottoman
fleet was immediately in motion, and advanced to
meet them; from their numbers they surrounded them, and
attacked them several times, with the view of getting possession
of them, or of turning them from their course. Mahomet
encouraged the combatants with voice and gesture
from the shore. When the Ottomans appeared to be failing
in their attempt, he could not restrain his anger; urging his
horse into the sea, he seemed to threaten the elements, and,
like a barbarian king of antiquity, to accuse the waves of
being obstacles to his conquests. On the other side, the
Greeks, collected on the ramparts of the city, awaited the
issue of the combat in great anxiety. At length, after an
obstinate and bloody conflict, all the Turkish ships were dispersed
or cast upon the shore; and the Christian fleet,
laden with provisions and soldiers, sailed in triumph into the
port of Constantinople.</p>

<p>The sultan burned to avenge this disgrace to his arms,
and resolved to make a last effort to render himself master
of the port of Constantinople. As the entrance of it was
guarded by several large vessels, and closed by a chain of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>
iron that could neither be broken nor passed, the Ottoman
monarch employed an extraordinary method, which the besieged
had not foreseen, and the success of which displayed
the force of his will and the extent of his power. In a
single night, between seventy and eighty vessels, which were
at anchor in the canal of the Black Sea, were transported by
land to the gulf of Ceras. The road was covered with
planks, plastered with grease, along which a multitude of
soldiers and workmen made the vessels slide. The Turkish
fleet, commanded by pilots, with sails unfurled, as if upon a
maritime expedition, advanced over a hilly country, and traversed
a space of two miles by the light of torches and
flambeaux, to the sound of clarions and trumpets, without
the Genoese, who inhabited Galata, daring to offer any
opposition to its passage. The Greeks, fully occupied in
guarding their ramparts, had no suspicion of the designs of
the enemy. They could not comprehend what could be the
cause or the object of all the tumult that was heard during
the whole night from the seashore, until the dawn of day
showed them the Mussulman standards floating in their
port.</p>

<p>We naturally here inquire what resistance was made by
the vessels which guarded the iron chain, and by those which
had entered the port, after having dispersed the Ottoman
fleet. We may suppose that every warrior who had fought
in the Christian ships was then employed in defending the
ramparts of the city; or, it is probable, that the part of the
gulf in which the Turkish ships descended, was not deep
enough to be accessible to large vessels. However this may
have been, the Mussulmans lost no time in taking advantage
of their success. Scarcely were the Turkish boats launched,
when a multitude of workmen were busily engaged in constructing
floating batteries on the same spot where the
Venetians made their last assault in the fifth crusade.</p>

<p>This bold enterprise, carried out with such audacity and
success, spread trouble and consternation among the besieged.
They made several attempts to burn the fleet and
destroy the works the enemy had begun; but they in vain
had recourse to the Greek fire, which had so often saved
Constantinople from the attacks of the barbarians. Forty
of their most intrepid warriors, betrayed by their imprudent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span>
valour, and perhaps also by the Genoese, fell into the hands
of the Turks, and a death amidst tortures was the reward of
their generous devotion.</p>

<p>Constantine used reprisals, and exposed the heads of
seventy of his captives upon the ramparts. This mode of
making war announced that the combatants no longer
listened to anything but the inspirations of despair or the
furies of vengeance. The Mussulmans, who daily received
supplies of all kinds, prosecuted the siege without intermission.
The certainty of victory redoubled their ardour;
Constantinople was assaulted on several sides at once, and
the garrison, already weakened by the conflicts and labours
of a long siege, were obliged to divide their forces to defend
all the points attacked.</p>

<p>The repairs of the fortifications on the side of the port had
been neglected. Towards the west, several of the towers,
particularly that of St. Romanus, were falling into ruins.
In this almost desperate situation, what was, if possible,
still more deplorable, the garrison of Byzantium was possessed
by the spirit of discord. Violent debates arose
between the grand duke Notares and Justiniani, who commanded
the Genoese troops. The Venetians and the Genoese
were several times on the point of coming to blows;
and yet history can scarcely point out the subjects of these
unfortunate quarrels. Such was the blindness produced by
the spirit of jealousy, or rather by despair, that in this
chosen band of warriors, who were every day sacrificing
their lives in the noble cause they had embraced, it was not
uncommon to hear mutual accusations of cowardice and
treachery.</p>

<p>Constantine endeavoured to appease them; and himself,
always calm in the midst of discord, appeared to be actuated
by no other feeling than a love of country and a
thirst for glory. The character he exhibited when surrounded
by dangers, ought to have procured him the confidence
and the affection of the people; but the turbulent
and seditious spirit of the Greeks, and the vanity of their
disputes would not permit them to appreciate true greatness.
They reproached Palæologus with misfortunes which
were not his work, and which his virtue alone could have
repaired. They accused him of completing the ruin of an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>
empire which all the world abandoned, and which he alone
was willing to defend. They not only no longer respected
the authority or the intentions of the prince; but every one
who was exalted either by rank or character, became an object
of reprobation or mistrust. By a consequence of that
restless spirit which, in public disorders, urges the multitude
to seek obscure supports, certain predictions, fully credited
by the people, announced that the city of the Cæsars could
only be saved by a miserable mendicant, in whose hand God
would place the sword of his wrath.</p>

<p>As the day of their great calamities approached, the congregations
of the churches proportionately increased. The
image of the holy Virgin, the patroness of Constantinople,
was solemnly exhibited, and carried in procession through
the streets. These pious ceremonies, doubtless, presented
something edifying, but they did not inspire the bravery
necessary for the defence of a country and a religion in
extreme danger; and Heaven, amidst the perils of war, did
not listen to the prayers of an unarmed trembling people.</p>

<p>During the siege, capitulation had been several times
spoken of. Mahomet required that the capital of an empire,
of which he already possessed all the provinces, should be
given up to him, and he would permit the Greeks to retire
with their treasures. Palæologus was willing to consent to
pay a tribute, but he would not give up Constantinople.
At length, in a last message, the sultan threatened to immolate
the Greek emperor with his family, and scatter his
captive people throughout the earth, if he persisted in defending
the city. Mahomet offered his enemy a principality
in the Peloponnesus; Constantine rejected this proposition,
and preferred a glorious death. From that moment peace
was no more mentioned, and Byzantium was left to the
chances of an implacable war.</p>

<p>The sultan announced to the army an approaching general
assault: the wealth of Constantinople, the captives, the
Greek women, were to be the rewards of the valour of the
soldiers; he for himself, only reserved the city and the edifices.
To add religious enthusiasm to that of war, dervises
pervaded the ranks of the Ottoman army, exhorting the soldiers
to purify their bodies by ablutions, and their souls by
prayer; and promising the delights of paradise to the defenders<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>
of the Mussulman faith. At the end of the day,
great fires, lighted by the orders of the sultan, spread a lurid
splendour over all the shores of the sea, from the point of
Galata to the Golden Gate. The Ottoman emperor then
appeared in the midst of his army, promising again the
plunder of Byzantium to his soldiers; and, to render his
promise more solemn, he swore to it <i>by the soul of Amurath,
by four thousand prophets, by his children, and lastly by his
cimeter</i>. The whole army burst forth in exclamations of
joy, and repeated several times: <i>God is God, and Mahomet
is the messenger of God</i>. When this warlike ceremony was
finished, the sultan ordered, under pain of death, that profound
silence should be observed throughout the camp; and
from that moment nothing was to be heard around Constantinople
but the confused tumult of an army in which everything
was in motion, preparing for a terrible and decisive
combat.</p>

<p>In the city, the garrison kept watch upon the ramparts,
and observed with anxiety the movements of the Ottoman
army. They had heard with affright the noisy exclamations
of the Turks; but the sudden silence which followed them
redoubled their alarm. The light from the enemy’s fires
was reflected from the summits of the towers and from the
domes of the churches, and rendered the darkness which
covered the city more awful. Constantinople, in which the
labours of industry and all the ordinary cares of life were
suspended, was plunged in a profound calm, which, however,
afforded neither sleep nor repose to any one; it was
the dismal aspect of a city which some great scourge has
rendered desolate. Only around the temples some few
plaintive sounds were heard, imploring with the voice of
prayer the mercy of heaven. Already might the words of
the Persian poet be applied to that unfortunate city, which
the conqueror repeated on the morrow in the pride of his
triumph: <i>The spider silently spins his web beneath the roofs
of the palaces, and the bird of darkness utters his mournful
cries upon the towers of Efrasiab</i>.</p>

<p>Constantine called together the principal leaders of the
garrison to deliberate upon the dangers which threatened the
empire. In a pathetic discourse, he endeavoured to revive the
courage and the hopes of his companions in arms; speaking to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>
the Greeks of patriotism, and to the Latin auxiliaries of religion
and humanity, he exhorted them all to have patience,
but above all to preserve concord. The warriors who were
present at this last council, listened to the emperor in melancholy
silence; they did not dare to interrogate each other
upon the means of defence, which all knew to be useless.
They embraced each other with tears, and returned to the
ramparts, filled with the most sinister forebodings.</p>

<p>The emperor entered the church of St. Sophia, where he
received the sacrament of the communion; the sadness
which was observable on his countenance, the pious humility
with which he solicited forgetfulness of injuries, pardon for
his faults, the touching words which he addressed to the
people, which resembled eternal adieus, redoubled the
general consternation. The sun of the last day of the
Roman empire arose: it was the 29th of May; the signal
for assault was given to the Turkish army before dawn:
the multitude of Mussulman soldiers rushed towards the
walls of the city. The attack was made at the same time
on the side of the port, and near the gate of St. Romanus.
In the first charge, the assailants everywhere met with a
firm resistance; the Catalans and the Genoese did all that
the courage of Franks could effect. Palæologus fought at
the head of the Greeks, and the sight alone of the imperial
banner filled the Ottoman soldiers with terror. Three hundred
archers from the isle of Crete, sustained gloriously the
ancient renown of the Cretans for their skill with the bow.
Among this brave band it is but just to point out Cardinal
Isidorus, who had caused the fortifications he was charged to
protect to be repaired at his own expense, and who fought
till the end of the siege, at the head of the soldiers he had
brought from Italy. History likewise owes great praise to
the monks of St. Basil, who had no doubt adopted the party
of the union, and whose valour and glorious death expiated
the blind and fatal obstinacy of the Byzantine clergy.</p>

<p>The historian Phrantza compares the close ranks of the
Mussulmans to an extended tightened cord, which might
have been placed round the city. The towers which defended
the gate St. Romanus crumbled away beneath the
blows of the rams and the discharges of the Ottoman artillery.
The exterior walls were carried; the dead and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
founded, confounded with the ruins, filled up the ditches.
And yet upon this horrible field of battle the defenders of
Byzantium fought still; nothing could weary their constancy
nothing could shake their courage.</p>

<p>After two hours of frightful conflict, Mahomet advanced
with his chosen troops and ten thousand janissaries. He
appeared in the midst of them, with his mace in his hand,
like the angel of destruction; his threatening looks animated
the ardour of his soldiers, and he pointed out to them by his
gestures the points that were to be attacked. Behind the
battalions he led, a troop of those men whom despotism
charges with the execution of its vengeance, punished or
constrained all who wished to fly, and forced them forward
to the carnage. The dust which arose from the steps of the
combatants, with the smoke of the artillery, covered both
the army and the city. The clang of the trumpets, the
crash of the ruins, the explosion of the cannons, and the
shock of arms completely drowned the voices of the leaders.
The janissaries fought in disorder; and Constantine, who
had remarked it, was exhorting his soldiers to make one
last effort, when the aspect of the fight became all at once
changed. Justinian having been struck by an arrow, the
pain of the wound was so intense as to force him to quit
the field of battle. The Genoese and most of the Latin
auxiliaries followed his example. The Greeks, left alone,
are soon overwhelmed by numbers; the Turks pass the
ramparts, get possession of the towers, and break open the
gates. Constantine fought still; but soon, covered with
wounds, he fell among the heap of dead, and Constantinople
was without a head and without defenders.</p>

<p>What a spectacle is that of an empire which has but one
moment of existence left, and which is about to finish amidst
the furies of war, and beneath the sword of barbarians! All
at once every tie of society is broken; religion, patriotism,
nature have no longer laws that can be invoked; even wisdom
and experience can yield none but useless counsels.
All the ascendancy and splendour of virtue, genius, or even
valour, have no longer power to distinguish or protect the
citizens. Those magnificent palaces which constituted the
pride of princes, nobody possesses them now. Among all
the numerous edifices of a great capital, no one can find an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>
asylum or an abode. The city has no longer warriors or
magistrates, nobles or plebeians, poor or rich; the whole
population is but a troop of slaves, who await with terror
the presence of an irritated master. Such was Constantinople
at the moment the conquerors were preparing to
enter it.</p>

<p>When some of those who had defended the ramparts retreated
into the city, announcing the coming of the Turks,
they could not obtain belief; when the Turkish battalions
came pouring in, the people, says the Greek historian Ducas,
“were half dead with fear, and could scarcely breathe.”
The multitude rushed about the streets, without knowing
whither to go, and uttering piercing cries. Women,
children, and old people flocked to the churches, as if the
altars of Christ could prove an asylum against the savage
disciples of Mahomet!</p>

<p>It is not our task to describe the disasters which followed
the taking of Constantinople. The massacre of the unarmed
inhabitants, the city given up to pillage, holy places profaned,
virgins and matrons overwhelmed with outrages, an
entire population loaded with chains; such are the horrible
pictures that are to be found in the annals of the Turks, the
Greeks, and the Latins. Such was the fate of that city
which frequent revolutions had covered with ruins, and
which became at length the ridicule and the prey of a nation
it had long despised. If there be anything consolatory
amidst so many distressing scenes, it is the virtue of Constantine,<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>
who would not survive his country, and whose
death was the last glory of the empire of the East.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p>

<p>When we consider the weakness of the Greek empire and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>
the power of its enemies, we are astonished it was able to
resist so long. The Ottomans were governed by all the
passions which favour conquests; the Greeks had not one
of the qualities which are useful in defence: to be convinced
of this, we have but to see how the two nations acted. When
Mahomet proclaimed his enterprise, the Ottomans flocked
to his army from all parts of his empire; whilst at the first
report of the siege, a great part of the population of Constantinople
deserted the city. We have seen that the dervises
encouraged the Mussulman soldiers, and held up to
them the war against the Greeks as a holy war. The
Greek priests, on the contrary, discouraged the defenders
of Byzantium, and were not far from considering the resistance
of Constantine as a sacrilegious action. During the
assaults made upon the imperial city, the Turkish soldiers,
to fill up the ditches, cast into them their tents and their
baggage, preferring victory to all they possessed. It is
well known that at the same time the richest Greeks were
employed in burying their wealth, preferring treasures to
patriotism. We could add other remarkable features, but
these quite sufficiently show on which side the strength
was. What most strongly foretold the ruin of Byzantium,
was the small degree of confidence the Greeks had in the
duration of their empire. Never did the ancient Romans
more clearly show the power and ascendancy of their patriotism,
than when they designated Rome, the <i>eternal city</i>.
Constantinople saw the number of its defenders diminish,
and their courage became weaker, in proportion with the
facility with which the sinister predictions of its approaching
ruin found credit among the people.</p>

<p>When Byzantium, at the beginning of the thirteenth
century, fell into the hands of the Latins, the empire still
possessed great means of defence, and yet twenty thousand
Crusaders achieved the conquest of it; which places the
valour of the Franks much above that of the Turks. This
would perhaps be the best place to examine what was the
influence of the crusades over the destiny of the empire of
the East. In the first expedition of the Latins, Asia Minor
was delivered from the Turks, who were already masters of
Nice, and threatened Constantinople; but the Crusaders
sold the services they had rendered at too high a price: on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
the one part, violence, on the other, perfidy, disturbed the
harmony that ought to have subsisted between the Greeks
and the Latins. At length the taking of Constantinople
by the Franks was a mortal blow to the empire of Byzantium.
Amidst the war, schism became enlarged by hatred;
and schism, in its turn, doubled the reciprocal hatred. This
division favoured the progress of the Turks, and opened the
gates of Constantinople to them.</p>

<p>What is most unfortunate in the conquest of the Ottomans
is, that they preserved nothing, not even the name of
Byzantium. The barbarians who overthrew the empire of
the West, adopted the religion and manners of the conquered
nations; which, by degrees, caused the traces of
invasion and conquest to disappear. The Turks, on the
contrary, were resolved to make the Koran triumph wherever
they carried their arms. As soon as they were masters of
Constantinople, the altars of Christ were overturned, and
everything changed with religion. The city of Constantine
became more widely than ever separated from Christendom;
and as it was for the infidels the gate of the West, Christian
Europe, which during nearly three centuries had sent
its fleets and its armies into Asia, had reason at last to
tremble for itself. From that period crusades took a new
character, and were nothing but defensive wars.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span></p>

<div class="chapter">

<h2 class="p4">BOOK XVII.</h2>

<p class="pc">&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc mid">CRUSADES AGAINST THE TURKS.</p>

<p class="pc lmid">A.D. 1453-1481.</p>

<p class="p2"><span class="smcap">The</span> West had heard of the dangers which threatened the
Greek empire with indifference; but on learning the last
triumph of the arms of Mahomet, all the Christian nations
were seized with terror; and it was believed that the janissaries
were already overturning the altars of the Gospel in
the richest provinces of Germany. People trembled at the
idea of one day hearing the Koran preached in the churches
of Rome, changed into mosques. Murmurs arose on all
sides against the Pope, Nicholas V., who was reproached
with not having preached a crusade, to prevent the misfortune
which all Christendom deplored. Assistance sent
before the siege might, in fact, have saved Constantinople;
but the city once in the power of the barbarians, the evil
became irreparable. A union of all the Christian powers
alone could wrest their conquests from the hands of the
Turks, and against this union fresh obstacles arose daily.</p>

<p>In vain, to excite the West once more, the eloquence of
Christian orators was addressed sometimes to the grief,
and at others to the piety, of the faithful; in vain, by turns,
the ascendancy of religious ideas and that of chivalry were
employed: everybody deplored the progress of the Turks,
but a blind resignation, or rather a cruel indifference, soon
took place of the general consternation.</p>

<p>A short time after the taking of Constantinople, Philip
the Good, duke of Burgundy, assembled at Lille, in Flanders,
all the nobility of his states; and in a festival of which
history has preserved a faithful account, he endeavoured to
awaken the zeal and valour of the knights, by the spectacle
of everything that could at that period affect their chivalric
imagination. In the first place, a great number of pictures<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>
and curious scenes were exhibited to the spectators, among
which were the labours of Hercules, the adventures of Jason
and Medea, and the enchantments of Melusina.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> After
these, an elephant was led into the banquetting-hall by a
Saracen giant; on the back of the elephant was a tower,
from which issued a lady clothed in mourning, representing
the Christian Church. The elephant having arrived in
front of the table of the duke of Burgundy, the lady recited
a long complaint, in verse, upon the evils with which she
was afflicted; and addressing herself to the princes, dukes,
and knights, she complained of their tardiness and their
indifference in assisting her. Then appeared a herald-at-arms,
who carried in his hand a pheasant, a bird which chivalry
had adopted as the symbol and the prize of bravery.
Two noble demoiselles, and several knights of the order of
the Golden Fleece, approached the duke, and presented to
him the bird of the brave, praying him to <i>hold them in remembrance</i>.
Philip the Good, who knew, says Oliver de la
Marche, with what intention he held this banquet, cast a
look of compassion upon the Lady Holy Church,<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> and drew
from his bosom a writing, which the herald-at-arms read
with a loud voice. In this writing, the duke vowed <i>in the
first place by God his Creator, and by the holy Virgin, and
next by the ladies and the pheasant</i>, “that if it pleased the
king of France to expose his body for the defence of the
Christian faith, to resist the damnable enterprize of the
Grand Turk, he would serve him with his person and his
power in the said voyage, in the best manner that God
would give him grace; if the said king committed this expedition
to any prince of his blood, or other great lord, he
swore to obey him; and if, on account of his great affairs,
he was nut disposed to go or to send, and other potent
princes would take the cross, he offered to accompany them
as soon as he possibly could. If, during the holy voyage,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>
he could by any means or manner learn or know that the
said Grand Turk would be willing to meet him body to
body, he, Philip, for the sake of the said Christian faith,
would willingly fight with him, with the help of the all-powerful
God, and of his very sweet Virgin Mother, whom
he always called upon to aid him.”</p>

<p>The Lady Holy Church thanked the duke for the zeal he
showed for her defence. All the lords and knights who were
present, invoked, in their turns, the names of God and the
Virgin, without forgetting the ladies and the pheasant, and
swore to consecrate their wealth and their lives to the service
of Jesus Christ, <i>and of their very redoubtable lord the duke
of Burgundy</i>. All expressed the most ardent enthusiasm.
Some distinguished themselves by the whimsicality and the
singularity of their promises. The count d’Etampes, nephew
to Philip the Good, engaged himself to offer a <i>challenge
to any of the great princes and lords of the Grand Turk’s
company</i>, and promised to fight them <i>body to body, two to two,
three to three, four to four, five to five, &amp;c.</i> The bastard of
Burgundy swore to fight with a Turk in any manner he
might please, and engaged to have his challenge sent to
<i>the hostel of the Turk</i>. The lord of Pons swore never to
sojourn in any city till he had met with a Saracen with
whom he might fight body to body, by the help of our Lady,
for the love of whom <i>he would never sleep in a bed on a
Saturday</i>, before the entire accomplishment of his vow.</p>

<p>Another knight undertook, from the day of his departure,
never to eat anything on a Friday that had been killed,
until he had exchanged blows with one or many enemies of
the faith; if the banner of his lord and that of the Saracens
were unfurled as the signal for fight, he made a vow to go
straight to the banner of the Grand Turk, and <i>to strike it to
the earth, or die in attempting to do so</i>.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> The seigneur de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>
Toulongeon, on his arrival in the country of the infidels,
vowed to challenge one of the men-at-arms of the Grand
Turk, and fight him in the presence of his lord, the duke of
Burgundy; or if the Saracen were not willing to come, he
proposed to go and fight him in the presence of the Grand
Turk, <i>provided he might have good assurance of safety</i>.</p>

<p>All these promises, which were never accomplished, serve
at least to show us the spirit and the manners of chivalry.
The simple confidence which the knights had in their arms,
proves how little they were acquainted with the enemies
against whom they declared war in this fashion.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>

<p>When each one had pronounced his vows, a lady clothed
in white, bearing upon her back this inscription in letters of
gold,&mdash;<i>Grace-Dieu</i>, came and saluted the assembly, and presented
twelve ladies with twelve knights. These ladies personated
twelve virtues or qualities, the name of which each
wore upon her shoulder:&mdash;Faith, Charity, Justice, Reason,
Prudence, Temperance, Strength, Truth, Bounty (largesse),
Diligence, Hope, Valour,&mdash;such were the chivalric virtues
that were to preside over the crusade.</p>

<p>After this ceremony, says the chronicler we have quoted,
the ladies <i>began to dance like mummers, and to give themselves
up to gaiety, in order to carry on the festival more
joyously</i>.</p>

<p>The details of this chivalric feast make us perceive a great
change in the spirit and the manners of Europe. When we
call to our minds the Council of Clermont, the preachings
of Peter the Hermit and of St. Bernard, with the grave enthusiasm
and the austere devotion which presided at the
taking of the oaths of the early Crusaders; and when we
afterwards behold the brilliant solemnities of chivalry, the
half-profane and half-religious promises of the knights, in
short, all the worldly spectacles amidst which a holy war
was proclaimed, we can fancy ourselves transported not only
into another age, but amongst new nations. The religion
which had precipitated the West upon Asia had no longer an
empire, unless the ladies were its interpreters. It was less<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>
piety, or the desire of obtaining heavenly crowns, than the
sentiment of gallantry with which they were animated in
tournaments, that brought knights beneath the standard of
the cross.</p>

<p>We likewise know that this kind of preaching produced
only a transient effect upon the minds of the warriors; and
that they had not any influence whatever upon the multitude.
This observation must convince us of one truth,
which is, that the most active and powerful motive among
men will always be the spirit of religion, and that no other
motive, emanating from human passions, could have excited
the world like that which produced and kept up the
crusades.</p>

<p>Some pious men, however, made incredible efforts to
revive the spirit of the early times of the holy wars. John
Capistran, a monk of St. Francis, and Æneas Sylvius, bishop
of Sienna, neglected no means that they thought would
inflame the minds of the people, and reanimate religious
enthusiasm. The first, who passed for a saint, travelled
through the cities of Germany and Hungary, describing to
the assemblies of the people, the perils of the faith, and the
threats of the wicked. The second, one of the most enlightened
bishops of his age, versed in Greek and Latin
literature, an orator and a poet, exhorted princes to take up
arms to keep off invasion from their own states, and save
the Christian republic from approaching destruction.</p>

<p>Æneas Sylvius wrote to the sovereign pontiff, and endeavoured
to rouse his zeal by telling him, that the loss of
Constantinople would weaken his credit and tarnish his
name, if he did not use every effort to destroy the power of
the Turks. The pious orator repaired to Rome, and preached
the crusade in a consistory; and to show the necessity for a
holy war, he quoted by turns, before the pope and cardinals,
the authority of Greek philosophers, and that of fathers of
the Church. He deplored the captivity of Jerusalem, the
cradle of Christianity; and the slavery of Greece, the mother
of the sciences and the arts. Æneas celebrated the heroic
courage of the Germans, the noble devotion of the French,
the generous pride of the Spaniards, and the love of glory
which animated the nations of Italy. The king of Hungary,
whose kingdom was threatened by Mahomet, was present<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>
at this assembly. The orator of the crusade, pointing out
this monarch to the sovereign pontiff and the prelates, conjured
them to have pity on his tears.</p>

<p>Frederick III., emperor of Germany, at the same time
wrote to Pope Nicholas V., to implore him to save Christendom.
“The words that issue from the mouth of man cannot
give an idea of the calamity the Catholic Church has
just experienced, or make known the ferocity of the people
who are now desolating Greece, and who menace the West.”
The emperor pressed the pope to unite all the Christian
powers against this formidable enemy; announcing that he
himself was about to convoke the princes and states of
Germany. The pope applauded the intentions of the emperor,
and legates were sent to the diets of Ratisbon and
Frankfort. Æneas Sylvius again preached the crusade
against the Turks in these two assemblies. The duke of
Burgundy, who was present at both, renewed, in the presence
of the princes and states of the German empire, the
vow he had made <i>to God, to the Blessed Virgin, to the ladies,
and to the pheasant</i>. Hungarian deputies came to announce
that the banks of the Danube and the frontiers of Germany
were about to be invaded by the Turks, if Christians did
not hasten, in all parts, to take up arms to repel them.</p>

<p>The diet decreed that ten thousand horse and thirty
thousand foot should be sent against the Turks; but as
nothing was decided as to the manner of levying this army,
or as to how it should be maintained, the enthusiasm for
the crusade soon declined, and nobody put himself forward
to oppose the progress of the Ottomans. Æneas Sylvius
explains to us, in one of his letters, the causes of this
indifference and inaction of Christendom. “The Christian
republic was nothing but a body without a head; they who
ought to have been the leaders had nothing great about
them but the name; Europe was divided into a crowd of
inimical or rival states; discords that could not be appeased,
diversity of interests, languages, and customs, left no hope
of raising a common army, or of carrying on an active and
regular war against the Turks.”</p>

<p>Æneas Sylvius thus demonstrated the impossibility of a
crusade, and yet, carried away by his zeal, he passed his
whole life in preaching one. Whilst he was uselessly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>
haranguing the princes of Germany, the pope was endeavouring
to establish concord among the states of Italy.
The ascendancy of the pontifical authority was not sufficient
to calm angry spirits, and peace was the work of a poor
hermit, whose words exercised a supreme authority over the
hearts of the faithful. Brother Simon issued all at once
from his retreat, perambulated the cities, and addressing
both princes and people, exhorted them to unite against the
enemies of Jesus Christ: at the voice of the holy orator,
Venice, Florence, and the duke of Milan, laid down their
arms, and a league was formed, into which most of the
republics and principalities of Italy entered.</p>

<p>Advantage might have been taken of this union to declare
war against the Turks. But the confederation had no
leader capable of directing it. Two men were able to set
both Germany and Italy in motion,&mdash;the Emperor Frederick
and Pope Nicholas. They alone could have insured success
to a crusade which they themselves had preached: but the
one was restrained by the avarice and indolence of his
character; the other, passionate in the pursuit of learned
antiquity, always surrounded by scholars, employed himself
much more earnestly in collecting the literary treasures of
Greece and Rome, than in promoting attempts for the deliverance
of the city of Constantine. When the Turks took
Byzantium, he was causing translation to be made, at great
expense, of the most celebrated Greek authors; and it
would not be harsh to believe that the tenths levied for the
crusade, were sometimes employed in the acquisition of the
masterpieces of Plato, Herodotus, or Thucydides.</p>

<p>Nicholas confined himself to a few exhortations addressed
to the faithful, and died without having removed any of the
difficulties which opposed themselves to the undertaking of
a holy war. Calixtus III., who succeeded him, showed more
zeal, and at the very commencement of his pontificate, he
sent legates and preachers throughout Europe, to proclaim
a crusade and levy tenths. An embassy from the pontiff
went to solicit the kings of Persia and Armenia, and the
khan of the Tartars, to unite with the Christians of the
West, to make war against the Turks. Sixteen galleys,
constructed with the produce of the tenths, put to sea
under the command of the patriarch of Aquileia, and displayed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>
the banner of St. Peter in the Archipelago, and on
the coasts of Asia Minor; Æneas Sylvius harangued the
pope in the name of the emperor of Germany, and promised
him the concurrence of all the powers of Christendom, if his
holiness opened the treasures of the Church, and, by his evangelical
exhortations, called <i>all the workmen to the harvest</i>.
Calixtus III. thanked the head of the empire for his advice,
and pressed him to set the example. But the indolent
Frederick contented himself with renewing his promises;
and whilst the emperor was thus exhorting the pope to
maintain a crusade, and that the pope, on his side, was
urging the emperor to take arms, the Ottomans penetrated
into Hungary, and advanced against Belgrade.</p>

<p>This city, one of the bulwarks of the West, received no
succour from Christendom. There remained no hope for it
but in the valour of Hunniades, and in the apostolic zeal of
John of Capistran. The one commanded the troops of the
Hungarians, and excited them by his example; the other,
who, by his preachings had got together a great number of
German Crusaders, animated the Christian soldiers, and inspired
them with an invincible ardour.</p>

<p>Contemporary chronicles inform us, that at this period a
hairy comet appeared blazing in the east. The Christian
nations believed they saw in this phenomenon a prophetic
signal of the greatest evils; and as the evil then most to be
dreaded was the invasion of the Turks, Calixtus was desirous
of profiting by this feeling of the people, to revive the idea
of a crusade. He exhorted the Christians to penitence;
and pointed out the holy war as a means by which they
might expiate their sins and appease the anger of Heaven.</p>

<p>In no country, notwithstanding, did the people arm, except
in those that were immediately menaced by the Turks.
It was at this time that the pope ordered that every day at
noon, the bells should be rung in all parishes, to call upon
the faithful to pray for the Hungarians, and for those who
were contending with the Turks. Calixtus granted indulgences
to all Christians who, at this signal, would repeat
the Dominical prayer and the angelic salutation three times.
Such was the origin of the <i>Angelus</i>, which the customs of
the Church have consecrated, and continued to modern
times.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span></p>

<p>Heaven was doubtless touched by these fervent prayers,
which arose at the same time and together, from all parts of
Christian Europe. On the 6th of August, 1456, the Turks
were defeated under the walls of Belgrade, which they had
besieged forty days, and which they had threatened to treat
in the same manner as they had treated the Greek capital.
The presence of Hunniades and the ardent zeal of John
Capistran had so excited the valour of the Hungarians, that
they destroyed the Ottoman fleet, which covered the Danube
and the Save, and the army commanded by Mahomet himself.
More than twenty thousand Mussulmans lost their
lives in the battle; the sultan was wounded amidst his
janissaries, and escaped the pursuit of the victors with much
difficulty. All Europe returned Heaven thanks for a victory,
for the obtaining of which it had only concurred by its
prayers, and which it must have considered a miracle. The
tent and the arms of Mahomet were sent to the pope,
as a trophy of the holy war, and as a homage rendered to
the father of the faithful. Religion celebrated by its ceremonies,
a day in which its most cruel enemies had been vanquished.
The festival of the Transfiguration, instituted by
a bull of the pope, and marked to take place on the 6th of
August, reminded the universal Church, every year, of the
defeat of the Turks before Belgrade.</p>

<p>Hunniades and Capistran did not long survive their
triumphs; but both died whilst Christendom was still mixing
their names with hymns of gratitude. The passion of jealousy
empoisoned their last moments; and the scarcely evangelical
warmth with which each of them claimed the honour
of having saved Belgrade, left a stain upon their renown.
Æneas Sylvius, when commending their memory to the
esteem of posterity, celebrates the virtues of Capistran, and
expresses astonishment that an humble cenobite, who had
trampled under-foot all the riches of this world, should not
have had sufficient strength to resist the charms of glory.</p>

<p>Whilst the Hungarians were beating the Turks before
Belgrade, the pope’s fleet gained some advantages in the
Archipelago. Calixtus took care not to neglect to remind
the faithful of the exploits and triumphs of the patriarch of
Aquileia; persuaded that the news of victories gained over
the Mussulmans would restore hope and courage to all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>
those whom the reverses of the Christians had discouraged
and terrified. A fresh crusade was preached in France,
England, Germany, and even in the kingdoms of Castile,
Arragon, and Portugal. The people everywhere listened
with pious seriousness to the preachers of the crusade; but
murmurs generally arose against the levying of the tenths.
The clergy of Rouen, with the university and parliament of
Paris, opposed the impost openly. In Germany complaints
were more violent than elsewhere. In proportion as the
spirit of the holy wars cooled, the means employed by the
popes to renew these distant expeditions were judged with
greater severity. It must likewise be admitted, that there
were great abuses in the collection and the employment of
the tenths. An open traffic of the indulgences of the court
of Rome for the crusade was carried on, and the tribunal of
penitence, on certain occasions, seemed to be nothing but a
means of levying taxes upon the faithful. It was only by
money that the favours of the Church and the mercies of
Heaven could be obtained; the sins of Christians might be
said, in some sort, to have a tariff; and we find in the
history of Arragon, that disobedience to the decrees of the
pope even had become the source of a new tribute. It may
be remembered that the sovereign pontiffs had frequently
forbidden Christians to convey munitions or arms to the
infidels. The trade of the maritime cities often braved the
menaces of the Holy See, and avarice led the merchants to
transgress the severest orders on this point. A sum of
money was then required, in the name of the pope, of all
who were accused of this offence. They were condemned
to pay the fourth or the fifth of the profits arising from
their illicit commerce. Commissaries were appointed to
levy this impost, and decrees regulated the collection of it,
as in that of all other public revenues.</p>

<p>But that which most completely exposes the spirit of this
age, and particularly that of the court of Rome, is, that in
the preachings of the crusades, the faithful were much less
earnestly exhorted to take arms than to pay a tribute in
money. The levies raised in the name of the Holy See,
were termed <i>succours for the Hungarians</i>; and as the Hungarians
always stood in need of being succoured, the levying
of the tenths became a permanent state of things, which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>
people and the clergy endured every day with less patience
and resignation.</p>

<p>We ought likewise to add, that the Holy See did not
always receive the produce of the tribute it imposed upon
the Christians. Princes, under pretence of making war
against the Turks, sometimes took possession of it; and the
tenths destined for the holy war were too often employed in
carrying out the quarrels of ambition.</p>

<p>At length the complaints of the Germans against the
commissaries and agents of the court of Rome became so
serious and so numerous, that the pope found himself
obliged to reply to them. In his apology, drawn up by
Æneas Sylvius, he declared that Scanderberg and the king
of Hungary had received numerous succours; that fleets
had been armed against the infidels, and that vessels and
munitions of war had been sent to Rhodes, Cyprus, and
Mytilene; that, in a word, the money levied for the defence
of the faith and of Christendom upon the faithful, had never
been otherwise employed. The apologist of the pope, after
having thus justified him, felicitated him with having saved
Europe.</p>

<p>This apology, which explains nothing, and which finishes
with an eulogy, too strongly resembles that of the ancient
Roman, who, upon being accused of having embezzled the
public money, as his only reply, proposed that they should
go to the Capitol, and give thanks to the gods for the victories
he had gained over the enemies of the republic. It
must, however, be admitted, that that which Æneas Sylvius
said was not totally void of truth; and history can but
applaud the zeal which the sovereign pontiff displayed, in
order to arrest the progress of Mahomet, and save a crowd
of victims from the tyranny of the Ottomans.</p>

<p>Calixtus never ceased soliciting the Christian princes to
unite with him, and was particularly anxious to kindle the
warlike enthusiasm of the French against the Turks. “If I
were but seconded by the French,” said he, “we would
destroy the race of the infidels.” He spared neither prayers
nor promises to induce Charles VII. to succour Hungary,
and defend the barriers of Europe. He sent him that
golden rose which the popes were accustomed to bless on
the fourth Sunday of Lent, and of which they made a present<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>
to Christian princes, as a particular mark of esteem and
affection. These caresses and these civilities of the pontiff
were a great change from the times in which the heads of
the Church only spoke to monarchs in the name of irritated
Heaven; and only exhorted them to take the cross whilst
reproaching them with their sins, and recommending them
to expiate them by the holy war. The popes, when preaching
the crusades, were no longer the interpreters of dominant
opinions; their wishes were no longer laws, and
princes made ample use of the faculty they possessed of not
obeying. Charles VII., who was in constant dread of the
enterprises of the English, resisted the reiterated entreaties
of Calixtus. It was in vain that the dauphin, who afterwards
reigned under the title of Louis XI., and was then
living at the court of Burgundy, openly declared himself
favourable to the crusade, and wished to create a party for
himself in the kingdom, by taking the cross; France remained
uninterested in the war preached against the infidels,
and Charles contented himself with permitting the
levy of the tenths in his states, upon the express condition
that he should superintend the employment of them.</p>

<p>Whilst the pope was imploring the assistance of Christendom
for the Hungarians, Hungary was a prey to troubles
created by the succession of Ladislaus, who was killed
at the battle of Warna. The family of Hunniades was proscribed,
and the ambition of the princes disputed the possession
of the provinces threatened by the Turks. Calixtus
employed the paternal authority of the Holy See to appease
the furies of discord, and to reconcile the pretensions of the
emperor of Germany with the rights of justice and with the
rights of nations; and these generous efforts at length succeeded
in reëstablishing peace. His conduct appeared less
praiseworthy, and particularly less disinterested, when the
succession of Alphonso, king of Naples, brought fresh wars
upon Italy. History relates that the sovereign pontiff, on
this occasion, forgot the perils of Christianity, and employed
the treasures collected for the holy war in the defence of a
cause which certainly was not that of religion.</p>

<p>But the indefatigable orator of the crusades, Æneas
Sylvius, succeeded Calixtus III. in the chair of St. Peter.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>
The tiara appeared to be the reward of his zeal for the war
against the Turks, and everything gave reason for hope that
he would neglect nothing to execute himself the projects he
had conceived; and awaken among the nations of Christendom,
that warlike enthusiasm, that religious patriotism,
which breathed in his discourses.</p>

<p>Mahomet II. continued to follow up the course of his victories,
and his power every day became more redoubtable.
He was then employed in despoiling all the Greek princes
who had escaped his first invasions, and whose weakness
was concealed under the pompous titles of emperor of
Trebizond, king of Iberia, and despot of the Morea. All
these princes, to whom acts of submission cost nothing,
provided they enabled them to reign a few days longer, had
been eager, a short time after the taking of Constantinople,
to send ambassadors to the victorious sultan, to congratulate
him upon his triumphs; and the fierce conqueror saw nothing
in them but a prey which it would be easy for him to
devour,&mdash;enemies that he could subdue at leisure. Most of
them dishonoured the last moments of their reign or their
existence, by all that ambition, jealousy, and the spirit of discord
could inspire that was perfidious, cruel, or treacherous.
When the Mussulmans penetrated into the Greek provinces,
stained with all the crimes of civil war, it might have been
believed that they were sent to accomplish the menaces of
heavenly anger.</p>

<p>Mahomet did not deign to put forth all his strength
against the pusillanimous tyrants of Greece. Other enemies
were worthy of employing his arms; he had but to speak a
word, to pull the throne from under the prince of Synope or
the emperor of Trebizond; and if all that remained of the
family of the Comnenas were massacred by his orders, he,
in this circumstance, was less obedient to the fears of a dark
policy than to his natural ferocity. Seven years after the
taking of Byzantium, he led his janissaries into the Peloponnesus:
at his approach, all the princes of Achaia either took
to flight, or became his slaves. Meeting with scarcely any
resistance, he gathered with disdain the fruits of an easy
conquest. He meditated projects more vast than such conquests;
and when he unfurled the banner of the cross
amidst the ruins of Sparta and Athens, he fixed his eyes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>
earnestly upon the Sea of Sicily, and wished to find a route
that might conduct him to the shores of Italy.</p>

<p>The first care of Pius II. was to proclaim the fresh dangers
of Europe. He wrote to all the powers of Christendom,
and convoked a general assembly at Mantua, to deliberate
upon the means of arresting the progress of the
Ottomans. The bull of the pontiff reminded the faithful,
that the Church of Christ had often been beaten by the
tempest, but that He who commands the winds was ever
watchful over its safety. “My predecessors,” added he,
“have declared war against the Turks, both by land and by
sea; it is for us now to carry it on; we will spare neither
labour nor expense for a war so useful, so just, and so holy.”</p>

<p>All the states of Christendom promised to send ambassadors
to Mantua. Pius II. went thither himself; and in
his opening discourse, he expatiated with strength against
the indifference of princes and sovereigns. He pointed to
the Turks then ravaging Bosnia and Greece, and ready to
extend, like a rapid conflagration, their devastations over
Italy, Germany, and all the countries of Europe. The pontiff
declared he would not quit Mantua before the Christian
princes and states had given him pledges of their devotion
to the cause of Christendom; and at length protested, that
if he were abandoned by the Christian powers, he would
alone maintain this glorious struggle, and would die in
defending the independence of Europe and of the Church.</p>

<p>The language of Pius II. was full of religion, and his
religion was full of patriotism. When Demosthenes and
the Greek orators mounted the tribune to press their fellow-citizens
to defend the liberties of Greece against the enterprises
of Philip, or the invasions of the great king, they
spoke, without doubt, with more eloquence; but never were
they inspired by greater interests or nobler motives.</p>

<p>Cardinal Bissarion, to whom Greece had given birth, and
whom the Church of Rome had adopted, spoke after
Pius II., and declared that the whole college of cardinals
was animated by the same zeal as the father of the faithful.
The deputies of Rhodes, Cyprus, Epirus; those of Illyria,
Peloponnesus, and of several of the countries the Turks had
invaded, made, before the council, a lamentable recital of all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>
the evils the Christians were suffering under the domination
of the Mussulmans; but the ambassadors of the great powers
of Europe were not yet arrived; and this delay announced
but too plainly the indifference of the Christian monarchs
for the crusades. The debates which afterwards arose
relative to the pretensions of the families of Anjou and
Arragon to the kingdom of Naples; and then the disputes
upon etiquette and precedence, which occupied the council
during several days, completely proved that the minds of
the assembly were not sufficiently impressed by the dangers
of Christian Europe, and that no generous resolution would
be there taken to prevent them.</p>

<p>The pope proposed to levy for the crusade a tenth upon
the revenues of the clergy, a twentieth upon the Jews, and
a thirtieth upon princes and seculars. He proposed at
the same time, to raise an army of a hundred thousand men
in the different states of Europe, and to intrust the command
of this army to the emperor of Germany. These
propositions, in order to be executed, required the approbation
of the sovereigns, and most of the ambassadors made
only vague promises. A great number of conferences were
held; the council lasted many months, and the pope quitted
Mantua without having done anything decisive for the
enterprise he meditated. He returned to Rome, whence he
wrote again to the Christian princes, conjuring them to send
ambassadors, to deliberate afresh upon the war against the
Turks.</p>

<p>Constantly pursued by the thought of delivering the
Christian world, and losing hope daily of being able to affect
the West, he conceived the strange idea of addressing
Mahomet II. himself, and of employing all the powers of
reasoning and eloquence to convert the Mussulman prince to
Christianity. His letter, which we still possess, presents a
complete treatise of the philosophy and the theology of the
time. The pontiff opposes to the apostles of Islamism, the
authority of the prophets and the fathers of the Church,
and the profane authority of Lycurgus and Solon. Aiming
particularly at interesting the ambition of the Ottoman
emperor, he proposes to him the example of the great Constantine,
who obtained the empire of the world on receiving
baptism, and investing himself with that sign by which it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>
was given to him to conquer. The sultan had only to acknowledge
the God from whom all authority comes, to have
the Abyssinians, the Arabs, the Mamelukes, the Persians,
with all the nations of Asia, submit to his domination; and
if the intercession of the court of Rome were necessary for
him to reign over the East, the head of the Church promised
him the assistance of his prayers, and the support of the
pontifical sovereignty.</p>

<p>In this singular negotiation with Mahomet II., the pope
was not more fortunate than with the Christian princes.
The latter, when he urged them to defend their own states,
answered by vain protestations. Mahomet, to whom he
offered the conquest of the world, contented himself with
replying, that “he was innocent of the death of Jesus
Christ, and that he thought with horror of those who had
fastened him to the cross.”</p>

<p>The Ottoman emperor had just obtained possession of
Bosnia, and had caused the king of that unfortunate country,
who had submitted to his arms, to perish in the midst of
tortures. Ottoman troops ravaged the frontiers of Illyria,
and threatened the city of Ragusa. The dangers of Italy
became every day more pressing. The pope assembled his
consistory, and represented to the members, that the time
was come to stop the progress of the Turks, and to commence
the holy war he had preached. “The duke of Burgundy
and the Venetian republic were ready to second his
enterprise. Whilst the Hungarians and the Poles were preparing
to fight the Ottomans on the Dniester and the
Danube, the Epeirots and the Albanians were about to raise
the standard of liberty among the Greeks: in Asia, the
sultan of Caramania and the king of Persia would attack
the Turks, and second the united efforts of the Christians.
The pontiff declared that he was resolved to march himself
against the infidels. When the Christian princes should
behold the vicar of Jesus Christ setting out for the holy war,
would they not be ashamed to remain inactive? Loaded
with years and infirmities, he had but a few moments to
live; it would be hastening to an almost certain death; but
of what consequence was the hour or the place of his decease,
provided he died for the cause of Christ, and for the
safety of Christendom.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span></p>

<p>The cardinals gave a unanimous assent to the resolution
of Pius II. From that time the pope employed himself in
preparations for his departure, and addressed an exhortation
to the faithful to engage them to second his designs. After
having, in this apostolic exhortation, retraced, with lively
eloquence, the misfortunes and the perils of the Christian
Church, the pontiff expressed himself thus:&mdash;</p>

<p>“Our fathers lost Jerusalem and all Asia; we have lost
Greece and a great part of Europe. Christendom is now
nothing but a corner of the world. In this extreme peril, the
common father of the faithful is himself going to meet the
enemy. Doubtless, war is ill suited to the weakness of old
age, or to the character of pontiff; but when religion is
ready to succumb, who could restrain us? We will take
our place during fight, either upon the poop of a vessel, or
upon a lofty hill, pouring our benedictions upon the soldiers
of Christ, and invoking for them the God of armies. Thus
the patriarch Moses prayed upon the mountain, and raised
his hands towards heaven, whilst Israel combated with the
nations whom God had reproved. We shall be followed by
our cardinals, and by a great number of bishops; we will
march with the standard of the cross displayed, with the
relics of saints, with Jesus Christ himself in his eucharist.
What Christian will refuse to follow the vicar of God, going
with his holy senate, and all the revered train of the Church,
to the defence of religion and humanity?</p>

<p>“What war was ever more just or more necessary? The
Turks attack all that we hold most dear, all that Christian
society considers most holy. If you are men, can you be
wanting in compassion for your fellow-men? If you are
Christians, religion commands you to carry succour to your
brethren. If the misfortunes of others touch you not,
think of your own safety&mdash;have pity on yourselves. You
imagine yourselves to be in safety, because you are as yet at
a distance from peril: to-morrow the sword will be suspended
over your heads. If you convey not assistance to
those who are before you, those who are behind you will,
in like manner, abandon you in the hour of danger.</p>

<p>“Do you feel yourselves strong enough to support the
opprobrium and the humiliation of a barbarous domination?
Remain in your dwellings, await your enemies there; await<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>
there those vile Asiatics, who are not even men, and yet have
the insolent pretension to govern all the nations of Europe.
But if you possess a noble heart, an elevated mind, a generous
character, a Christian soul, you will follow the banners
of the Church; you will send us succours; you will aid the
army of the Lord.</p>

<p>“Such as will aid us, God will bless them; but such as
remain indifferent shall have no part in the treasures of
divine mercy. May the wicked and the impious, who shall
trouble the public peace, be accursed of God! May Heaven
pour upon them the scourges of its wrath! Let them live
in unceasing fear, and may their life be as if suspended by a
thread! Neither power nor riches shall defend them; the
arrows of remorse shall reach them everywhere; the flames
of the abyss shall consume their hearts.”</p>

<p>The pontiff addressed this exhortation to the princes, the
nobility, and the people of all nations. He fixed upon the
city and port of Ancona as the place of meeting for the
Crusaders. He promised the remission of their sins to all
who would serve, during six months, at their own expense,
or who would maintain one or two soldiers of the cross
during the same space of time. He had nothing to bestow
in this world upon the faithful who should take part in the
crusade; but he conjured Heaven to direct all their steps, to
multiply their days, to preserve and increase their kingdoms,
their principalities, and their possessions. On terminating
his apostolical discourse, he addressed the Omnipotent God:
“Oh thou, who searchest reins and hearts, thou knowest if
we have any other thought than that of combating for thy
glory, and for the safety of the flock thou hast committed to
our charge. Avenge the Christian blood which flows beneath
the sword of the Turks, and which on all sides rises up
towards thee. Turn a favourable eye upon thy people; guide
us in the war undertaken for the triumph of thy faith. Do
so, that Greece may be restored to thy worship, and that all
Europe may bless thy name!”</p>

<p>This bull of the pope was sent throughout all the West,
and read publicly in the churches. The assembled faithful
shed tears at the recital of the misfortunes of Christendom.
The cross and arms were taken in countries apparently most
secure from the invasions of the Turks, even in the remotest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>
north of Europe. Some repaired to Ancona; others directed
their course towards Hungary, to join the army of Matthias
Corvinus, ready to set out on its march against the Turks.</p>

<p>The pope wrote to the doge of Venice, to entreat him to
assist in person in the war about to be made against the
infidels. He told him that the presence of princes in armies
inspired confidence in the soldiers and terror in their enemies.
As the doge was advanced in years, Paul reminded
him that his own hair was blanched by time,<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> and that the
duke of Burgundy, who promised to accompany the Crusaders
to the East, had attained the days of old age. “We
shall be,” added the holy father, “three old men at the head
of an army of Christians. God takes delight in the number
three, and the Trinity which is in heaven, will not fail to
protect this trinity upon earth.”</p>

<p>These singular expressions of the pope belonged to the
bad taste of the age. But in presenting old age as the only
mover and the last hope of the crusade, they painted sufficiently
clearly the spirit of the times with regard to holy
wars, and might be believed to presage the little success of
an enterprise, which, in order to succeed, stood in need of
the ardour and activity that are only to be found in youth.
The doge of Venice hesitated to embark; but as the republic
was at war with Mahomet II., and as it was of importance
to mix its interests with those of the crusade, it threatened
to employ force, in order to compel the doge to follow the
pontiff of Rome. The duke of Burgundy, who had been the
first of all the Christian princes to swear to go and combat
with the infidels, showed no inclination to join the Crusaders.
The pope, in his letters, reminded him of his solemn
promises, and reproached him with having deceived men,&mdash;with
having deceived God himself. He added, that his
breach of faith would throw the whole of Christendom into
mourning, and might bring about the entire failure of the
enterprise. Philip, in spite of the severe remonstrances of
Pius II., could not make up his mind to leave his states,
but contented himself with sending two thousand men-at-arms
to the Christian army. He was at that time in dread
of the crooked policy of Louis XI., who, when he was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span>
dauphin, was eager to fight the Turks; but having ascended
the throne of France, had no other enemies but his neighbours.</p>

<p>Pius II., after having implored the protection of God, in
the basilic of the holy Apostles, left Rome in the month of
June, 1464. Being attacked by a slow fever, and fearing
that the sight of his infirmities might discourage the soldiers
of the cross, he concealed his sufferings, and desired his
physician to be silent on the subject of his malady. All
along his route the people put up prayers for the success of
his enterprise. The city of Ancona received him in triumph,
and saluted him as the liberator of the Christian world.</p>

<p>A great number of Crusaders had arrived in this city; but
most of them were without arms or stores, and were almost
naked. The earnest exhortations of the pope had had no
effect upon the knights and barons of Christendom. The
poor, and men of the lowest class of the people, appeared to
have been more struck with the dangers of Europe than the
rich and the great of the earth.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> The crowd of Crusaders
collected at Ancona resembled a troop of vagabonds and
mendicants much more than an army. Every day, want and
disease made martyrs of them. Pius II. was touched with
their misery; but as he could not provide for their maintenance,
he retained such as were in a condition to go to the
war at their own expense, and dismissed the others with the
indulgences of the crusade.</p>

<p>The Christian army was to direct its course to the coasts
of Greece, and join Scanderberg, who had recently beaten the
Ottomans in the plains of Ocrida. Deputies were sent to
the Hungarians, the king of Cyprus, and to all the enemies
of the Turks in Asia, without forgetting the king of Persia,
to warn them to hold themselves in readiness to commence
the war against the followers of Mahomet.</p>

<p>The little city of Ancona attracted the attention of all
Europe. In fact, what spectacle could be more interesting
than that of the father of the faithful braving the perils of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>
war and of the seas, to go into distant countries, for the
purposes of avenging outraged humanity, breaking the
chains of Christian captives, and visiting his children in their
affliction? Unfortunately, the physical strength of Pius II.
was not equal to his zeal, and would not permit him to perfect
his sacrifice. The fleet was ready to set sail, when the
fever which he had had on leaving Rome, aggravated by the
fatigues of the voyage and his subsequent anxiety, became a
mortal malady. Feeling his end approach, he called the
cardinals around him, and made them swear to prosecute
the war against the infidels. He died whilst commending
the Christians of the East to their care; and the last looks
he cast upon earth were directed towards Greece, then
labouring under the oppression of the enemies of Christ.</p>

<p>Paul II., who was elected pope, promised, amidst the conclave,
to follow the example of his predecessor. But the
Crusaders assembled by Pius II. were already returned to
their homes. The Venetians, left alone, carried the war
into the Peloponnesus, without being able to obtain any
great advantages over the Turks. They devastated the
country they went to deliver; and the most remarkable of
their trophies was the pillage of Athens. The Greeks of
the canton of Lacedæmon and some other cities, who, in the
hope of being succoured, had raised the standard of liberty,
could not stand against the janissaries, and fell victims to
their devotion to the cause of religion and patriotism.
Scanderberg, whose capital the Turks besieged, came himself
to solicit the assistance of the pope. Being received by
Paul II. in presence of the cardinals, he declared before the
sacred college, that there was no longer in the East any place
but Epirus, and in Epirus only his little army, that still
fought for the cause of the Christians. He added, that if he
succumbed, nobody would be left to defend the routes to
Italy. The pope bestowed the greatest praises upon Scanderberg,
and made him a present of a sword which he had
blessed. He at the same time wrote to the princes of
Christendom, to persuade them to assist Albania. In a
letter addressed to the duke of Burgundy, Paul II. lamented
the fate of the nations of Greece, driven from their country
by the barbarians; he deplored the exile and the misery of
the Greek families coming to seek refuge in Italy, dying<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>
with hunger and in nakedness, crowded together upon the
seashore, holding their hands up to Heaven, and supplicating
their brothers the Christians to succour them or to
avenge them. The head of the Church reminded them of
all that his predecessors had done, and of all he himself had
done, to avert such great misfortunes. He blamed the indifference
of both monarchs and nations; and menaced
Europe with the same calamities, if they did not speedily
take up arms against the Turks. The exhortations of the
pope remained without effect; Scanderberg, carrying nothing
back with him but some sums of money which he had
obtained from the Holy See, returned to his kingdom, then
ravaged by the Ottomans, and a short time afterwards died
at Lissa, covered with glory, but despairing of the noble
cause for which he had fought all his life.</p>

<p>Such was the ascendancy of one great man, that under his
banners the Greeks, for such a length of time degenerate,
recalled the remembrance of the brightest days of the military
glory of their country; the little province of Albania
resisted during twenty years the whole power of the Ottoman
empire. The death of Scanderberg threw his companions
in arms into despair. “Hasten, brave Albanians,”
cried they in the public places, “redouble your courage; for
the ramparts of the empire and of Macedon are now crumbled
into dust.” These words were at once the funeral
oration of a hero and that of his people. Two years had
scarcely passed away before most of the cities of Epirus fell
into the power of the Turks; and, as Scanderberg himself
had foretold to the pontiff of Rome, not a soldier of Christ
remained east of the Adriatic Sea.</p>

<p>All enterprises against the infidels were from that time
confined to a few maritime expeditions of the Venetians and
the Knights of Rhodes. These expeditions were not sufficient
to arrest the progress of the Ottomans. Mahomet II.
never ceased to meditate an invasion of Germany and Italy.
Resolved to aim one last blow at his enemies, he determined,
after the example of the Roman pontiffs, to employ the ascendancy
of religion, to excite the bravery and the enthusiasm
of the Mussulmans. In the midst of a solemn ceremony,
and in the presence of the divan and the mufti, he
swore “to renounce all pleasures, and never to turn his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>
countenance from the West to the East, until he had overthrown
and trampled under the feet of his horses the gods
of the nations,&mdash;those gods of wood, brass, silver, gold, and
painting, that the disciples of Christ made with their hands.”
He swore “to exterminate the iniquity of the Christians
from the face of the earth, and to proclaim, from the rising
to the setting, the glory of the God of Sabaoth and of
Mahomet.” After this threatening declaration, the Turkish
emperor pressed all the circumcised nations that followed
his laws to join him, in order to obey the command of God
and his prophet.</p>

<p>The oath of Mahomet II. was read in all the mosques of
the empire, at the hour of prayer. The Ottoman warriors
flocked to Constantinople from all parts. An army of the
sultan’s was already ravaging Croatia and Carniola; and
soon a formidable fleet issued from the canal, and attacked
the island of Eubœa or Negropont, separated by the Euripus
from the city of Athens, which the Turkish historians call
the city or the country of the philosophers. At the first
news of the danger, the pope ordered public prayers in the
city of Rome. He himself walked barefooted in procession
before the image of the Virgin; but Heaven, says one of the
annalists of the Church, did not deign to listen to the prayers
of the Christians; Negropont fell into the hands of the
Turks, and the entire population of the island was either
exterminated or dragged into slavery. A great number of
those who had defended their country with courage expired
in tortures. Fame soon carried to Europe an account of the
excesses of Ottoman barbarity, and all Christian nations
were filled with horror and fright.</p>

<p>After the last victories of the Turks, Germany had reason
to dread a prompt invasion, and the coasts of Italy were at
the same time threatened. Cardinal Bessarion addressed an
eloquent exhortation to the Italians, and conjured them to
unite against the common enemy. The pope did everything
in his power to appease discord, and at length succeeded in
forming a league among the Italian states, similar to that
which was entered into after the taking of Constantinople.
His legates solicited the assistance of the kings of France
and England. Upon his pressing request, Frederick convoked
a diet at Ratisbon, and afterwards at Nuremberg, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>
which appeared the deputies of Venice, Sienna, Naples,
Hungary, and Carniola, who described the ravages of the
Turks, and painted in the most striking colours the misfortunes
which menaced Europe. In these two assemblies,
several resolutions were formed for war against the Mussulmans;
but not one of them was executed. Such was the
general blindness, that neither the exhortations of the pope,
nor the frightful progress of the Turks, were able to awaken
the zeal of princes or people. The chronicles of the times
speak of several miracles by which God manifested his power
in these unfortunate days; but there can be no doubt that
the greatest miracle of Providence was, that Italy and Germany
did not fall into the hands of the Ottomans, when not
a human hand was raised to defend them.</p>

<p>After the death of Paul II., who had not time to achieve
his work, and did not witness the effect of his preachings,
his successor, Sextus IV., neglected nothing for the defence
of Christendom. When scarcely seated on the pontifical
throne, he deputed cardinals to several states of Europe, to
preach peace among Christians and war against the Turks.
The legates were specially intrusted to press the levying of
the tenths for the crusade. They were authorized to launch
the thunders of excommunication against those who should
oppose this impost, or who misapplied the produce of it.
This severity, which occasioned troubles in England, and
still more in Germany, succeeded in other countries, and
furnished the sovereign pontiff with means for preparing for
war. But none of the princes of the West took up arms,
and Christendom was still exposed to the greatest perils,
when fortune sent succour it had no reason to look for
from the depths of Asia.</p>

<p>Of all the powers that had promised to combat the Ottomans,
the only one that did not fail, was the king of Persia,
to whom Calixtus III. had sent a missionary, and who declared
himself the faithful ally of the Christians. In his
reply, the king of Persia bestowed the greatest praises on
the pope, encouraged him in his resolution of attacking
Mahomet, and announced to him that he himself would
commence hostilities. At the time his letter was received at
Rome, his troops were already crossing Armenia, and several
Ottoman cities had fallen into the hands of the Persians.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>
Mahomet was obliged to abandon or to suspend his projects
of conquest on the side of Europe, to march against these
new enemies, with the greater part of the strength of his
empire.</p>

<p>Great advantage might have been taken of this powerful
diversion of the Persians. But the Venetians, the king of
Naples, and the pope, alone put themselves forward to make
war against the Ottomans. The sovereign pontiff had
caused twenty-four galleys to be built with the produce of
the tenths levied for the crusade. This fleet, commanded
by Cardinal Caraffa, and collected in the Tiber, after having
been blessed by Sextus IV., went to join that of Venice and
Naples, and cruised along the coasts of Ionia and Pamphylia,
to the great terror of all the maritime Ottoman cities. The
Venetians did not fail to direct the operations of the Christian
fleet against the cities whose wealth and commerce
gave them any cause for jealousy. Satalia and Smyrna were
given up to the horrors of war; the first of these, situated on
the coast of Pamphylia, was the <i>entrepôt</i> for the productions
and the merchandise of India and Arabia. The second,
situated in the Ionian Sea, possessed rich manufactures and
a flourishing trade. The Christian soldiers committed in
these two cities all the kinds of excess with which the Turks
were then reproached. After this piratical expedition, the
fleet regained the ports of Italy, and Cardinal Caraffa returned
triumphant to Rome, followed by twenty-five captives
mounted upon superb horses, and by twelve camels,
loaded with the spoils of the enemy. The ensigns taken
from the Mussulmans, and the chain of the port of Satalia,
were solemnly suspended over the gate and in the vaulted
roof of the Vatican.</p>

<p>Whilst these poor advantages over the Mussulmans were
being celebrated at Rome, Mahomet was inflicting terrible
blows upon his enemies; and when he returned to Constantinople,
he had destroyed the armies of the king of Persia.
That which gave the Turkish emperor an immense advantage
over the powers which took up arms against him, was
that they never acted in concert, either for defence or attack.
Discord was not long in being revived among the Christian
princes, and particularly among the states of Italy. The
pope himself forgot the spirit of peace and union he had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span>
preached; he forgot the holy war; and Venice, left alone in
the struggle against the Ottomans, was obliged to sue to
Mahomet for peace.</p>

<p>The Ottomans took as much advantage of peace as of war
to increase their power. There now remained nothing of
the sad wreck of the Greek empire. Venice had lost all its
possessions in the Archipelago and Greece; Genoa at length
lost the rich colony of Caffa, in the Crimea. Of all the conquests
of the Crusaders, the Christians had only preserved
the kingdom of Cyprus and the isle of Rhodes.</p>

<p>During more than a century, the kings of Cyprus had
implored the assistance of the West, and contended with
some successes against the Saracens, particularly the Mamelukes
of Egypt. The maritime cities of Italy protected a
kingdom from which trade and navigation derived great
advantage. Every day fresh warriors from Europe afforded
it the support of their arms. A few years after the taking
of Constantinople, history remarks Jacques Cœur, who had
obtained the restitution of his wealth, establishing himself
in the isle of Cyprus, and consecrating his fortune and his
life to the defence of the Christians of the East. After his
death, there was to be seen, in a church at Bourges which he
had founded, this inscription:&mdash;“The Seigneur Jacques
Cœur, Captain-general of the Church against the infidels.”<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p>

<p>The kingdom of Cyprus, after having resisted the Mussulmans
for a long time, became at last the theatre and
the prey of revolutions. Abandoned, in some sort, by the
Christian powers, and obliged to defend itself against the
Turks, it placed itself under the protection of the Mamelukes
of Egypt. In time of trouble, the malcontents retired to
Cairo, and procured the protection of a power which had a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>
great interest in keeping up discord. The family of Lusignan
being nearly extinct, a daughter, the only scion of many
kings, at first married a Portuguese prince, and afterwards
Louis, count of Savoy. But the sultan of Cairo and Mahomet
II. would not permit a Latin prince to wear the crown
of Cyprus, and caused a natural son of the last king to be
elected. James, whose illegitimate birth kept him from the
throne, and who had disturbed the kingdom by his ambitious
pretensions, was crowned king of Cyprus in the city
of Cairo, under the auspices and in the presence of the
Mamelukes. That which must have greatly added to the
scandal of this coronation was, that the new king promised
to be faithful to the sultan of Egypt, and to pay five thousand
gold crowns for the support of the great mosques of
Mecca and Jerusalem. It was upon the Gospel that he
swore to keep this promise, and to omit nothing that the
Mamelukes required. “If I break my word,” added he, “I
shall be an apostate and a forger; I shall deny the existence
of Jesus Christ, and the virginity of his mother; I shall slay
a camel upon the font of baptism, and I shall curse the
priesthood.” Such were the words which a desire of reigning
placed in the mouth of a prince who was about to govern
a kingdom founded by the soldiers of Jesus Christ. He
died a short time after having taken possession of the supreme
authority. His people thought the days of his life
and his reign were shortened by divine justice.</p>

<p>The republic of Venice, which adopted Catherine Cornaro,
the widow of James, then took possession of Cyprus,
which it defended against the Mamelukes and against
the Turks, and held it till the middle of the following
century.</p>

<p>The eyes of the whole Christian world were fixed upon the
isle of Rhodes. This isle, defended by the Knights of St. John,
recalled to the faithful the remembrance of the Holy Land,
and prevented the extinction of the hope of one day seeing
the standard of Christ again floating over the walls of Jerusalem.
The martial youth of all the countries of the West
unceasingly flocked thither, and, in some sort, revived the
ardour, the zeal, and the exploits of the first crusades. The
order of the Hospitallers, faithful to its first institution, always
protected pilgrims repairing to Palestine, and defended<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>
Christian vessels against the attacks of Turks, Mamelukes,
and pirates. At the commencement of his reign, Mahomet
II. summoned the grand-master to pay him a tribute,
as to his sovereign. The latter contented himself with
answering: “We only owe the sovereignty of Rhodes to God
and our swords. It is our duty to be the enemies, and not
the tributaries, of the Ottomans!” This reply wounded the
pride of the sultan; but he dissembled his anger, persuaded
that victory would soon give that which was refused, and
at the same time avenge him for the noble disdain of the
Knights of St. John.</p>

<p>The Ottoman emperor, after having triumphed over the
Persians, returned to Constantinople with fresh projects for
conquests in Europe, and with increased animosity against
the Christians; and the whole of his empire prepared to
minister to his ambition and his anger. If the Turks had
not till that period carried their invasions into the West, it
was because the difference of religion and manners kept
them from all communication with the Christian nations;
and because they were entirely ignorant of the state and
dispositions of Christendom, of the forces that might be
opposed to them, and even of the best routes for them to
pursue. They became gradually acquainted with the frontiers
of Europe, and with the sea-coasts; and, like the lion
of Holy Writ, which prowls constantly about in search of
its prey, were ever on the watch for favourable opportunities.
They secured advanced posts, and marched with precaution
towards the country they wished to conquer, as an army
draws round a place it is about to besiege. By frequently-repeated
incursions, they spread terror among the nations
they intended to attack; and by the ravages they exercised,
they weakened the means of resistance of their enemies.
Mahomet at first made himself master of Scutari and Negropont,
in order to dominate, in a manner, over the coasts of
the Adriatic and the Sea of Naples; on the other side,
several of his armies directed their course towards the
Danube, to lay open the routes to Germany; and Ottoman
troops had penetrated, with fire and sword, as far as Friuli,
to terrify the republic of Venice, and reconnoitre the avenues
that lead to Italy.</p>

<p>When everything was ready for the execution of his terrible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>
designs, the leader of the Ottoman empire resolved to
attack Christendom at several points at once. A numerous
army set out on its march to invade Hungary, and all the
countries in the vicinity of the Danube. Two numerous
fleets, with a vast number of troops on board, were despatched,
one against the Knights of Rhodes, whose bravery Mahomet
dreaded; and the other against the coast of Naples, the
conquest of which would open the way towards Rome and
southern Italy. In such a pressing danger, the hopes of the
Germans, and even of a portion of the Italian states, reposed
entirely upon the Hungarians. The king of Hungary was
then considered as the guardian of the frontiers of Europe;
and to be always in a condition to meet the Turks, he received
every year succours in money from the republic of
Venice and the emperor of Germany. The pope added to
these succours a part of the tenths levied for the crusade,
and his legates and missionaries were always present to
excite the valour of the Hungarian soldiers.</p>

<p>At the approach of the Ottoman army, all Hungary,
governed by Matthias Corvinus, son of Hunniades, flew to
arms. The Hungarian army met the Turks in the plains of
Transylvania, and gave them battle. Victory was obtained
by the Christians, who, in a single battle, destroyed the
enemy’s army. Contemporary chronicles take less pains to
describe this terrible conflict, than to exhibit the joy of the
conquerors after their triumph. The entire victorious army
assisted at a banquet prepared upon the field of battle, still
covered with dead, and all smoking with carnage. The
leaders and the soldiers mingled their songs of joy with the
cries of the wounded and the dying, and in the intoxication
of victory and festivity performed barbarous dances upon the
bloody carcasses of their enemies.</p>

<p>The war between the Christians and the Turks became
every day more cruel, and presented nothing but scenes of barbarity
and destruction. The menaces of Mahomet; the constant
violation by the Turks, in peace as well as in war, of
the rights of nations and the faith of oaths; many thousands
of Christians condemned to die in tortures for having defended
their country and their religion, with twenty years
of combats and misfortunes, had altogether excited the hatred
of the soldiers of the cross; the thirst of vengeance rendered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>
them sometimes as ferocious as their enemies; and in their
triumphs they too frequently forgot that they were fighting
in the cause of the Gospel.</p>

<p>Whilst the Turkish army experienced a sanguinary defeat
upon the Danube, the fleet of Mahomet, which was directed
against the isle of Rhodes, was destined to find, in the
Knights of St. John, enemies not less intrepid or less to be
dreaded than the Hungarians. The pacha who commanded
this expedition, belonged to the imperial family of Palæologus,
whose humble prayers had so frequently solicited the aid of
Christian Europe. After the taking of Constantinople, he
embraced the Mussulman religion, and from that time only
sought to second Mahomet in his project of exterminating
the race of the Christians in the East.</p>

<p>Several historians have related at great length the events
of the siege of Rhodes; and this is, perhaps, a fitting opportunity
to repair a great injustice committed upon one of the
writers who have preceded us. An expression, escaped from
the Abbé de Vertot, and with which criticism has armed
itself, has proved sufficient to deprive him of the noblest
reward of the labours of an historian,&mdash;the reputation for
veracity.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> After having examined with much care the historical
monuments we possess, and according to which the
author of the <i>History of the Knights of Malta</i> has described
the siege of Rhodes, we feel great pleasure in rendering
homage to the fidelity of his account, and we do not hesitate
to refer our readers to it. In this elegant historian will be
found the heroic constancy of Aubusson, grand-master of
the order of St. John, and the indefatigable intrepidity of
his knights, defending themselves amidst ruins, against a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span>
hundred thousand Mussulmans, armed with all that the art
of sieges and the genius of war had invented. At the approach
of the Turks, the grand-master of Rhodes implored
the arms and aid of the Christian princes; but all the succours
that were sent them consisted of two Neapolitan vessels,
which did not arrive till after the siege was raised, and
some sums of money which were the produce of a jubilee
ordered by the pope at the request of Louis XI.</p>

<p>The third expedition of Mahomet, and the most important
for his projects of conquest, was that which was to have been
directed against the kingdom of Naples. The Ottoman fleet
stopped before Otranto. After a siege of a few days, this
city was taken by assault, given up to pillage, and its population
massacred or dragged away into slavery. This invasion
of the Turks, which was quite unexpected, spread terror
throughout Italy. Boufinius informs us that the pope entertained
for a moment the thought of quitting the city of
the Apostles, and of going beyond the Alps, to seek an
asylum in the kingdom of France.</p>

<p>It is probable that if Mahomet II. had united all his
forces in an invasion of the kingdom of Naples, he might
have pushed his conquests as far as Rome. But the loss of
his army in Hungary, and the check experienced by his best
troops before the city of Rhodes, must have suspended or
stopped the execution of his projects. Sextus IV., when
recovered from his first terrors, implored the assistance of
Christendom. The sovereign pontiff addressed all the ecclesiastical
and secular powers, as well as the Christians of all
conditions; he conjured them, by the mercy and sufferings
of Christ; by the last judgment, in which every one would
be placed according to his works; by the promises of baptism;
by the obedience due to the Church,&mdash;he supplicated them,
to preserve among themselves, at least during three years,
charity, peace, and concord. He sent legates in all directions,
charged to appease the troubles and wars which divided
the Christian world. These legates were instructed
to act with moderation and prudence; to lead nations and
kings, by means of persuasion, to the true spirit of the Gospel,
and to resemble, in their pious courses, the dove which
came back to the ark, bearing the pacific olive-branch. In
order to encourage princes by his example, the pontiff<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>
ordered the galleys he had destined to succour Rhodes, to
set sail for the coast of Naples. At the same time he commanded
public prayers to be put up; and, to draw down the
blessings of Heaven upon the arms of the Christians, and
excite the piety of the faithful, he directed that the octave
of All Saints should be celebrated in the universal Church,
to begin with the year 1480, which he called in his bull the
“Octave of the age.”</p>

<p>Previously to the taking of Otranto, Italy had been more
divided than ever. The heat of factions and the animosities
which were created by jealousy had so perverted men’s
minds, that several states and many citizens only contemplated
in an invasion of the Turks the ruin of a neighbouring
state or of a rival faction. Venice was accused of having
drawn the Ottoman troops into the kingdom of Naples.
We must, however, in justice, say that the presence of danger,
and particularly the account of the cruelties practised
by the fierce conquerors of Otranto, awakened generous
sentiments in all hearts; and when the sovereign pontiff,
addressing the Italians, said that the moment was come to
rise in arms, if they wished to defend their lands, their
families, their faith, their liberty, all Italy listened to his
exhortations, and united as one man against the common
enemy.</p>

<p>The discourses and the prayers of the head of the Church
did not produce the same effect in England, Germany, or
France. The legates were everywhere received with respect,
but they could not put an end to the war between England
and Scotland, or stifle the germs of a quarrel always ready
to break out between Louis XI. and the emperor Maximilian.
In a Germanic diet which was convoked, as usual, pathetic
speeches were made upon the calamities which threatened
Christian Europe; but no one took up arms.</p>

<p>The Ottomans, shut up in Otranto, had not, it is true,
strength enough to advance into Italy; but they might every
day expect reinforcements. After having raised three armies,
the Turkish emperor levied a fourth in Bithynia, to be employed,
according to circumstances, against the Mamelukes
of Egypt, or against the Christians of the West. But even
these preparations, or the fresh invasions which they had reason
to fear, were not able to remove the general indifference.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span>
The nations and the princes who did not believe themselves
threatened with approximate danger, returned to their divisions
and their quarrels. They had abandoned the safety of
Christendom to the care of Providence, when they learnt the
death of Mahomet II.; this news appeared to be spread
everywhere at once, and was received like the announcement
of a great victory, particularly in the countries which were
in dread of the Ottoman invasions. At Rome, where the
dread had been most lively, the pope ordered prayers, festivals,
and processions, which lasted three days; and during
those three days, the pacific artillery of the castle of St.
Angelo never ceased to thunder forth the intelligence of the
deliverance of Italy.</p>

<p>This joy of the Christians paints better than the long
recitals of history the ambition, the genius, the fortune,
and the policy of the barbarous hero of Islamism. During
the course of this reign,<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> five pontiffs had succeeded to the
chair of St. Peter; all had employed the ascendancy of their
spiritual and temporal power in endeavouring to check the
progress of his arms, and all died with the grief of seeing
the growth and extension of that empire, before which all
the East trembled, and of whose invasions the West was in
constant dread.</p>

<h3>A.D. 1481-1571.</h3>

<p>The Turks abandoned Otranto, and the divisions which
arose in the family of Mahomet suspended for a time the
projects of Ottoman policy. Jem-Jem, whom the Latin
chronicles call Zizim, disputed the empire with Bajazet, and
being conquered, came into the West to await a favourable
opportunity for recommencing the war. The Knights of
Rhodes received him with great honours. He was afterwards
sent into France, and, by one of the whimsical sports
of fortune, an obscure commandery in the province of
Auvergne became for a moment the asylum of a prince who
pretended to the vast empire of the Crescent. His presence
among the Christian powers gave serious uneasiness to
Bajazet. The king of Hungary and the king of Naples had
already promised to give the fugitive prince the support of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>
their armies. The Ottoman emperor sent ambassadors to
Charles VIII.; he informed the French monarch that his
design was to conquer Egypt, and that he would voluntarily
cede Jerusalem to him if he would place Zizim in his hands.
At the same time, the sultan of Cairo sent one of the Latin
fathers of the Holy Sepulchre to the pope, and requested
also that the brother of Bajazet should be delivered up to
him, as he wished to show him at the head of his army in a
war against the Turks. He offered the sovereign pontiff, in
exchange for such a great service, a hundred thousand gold
ducats, the possession of the holy city, and even of the city
of Constantinople, if they succeeded in driving the Turks
from it. Charles VIII. had not arrived at the age for
reigning, and the queen regent, engaged in reëstablishing
peace in the kingdom, did not listen to the proposition of
Bajazet. Neither did the pope accept the splendid offers of
the sultan of Egypt; but the importance that appeared to
be attached to the person of Zizim gave him the idea that
he could himself derive some advantage from him. He demanded
and obtained that the brother of Bajazet should be
given up to him, and then he exhorted the Christian princes
to unite with him, and promised to go in person to the conquest
of Greece and Syria. The enterprise of Innocent VIII.
reminds us of that of Pius II., and was destined to be
equally unfortunate. The pontiff was employed in his
scheme, with more zeal than success, when he died. Alexander
VI., who succeeded him, had created for himself a
name which repelled the confidence of the faithful, and left
no hope that the preparations for a holy war would ever be
able to divert him from the cares of his personal ambition,
or tear him away from his profane affections.</p>

<p>The kingdom of Naples, however, which had occasioned
so many wars, begun and carried on under the banners of
the cross, gave rise, under these circumstances, to the idea
of an enterprise which resembled a crusade. The duke of
Milan, and several other small states, constantly occupied in
disturbing Italy, and in calling thither foreign arms, for the
purpose of increasing or preserving their own power, persuaded
Charles VIII., then seated on the throne, to endeavour
to establish the rights of the house of Anjou. Their
solicitations and their brilliant promises awakened the ambition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>
of the young king, who resolved to conquer the kingdom
of Naples, and proclaimed the design of extending his
views to the territories of the infidels.</p>

<p>The passion for arms, the spirit of chivalry, and the little
that remained in men’s hearts of the ancient ardour for
crusades and distant expeditions, seconded the enterprise of
the French monarch. Public prayers were offered up, and
processions were formed throughout the kingdom, for the
success of an expedition against the Turks. The preachings,
or rather the poetical inspirations of some writers of the
time, announced to all Europe the deliverance of the East.</p>

<p>When Charles VIII. had passed the Alps with his army,
all the nations of Italy received him with the most lively
demonstrations of joy; the love of liberty, the spirit of devotion,
the sentiment of gallantry, all the passions which then
prevailed, appeared to attach some hope to the issue of this
expedition. The nations looked to the king of France and
his knights for their independence. Amidst the brilliant festivities
of chivalry, the French warriors were received as the
<i>champions of the honour of ladies</i>. They gave Charles VIII.
the titles of <i>envoy of God</i>, of <i>liberator of the Romish Church</i>,
and of <i>defender of the faith</i>. All the acts of the king gave
reason to believe that his expedition had for its object the
glory and safety of Christendom. He wrote to the bishops
of France to demand of them the tenths of a crusade.
“Our intention,” said he to them in his letters, “is not
only to recover our kingdom of Naples, but to secure the
welfare of Italy, and to effect the deliverance of the Holy
Land.”</p>

<p>Whilst the nations on both sides of the Alps gave themselves
up to hope and joy, terror reigned in the kingdom of
Naples. Alphonso addressed himself to all his allies; he,
in particular, implored the succour of the Holy See, and, by
a singular contrast, whilst he placed his greatest hopes in
the court of Rome, he sent ambassadors to Constantinople,
to warn Bajazet of the projects of Charles VIII. respecting
Greece, and to conjure the Mussulman emperor to assist
him in defending his kingdom against the invasion of the
French. Alexander VI., who had embraced the cause of
the princes of Arragon, beheld with the most lively inquietude
the triumphant march of the king of France, who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span>
was advancing towards Rome without encountering any
obstacles. In vain he called to his aid both the states of
Italy and the Mussulman masters of Greece; in vain he
employed the ascendancy of his spiritual power; he soon
found himself obliged to submit, and to open the gates of
his capital to a prince whom he regarded as his enemy, and
whom he had by turns threatened with the anger of Heaven
and with that of Bajazet.</p>

<p>Thus the war which the king of France had sworn to
make against the infidels began by a victory obtained over
the pope. According to one of the conditions imposed
upon the sovereign pontiff, the brother of Bajazet was
placed in the hands of Charles VIII. The unfortunate
<i>Jem-Jem</i>, who knew nothing of the policy of which he was
soon to become the victim, thanked the pope for having
restored him to liberty. He congratulated himself upon
being <i>protected by the great king of the West</i>, and entertained
no doubt that the victorious arms of the Christians
would replace him on the Ottoman throne. Charles VIII.,
however, appeared but very little disposed to restore to him
the empire of Constantinople, which he had just purchased
for himself. In the course of the last century, an act was
found in the chancery of Rome, by which Andrew Palæologus,
the despot of Achaia, and nephew of Constantine, sold
to the king of France all his claims to the empire of the
East, for the sum of four thousand three hundred gold
ducats! This act, by which an empire was sold in the presence
of a notary, and which could only be ratified by victory,
appears to us a very curious historical monument; and
serves to enlighten us upon the spirit and policy of these
remote times. We must admit, however, that the French
monarch seemed even then to attach very little value to this
kind of treaty, and fulfilled none of the conditions of it.
His attention was principally directed towards the kingdom
of Naples, which fortune was about to place in his hands,
without requiring him to fight a single battle.</p>

<p>Whilst Charles prolonged his sojourn at Rome, Alphonso
II., abandoned to his own resources, a prey to terror and
remorse, and pursued by the complaints of the Neapolitans,
descended from his throne, and went to bury himself
in a monastery of Sicily. His son Ferdinand, who succeeded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>
him, although he had driven the Turks out of the
city of Otranto, and had been proclaimed liberator of Italy,
could neither revive the courage of his army nor the fidelity
of his subjects. From the moment the arrival of the French
was announced, the yoke of the house of Arragon appeared
to become every day more insupportable. When Charles
quitted the Roman states, instead of encountering the armies
of an enemy, he only met on his road with deputations
which came to offer him the crown of Naples. The capital
soon received him in triumph, and the whole kingdom placed
itself under his subjection.</p>

<p>Fame was not long in carrying into Greece the news of
the marvellous conquests of Charles VIII. The Turks of
Epirus, struck with terror, dreaded every instant to see the
French arrive. Nicolas Vignier adds, that Bajazet was possessed
by such fear, that he caused all his navy to come to
the Straits of St. George, to enable him to escape into Asia.</p>

<p>The presence of Zizim in the Christian army particularly
excited the alarms of the Mussulmans; but fortune had
exhausted all her prodigies in favour of the French. <i>Jem-Jem</i>,
whom the king of France hoped to exhibit to the
enemies of the faith, died almost suddenly on arriving in
the kingdom of Naples. Alexander VI. was accused of
bringing about this death; Bajazet having promised him
three hundred thousand gold ducats, <i>if he would aid his
brother in escaping from the miseries of this life</i>. Turkish
historians relate this event after a different manner: they
say that a barber of Constantinople, named Mustapha, was
sent to poison Zizim; and, what paints with a single stroke
the spirit and the character of the Ottoman despotism, when
the barber returned to announce that the brother of the
sultan was dead, Bajazet raised him to the post of vizier;
so important did the service appear, and so worthy of reward
was the crime.</p>

<p>The conquests of Charles VIII., which gave the Turks so
much alarm, began to create lively inquietudes in several
Christian states. A league was formed against the French,
into which entered the pope, the emperor Maximilian, the
king of Spain, and the principal states of Italy. After the
example of Charles VIII., this league assumed as a pretext
a war against the Turks; but its real design did not remain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span>
long concealed; for it solicited the approbation and the
assistance of Bajazet. Policy, on this occasion, did not
hesitate to sacrifice Christian victims, to cement an alliance
with the disciples of the Koran. As the Greeks of Epirus
and the Peloponnesus were eager to profit by the enterprise
of the king of France to shake off the yoke of the Ottomans,
they sent deputies into Italy. The senate of Venice caused
these deputies to be arrested, and gave up their papers to
the envoys of the sultan. Fifty thousand of the inhabitants
of Greece perished victims to this base act of treachery.</p>

<p>On another side, the inconstancy of the people, who had
at first been favourable to the arms of the king of France,
and the discontent which is always inspired by the presence
of a victorious army, all at once changed the state of things
in the kingdom of Naples. The French, who had been
received with so much enthusiasm, became odious, and the
hopes of all were directed towards the family of Arragon, so
recently abandoned. Charles, instead of directing his looks
towards Greece, turned them towards France. Whilst he was
in the act of causing himself to be crowned emperor of Byzantium
and king of Sicily, his thoughts were fixed upon the
abandonment of his conquests. It was a singular contrast
which the spectacle presented, of preparations for a retreat,
and a triumphal ceremony, going on at the same time.
Whilst the nobility, the clergy, and all the public bodies of
the state, came to congratulate the victorious prince, the
people were invoking the protection of Heaven against him,
and the French awaited in silence the order and signal for
its departure. On the day following his coronation, and
as if he had only come to Naples for the sake of this vain
ceremony, Charles VIII. set out, accompanied by the most
distinguished of his knights, and resumed sorrowfully the
road to his own kingdom. On his arrival in Italy, he had
heard nothing in his march but benedictions and songs of
triumph. On his return, he heard only the maledictions of
the people and the threats of his enemies. In the first
place he had crossed Italy without opposition; in order to
leave it, he was forced to give battle; and considered as a
victory the liberty which was left to him to drag back the
wreck of his army over the Alps.</p>

<p>Thus terminated this enterprise of Charles VIII., which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span>
at first was pretended to be a holy war, which was directed
by a short-sighted policy, and the consequences of which
became so fatal to France and Italy. Whilst the preparations
for this war were going on, there appeared, as we have
said above, several writings in prose and verse, in which great
victories were predicted. The aim of these predictions was
not only to excite the enthusiasm of the people, but to
strengthen a weak and irresolute prince in his undertaking.
When we read the prophetic songs and hymns of the poets,
we may fancy we see the French setting out for the conquest
of the holy places. But the scene changes when we turn
our eyes to the pages of history. Everything leads us to
conclude, that on this occasion religious opinions and sentiments
of chivalry were but the auxiliaries of unfortunate
ambition. It is particularly to this expedition that we may
apply what J. J. Rousseau somewhere says of the crusades:
“The intrigues of cabinets embroiled affairs, and religion
was the pretext.”</p>

<p>The policy of Venice did not preserve her from the anger
of Bajazet, who declared war against her. Alexander VI.
published a jubilate, and demanded tenths of the clergy of
Europe for the preparations for a crusade against the Turks.
The emperor Maximilian, Louis XII., and the kings of Castile,
Portugal, and Hungary, appeared to listen for a moment
to the propositions of the pope. But reciprocal mistrust
speedily dissolved this Christian league: in vain the
preachers of the crusade repeated in their discourses the
menaces of Bajazet; they could not overcome the indifference
of the people; and the sovereign pontiff found everywhere
equal obstacles to the levying of the tenths and the distribution
of indulgences. The French clergy on this occasion
braved ecclesiastical censures; and what shows the decline
of the pontifical power, at least as far as regards the crusades,
a simple decision of the Faculty of Theology of Paris
was at that time sufficient to stand against all the terrible
array of the menaces and thunders of Rome.</p>

<p>We have shown how and by what causes the spirit of the
crusades had become enfeebled. Towards the end of the
fifteenth century and the commencement of the sixteenth,
two great events completed the diversion of attention from
the East. America had recently been revealed to the ancient<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span>
world, and the Portuguese had doubled the Cape of Good
Hope. There is no doubt that the progress of navigation
during the holy wars had contributed to the discoveries of
Vasco de Gama and Christopher Columbus. But these discoveries,
when they once became known in Europe, entirely
occupied that active, enterprising, and adventurous spirit
which had so long kept up the ardour for expeditions against
the infidels. The direction of men’s minds, views of policy,
speculations of commerce, all were changed; and the great
revolution of the crusades on its decline, was seen, in some
sort, to clash with the new revolution which was born of the
discovery and conquest of a new world.</p>

<p>The Venetians, masters of the ancient routes and commerce
of India, were the first to be aware of the changes
that were in operation, the consequences of which must
prove so injurious to them. They secretly sent deputies to
the sultan of Cairo, as much interested as themselves in
opposing the interests of the Portuguese. The deputation
from Venice advised the sultan of Egypt to ally himself with
the king of Calcutta and other Indian powers, to attack the
fleets and troops of Portugal. The republic undertook to
send into Egypt and to the coasts of Arabia artisans to
found cannon, and carpenters to construct vessels of war.
The Egyptian monarch, whose interests were the same as
those of Venice, readily entered into the plan proposed to
him; and in order to arrest the progress of the Portuguese
in India, he endeavoured to inspire a fear with regard to the
holy places, which had so long been, and still were, objects
of veneration for the faithful of the West. He threatened
to raze to the ground the church of the Holy Sepulchre, to
cast the ashes and monuments of the martyrs to the winds,
and to force all the Christians of his states to abjure the
faith of Christ. A Cordelier of Jerusalem came to Rome
to express the alarms of the Christians of Palestine, and of
the guardians of the holy tomb. The pope was seized with
terror, and hastened to send the Cordelier to the king of
Portugal, whom he conjured to make the sacrifice of his
new conquests to God and Christendom.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> The Portuguese<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>
monarch received the envoy of the pope and the Oriental
Christians with kindness, gave him considerable sums for
the support of the holy places, and replied to the sovereign
pontiff, that he did not at all fear seeing the threats of the
sultan carried out, but, on the contrary, he hoped to burn
both Mecca and Medina, and bring vast regions under the
law of the Gospel, if the princes of Christendom were willing
to coöperate with him.</p>

<p>The sultan of Egypt, who received tribute from all pilgrims,
did not destroy the churches of Jerusalem, but he
attempted an expedition against the Portuguese, in concert
with the king of Cambay and Calcutta. They equipped at
Suez a fleet composed of six galleys, a galleon, and four
store-ships, in which were embarked eight hundred Mamelukes.
The Egyptian fleet descended along the shores of
the Red Sea, coasted Arabia, doubled the Gulf of Persia,
and cast anchor at the island and in the port of Diu, one of
the most important points for the commerce of India. It
is of this expedition the author of the Lusiad speaks in his
ninth book: “With the help of the fleets from the port of
Arsinoë, the Calicutians hoped to reduce those of Emanuel
to ashes; but the arbiter of heaven and earth always finds
means to execute the decrees of his profound wisdom.”</p>

<p>The expedition of the Mamelukes, notwithstanding the
success it at first obtained, produced not the results that the
sultan of Cairo and the republic of Venice expected. The
Portuguese, in their despair, endeavoured to persuade the
king of Ethiopia to divert the course of the Nile. A project
for shutting up the new routes of commerce and the passage
of the Cape of Good Hope was scarcely more reasonable.
Instead of having recourse to arms, the sultans of the
Mamelukes would have much better served the interests of
Venice, and those of their own power, if they had multiplied
canals in their provinces, and opened a commodious, quick,
and safe passage for the commerce of India: by that means
they would have preserved for the navigation of the Mediterranean<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span>
the advantage it had enjoyed for ages over the
navigation of the ocean; and the maritime cities of Egypt
and Italy would not have seen the sources of their prosperity
suddenly dried up.</p>

<p>Whilst the republic of Venice contemplated with terror
the causes of her future decline, she still inspired considerable
jealousy by the splendour of her wealth and magnificence.
Many complaints arose against the Venetians, who
were universally accused of sacrificing everything to the
interests of their commerce, and of betraying or serving the
cause of the Christians, as fidelity or treachery became most
profitable to them. In a diet which Maximilian convoked
at Augsburg, Hélian, the ambassador of Louis XII., pronounced
a vehement discourse against the Venetian nation.
He reproached them, in the first place, with having thwarted,
by their hostility and their intrigues, a league formed by the
pope, the emperor of Germany, the king of France, and
the king of Arragon, against the Turks. The orator then reproached
the Venetians with having refused to succour Constantinople
when besieged by Mahomet II. “Their fleet
was in the Hellespont during the siege; they could hear the
groans of a Christian people, sinking under the sword of
the barbarians. Nothing could excite their pity. They
remained unaffected and motionless, and when the city was
taken, they purchased the spoils of the vanquished, and sold
to the Mussulmans the unfortunate inhabitants of Greece,
who had taken refuge beneath their banners. At a later
period, when the Ottomans were besieging Otranto, not
only cities and princes, but the mendicant orders, sent
assistance to the besieged. The Venetians, whose fleet was
then at anchor before Corfu, beheld with indifference,
perhaps with joy, the dangers and the misfortunes of a
Christian city. No, God cannot pardon a nation, which, by
its avarice, its jealousy, and its ambition, has betrayed the
cause of Christendom, and appears to maintain an understanding
with the Turks, in order to reign with them over
the East and over the West.” Hélian, on terminating his
discourse, pressed the states and the princes to combine
their efforts, to execute the decrees of divine justice, and
complete the ruin of the republic of Venice.</p>

<p>This discourse, in which the name of Christianity was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span>
invoked, but which breathed nothing but vengeance and
hatred, made a lively impression upon the assembly. The
passions which inflamed the diet of Augsburg, and which
left no room for a thought of a war against the Turks, but
too plainly showed the state of agitation and discord in
which Christendom was then plunged. It is not consistent
with our purpose to speak of the league formed, in the first
place, against Venice, or of the league afterwards formed
against Louis XII., or of the events which brought trouble
into Italy, and even into the bosom of the Church, then
threatened with a schism.</p>

<p>At the council of the Lateran, convoked by Julius II.,
the disorders of Christendom were deplored, without the
least remedy being proposed for them. They touched upon
the war with the Turks, without bestowing any attention
upon the means for carrying it on. The exhortations of the
pope, which were supposed to be animated by an ambitious
policy, inspired no confidence. The pontiff, whom Voltaire
represents as a bad priest but a good prince, entered in an
active manner into the wars between Christian powers.
Since war was carried on in his name, he could not fill the
honourable part of a conciliator, and enjoyed no longer the
consideration attached to the title of Father of the Faithful.
He was not able to reëstablish the peace he had himself
broken, and found it impossible to direct an enterprise
against the infidels.</p>

<p>The preaching for a crusade, so often repeated, no longer
made any impression on men’s minds; misfortunes which
never arrived had been so often announced to nations, that
they ceased to awaken any alarm. After the death of Mahomet,
the Turks seemed to have renounced all idea of conquering
Europe. Bajazet at first attacked the Mamelukes
of Egypt without success; he afterwards sunk into voluptuousness
and the pleasures of the seraglio, which gave the
Christians a few years of repose and safety. But as an indolent
and effeminate prince did not fulfil the first condition
of Ottoman despotism, which was war, he irritated the army,
and his pacific tastes brought about his fall from the throne.
Selim, who succeeded him, more ambitious and more cruel
than Mahomet, accused of poisoning his father, and covered
with the blood of his family, had scarcely attained empire<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>
before he promised to the janissaries the conquest of the
world, and threatened, at the same time, Italy, Germany,
Persia, and Egypt.</p>

<p>In the twelfth and last sitting of the fifth council of the
Lateran, Leo X. took upon him to preach a crusade against
the redoubtable emperor of the Ottomans. He ordered to
be read before the fathers of the council a letter from the
emperor Maximilian, who expressed great grief at seeing
Christendom always exposed to the invasions of a barbarous
nation.</p>

<p>At the same time the emperor of Germany, writing to his
counsellor at the diet of Nuremberg, expressed the desire
he had always felt of reëstablishing the empire of Constantine,
and delivering Greece from the domination of the
Turks. “We would willingly,” said he, “have employed
our power and even our person in this enterprise, if the
other leaders of Christendom had assisted.” When reading
these letters of Maximilian, we might be led to believe that
this prince was touched more than others by the misfortunes
of the Greeks and the perils of Christendom. But the inconstancy
and levity of his character would not allow him
to carry on with ardour an enterprise to which he appeared
to attach so much importance. He passed his life in forming
projects against the Turks, and in making war against
Christian powers; and in his old age consoled himself by
thinking that the glory of saving Europe might perhaps one
day belong to a prince of his family.</p>

<p>Whilst the Christian princes were thus reciprocally exhorting
each other to take arms, without any one of them
renouncing the interests of his own ambition, or offering an
example of a generous devotion, Selim, after having conquered
the king of Persia, attacked the army of the Mamelukes,
dethroned the sultan of Cairo, and united to his vast
dominions all the countries that the Franks had inhabited or
possessed in Asia. Jerusalem then beheld the standard of
the crescent floating over its walls, and the son of Bajazet,
after the example of Omar, profaned by his presence the
church of the Holy Sepulchre.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> Palestine only fell under a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span>
fresh domination, and no change took place in the fate of the
Christians. But as Europe dreaded the Turks more than
the Mamelukes, against whom war had ceased to be carried
on, the news of the conquests of Selim spread consternation
and grief everywhere. It appeared to Christendom as if the
holy city passed for the first time under the yoke of the infidels;
and the sentiments of grief and mourning that the
Christians then experienced, necessarily revived the idea of
delivering the tomb of Christ.</p>

<p>We must add that the late victories of Selim completed
the overthrow of all the powers in the East that had rivalled
the Turks, and that whilst increasing in a fearful manner the
strength of the Ottoman empire, they left it no other enemies
to contend with but the nations of the West.</p>

<p>Leo X. contemplated seriously the dangers which threatened
Christendom, and resolved to arm the principal powers
of Europe against the Turks. The sovereign pontiff announced
his project to the college of cardinals. The prelates
most distinguished for their learning and their skill in negotiations,
were sent into England, Spain, and Germany, with
the mission of appeasing all quarrels that divided princes,
and forming a powerful league against the enemies of the
Christian republic. Leo X., who declared himself beforehand
the head of this holy league, proclaimed a truce of five
years among all the states of Europe, and threatened those
who disturbed the peace with excommunication.</p>

<p>Whilst the pope was thus giving all his attention to preparations
for a crusade, the poets and orators, whose labours
he encouraged, represented him as already the liberator of
the Christian world. The celebrated Vida, in a Sapphic ode
addressed to Leo X., sang the future labours and conquests
of the pontiff. Carried away by his poetical enthusiasm, he
swore to go, clad in shining steel, to the extremities of the
world, and to drink from a brazen helmet the waters of the
Xanthus and the Indus. He boasts of cutting down with
his sword the barbarous heroes of Asia, and fancies that he
already sees posterity placing his name among those of warriors
who had never known fear. Vida, in his ode, speaks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span>
of neither Christ nor the cross, but of Bellona and Apollo.
His verses appear to be much less an inspiration of the Gospel
than an imitation of Horace; and the praises he addresses
to the head of the Christian Church resemble, both in tone
and form, those which the bard of the Tiber addressed to
Augustus. Whilst Vida, in profane verses, thus felicitated
Leo X. upon the laurels he was about to gather amidst the
labours and perils of a holy war, another writer not less
celebrated, in a prose epistle printed at the head of the
Orations of Cicero, addressed the sovereign pontiff with the
same congratulations and the same eulogies. Novagero took
delight in celebrating beforehand those days of glory in which
the pope would return in triumph to the eternal city, after
having extended the limits of the Christian world,&mdash;those
happy days in which all Italy, in which all nations, should
revere him as a divinity descended from heaven for their
deliverance.</p>

<p>Italy was then filled with fugitive Greeks, amongst whom
were some illustrious scholars, who exercised a great influence
over men’s minds, and never ceased to represent the Turks
as a barbarous and ferocious people. The Greek tongue
was taught with success in the most celebrated schools, and
the new direction of studies, with the admiration which the
masterpieces of Greece inspired, added greatly to the hatred
of the people for the fierce dominators of Byzantium, Athens,
and Jerusalem. Thus all the disciples of Homer and Plato
associated themselves, in some sort, by their wishes and their
discourses, with the enterprise of the sovereign pontiff. It
may have been remarked, that the manner of preaching the
crusades, and the motives alleged to excite the ardour of the
Christians, differed according to circumstances, and were
almost always analogous to the prevailing ideas of each
period. In the times of which we now speak, everything
naturally bears the character and stamp of the great age of
Leo X.; and if the crusade had been able to contribute to
the restoration of letters, it was just that letters in their turn
should do something in a war undertaken against the enemies
of civilization and intelligence.</p>

<p>The envoys of the court of Rome were received with distinction
in all the states of Europe, and neglected neither
evangelical exhortations, nor seductions, nor promises, nor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>
any of the resources of profane policy, to induce Christian
princes to join the crusade proclaimed by the pope. The
sacred college rejoiced at the success of their mission, and
the pope, to prove his gratitude to Heaven, and to draw
down divine blessings upon his enterprise, ordered that processions
should be made and prayers put up, during three
days, in the capital of the Christian world. He himself
celebrated the divine office, distributed alms, and walked
barefooted and with his head uncovered to the church of the
Holy Apostles.</p>

<p>Sadoletus, secretary to the Holy See, one of the most distinguished
favourites of the Muses, and who, in the judgment
of Erasmus, possessed in his writings the copiousness
and the manner of Cicero, pronounced, in the presence of
the clergy and the Roman people, a discourse, in which he
celebrated the zeal and the activity of the sovereign pontiff,
the eagerness of the Christian princes to make peace with
each other, and the desire they evinced to unite their powers
against the Turks: the orator reminded his auditory of the
emperor of Germany and the king of France, glorious pillars
of Christendom; of the army of Charles, king of Castile,
whose youth exhibited all the virtues of ripened age; of the
king of England, the invincible defender of the faith; of
Emanuel, king of Portugal, always ready to sacrifice his own
interests to those of the Church; of Louis II., king of Hungary;
and Sigismund, king of Poland; the first, a young
prince, the hope of Christians; the second, worthy to be
their leader; of the king of Denmark, with whose devotion
to religion Europe was well acquainted; and of James, king
of Scotland, the examples of whose family must keep him in
the road of virtue and glory. Among the Christian states,
upon which humanity and religion must build their hopes,
Sadoletus did not forget the Helvetians, a powerful and
warlike nation, which burned with such zeal for the war
against the Turks, that its numerous bands of soldiers were
already prepared to march, and only waited for the signal of
the head of the Church. The holy orator finished by a vehement
apostrophe against the race of the Ottomans, whom
he threatened with the united forces of Europe, and by an
invocation to God, whom he conjured to bless the arms of so
many princes, of so many Christian nations, in order that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span>
the empire of the world might be wrested from Mahomet,
and that the praises of Jesus Christ might at length resound
from the south to the north, and from the west to the
east.</p>

<p>Leo X. was constantly engaged with the crusade he had
preached. He consulted with able captains, and acquired
information concerning the strength of the Turks, and upon
the means of attacking them with advantage: the most certain
means was to raise numerous armies. In his letters to
the princes and the faithful, he exhorted Christians not to
neglect prayers and the austerities of penitence; but he
recommended them above all things to prepare their arms,
and to oppose their redoubtable enemies with strength and
valour. In concert with the principal states of Christendom,
he laid down the plan of the holy war. The emperor
of Germany was to furnish an army to which the Hungarian
and Polish cavalry should be united. The king of France,
with all his forces, all those of the Venetians, and several
states of Italy, and sixteen thousand Swiss, was to embark
at Brindisi, and make a descent upon the coast of Greece;
whilst the fleets of Spain, Portugal, and England, should
set sail from Carthagena and the neighbouring ports, to
transport Spanish troops to the shores of the Hellespont.
The pope proposed to embark himself at the port of Ancona,
to repair to Constantinople, under the walls of which
city all the forces of the Christian powers were to meet.</p>

<p>This plan was gigantic, and never would the Ottoman
empire have been in greater danger, if such vast designs
could have been carried into execution. But the Christian
monarchs were only able to observe the truce proclaimed
by the pope, and which they had accepted for a very few
months; each of them had engaged to furnish for the crusade
troops which every day became more necessary to them in
their own states, and which they wished to aggrandize or
defend. The old age of Maximilian, and the approaching
vacancy of the imperial throne, at that time held all the
ambitious in a state of expectation: very shortly the rivalry
of Charles V. and Francis I. rekindled war in Europe, and
Christendom, disturbed by the quarrels of princes, no longer
thought it probable they should be invaded by the Turks.</p>

<p>But these political dissensions were not the only obstacles<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>
to the execution of the projects of Leo X. Another difficulty
arose from the levy of the tenths. The clergy everywhere
appeared to have the same indifference for the wars
which ruined them. The people dreaded to see their alms
employed in enterprises which had not for object the triumph
of religion. The legate of the pope in Spain addressed
himself first to the Arragonese, who replied by a formal
refusal, expressed in a national synod. Cardinal Ximenes
declared, in the name of the king of Castile, that the Spaniards
did not believe in the threats of the Turks, and that
they would not give their money until the pope had positively
announced how he would employ it. If the dispositions
and the will of the court of Rome found less resistance
and occasioned no troubles in England or France, it was
because Cardinal Wolsey, minister of Henry VIII., was
associated in the mission of the apostolic legate, and that
Leo X. abandoned the tenths of his kingdom to Francis I.</p>

<p>We have before us several historical documents which
have never been printed, and which throw a great light upon
the circumstances of which we are speaking. The first is a
letter from Francis I., dated from Amboise, the 16th of
December, 1516, by which <i>Master Josse de Lagarde, doctor
in theology, vicar-general of the cathedral church of Thoulouse</i>,
is named commissary, <i>touching the fact of the crusade in the
diocese</i>. The king of France exposes in another letter the
aim of the jubilate that is about to be opened: <i>it was to
implore means to make war against the infidels, and conquer
the Holy Land and the empire of Greece, detained and
usurped by the said infidels</i>. To these letters patent are
joined instructions given by the king, in concert with the
legate of the pope, for the execution of the bull which
orders the preaching of the crusade in the kingdom of
France during the two years 1517 and 1518. These instructions,
in the first place, recommend the choice of good
preachers, charged <i>to make good and devout sermons to the
people, and to explain the faculties and dispensations which
are contained in the bull</i>, as well as why <i>the just and holy
causes for which it is ordered, that during two years all other
indulgences, all other general and particular pardons, are
suspended and revoked</i>.</p>

<p>After having spoken of the choice of preachers, and of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>
manner in which they ought to preach, the letters patent of
the king give some instructions upon the choice of confessors.
The commissary-general of the crusade could appoint
as many as seemed necessary to him for every church
in which were <i>troncs et questes</i> (poor-boxes and gatherings)
for the jubilee. He was commanded to name six for the
cathedral of the diocese, <i>gens de bonne conscience, hors de
suspicion</i> (worthy people, above suspicion). The ecclesiastics
thus chosen by the commissary had the mission to
confess all such as were desirous of indulgences; and to avoid
the disorders that might arise from the spirit of rivalry, they
had, to the exclusion of all others, the power to make compositions
and restitutions, and give absolution, &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

<p>In short, the royal ordinance omitted none of the circumstances
which accompanied the preaching of a crusade, or of
the forms which ought to be adopted in the distribution of
indulgences. It goes so far as to regulate the shape of the
<i>troncs</i> placed in the churches to receive the offerings of the
faithful, and the religious ceremonies that were to be observed
during the jubilee.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> Among other orders, one commanded
that a great number of confessionals, or bills of
absolution and indulgence, should be made; that these bills,
signed by a notary, should be sent to the commissary-general,
who would seal them <span class="smcap">WITH THE SEAL</span> sent by the
king, and that there should be left upon them a blank space
for the name of him or her who wished to procure them.
The royal instruction added, that the commissary should
cause his <i>tronc</i> to be properly and handsomely set up, and
that there should be in the centre of it a large handsome
cross, upon which should be written, in great, fair letters,
<span class="smcap">IN HOC SIGNO VINCES</span>. In order that nothing might be
wanting to excite the people to devotion, it was besides<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span>
ordered, that solemn processions should be made, and that in
them a handsome banner should be carried, upon which should
be, on one side, the portraits of the pope and the king of
France, and on the other, <i>paintings full of Turks and other
infidels</i>.</p>

<p>In this ordinance, of which it gives us great pleasure
to recall the spirit and the expressions, that which history
particularly observes, is the numerous precautions against
infidelity and fraud. The distributors of the indulgences
were obliged to consult an assessment for their government
in all expenses and reinstatements. The <i>troncs</i>, in which
the money of the faithful was deposited, had three locks and
three keys, and were only to be opened in the presence of
witnesses; among the documents we have quoted, is one
which is the legal order for the opening of the <i>troncs</i>,<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> with
an account rendered of the receipts and expenditure, in
which the most minute details are not neglected, and which
shows to what a degree exactitude and watchfulness were
carried. These rigorous precautions were the more necessary,
from the people being led to be suspicious by the
examples of past times; it was pretty well known that many
of the collectors of the money for the crusades were not
<i>people of worth, and above suspicion</i>. The more sacred the
motive for levying this tribute was said to be, the more
promptly was suspicion awakened; and the more anxious did
charity itself appear as to the manner in which its offerings
might be expended. Upon this point, as upon others,
authority had so much the more necessity for keeping a
severe watch, from there always being among the orators of
the crusades some who showed more zeal than wisdom, and
whose preachings were really a subject of scandal. As most
of them received a salary proportionate with the amount of
money dropped into the <i>troncs</i> of the churches, many did
not hesitate to exaggerate the promises of the sovereign
pontiff and the privileges attached to gifts of charity. History
gives us the example of a preacher who put forth from
the evangelical pulpit the following culpable maxim: <i>When
a piece of money shall be placed in the tronc of the crusade<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>
for the deliverance of a soul from purgatory, immediately that
soul will be delivered, and will fly away towards heaven</i>. The
Faculty of Theology of Paris censured this proposition as
contrary to the dogmas of the Church. The prudence of
the heads of the Gallican Church, and the wise measures
adopted by the king of France, thus prevented great disorders.
It was not so in Germany, where the greatest
excitement and dissatisfaction prevailed, and where seeds of
heresy and trouble began to spring up even in the bosom of
the clergy.</p>

<p>It may have been observed, how much more easy the
court of Rome had hitherto daily made the opening of the
treasury of pontifical indulgences. In the early expeditions
to the East, these indulgences were only granted to the
pilgrims of the Holy Land. They were afterwards granted
to all who contributed to the support of the Crusaders.
Still later, they were granted to the faithful who listened to
the sermons of the preachers of the crusades; sometimes
even to those who were present at the mass of the pope’s
legates. As the distribution or sale of indulgences was an
inexhaustible source of wealth, Leo X. took upon him to
grant them not only to those who, by their alms, were
willing to aid in defraying the expenses of the war against
the Turks, but to all the faithful whose pious liberality
should contribute to the amount necessary for the completion
of the building of the church of St. Peter, which
had been begun by his predecessor Julius II. Although
this destination might have something noble and truly useful
in it; although it might be worthy, in some sort, of an
age in which the arts burst forth with great splendour, many
Christians, particularly in Germany, saw nothing in it but
an actual profanation, and a new means by which the court
of Rome sought to enrich itself at the expense of the
faithful.</p>

<p>Albert, archbishop of Mayence, charged with appointing
the preachers of the jubilee and the distributors of papal
indulgences, named for Saxony, Dominicans, to the exclusion
of Cordeliers or Augustines, who had sometimes filled these
kinds of missions. The latter showed themselves jealous
of this preference; and as no precaution had been taken
either to avert the effects of this species of rivalry, or put a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span>
stop to the abuses which might be committed, it happened
that the Augustines censured severely the conduct, manners,
and opinions of the Dominicans, and that the latter
but too well justified the complaints of their adversaries.</p>

<p>Luther, an Augustine monk, put himself forward in these
violent quarrels, and distinguished himself by his fervid
eloquence;<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> he spoke strongly against the preachers that
had been selected to receive the contributions of the faithful;
and among the propositions he put forth from the
pulpit, history has preserved the following, which was censured
by Leo X.: “It is a sin to resist the Turks, seeing that
Providence makes use of this faithless nation, to visit the
iniquities of his people.” This strange maxim obtained faith
amongst the partisans of Luther; and when the pope’s legate
demanded, at the diet of Ratisbon, the levy of the tenths
destined for the crusade, he met with a warm opposition.
Murmurs and complaints arose in all parts of Germany.
The court of Rome was reproached with putting holy things
up to sale: it was compared to the unfaithful shepherd, who
shears the sheep confided to his care; it was accused of
despoiling credulous people; of ruining nations and kings;
and of accumulating upon Christians more miseries than
the domination of the Turks could cause them.</p>

<p>For more than a century, these kinds of accusations
resounded throughout Germany, every time that money was
raised for crusades; or that any tribute whatever was imposed
upon the Christians by the sovereign pontiff. The
reformers took advantage of this disposition of men’s minds
to circulate new ideas, and to attempt a revolution in the
Church. Among a nation led by its genius and character
to speculative ideas, philosophic and religious novelties were
sure to find more warm partisans and ardent apostles than
elsewhere. It must likewise be added, that Germany was
one of the countries of Christendom that Rome had, in its
omnipotence, spared the least; and that the spirit of opposition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span>
had <i>there</i> taken rise, amidst long quarrels between the
priesthood and the empire. When once the tie that united
the minds of people was broken, and the yoke of an authority
consecrated by time was shaken off, opposition knew no
bounds; there was no longer a limit to opinions: the Church
was attacked on all sides at once, and by a thousand different
sects, all opposed to the court of Rome, and most
of them opposed to each other. From that period burst
forth that revolution which was destined to separate for
ever many nations of Christendom from the Romish communion.</p>

<p>It is not our task to describe the events which accompanied
the schism of Luther; but it is curious to observe,
that the origin of the Reformation should be connected, not
directly with the crusades, but with the abuse of the indulgences
promulgated for the crusades.</p>

<p>Like all who begin revolutions, Luther was not at all
aware of the extent to which his opposition to the court of
Rome might be carried: he at first began by attacking some
abuses of the pontifical authority, and soon finished by attacking
the authority itself. The opinions he had kindled
by his eloquence, the passions he had given birth to among
his disciples, led him himself much further than he could
possibly have foreseen: those who had the greatest reason
to combat the doctrines of the reformers saw, no more than
he did, what those doctrines were to bring with them. Germany,
divided into a thousand different states, and given up
to all kinds of disorders, had no authority sufficiently strong
and sufficiently prescient to anticipate the effects of a schism.
At the court of Rome nobody could have believed that a simple
monk could ever shake the pillars of the Church. Amidst
the pomp and the splendour of the arts which he patronized,
and diverted by the cares of an ambitious policy, Leo X.
perhaps was too neglectful of the progress of Luther. Above
all, he was wrong in entirely abandoning the expedition
against the Turks, which he had announced to the Christian
world, and which might, at least at the first, have offered a
useful distraction to minds agitated by ideas of reformation.
The undertaking of a holy war which he had followed up
with so much warmth at the beginning of his pontificate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span>
and for which the poets promised him eternal glory,&mdash;this
enterprise, at his death, no longer engaged his thoughts, or
those of his contemporaries.</p>

<p>In the mean time Soliman, the successor of Selim, had
recently taken possession of Belgrade, and threatened the
isle of Rhodes. This isle was then the last colony of the
Christians in Asia. As long as the Knights of St. John
remained masters of it, the sultan of the Turks had reason
to fear that some great expedition might be formed in the
West for the recovery of Palestine and Syria, or even for
the conquest of Egypt, which had lately been united to the
Ottoman empire.</p>

<p>The grand-master of the Hospitallers sent to solicit the
assistance of Christian Europe. Charles V. had just united,
in his own person, the imperial crown with that of the
Spains. Entirely occupied with opposing the power of
France, and anxious to draw Pope Adrian VI. into a war
against the most Christian king, the emperor was very little
affected by the danger which threatened the Knights of
Rhodes. The sovereign pontiff did not dare to succour
them, or solicit for them the support of Christendom.
Francis I. exhibited more generous sentiments; but in the
situation in which his kingdom was then placed, he was
unable to send them the assistance he had promised.</p>

<p>The Knights of Rhodes were left to their own resources.
History has celebrated the labours and the prodigies of
heroism by which the order of the Hospitallers illustrated
its defence. After many months of combats, Rhodes fell
into the hands of Soliman. It was a sad spectacle to behold
the grand-master L’Isle-Adam, the father of his knights
and of his subjects, dragging with him the sad remains of the
order, and all the people of Rhodes, who had determined to
follow him. He landed at first upon the coast of Naples,
not far from the spot where Virgil makes the pious Æneas
land, with the glorious wreck of Troy. If the spirit of the
crusades could have revived, what heart could have remained
unmoved, at seeing this venerable old man, followed by his
faithful companions in misfortune, seeking an asylum, imploring
compassion, and soliciting, as a reward of their past
services, a little corner of earth upon which he and his warriors<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span>
might still unfurl the standard of religion, and combat
the infidels.</p>

<p>When the grand-master set forward on his march towards
Rome, Adrian VI. had declared war against the king of
France; a league was formed by the sovereign pontiff, the
emperor, the king of England, and the duke of Milan. In
this state of affairs, the Christians of the East could not
hope for any succour. After the death of Adrian, Pope
Clement VII. showed himself more favourable to the order
of the Hospitallers. He received the grand-master with all
the demonstrations of a paternal tenderness. When the
chancellor of the order related, in the consistory, the exploits
and the reverses of the knights, the sovereign pontiff and
the Romish prelates shed tears, and promised to interest all
the powers of the Christian world for such noble sufferers.
Unfortunately for the order of St. John, the powers of
Europe were more than ever divided among themselves.
Francis I. was made prisoner at the battle of Pavia. The
pope, who had wished to resume the old papal title of the
conciliator, only drew down upon himself the hatred and
the anger of Charles V. Amidst these divisions, the Knights
of Rhodes were forgotten; and it was not till ten years after
the conquest of Soliman, that these noble warriors were able
to obtain from the emperor, the rock of Malta, where they
became again the terror of the Mussulmans.</p>

<p>Whilst Europe was thus troubled, the conqueror of Rhodes
and Belgrade reappeared in a threatening attitude upon the
banks of the Danube. Louis II. endeavoured to reanimate
the patriotism of the Hungarians, and caused the old custom
of exposing in public a bloody sabre to be revived, as a signal
of war and of danger for the country. But neither the exhortations
of the monarch, nor those of the clergy, nor even
the approach of the enemy, were able to appease the discords,
born of feudal anarchy and the lengthened misfortunes of
Hungary. The Hungarian monarch was only able to get
together an army of twenty-two thousand men, to oppose to
that of Soliman. Louis, a young prince without experience,
who allowed himself to be led, even in war, by ecclesiastics,
named, as general of his army, Paul Temory, lately issued
from a convent of Cordeliers, to become archbishop of Colotza.
We are unable to ascertain whether, in this circumstance,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span>
the king of Hungary was obliged to put himself in
the hands of the clergy, because he was abandoned by the
nobility; or, if the nobility abandoned him, because he had
put himself in the hands of the clergy. As the pope constantly
excited the Hungarians to defend their own country,
the ecclesiastics of Hungary, who were his interpreters to
the faithful, and even to the king, must naturally have exercised
a great influence in all that concerned the crusade.</p>

<p>In this war twenty-two thousand Christians had to contend
with an army of a hundred thousand Ottomans; and
this was the Hungarian army which, according to the advice
of the bishops, offered battle to the infidels. What is very
remarkable in holy wars is, that the clergy may almost always
be recognised by the rashness of the enterprises. The persuasion
of the ecclesiastics, that they were fighting for the
cause of God, with their ignorance of the art of war, prevented
them from seeing perils, did not allow them to doubt
of victory, and made them often neglect the means of human
prudence. It was then, in the confidence of a miraculous
success, that the archbishop of Colotza did not hesitate to
venture upon a decisive battle. The clergy who accompanied
him animated the combatants by their discourses, and set an
example of bravery; but religious and warlike enthusiasm
cannot triumph over numbers, and most of the prelates received
the palm of martyrdom in the <i>mêlée</i>. Eighteen thousand
Christians were left upon the field of battle; and what
added greatly to the misfortune, Louis II. disappeared, and
perished in the general rout, leaving his kingdom torn by
factions and ravaged by the Turks.</p>

<p>The defeat of the Hungarians brought despair to the mind
of Clement VII. The pontiff wrote to all the sovereigns of
Europe; he even formed the project of visiting them in person,
and to engage them by his prayers and his tears to defend
Christendom. Neither the touching exhortations of
the pope, nor his suppliant attitude, were able to move the
princes; and it is here that we can plainly perceive the rapid
decline of the pontifical power, which we have so lately seen
armed with all the terrors of the Church, and whose decisions
were considered as the decrees of Heaven. War was
about to be rekindled in Italy, and the pope was not long in
becoming himself the victim of the disorders he would willingly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span>
have prevented. The imperial troops entered Rome
as into an enemy’s city. The emperor, who assumed the
title of temporal head of the Church, did not fear to offer to
Europe the scandal of the captivity of a pontiff.</p>

<p>Although the authority of the head of the Church no
longer inspired the same veneration, or exercised the same
ascendancy over men’s minds, nevertheless the violences of
Charles V. excited general indignation. England and France
flew to arms. All Europe was troubled: some wished to
avenge the pope, others to take advantage of the disorder;
but none thought of defending Christendom against the
invasion of the Turks.</p>

<p>Clement VII., however, from the depths of the prison
in which the emperor detained him, still watched over
the defence of Christian Europe: his legates went to
exhort the Hungarians to fight for their God and their
country. As the pontiff had been ruined by the calamities
of war, he implored the charity of the faithful; he
ordered that the plate should be sold in all the churches
of Italy; he solicited the assistance of several Italian states;
and he ordered that indulgences might be distributed and
the tenths collected to support the expenses of the holy
war.</p>

<p>The active solicitude of the pope went so far as to seek
enemies against the Turks even in the East and among
the infidels. Acomath, who had in Egypt shaken off the
yoke of the Porte, received encouragement from the court
of Rome. A legate of the pope went to promise him the
support of the Christians of the West. The sovereign pontiff
kept up continual relations on all the frontiers and in all
the provinces of the Turkish empire, in order to be made
aware of the designs and preparations of the sultans of Constantinople.
It is not out of place to say here, that most of
the predecessors of Clement had taken, as he did, the greatest
care in watching the projects of the infidels. Thus the heads
of the Church did not confine themselves to exciting the
Christians to defend themselves upon their own territories;
but, like vigilant sentinels, they constantly kept their eyes
fixed upon the enemies of Christendom, to warn Europe of
the perils which threatened it.</p>

<p>When the emperor broke the chains of Clement VII., the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span>
holy pontiff forgot the outrages he had received, to give all
his cares to the danger of the German empire, which was
about to be attacked by the Turks. The capital of Austria
was soon besieged, and only owed its safety to the bravery
of its garrison. In the diets of Augsburg and Spire, the
pope’s legate endeavoured, in the name of religion, to rouse
the ardour of the people of Germany for their own defence.
A physician, named Riccius, spoke in the name of the emperor,
and added his exhortations to those of the apostolic
legate; he made an appeal to the ancient virtue of the Germans,
and reminded his auditors of the example of their ancestors,
who had never endured a foreign domination. He
pressed princes, magistrates, and people, to fight for their
own independence and safety. Ferdinand, king of Bohemia
and Hungary, urged the princes and states of the empire to
adopt prompt and effective measures against the Turks.
These exhortations and counsels met with but little success,
but had to encounter a strong opposition from the still too
active spirit of the new doctrines. All the cities, all the
provinces, were occupied by questions agitated by the Reformation.
We may at this time compare the nations of
Germany, menaced by the Turks, to the Greeks of the
lower empire, whom history represents as given up to vain
disputes, when the barbarians were at their gates. As
among the Greeks, there was a crowd of men among the
Germans, who entertained less dread of seeing in their cities
the turban of Mahomet than the tiara of the pontiff of Rome;
some, governed by a spirit of fatalism scarcely to be equalled
in the Koran, asserted that God had judged Hungary, and
that the safety of that kingdom was not in the power of men;
others (the Millenarians) announced with a fanatical joy the
approach of the last judgment; and whilst the preachers of
the crusades were exhorting the Germans to defend their
country, the jealous pride of an impious sect called for the
days of universal desolation.</p>

<p>The paternal proceedings and counsels of the pope were
neither able to calm men’s minds, nor to rekindle an enthusiasm
for the holy war, in Germany, or even among the
Hungarians. Ferdinand, brother of Charles V., whom the
imperial power had caused to be declared king of Hungary;
and the vaiwode of Transylvania, who, with permission of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span>
the Turks, reigned over the ruins of his country, were contending
for this unfortunate kingdom, oppressed at the same
time by its enemies and its allies. When Soliman returned,
for the third time, to the banks of the Danube, called thither
by a party of the Hungarian nobility, he found no army to
oppose his march. The Ottomans advanced towards the
capital of Austria, and prepared to invade the richest provinces
of Germany. So pressing a danger determined the
head and the princes of the empire to unite their forces
against the common enemy. But when the Turks retired
in disorder, no one thought of either fighting with them, or
pursuing them in their precipitate retreat. The king of
Hungary, abandoned all at once by the Germans, and fearing
fresh attacks, had no resource but to sue to his enemies
for peace. It is a circumstance worthy of remark, that the
pope was comprised in the treaty: Soliman gave the title of
father to the Roman pontiff, and that of brother to the king
of Hungary. Clement VII., after so many useless attempts
to interest the princes of Christendom, appeared to entertain
no hope but in Providence; and exclaimed with bitterness,
when approving the issue of the pacific negotiations, “We
have nothing left but to supplicate Heaven to watch itself
over the Christian world.”</p>

<p>It might be believed that the holy wars were drawing
towards an end, when the head of the Church had laid down
his arms, and made peace with the infidels. But this treaty
of peace, like others that had preceded it, could only be
considered as a truce, and war would most likely break out
again when either the Christians or the Mussulmans saw
any hopes of carrying it on with advantage. Such was the
policy of the times; particularly that which governed the
Christian and Mussulman powers in their mutual relations.
Soliman had abandoned his projects upon Germany and
Hungary, less out of respect for treaties, than because he
was employing his forces against the Persians, or that he
required his army to quell some revolts which had broken
out in Asia against his authority. On the other side, Christendom
left the Ottomans in peace, because it was a prey to
discord; and because most Christian princes, occupied by
their own interests, listened to nothing but the counsels of
their ambition.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span></p>

<p>Europe had at that time three great monarchs, whose
united strength would have been quite sufficient to crush
the power of the Turks; but these three princes were as
much opposed to each other by their policy as by their character
and their genius. Henry VIII. of England, who had
refuted Luther, and leagued himself with the king of
France, to deliver the captive pope, had just separated himself
from the Romish Church. Sometimes allied with
France, sometimes allied with the emperor, occupied in
bringing about the triumph of the schism of which he was
the apostle and the head, he had no time to bestow upon
war with the infidels. Francis I. had, in the first place,
made pretensions to the imperial crown, and afterwards to
the duchy of Milan and the kingdom of Naples. These
pretensions, which were a source of misfortunes to himself
and France, disturbed the whole of his reign, and never
allowed him an opportunity for seriously undertaking a
crusade against the Turks, a crusade which he himself had
preached in his states. The feeling of vengeance and jealousy
which animated him against a fortunate and powerful
rival, inspired him twice with the idea of seeking an alliance
with Soliman. To the great scandal of Christendom, an
Ottoman fleet was received in the port of Marseilles, and
the standard of the lilies was mingled with the crescent
under the walls of Nice. Charles V., master of all the
Spains, head of the German empire, sovereign of the Low
Countries, and possessor of several empires in the new
world, was much more anxious to humble the French monarchy,
and establish his domination in Europe, than to
defend Christendom against the invasion of the Turks.
During the greater part of his reign, this monarch conciliated
the Protestants of Germany, on account of the
Ottomans; and avoided collision with the Ottomans, on
account of his enemies in the Christian republic. He satisfied
himself with protecting, by his arms, the capital of
Austria, when threatened by the Turks; but when the
pope conjured him to employ his forces for the deliverance
of Hungary, he preferred attempting an expedition to the
coast of Africa. A war against the Moors of Africa was
more popular in Spain than an expedition upon the Danube;
and Charles was more desirous of acquiring popularity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span>
among the Spaniards, than of meriting the gratitude of
Christendom. The Barbary powers were recently formed,
under the protection of the Ottoman Porte, and began to
render themselves formidable in the Mediterranean. Charles
carried his arms twice to the coast of Africa: in the first
expedition, he got possession of Tunis, planted his standards
upon the ruins of Carthage, and delivered twenty thousand
captives, who went to publish his victories in every part of
the Christian world; in the second expedition, he would
have annihilated the Barbary powers, so destructive to the
navigation of the Franks; but a hurricane, which destroyed
his fleet and his army, dispersed the hopes of commerce and
navigators.</p>

<p>At the time Charles experienced so great a disaster whilst
combating the Mussulmans of Africa, the Ottomans, invited
by Francis I., were ravaging the coasts of Italy, and had
recently entered Hungary, from whence they threatened
Germany.</p>

<p>Then fresh cries of alarm resounded all over Europe, and
among those who exhorted the nations to oppose the Turks,
the voice of Martin Luther was heard. In a book entitled
<i>Prayer against the Turk</i>, the reformer condemned the indifference
of people and kings, and advised the Christians to
resist the Mussulmans, if they did not wish to be led into
captivity, as the children of Israel had formerly been. In a
formula of prayer which he had composed, he expressed
himself thus: “Arise, Lord, great God, and sanctify thy
name, which thy enemies outrage; strengthen thy reign,
which they wish to destroy, and suffer us not to be trampled
under-foot by those who are not willing that thou shouldst
be our God.”</p>

<p>Murmurs had several times arisen against Luther, who
was accused of having, by his doctrines, weakened the
courage of the Germans. Some time before the period of
which we are speaking, he published an apology, in which,
without disavowing the famous proposition censured by the
pope, he gave to his words a different sense from that which
the court of Rome gave them, and which he himself, no
doubt, had given them in the first instance. All his explanations,
which it is not very easy to analyze, were reduced to
this idea:&mdash;“That it was allowable to fight with the Turks,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span>
but that it was not allowable to fight with them under the
banners of Christianity.” Although the leader of the Reformation
required all the qualities of a perfect Christian in
the warriors called upon to fight the Mussulmans, and
although he drew all the principles of his preaching from
the religion of Christ; the standard of the cross in a Christian
army, caused him, he said, more horror than the sight of
the demon. The true motive for his repugnance for a crusade
may be easily guessed; a crusade appeared necessarily
to require the concurrence of the pope; and the concurrence
of the pope, in a war which interested Christendom, was the
thing in the world most dreaded by Luther. He had so strong
an aversion to the court of Rome, that in his writings he asks
himself if war ought not to be made against the Pope as
well as the Turk; and in the excess of his hatred, does not
hesitate to answer, <i>against the one as against the other</i>.</p>

<p>We will not repeat here the declamations and the sophisms
of Luther. Through the puerile subtleties and the contrary
reasonings which he employs for his justification, we
must, however, remark the distinction he has made between
civil authority and ecclesiastical authority: it is to the first,
says the reformer, that it belongs to combat the Turks;
the duty of the second is to wait, to submit, to pray, and
to groan. He adds, that war was not the business of
bishops, but of magistrates; that the emperor, in this circumstance,
ought to be considered as the head of the German
confederation, and not as the protector of the Church,
nor as the support of the Christian faith; a title which can
only properly be given to Jesus Christ. All these arguments,
doubtless, had something reasonable in them; and the opinion
of Luther upon the civil authority, although he might have
adopted it only out of opposition to the papal power, would
have obtained the approbation of enlightened minds, if he
had not employed, in supporting it, all the passion of irritated
pride; and if his apology, in particular, had not been
stained by abuse which decency will not allow history to
repeat.</p>

<p>Not content with this apology, which had for title, <i>Of the
War against the Turks</i>, Luther, two years after the siege of
Vienna, published another work, entitled, <i>A Military Discourse</i>,
in which he also urges the Germans to take arms.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span>
This second discourse begins, as the first had done, by
theological distinctions and subtleties; by declamations
against the pope and the bishops; by predictions upon the
approaching end of the world; and upon the power of the
Turks; which the author finds clearly announced in Daniel.
Although he endeavours to prove, as in his first writing, that
the war against the Mussulmans is not at all a religious war,
but an enterprise entirely political; he promises, not the less,
the palms of martyrdom to those who shall die with arms
in their hands. He represents this war as agreeable to the
Divinity, and as the duty of a true disciple of the Gospel.
“Thy arm and thy lance,” says he to every Christian soldier
who shall take arms against the infidels, “shall be the arm
and the lance of God. In immolating Turks, thou wilt not
shed innocent blood, and the world will consider thee as the
executioner of the decrees of divine justice; for thou wilt
but kill those whom God has himself condemned. The
Turk,” adds he, “ravishes terrestrial life from Christians, and
procures them eternal life; he at the same time kills himself,
and precipitates himself into hell.” Luther appears to
be so penetrated with this idea, that he is on the point of
deploring the fate of the Mussulmans; and to chastise indifferent
Christians, and pusillanimous Germans, he has no
punishment to wish them, unless it be that they should
become Turks, and thus be the property of the devil.</p>

<p>A short extract is not sufficient to show what whimsical
and singular ideas are contained in Luther’s discourse; it
may, however, be easily perceived how much this kind of
preaching differs from that of the orators who preached the
crusade in preceding ages. In the second part of his
discourse, the leader of the Reformation addressed himself
to the various classes of society; to the nobility, who are
immersed in luxury and pleasures, but for whom the hour of
fight is at length come; to the citizens and merchants, for
too long a time addicted to usury and cupidity; to the
labourers and peasants, whom he accuses of deceiving and
robbing their neighbours. The tone of the preacher is full
of an excessive severity; he speaks like a man who feels no
sorrow at the misfortunes which are about to happen, because
he has foretold them, and his warnings and prophecies
have been despised. He says, with a sort of satisfaction,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span>
that after days of joy and debauchery, after seasons of festivity
and pleasures, comes the time of tears, miseries, and
alarms. He finishes by a vehement apostrophe, addressed
to all who shall remain deaf to his voice, and whom the
enemy shall find without defence: “Listen now, then, to the
devil in the Turk, you who are not willing to listen to God
in Jesus Christ; the Turk will burn your dwellings; he will
bear away your cattle and your harvests; he will outrage
and slaughter your wives and your daughters before your
eyes; he will impale your little children upon the very
stakes of the hedge which serves as an inclosure to your
heritage; he will immolate you yourselves, or will carry you
away into Turkey, to expose you in the market, like unclean
animals; it is he who will teach you what you will have
lost, and what you ought to have done. It is to the Turk
belongs the task to humble the haughty nobility, to render
citizens docile, and to chastise and tame the gross
multitude.”</p>

<p>Luther then gives his advice upon the manner of making
war against the Turks; he is desirous that all should defend
themselves even to death, and that all the countries through
which the enemy was about to pass should be laid waste;
he terminates his discourse by addressing consolations to
them who shall fall into the hands of the Turks, and traces
out for them a plan of conduct for the time of their captivity
among the infidels.</p>

<p>This language, of which we are far from exaggerating the
singularity, was not at all calculated to warm and rally
men’s minds for a struggle against the enemies of Germany
and Christendom. At this period, the princes and the
states of the empire frequently met to deliberate on their
own dangers. It was more easy to convoke diets than to
get together armies. The Protestants were not willing to
take arms against the Turks, for fear of strengthening their
adversaries; and the Catholics were restrained by their fear
of the Protestants: amidst the violent debates that agitated
Germany, the Church, and even the civil authority which
Luther had proclaimed, lost all that unity of action, without
which it is impossible to combat a formidable enemy with
advantage. Among the Germans, the spirit of sect weakened
by degrees the spirit of patriotism; among Christians,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>
the hatred they conceived for one another caused them to
lose that pious ardour which had animated them against the
Mussulmans. In proportion as the Reformation proceeded,
Germany became divided into two parties, which were like
two enemies face to face. Both parties soon had recourse
to arms, and, in the fury of civil wars, the invasions of the
Turks were forgotten. It was thus that the Reformation,
which took its birth at the end of the crusades, completely
extinguished the enthusiasm for holy wars, and no longer
permitted the nations of Christendom to unite against the
infidels.</p>

<p>The name of the Turks was still pronounced in the diets
of Germany, and even in the council of Trent; but no measures
were adopted for making war against them. From
that time there passed nothing in either Hungary or the East
which was able to fix the attention of the Christian world.
The only event upon which Europe seemed interested was
the defence of Malta against all the forces of Soliman. This
defence increased the reputation of the military order of
St. John. The port of Malta became the only place of shelter
for Christian vessels on the route to Egypt, Syria, or Greece.
The corsairs of Tunis and Algiers, and all the pirates who
infested the Mediterranean, trembled at the sight of the rock,
and of the galleys over which floated the standard of the cross.
This military colony, always armed against the infidels, and
constantly recruited from the warlike nobility of Europe,
offered, up to the end of the eighteenth century, a living
image of ancient chivalry, and of the heroic epoch of the
crusades. We have described the origin of this illustrious
order,&mdash;we have followed it in its days of triumph, and in its
reverses, still more glorious than its victories. We will not
say by what revolution it is fallen, nor how it has lost that
isle which was given to it as the reward of its bravery, and
which it defended, during more than two hundred years,
against the Ottoman forces and the barbarians of Africa.</p>

<p>Whilst the Turks miscarried in their expedition against
Malta, Soliman was pursuing the war in Hungary, and still
threatening Germany. He died on the banks of the Danube,
in the midst of victories obtained over the Christians.
Christendom must have rejoiced at his death, as it had
rejoiced at the death of Mahomet II. Under the reign of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span>
Soliman, who was the greatest prince of the Ottoman
dynasty, the Turks not only invaded a part of the German
empire, but their marine, seconded by the genius of Barberossa
and Dragut, made a progress that must have alarmed
all the maritime powers of Europe. Selim II., who succeeded
him, had neither his qualities nor the genius of most
of his predecessors; but he followed not the less their projects
of aggrandizement, or the views of their ambitious
policy. The Ottomans, masters of the coasts of Greece,
Syria, and Africa, were desirous of adding to their conquests
the kingdom of Cyprus, which was then possessed by the
Venetians.</p>

<p>After a siege of several months, the Ottoman army
obtained possession of the cities of Famagousta and Nicosia.
The Turks stained their victory by cruelties without example.
The bravest of the defenders of Cyprus expiated in
tortures the glory of an obstinate resistance; and it may be
said, it was the executioners that finished the war. The
barbarity of the Turks disgusted the Christian nations
afresh; and the maritime countries of the West beheld with
terror an invasion which threatened to exclude Europeans
from every road to the East.</p>

<p>At the approach of the danger, Pope Pius V. exhorted
the Christian powers to take up arms against the Ottomans.
A confederation was formed, consisting of the republic of
Venice, Philip II., king of Spain, and the pope himself,
always ready to add the authority of his example to his
preaching. A numerous fleet, equipped for the defence of
the isle of Cyprus, arrived too late in the eastern seas, and
was only able to repair the disgrace of the Christian arms.
This fleet, commanded by Don John of Austria, met that of
the Ottomans in the Gulf of Lepanto. It was in this sea
Antony and Augustus disputed the mastership of the Roman
world. The battle which took place between the Christians
and the Turks reminds us in some degree of the spirit and
enthusiasm of the crusades. Before the commencement of
the conflict, Don John hoisted on board his ship the standard
of St. Peter, which he had received from the pope, and the
army saluted with cries of joy this religious signal of victory.
The leaders of the Christians passed along the line of
barques, exhorting the soldiers to fight for the cause of Christ.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span>
All the warriors, falling upon their knees, implored divine
protection, and arose full of confidence in their own bravery
and the miracles of heaven.</p>

<p>No naval battle of antiquity can be compared to this of
Lepanto, in which the Turks fought for the empire of the
world, and the Christians for the defence of Europe. The
courage and skill of Don John and the other leaders, the
intrepidity and ardour of the soldiers, and the superiority of
the Franks in manœuvring their vessels, and in their artillery,
procured for the Christian fleet a decisive victory. Two
hundred of the enemy’s ships were taken, burnt, or sunk.
The wreck of the Turkish fleet, whilst announcing the victory
of the Christians, carried consternation to the coasts of
Greece and to the capital of the Ottoman empire.</p>

<p>Terrified by the results of this battle, Selim caused the
famous castle of the Dardanelles to be built, which to the
present day defends the entrance to the canal of Constantinople.
At the time of the battle, the roof of the temple of
Mecca fell in, and the Turks believed they saw in this accident
a sign of the anger of Heaven. The roof was of wood;
and that it might become, says Cantemir, a more solid
emblem of the empire, the son of Soliman ordered it to be
reconstructed of brick.</p>

<p>Whilst the Turks deplored the first reverse their arms had
met with, the whole of Christendom learnt the news of the
victory of Lepanto with the greatest joy. The Venetians,
who had awaited in terror the issue of the battle, celebrated
the triumph of the Christian fleet by extraordinary festivities.
In order that no feeling of sadness should be mingled with
the universal joy, the senate set all prisoners at liberty, and
forbade the subjects of the republic to wear mourning for
their relations or friends who had been killed fighting against
the Turks. The battle of Lepanto was inscribed upon coins,
and as the infidels were defeated on the day of St. Justin,
the seigneury ordered that this happy day should be every
year a festival for the whole population of Venice.</p>

<p>At Toledo, and in all the churches of Spain, the people
and the clergy offered up hymns of gratitude to Heaven for
the victory it had granted to the valour of the Christian
soldiers. No nation, no prince of Europe, was indifferent
to the defeat of the Turks; and, if one historian may be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span>
believed, the king of England, James I., celebrated in a poem
the glorious day of Lepanto.</p>

<p>As the pope had effectively contributed to the success of
the Christian arms, it was at Rome that the strongest
symptoms of delight were exhibited. Mark Antony Colonna,
who had commanded the vessels of the sovereign
pontiff, was received in triumph, and conducted to the Capitol,
preceded by a great number of prisoners of war. The
ensigns taken from the enemy were suspended in the church
of Ara-Cœli. After a solemn mass, Mark Antony Mureti
pronounced the panegyric of the triumphant general. Thus
the ceremonies of ancient Rome were mingled with those of
the modern, to celebrate the valour and exploits of the defenders
of Christendom. The Church itself was desirous of
consecrating a victory gained over its enemies among its
festivals; Pius V. instituted one in honour of the Virgin, by
whose intercession it was believed the Mussulmans had been
conquered. This festival was celebrated on the 7th October,
the day of the battle of Lepanto, under the denomination of
“Our Lady of Victories.”</p>

<p>Thus a unanimous concert of prayers and thanksgivings
arose towards heaven, and all Christians at the same time
showed their gratitude to the God of armies for having delivered
Europe from the invasion of the Mussulmans. But
it was not long before this happy harmony was disturbed:
ambition, reciprocal mistrusts, diversity of interests, all that
had till that time favoured the progress of the Turks, prevented
the Christians from deriving the proper advantages
from their victory. The Venetians were anxious to pursue
the war, in order to recover the isle of Cyprus; but Philip II.,
dreading any increase in the power of Venice, withdrew
from the confederation. The Venetian republic, abandoned
by its allies, hastened to make peace. It obtained it by
sacrificing all the possessions it had lost during the war,&mdash;a
strange result of victory; by which the vanquished dictated
laws to the conqueror, and which plainly shows us to what
extent the pretensions of the Turks would have been carried
if fortune had favoured their arms.</p>

<p>The war which was terminated by the battle of Lepanto,
was the last in which the standard of the cross animated or
rallied Christian warriors.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span></p>

<p>The spirit of the holy wars at first arose from popular
opinions. When these opinions became weakened and great
powers were formed, all that relates to war or peace became
concentrated in the councils of monarchs. No more projects
for distant expeditions were formed in public councils; no
more warlike enterprises were recommended from the pulpits
of the churches, or before assemblies of the faithful. States
and princes, placed at the head of human affairs, even when
they made war against the Mussulmans, obeyed much less
the influence of religious ideas than interests purely political.
From that period the enthusiasm of the multitude, and all
the passions that had given birth to the crusades, were
reckoned as nothing.</p>

<p>The alliance of Francis I. with Soliman was at first a great
scandal for all Christendom. The king of France justified
himself by accusing the ambition and the perfidy of
Charles V. His example was quickly followed by Charles
himself, and by other Christian states. Policy, disengaging
itself more and more from that which was religious in it,
came at last to consider the Ottoman Porte, no longer an
enemy against whom it was a duty always to be fighting,
but as a great power, whom it was sometimes necessary to
conciliate, and whose support might be sought without outraging
the Deity, or affecting the interests of the Church.</p>

<p>As the voice of the sovereign pontiff was always the instrument
to summon Christians to take arms against the
infidels, the spirit of the crusades necessarily grew weaker
as the authority of the popes declined. It may be added,
that the political system of Europe was making its development,
and the ties and springs which were to found the
equilibrium of the Christian republic had an increasing tendency
to their establishment. Each state had its plan of
defence and aggrandisement, which it followed with a constant
activity; all were employed in endeavouring to attain
the degree of power, force, and influence to which their
position and the fortune of their arms entitled them. Hence
those restless ambitions, those mutual mistrusts, that ever
active spirit of rivalry, which scarcely ever permitted sovereigns
to turn their attention towards distant wars.</p>

<p>Whilst ambition and the desire of increasing and defending
their power detained princes in their own states, the people<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span>
became attached to their homes by the blessings and the
enjoyments of a rapidly-rising civilization. In the eleventh
century, the Franks, the Normans, and other barbarians
from the north, had not quite lost the character and habits
of nomadic races, which favoured the rise and the progress
of that warlike enthusiasm which had precipitated the Crusaders
upon the East. In the sixteenth century, institutions
consecrated by time, the precepts of Christianity better
understood, respect for ancestry, love of settled property,
the constantly increasing wealth of cities, with the progress
of industry and of agriculture, had changed the character of
the Franks, destroyed their partiality for a wandering life,
and had become so many ties to attach them to their
country.</p>

<p>In the preceding century the genius of navigation had
discovered America and the passage of the Cape of Good
Hope. The results of this discovery effected a great revolution
in commerce, attracted the attention of all nations, and
gave a new direction to the human mind. All the speculations
of industry, for so long a time founded upon the crusades,
were directed towards America or the East Indies.
Great empires, rich climates, offered themselves all at once
to the ambition or the cupidity of all who sought for glory,
fortune, or adventures&mdash;the wonders of a new world made
men forgetful of those of the East.</p>

<p>At this so memorable epoch, a general emulation arose in
Europe for the cultivation of arts and of letters. The age
of Leo X. produced masterpieces of all kinds.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> France,
Spain, and still more Italy, turned the newly-discovered art
of printing greatly to the advantage of knowledge. The
splendid geniuses of Greece and Rome were everywhere
revived. In proportion as men’s minds became enlightened,
the new career opened before them expanded. Another enthusiasm
succeeded to that of religious enterprises; and the
exploits of the heroic times of our history excited much more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span>
admiration in our romances and poets, than they created desire
in people of the world to imitate them. Then the Epic
Muse, whose voice only celebrates distant events, sang the
heroes of the holy wars; and the crusades, for the same
reason that Tasso became at liberty to adorn the recital of
them with all the wealth of his imagination,&mdash;the crusades,
we say, were no longer anything for Europe but a poetical
remembrance.</p>

<p>One fortunate circumstance for Christendom is, that at
the period when the crusades, which had for their object the
defence of Europe, drew near to their end, the Turks began
to lose some part of that military power which they had displayed
in their contests with the Christian nations. The
Ottomans had at first been, as we have already said, the
only nation that kept on foot a regular standing army, which
gave it a vast superiority over powers that it was desirous
of subduing. In the sixteenth century, most of the great
states of Europe had likewise armies which they could at
any time bring against their enemies. Discipline and military
tactics had made great progress in Christendom; artillery
and marine became more perfect in the West every day,
whilst the Turks, in all that concerns the art of war, or that
of navigation, gathered no advantage from either the lessons
of experience, or from the knowledge to which time and circumstances
had given birth among their neighbours. We
ought to add, that the spirit of superstition and intolerance
which the Turks associated with their wars, was very injurious
to the preservation and extent of their conquests. When
they took possession of a province, they insisted upon making
their laws, their customs, and their worship paramount.
They must change everything, they must destroy everything,
in the country in which they wished to establish themselves;
they must either exterminate the population, or reduce it to
the impossibility of disturbing a foreign domination. Thus
it may be remarked, that, although several times masters of
Hungary, they retired from it after every campaign, and
were never able, amidst all their victories, to found a colony
or make any durable establishment there. The Ottoman
population which had sufficed for occupying and enslaving
the Greek empire, could not people and preserve more distant
countries. It was this, above everything, which saved<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span>
Germany and Italy from the invasion of the Turks. The
Ottomans might, perhaps, have conquered the world if they
had been able to impose their manners upon it, or furnish it
with inhabitants.</p>

<p>After the battle of Lepanto, although they had preserved
the isle of Cyprus, and dictated laws to the republic of
Venice, the Turks not the less lost the idea of their being
invincible, or that all the world must submit to their arms.
It was observed that from that time most of the leaders of
Turkish armies or fleets became more timid, and felt less
assured of victory, when in the presence of an enemy. Astrologers,
who had till then beheld in the phenomena of the
heavens the increase and the glory of the Ottoman empire,
saw nothing during the reign of Soliman and following
reigns but sinister auguries in the aspects of the celestial
bodies. We mention astrologers, because their predictions
have considerable influence upon the policy of the Turks.
It is not improbable that these pretended conjurers did not
confine their observations to the celestial bodies, but that
they watched the manners and the opinions of the people,
and the march of events and affairs. It is for this reason
that their prophecies were found true, and that they belong,
in some sort, to history.</p>

<p>The spirit of conquest, however, which had so long animated
the nation, still subsisted, and sometimes fortune
favoured the Ottoman banner with victory.</p>

<p>Towards the end of the sixteenth century, the Turks
carried war to both the banks of the Danube and to the
frontiers of Persia. Among the Christian warriors who
flew to the aid of Germany, the duke of Mercœur, brother
of the duke of Mayenne, must not be forgotten; he was followed
by a crowd of French soldiers, who had fought against
Henry IV., and who went to expiate the crimes of civil war
by fighting the infidels. The duke of Mercœur, to whom
the emperor Rodolph II. gave the command of the imperial
army, gained several advantages over the Ottomans.</p>

<p>Whilst the war was being carried on in Hungary, the
king of Persia sent an embassy to the emperor of Germany
and the princes of the West, to persuade them to form an
alliance with him against the Turks. The Persian ambassadors
repaired to the court of the sovereign pontiff, and to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span>
those of several Christian powers, conjuring them to declare
war against the Ottomans. This embassy of the king of
Persia, and the exploits of the French on the Danube, created
great uneasiness in the Divan, and an ambassador was sent
to the king of France, as the most to be feared of the
Christian princes. The letters of credit of the Turkish
envoy bore this title: “To the most glorious, magnanimous,
and greatest lord of the faith of Jesus, pacificator of the
differences which arise among Christian princes, lord of
greatness, majesty, and riches, and glorious guide of the
greatest, Henry IV., emperor of France.” The sultan of
the Turks conjured the French monarch, in his letter, to
bring about a truce between the Porte and the emperor of
Germany, and to recall from Hungary the duke of Mercœur,
whose valour and skill brought victory to the banners of the
Germans. Henry IV. interrogated the Ottoman ambassador,
and asked him why the Turks dreaded the duke of
Mercœur so much. The ambassador replied, that a prophecy,
credited by the Turks, declared that the sword of the
French would drive them from Europe, and overthrow their
empire. Henry IV. did not recall the duke of Mercœur:
this able captain continued to beat the Ottomans, and
having covered himself with glory in the war against the
infidels, he was seized, whilst on his return to France, by a
purple fever, “which,” says Mezerai, “sent him to triumph
in heaven.”</p>

<p>In their wars against the Christians, the Turks often
found themselves on the defensive, which was for them a
sign of decline. History remarks that at no period did their
reverses cause them more alarm, or their victories more surprise
and joy. Their defeats were almost always a signal
for sedition and revolt, which the decline of power rendered
bold.</p>

<p>And yet the Ottoman empire still carried on war, and
advanced like a storm ready to burst. In the middle of the
seventeenth century, the isle of Chio, which had belonged
to the Genoese, was added to its maritime possessions, and
the Turks directed their victorious arms towards Candia, an
important colony of the Venetians. At the same time an
Ottoman army entered Transylvania, and greatly alarmed
Austria.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span></p>

<p>Pope Alexander VII., pressed by the emperor Leopold I.
and by the Venetian senate, endeavoured to form a league
among the princes and states of Christendom, and addressed
the king of Poland, the king of Spain, and more particularly
the king of France, to implore their succour against
the Turks.</p>

<p>Louis XIV. yielded to the prayers of the sovereign pontiff,
and sent to Rome an ambassador charged to announce
to his holiness, that he entered into the confederation of
the Christian princes. On the other side, the states of the
Germanic empire, which were the allies of France, assembled
at Frankfort, and engaged to raise money and troops, promising
to unite their efforts with those of the French
monarch, for the defence of Christendom.</p>

<p>This generous forwardness on the part of the king of
France and his allies merited, no doubt, the gratitude of
Leopold; but, what is difficult to be believed, the zeal they
showed for the common cause, and which exceeded what was
first hoped for, only awakened the jealous uneasiness of the
emperor. We have even reason to think that this uneasiness
extended to the sovereign pontiff; for his holiness
welcomed the propositions of Louis XIV. very coldly; and
when the resolutions of the Germanic body reached Rome,
Alexander received with indifference news for which any
other pope, say the memoirs of the time, would not have
failed to go and return solemn thanks in the church of
St. Peter or of St. John of the Lateran. The king of
France could not dissemble his surprise; and in a letter,
which he caused to be written to his ambassador, are these
remarkable words: “For the rest, it is more an affair of his
holiness than ours; it will suffice for his majesty, for his
own satisfaction and his duty towards God, to have made
all the advances with respect to this league, that a king, the
eldest son of the Church, and the principal defender of
religion, could do in a danger imminent for Christendom.”</p>

<p>It was soon known that the Turks were making progress,
and had penetrated into Moravia. The emperor Leopold,
at their approach, quitted his capital. The pope then consented
to resume the suspended negotiations. But they
were resumed with a sentiment of jealousy and reciprocal
mistrust, that left no hope of a happy result. Louis XIV.,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>
nevertheless, omitted nothing to prove the frankness of his
intentions, or to forward the formation of a league. It was
then believed that an enterprise against the Turks was the
business of all Christendom, and that, in this case, one Christian
power alone, ought not to decide for peace or war.</p>

<p>We enter into some details here, because these details
have not been hitherto generally known, and that present
circumstances may give them additional interest. We know,
likewise, in the days in which we live, we must search for
examples in old remembrances, and often for our true titles
to glory likewise.</p>

<p>The emperor could not be reassured by the demonstrations
of the French monarch; and the rancour which he
retained on account of the treaty of Westphalia, made him
forgetful of his own dangers and of those of the Germanic
body. Louis XIV. engaged to set on foot an army of
twenty thousand men, and the confederates of Germany
offered as many. Leopold feared this army on his own
account. In the end, Louis satisfied himself with furnishing
six thousand soldiers, under the command of the count de
Coligny and the marquis de la Feuillade. The pope, not
to remain neuter in a war against the Mussulmans, granted
the emperor a subsidy of 70,000 florins, and the faculty of
levying tenths upon all the ecclesiastical property in the
Austrian states. All the united succours of Germany, the
king of France, and the other confederate states, formed an
army of thirty thousand men. This army marched to Hungary.
When united to the troops of the emperor, they
gained many advantages over the Turks, and defeated them
completely at the battle of St. Gothard. The Ottomans
solicited a suspension of arms, and the jealous passions
which had at first prevented the war being carried on with
vigour, allowed the Divan to conclude an advantageous
peace.</p>

<p>The Ottomans, thus delivered from a formidable war, were
able to direct all their strength against Candia, which
Venice, now left alone, was not strong enough to defend.
A great number of French warriors then flew to the succour
of a Christian city besieged by the infidels: among the
knights whom the love of glory led to this perilous and
distant war, history takes pleasure in naming the marquis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span>
de Fénelon, whose care had brought up the archbishop of
Cambrai, and whom his age considered as the model of gallant
gentlemen. His young son, whom he took with him,
was wounded in an affair against the Turks, and died of his
wounds. France, in the same expedition, had to lament
another hero, the young duke of Beaufort; Mascaron, who
pronounced the funeral oration of this new Maccabeus, thus
describes his death: “After the flight of all the others,
yielding rather to number than to strength, he fell upon his
own trophies, and died the most glorious death that a Christian
hero could wish, sword in hand against the enemies of
his God and his king, in the sight of Europe, Asia, and
Africa; and more than all that, in the sight of God and his
angels.” Louis XIV., always considering it consistent with
his glory to protect the Christian states, sent fresh succours
to Candia: four French vessels appeared before the isle; but
they arrived too late; the city of Candia, after a siege of two
years and four months, had just capitulated.</p>

<p>This conquest revived the courage of the Turks, and their
power, sustained by the genius of Kiouprouli, whom the
Mussulmans called <i>the great destroyer of the bells of impiety</i>,
might have still rendered themselves formidable to
the Christian nations, if their policy had not been governed
by a foolish pride. Intoxicated with some trifling successes,
the Turks resumed their project of invading Germany. Towards
the end of the seventeenth century, they made a last
attempt, and the capital of Austria beheld beneath its walls
an army of two hundred thousand infidels.</p>

<p>Germany was exhausted by the thirty years’ war. The
king of Poland, urged by the pope to come to the succour
of the Germanic empire, hastened with his Polish cavalry to
the scene of action, and revived the courage of the Germans
and the garrison of Vienna. The Turks, upon being attacked
with impetuosity, abandoned their camp, their artillery, and
their baggage. The wreck of the Ottoman army did not
rally till they reached the banks of the Raab, where they
encamped around the tent of the grand vizier, the only one
that had not fallen into the hands of the conquerors. John
Sobieski entered in triumph into the city he had saved by
his courage. This happy event was celebrated throughout
Germany by public rejoicings; and, as had been done after<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span>
the victory gained by Don John of Austria, amidst the ceremonies
of the Church, these words from Scripture were
repeated: “There was a man sent from God, named John.”</p>

<p>The defeat of Vienna was for the Turks a signal for the
greatest reverses. The vengeance of the people and the
army pursued the grand vizier, who had conducted the war;
and the sultan, Mahomet IV., fell from the throne at the
report of these sanguinary disasters, the effects of which
were felt to the very heart of the empire. The famous treaty
of Carlowitz testifies the losses that the Ottoman nation had
undergone, and the incontestable superiority of its enemies.
The decline of Turkey, as a maritime power, had commenced
at the battle of Lepanto; its decline as a military or conquering
power, dates from the defeat of Vienna. History has two
things to remark in the negotiations of Carlowitz. Hungary,
which had for so long a time resisted the Turks, weakened
at length by civil discords and foreign wars, and given up at
the same time to the emperors of Germany and the sultans
of Constantinople, then lost its national independence, and
became united to the possessions of the house of Austria.
Among the states and princes who signed the treaty, the
czars of Muscovy, who were destined, at a later period, to
inflict such terrible blows upon the Ottoman empire, appeared
for the first time as a power interested in the
Christian struggle against the infidels.</p>

<p>We have described the origin and progress of the Turks; it
only remains for us now to speak of the causes of their decline.</p>

<p>The Turks were only constituted to contend with a barbarous
people, like themselves, or with a degenerate people,
like the Greeks. When they met with nations that were
not corrupted, and were not deficient in bravery or patriotism,
their career was checked. It is a circumstance worthy
of remark, that they were never able to make an impression
upon any of the nations of the Latin Church; the only
nation that was separated from Christendom by the conquests
of the Turks was one that had separated itself from
it. When the Ottomans were no longer able to prosecute
their scheme of general invasion, all the passions which had
stimulated them to conquest only served to disturb their
own empire; which is the ordinary destiny of mere conquering
nations.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span></p>

<p>The wars they prosecuted at the same time against Christian
Europe and Persia, were the principal causes of the
decay of the military power of the Turks. The efforts they
made against the Persians, diverted their forces from their
expeditions against the Christians; and their expeditions
against the Christians crippled their means for the wars in
Asia. In these two kinds of war they had a very different
manner of fighting. After having for any length of time
contended with the warriors of the Oxus or Caucasus, they
were incapacitated for making war in Europe. They were
never able to triumph completely over either Persia or the
Christian nations; and remained at last pressed between two
enemies, equally interested in their ruin, and equally animated
by religious passions.</p>

<p>The Turks, like all the hordes from the north of Asia,
brought with them the feudal government. The first thing
to be done by all nomadic nations, who established themselves
in conquered countries, was the division of the lands, with
certain conditions of protection and obedience. From this
division naturally emanated feudalism. The difference,
however, which existed between the Turks and the other
barbarians who conquered the West, was, that the jealous
despotism of the sultans never allowed fiefs to become hereditary,
or that an aristocracy should grow up round it, as in
the monarchies of Christendom. Thus in the Turkish empire
nothing was to be seen on one side, but the authority
of an absolute master; and on the other, nothing but a military
democracy. The Ottoman monarchy was thus built
upon that which is weakest in political societies&mdash;the will of
a single man, or that of the multitude.</p>

<p>The Turks have been compared to the Romans. Both
nations began in the same manner; for both were nothing
but bands of brigands. What distinguishes them in history
is, that the Turks have remained the same as they were in
their origin; whilst the Romans, in their conquests, never
rejected the knowledge, the customs, or even the gods of
the people they conquered. The Turks, on the contrary,
took nothing from other nations, and made it their pride to
continue barbarians.</p>

<p>We have said above, that hereditary aristocracy has never
been established by the side of despotism; and this is, perhaps,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span>
the reason why the Ottoman nation has remained in a
state of barbarism. They who have studied the march of
human societies know that it is by the aristocracy that the
manners and morals of a people are formed, and that it is in
the middle classes that knowledge has its birth, and civilization
begins.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> The absence of an aristocracy in oriental
governments, not only explains to us the fragility of those
governments, but it assists us also in explaining why progress
has not been made in a country where nothing distinguished
the men from each other, where no one had sufficient
influence to guide the crowd, or was sufficiently elevated
to serve as an example or model.</p>

<p>In consequence of the indifference of the Turks for the
arts and sciences, the labours of industry, agriculture, and
navigation, were confided to their slaves, who were their
enemies. As they held in horror everything new, or that
they had not brought from Asia with them, they were
obliged to have recourse to foreigners for everything that
was invented or perfected in Europe. Thus the sources of
prosperity and power, the strength of their armies and their
fleets, were not at all in their own hands. Every one knows
what the Turks have lost by neglecting to learn or to follow
the progress of the military tactics of the Europeans.
At the battle of Lepanto, disorder was introduced into their
fleet entirely from their having promised liberty to their
sailors, who were all Christians.</p>

<p>Some modern writers, seeking everywhere for similitudes,
have compared the janissaries to the pretorian cohorts. This
comparison has nothing exact in it: among the Romans, the
empire was elective, and the pretorians got possession of it
for the purpose of putting it up to sale. Among the Turks,
the idea of choosing their prince never suggested itself to
the minds of either the people or the soldiery. The janissaries<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span>
contented themselves with disturbing the government,
and keeping it in such a state of disorder, that they could
never be dismissed, and might always remain masters. All
their opposition consisted in preventing any amelioration
whatever in discipline or military usages. The abuses and
prejudices the most difficult to be destroyed in a nation, are
those which adhere to a body or a class in which power happens
to be placed. All-powerful despotism was never able
to overcome the opposition of the janissaries and spahis;
and those redoubtable corps, which had so effectively contributed
to ancient conquests, became the greatest obstacle
to the making of new ones.</p>

<p>The Turks established in Greece had more respect for old
usages and old prejudices, than they had of love for the
country they inhabited. Masters of Stamboul, they had
their eyes constantly fixed upon the places of their origin,
and appeared to be but travellers, or passing conquerors of
Europe. They preserved the manners of Asia, the laws of
Asia, the remembrances of Asia; and the West was, in their
estimation, less a country than a theatre for their exploits.</p>

<p>Amidst their decline, nothing was more fatal to the Turks
than the memory of their past glory; nothing was more
injurious to them than that national pride which was no
longer in harmony with their fortune, or in proportion with
their strength. The illusions of a power that no longer
existed prevented them from foreseeing the obstacles they
were likely to meet with in their enterprises, or the dangers
with which they were threatened. When the Ottomans
made an unsuccessful war, or an unfavourable treaty, they
never failed to lay the blame on their leaders, whom popular
vengeance devoted to death or exile; and whilst they
thus immolated victims to their vanity, their reverses became
the more irreparable, from their persisting in mistaking the
true causes of them.</p>

<p>Tacitus somewhere expresses the joy he felt in seeing barbarians
making war upon one another; and we experience
something of this joy when we see despotism threatened by
its own institutions, and tormented by the very instruments
of its power. Another spectacle, no less consoling to all
who love humanity and justice, is to behold this family of
fierce despots, before whom the entire East trembled, devouring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span>
itself. It is well known what victims each sultan, on
ascending the throne, was compelled to offer to the suspicious
genius of despotism. But Heaven does not permit the most
sacred laws of nature to be constantly violated with impunity;
and the Ottoman dynasty, in expiation of so many crimes
against family ties, sunk at last into a species of degradation.
The Ottoman princes, brought up in subjection and fear, lost
the energy and the faculties necessary for conducting the
government of a great empire. Soliman II. only increased
the evil by decreeing a constitutional law, that no son of the
sultan’s should command armies or govern provinces. From
that time none but effeminate princes, timid and senseless
men, occupied the Ottoman throne.</p>

<p>If the will of the prince became corrupt, it was quite sufficient
to render the corruption general. In proportion as
the character of the sultans degenerated, everything degenerated
around them. A universal apathy displaced the
noisy activity of war and victory. To the passion for conquests
succeeded cupidity, ambition, selfishness, and all the
vices that signalize and complete the decline of empires.
When states rise and march on towards prosperity, there is
an emulation to increase their powers; when they decline,
there is also an emulation to urge on their destruction, and
take advantage of their ruin.</p>

<p>The empire had always a numerous army; but that army,
in which discipline every day degenerated, was only formidable
in time of peace. A crowd of <i>Thimariots</i>, or possessors
of fiefs for life, having nothing to leave to their
families, passed over the lands that were given to them like
locusts, which, in the plains where the winds have wafted
them, destroy even to the germs of the harvests. The pachas
governed the provinces as conquerors. The wealth of the
people was for them like the booty which conquerors distributed
among themselves on the day of victory. Such as
could amass treasures were able to purchase impunity.
Such as had armies proclaimed their independence. Subalterns
everywhere followed the example of the leaders. In
the government, as well as in the army, everything was put
up to sale, everything was subject to pillage. Thus this
empire, which had displayed such energy, fell like a prey
into the hands of all those whom fortune or the favour of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span>
the prince called to authority; and if we may be permitted
to employ a not very elevated comparison to express the
degree of abasement of a nation, the Ottoman power no
longer presented any aspect but that of those lifeless bodies
in which we can perceive no motion but in the insects that
are devouring them.</p>

<p>The sultans of Constantinople, while slumbering in their
seraglios, were often awakened by the thunder of popular
revolts. Violences of the army or the people were the only
justice able to reach despotism. But this justice itself was
one calamity the more, and only assisted in precipitating the
general decline.</p>

<p>Although the successors of Othman, after the reign of
Selim, were the pontiffs of the national faith, this important
dignity added nothing to their power. The Mussulman
faith, which commanded with severity the observance of
many minute practices, did not at all repress the passions of
the multitude. A religious belief which permitted a prince
to commit fratricide could be no safeguard for either the
authority or the life of the prince. A religion always ready
to consecrate the triumph of force, could find no motives in
its moral code for the condemnation of revolt, particularly
when the revolt happened to be crowned with success.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p>

<p>But what is remarkably singular, the Turks, when they
rose against a prince of the Ottoman dynasty, preserved a
profound veneration for that dynasty. They immolated the
tyrant to their vengeance, and were ready to immolate themselves
for the tyranny. Thus license, in its greatest excesses,
always respected despotism; and what carried disorder to
its highest pitch was, that despotism in its turn respected
license.</p>

<p>The Turks lived in this state of decline as in their natural
condition. Nothing is more remarkable in history than the
carelessness of a nation in the midst of a revolution that is
dragging it down to its ruin; and this revolution with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span>
Turks was not brought about by new ideas, but by old ideas,
not by love of liberty, but by habits of slavery. They
respected the causes of their ruin, because these causes were
connected with the history of barbarous times; and religion,
by constantly repeating to them that “he who is in the fire
ought to be resigned,” prevented them from seeking a remedy
for the ills they suffered.</p>

<p>Among nations which incline towards destruction, in the
very bosom of corruption a certain politeness, a certain
polish or elegance of manners, may be observed. The Turks,
on the contrary, had a brutal and savage corruption, and
their empire grew old without the nation’s losing anything
of that fierceness of character, of that proud roughness, which
belong to the infancy of society.</p>

<p>We shall be asked why Christendom did not take advantage
of this decline of the Turks to drive them back again
into Asia. We have seen in this history, that the nations
of Christian Europe were never able to combine and agree
for the defence of Constantinople, when it was attacked by
the Turks; and they showed no more inclination to combine
to deliver it after it was taken. We may add that
the less redoubtable the Turks became, the fewer were
the efforts made to conquer them. They inspired, besides,
no jealousy in the commercial nations of Christendom. It
was in vain that fortune placed them between the East and
the West; that she rendered them masters of the Archipelago,
of the coasts of Africa, of the ports of the Black Sea
and the Red Sea: their finest provinces were deserts, their
cities were abandoned. Everything perished in the hands
of an indolent and unpolished people. The Turks were
spared, because they made no use of their advantages; and
because they were, to employ an expression of Montesquieu’s,
the men the most fit to hold great empires carelessly.</p>

<p>Before we terminate this rapid sketch of the Turkish empire
in the seventeenth century, we beg to be allowed to add
some reflections which circumstances may cause to be appreciated.
Nothing was more monstrous than the presence,
upon the same territory, of two nations and two religions
that hated and cursed each other reciprocally. Spain had
presented a similar spectacle; but the energy and the magnanimous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span>
constancy of the Spaniards triumphed over an
adverse people and an adverse religion; and at the very time
at which the Turks established themselves in Greece, the
Moors, carrying with them their foreign worship, abandoned
their conquests and returned to Africa, from whence they
came. The Greeks, after the invasion of the Ottomans,
neither showed the same energy nor the same courage;
although their patriotism ought to have been constantly
animated by the soil they trod on, and by their very name,
of which the conqueror had not been able to deprive them.</p>

<p>Nevertheless, amidst their abasement and their misery,
they were still able to place their hope in the ascendancy of
religious ideas, and in the wish for civilization, which acted
as a tie between all Christian societies. Whilst the manners
and the worship of Islamism rendered the Turks
foreign and even odious to Christendom, the religion of
Christ and the remembrances of history placed the Greeks
in relation with the other nations of Europe.</p>

<p>In proportion as the knowledge derived from antiquity
made progress among the Franks, Greece became for them
a sacred country. The language of Plato and Demosthenes,
in which the charms of liberty had been celebrated with so
much eloquence, became more dear to them than their own
maternal tongue. The poetical sites of Greece, which the
love of letters rendered so familiar to the studious class,
were for us like places in which we had passed our infancy.
Europe had not a scholar in whom the city of Aristotle,
that of Lycurgus, or that of Epaminondas, did not inspire
something resembling the sentiments we feel for our own
country. If the Greeks were degenerated; if they viewed
with indifference the ruins of their country, ancient Greece
still lived for every enlightened man, and was ever present,
wherever a taste for the arts or a love of learning existed.</p>

<p>The warmer that the interest for the Greeks became, the
more barbarous the Turks appeared. The Ottoman nation
came and established itself in the richest countries of
Europe, and remained in sight of all European people, without
becoming acquainted with their languages, their laws,
or their policy; like those troops of wild animals which
sometimes stop in the neighbourhood of the dwellings of
man, ignorant of that which is going on in these places, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span>
having no means to seize their prey or defend themselves,
but their activity, their natural strength, and the means
which a gross instinct gives them. This state of things was
opposed both to the laws of society and the laws of nature,
which do not permit men or nations to live together and in
the same place, except when they possess similar qualities,
and are able to employ their faculties in common. The
Turks may have been protected, at first by the fortune of
their own arms, and afterwards by the policy of certain
cabinets; but what real support could they have in the West,
when they were repulsed by the manners, feelings, and
opinions of the European nations, to whom they became
every day more foreign?</p>

<p>On one side, the antipathy entertained for a barbarous
people; on the other, the relations which united nations
civilized by Christianity, were likely, sooner or later, to
revive that spirit of fraternity which produced the crusades;
and God has willed that this spirit, from which the holy
wars were born, should manifest itself in the same century
which had for a long time refused to acknowledge the effects
or to admire the prodigies of them.</p>

<p>At the moment in which we are finishing this history, the
Greeks have thrown forth a cry of alarm, and this cry has
resounded throughout the Christian world. Is the moment
of their deliverance arrived? When we examine the present
state of Europe, we find a much greater force than
would be necessary to conquer Byzantium; but on the other
side, the diversity of interests and opinions will not permit
the Christian republic to unite for this great enterprise.
We have seen that the Turks really possess nothing but the
soil of their vast empire; the riches that are there produced
belong to the nations of Christendom, and these nations are
for the Turkish provinces, which they cultivate to their
profit, that which an active and industrious farmer is for the
fields he ploughs and reaps. Add to this, that most of the
Christian powers appear to fear that the displacing of a
great empire may break the ties of the European confederation;
they do not, as formerly, dread the strength of the
Ottomans, but the difficulties and divisions that the conquest
would produce. That which may add to their fears is that
impatience for change, that ardent passion for novelty, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span>
is spread all at once among the nations like a contagious
fever; whilst the Greeks are imploring Europe for their
liberty, restless and dissatisfied spirits look to the East for I
do not know what signal for a revolution in Europe. Thus
Christendom, divided by its various interests, tormented by
a thousand different passions, and fearing for its own repose,
awaits with anxiety the events that are preparing, and
appears to recoil from victories which the superiority of her
intelligence and her armies hold out to her.</p>

<p>What will be the issue of all the warlike demonstrations
and all the pacific negotiations of which fame informs us
every day? There is no doubt the cross will again arise in
the East, and the fate of Christians residing there will
receive some amelioration; but are we arrived at the moment
which is to render Europe entirely Christian? Will
the Ottoman empire, whose weakness now appears so great,
yield to the power of its enemies, or will it hasten its own
ruin? Will Greece, so long enslaved, resume that rank
among nations from which she formerly descended so ingloriously,
or will she fall into the hands of her liberators? A
thousand other questions present themselves to the mind;
but we will not forestall events; above all, we will avoid
multiplying conjectures and hypotheses, or producing here
the brilliant reveries of philosophers and poets, which the
severity of history rejects. When we set a high value upon
truth, and have sought it for a length of time in all that the
remembrances of the past contain that is most positive, we
learn to speak of the future with much circumspection and
reserve.</p>

<p>It may be thought that we have dwelt too long upon the
Ottoman empire; but the origin of that empire, its progress
and its decline, are connected with all the events we have
had to describe. The sketch we have traced of it may have
been sometimes serviceable in making our readers acquainted
with the spirit and the character of the wars against the infidels;
and is this view our labour has not been useless.</p>

<p>At the period we have now gained, the passions which had
given birth to the prodigies of the crusades had become speculative
opinions, which occupied the attention of writers
rather than that of kings or nations. Thus the holy wars,
with their causes and effects, became the objects of the discussions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span>
of doctors and philosophers. We may remember
the opinion of Luther; and although he had partly disavowed
or retracted his first opinion upon the war against
the Turks, most of his partisans continued to evince a great
aversion for the crusades.</p>

<p>The minister Jurieu goes much further than Luther.
That ardent apostle of the Reformation, far from thinking
that war ought to be made against the Mussulmans, did not
hesitate to consider the Turks as auxiliaries of the Protestants,
and said that the fierce sectaries of Mahomet were
sent to “labour with the Reformers in the great work of
God,” which was the ruin of the papal empire. After the
raising of the last siege of Vienna, in 1683, and the revocation
of the edict of Nantes, the same Jurieu was afflicted at
the disgrace of the Reformers and the defeat of the Turks;
adding, at the same time, “that God had only abased them,
in order to raise them together again, and make them the
instruments of his vengeance against the popes.” Such is
the excess of blindness to which the spirit of party or sect
has power to carry us, when misled by hatred, and irritated
by persecution.</p>

<p>Other writers, however, celebrated for their genius, and
who also were connected with the Reformation, maintained
that wars against the infidels ought to be carried on: they
deplored the indifference of Christendom, and the wars that
were breaking out daily among Christian nations, whilst
they left in peace a people, a foe to all other peoples.
Chancellor Bacon, in his dialogue <i>de bello sacro</i>, employs all
his logic to prove that the Turks are excluded from the law
of nations. He invokes, by turns, natural right, the rights
of nations, and divine right, against the barbarians, to whom
he refuses the name of a people, and maintains that war
should be carried on against them as against pirates, anthropophagi,
or wild animals. The illustrious chancellor quotes,
in support of his opinion, maxims from Aristotle, maxims
from the Bible, with examples from history, and even from
fable. His manner of reasoning savours a little of the policy
and philosophy of the sixteenth century, and we do not feel
ourselves called upon to repeat arguments, of which many
would not be of a nature to convince minds of the present
century.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span></p>

<p>We prefer developing some of the ideas of Leibnitz, who,
in order to revive the spirit of distant expeditions, addressed
himself to the ambition of princes, and whose political views
have received a memorable application in modern times.
At the moment in which Louis XIV. was preparing to carry
his arms into the Low Countries, the German philosopher
sent him a long memorial, to persuade him to renew the
expedition of St. Louis into Egypt. The conquest of that
rich country, which Leibnitz calls the Holland of the East,
would favour the triumph and the propagation of the faith;
it would procure for the Most Christian king the renown of
Alexander, and for the French monarchy vast means of
power and prosperity. After the occupation of Alexandria
and Cairo, fortune would offer the conquerors some happy
opportunity for restoring the empire of the East; the
Ottoman power, attacked by the Poles and the Germans,
and troubled by internal divisions, was ready to sink into
ruin; Muscovy and Persia were already preparing to take
advantage of its fall; if France put forth her strength,
nothing would be more easy than to gather together again
the immense heritage of Constantine, to dominate over the
Mediterranean, to extend her empire over the Red Sea, over
the Sea of Ethiopia, over the Persian Gulf, and obtain possession
of the commerce of India; everything the most
brilliant in the glory and grandeur of empires then presented
itself to the imagination of Leibnitz; and this exalted
genius, dazzled by his own idea, and allying his policy with
the prejudices of his age, could see nothing greater than the
conquest of Egypt, <i>but the discovery of the philosopher’s
stone</i>: he beheld already, in a shortly distant futurity, the
Christian religion flourishing again in Asia, the empire and
the commerce of the East and the West divided between
the king of France and the house of Austria and Spain, the
world rendered peaceful, and governed by these two conquering
powers!</p>

<p>After having developed the advantages of the vast enterprise
he proposed, Leibnitz neglected none of the means
that would be likely to secure the success or facilitate the
execution of it. It was in this part of his memorial that
he showed all the superiority of his genius; and when we
read the account of the last war of the French in Egypt,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span>
we cannot but feel persuaded that Buonaparte was well
acquainted with the plan of campaign addressed by Leibnitz
to Louis XIV. But certainly this gigantic enterprise,
whose result was likely to be more brilliant than either
solid or durable, was less suited to a monarch guided in his
policy by the sentiments of real greatness, than to the
modern hero, always enamoured of an adventurous and
romantic glory. Nevertheless, the ideas of Leibnitz, although
not favourably received by the cabinet of Versailles,
did not fail to produce a lively impression upon the statesmen
of the seventeenth century. It is known likewise, that
the king of France had already thought seriously of a war
against the Turks; and we have reason to believe that Boileau
alluded to all these projects of distant conquests, when he
said in his epistle to the king:</p>

<p class="pc1 reduct">Je t’attends dans six mois aux bords de l’Hellespont.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p>

<p class="p1">The eloquence, or even the flattery of authors, could not
induce princes to take up arms against the infidels; and the
Crusaders finished, as they began, with pilgrimages. Among
the celebrated pilgrims who repaired to the East after the
holy wars, one of the most remarkable was Ignatius Loyola.
He visited the holy places twice, and, like St. Jerome, would
have ended his days in Palestine, if the Latin priests had
not advised him to return into Europe, where he established
the order of the Jesuits. As was the case before the crusades,
princes mixed with the crowd of Christians who went
to the Holy Land. Frederick III., before he ascended the
imperial throne, went on a pilgrimage to the holy city. We
still possess an account of the voyages which were made
successively into Palestine by a prince of Radziwil, a duke
of Bavaria, a duke of Austria, and three electors of Saxony,
among whom was he who was the protector of Luther.</p>

<p>Pilgrims from the West were no longer received at Jerusalem,
as in the early times, by the Knights of St. John, but
by the Latin fathers of the order of St. Francis of Assisi,
who devoted themselves to the guardianship of the holy
sepulchre. Preserving the hospitable manners of ancient
times, the guardian father himself washed the feet of travellers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span>
and furnished them with the necessary assistance
for their pilgrimage. Pilgrims embarked at Venice, where
vessels were always ready to transport them to the coast of
Syria. People could obtain all the benefits attached to the
pilgrimage of the Holy Land, without quitting their homes;
either by commissioning pious men who were sent beyond
the seas, or cenobites who resided on the spot.</p>

<p>The greater part of the sovereigns of Christendom, after
the example of Charlemagne, thought it consistent with
their glory, not only to deliver, but to protect the city of
Jesus Christ from the outrages of the Mussulmans. The
capitulations of Francis I., renewed by most of his successors,
contain<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> several conditions which contribute to secure
peace to the Christians, with the free exercise of their religion
in the East. In the reign of Henry IV., Deshayes,
the ambassador from France to Constantinople, went to visit
the faithful at Jerusalem, and conveyed to them the consolations
of a charity worthy of royalty. The count of
Nointel, who represented Louis XIV. at the court of the
sultan of Turkey, also went into the Holy Land; and Jerusalem
received in triumph the envoy of the powerful monarch,
whose credit and renown were employed to protect
the Christians beyond the seas.</p>

<p>Most of the princes of Christendom every year sent their
tributes to the holy city; and in solemn ceremonies, the
church of the Resurrection displayed the treasures offered
by the kings of the West. The guardians of the holy places,
who entertained and took charge of pilgrims, possessed
nothing on earth; but the gifts of the faithful were for them
like the manna of the desert, sent every day from heaven.
By a species of miracle constantly renewed, the holy monuments
of the Christian religion, for a long time defended by
the armies of the West, having no longer any defence but
religious remembrances, preserved themselves amidst the
barbarous sectaries of Islamism: the security enjoyed by
the city of Jerusalem made its deliverance less thought
of. That which produced the spirit of the crusades in the
eleventh century was, above all other causes, the persecution
directed against pilgrims, and the state of misery in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>
which the Christians of the East existed. When they ceased
to be persecuted, and had fewer miseries to endure, lamentable
accounts no longer awakened the pity and indignation
of the western nations; and Christendom satisfied itself with
addressing prayers to God for the preservation of peace in
the places he had sanctified by his miracles. There was
then a spirit of resignation<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> which took place of the enthusiasm
of the crusades; the city of David and of Godfrey
became confounded in the minds of Christians with the
heavenly Jerusalem, and as sacred orators said, “it was
necessary to pass through Heaven to arrive at the Holy
Land,” it was of no use appealing to the bravery of warriors,
but to the devotion and charity of the faithful.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span></p>

<div class="chapter">

<h2 class="p4">BOOK XVIII.</h2>

<p class="pc">&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pch">REFLECTIONS UPON THE STATE OF EUROPE, UPON THE
VARIOUS CLASSES OF SOCIETY, AND UPON THE PROGRESS
Of NAVIGATION, INDUSTRY, ARTS, AND GENERAL KNOWLEDGE,
DURING AND AFTER THE CRUSADES.</p>

<p class="pc lmid">A.D. 1571-1685.</p>

<p class="p2"><span class="smcap">We</span> have made known the origin, the spirit, and the character
of the crusades; it is now our task to show their
influence on the state of society. Before giving our opinion
upon the results of the holy wars, it has appeared to us
desirable to lay before our readers, in a few words, the judgments
that others have passed upon them. In the seventeenth
century, so abounding in men of genius, the heroic
bravery of the Crusaders was admired, their reverses were
deplored, and, without a question as to the good or evil
which these distant expeditions had brought about, the
pious motives which had made the warriors of the West take
arms were respected. The eighteenth century, which had
adopted all the opinions of the Reformation, and exaggerated
them,&mdash;the eighteenth century did not spare the crusades,
and did not fail to accuse the ignorance, barbarity, and
fanaticism of our ancestors as the causes of them.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>Voltaire
published a history of the crusades, in 1753; the subject
he had chosen was at that time so low in public opinion,
and he himself cast so much ridicule upon the events he
described, that his book created no curiosity, and found no
readers. Nothing can equal the violence with which the
authors of the <i>Encyclopédie</i>, a short time afterwards, surpassed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span>
even the acerbity of Voltaire. This manner of judging
the crusades became so general, that the panegyrists of
St. Louis allowed themselves to be drawn into it, and several
among them, in their discourses, were scarcely inclined
to pardon the pious monarch for his exploits and his misfortunes
in Egypt and before Tunis.</p>

<p>A philosophy, however, enlightened by the spirit of research
and analysis, traced events to their causes, studied
their effects, and, from holding truth as the only object
worthy of inquiry, neglected declamation and despised
satire. The judicious Robertson, in his introduction to the
History of Charles V., gave it as his opinion, that the
crusades had favoured the progress of liberty and the development
of the human mind. Whether this perception
flattered some of the opinions of the time, or whether it
exercised over the public the natural ascendancy of truth, it
met with a sufficient number of partisans; and from that
time the expeditions of the Crusaders into the East have
been judged with less severity.</p>

<p>A few years ago the Institute of France proposed a question,
by which they invited the learned to point out all the
advantages society had derived from the crusades; and if we
may judge by the memorials which obtained the prize in this
learned contest,<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> the holy wars brought more benefits for
posterity in their train, than they produced calamities for
the generations contemporary with them. Thus, opinions
upon the crusades had changed several times in less than
two centuries; a great lesson for those who pronounce with
so much assurance upon the revolutions which we have
seen begin, but which we shall not see end; when there is
so much difficulty in judging of revolutions long ago accomplished,
and whose results are all before our eyes!</p>

<p>Perhaps we are arrived at the favourable moment for
appreciating with some truth the influence of the crusades,
and the opinions of those who have reflected upon them before
us: we may say, that the revolutions of the present age
are for us a torch which enlightens the history of past times;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span>
none of the lessons which are afforded by great political
concussions have been wanting for the present generation,
and on that account, no doubt, our age will some day merit
the title of the age of enlightenment.</p>

<p>We may safely say, that that which the crusades were deficient
in, in order to have found more indulgent judges, was
success; let us suppose for a moment that the crusades had
succeeded, as they who undertook them hoped they would,
and let us see, in that case, what would have been their
results. Egypt, Syria, and Greece would have become Christian
colonies; the nations of the East and the West would
have pursued together the great march of civilization; the languages
of the Franks would have penetrated to the extremes
of Asia; the Barbary coast, now inhabited by pirates, would
have received the morals and the laws of Europe; and the
interior of Africa would not have been for a long time a
land impenetrable to the relations of commerce and the
researches of learned men and travellers. In order to judge
what nations under the same laws and the same religion
would have gained by this union, we have but to remember
the state of the Roman world under the successors of Augustus,
forming, as it were, one people, living under the
same law, speaking the same language. All the seas were
free, and the most distant provinces communicated with
each other by easy and commodious routes; cities exchanged
the objects of their arts and their industry, climates their
various productions, nations their knowledge. If the crusades
had subdued the East to Christianity, it is fair to
believe that this grand spectacle, which the human race
had only once beheld, would have been repeated in modern
times, and opinions would not now be divided as to the
advantages of the holy wars. Unfortunately, the Crusaders
were unable to extend or preserve their conquests. The
results of the crusades are thus more difficult to seize, and
the good attributed to them does not strike all minds with
equal force.</p>

<p>Among the results of the crusades, impartial history cannot
pass over the evils they caused humanity to undergo;
but these evils were felt in the time itself of the holy wars;
and the faithful picture of that period has been quite sufficient
to make us acquainted with them. As to the good the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>
crusades produced, it has been like the germ, which remains
a long time concealed in the earth, and develops itself slowly.
After the account of each crusade, our readers will remember
that, in a short summary, we have pointed out the immediate
results of it. Now we will embrace all the epochs
of the Eastern expeditions in a general review. When the
ages to which the events of which we have spoken belonged
become better known, the spirit of these events and their
consequences will be better understood and better judged
of: we are about to exhibit societies such as they were in
the middle ages, and the progress they have made towards
civilization; leaving to enlightened readers the care of appreciating
that which belongs to the crusades.</p>

<p>We will in the first place examine the state of the different
powers of Europe, and will begin with France.</p>

<p>When we remember the state of weakness and decay in
which the commencement of the twelfth century found the
French monarchy, we are astonished at the degree of prosperity
and splendour it attained in subsequent ages. Skilful
negotiations, successful wars, useful alliances, the decay
of the feudal system, and the progressive enfranchisement
of the commons, favoured the dynasty of the Capets, in the
aggrandizement of their states, and in the increase of their
authority. Several centuries were employed in consummating
this great work of fortune and policy; and the more
slowly that this revolution was operated, the more durable
proved its effects. One plan of conduct, followed up by all
the princes of one same family, and the success it obtained
in the prosperity and aggrandizement of the kingdom, and
the glory and independence of the nation, at the present
day, merit all the attention of history. Frenchmen cannot
help feeling both gratitude and admiration when they reflect
that the union of so many rich provinces&mdash;that this French
monarchy, which has grown from age to age, and which
finished by extending from the Rhine to the Pyrenees; that
this beautiful France, in a word, such as we see it, is the
work of the august family which governs it at the present day.<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span></p>

<p>The policy of our kings was no doubt seconded by the
great events of the crusades; it was natural that the nation
which took the greatest share in these events should profit
more than others by it, in the increase of its power and the
amelioration of its social condition. The glory which the
French arms acquired beyond the seas gave a new lustre to
the monarchy; royal authority profited equally by the exploits
and the reverses of the numerous warriors whom the
holy wars attracted into Asia; the absence, the death, or
the ruin of the great vassals permitted royalty to rise from
the bosom of feudal anarchy, and establish order in the
kingdom.</p>

<p>More than a century before the first crusade, the barons
and prelates had ceased to meet in general assembly to
regulate the forms of justice, and lend to the acts of royal
authority the support of their political influence. At the
second crusade, there were several assemblies of the great
men of the kingdom, in which preparations for the expedition,
and measures for the maintenance of public order
and the execution of the laws during the absence of Louis
VII., were deliberated upon. In these meetings, which were
very numerous, the French might trace at least a faint image
of those assemblies, so celebrated under the first races, in
which the kings and their subjects deliberated together upon
the means of securing the independence of the nation and
the safety of the throne.</p>

<p>Thus the crusades aided the kings of France in resuming
their legislative power, and the most enlightened part of the
nation, in recovering those ancient prerogatives which they
had exercised under the children of Clovis and Charlemagne.</p>

<p>It may be remembered, that after the accession of Hugh
Capet, the great vassals not only did no longer assemble
around their prince, but had entirely separated their cause
from that of the crown; several even scarcely acknowledged
a king of France, and covering their opposition with a pious
pretext, they, in their public acts, designated the year of the
reign of Jesus Christ, instead of that of the king. This
opposition, which lasted more than a century, at last gave
way to other feelings, when they saw the French monarchs
at the head of those expeditions which attracted the attention
of all Christendom, and in which the cause of Jesus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span>
Christ himself, as well as of all Christian nations, seemed
interested. In order to perceive clearly what the kings of
France owed to the holy wars, and what in particular they
gained by taking part in them, it would suffice to compare
Philip I., shut up in his palace, in a melancholy manner,
during the Council of Clermont, excommunicated by Urban,
condemned by the bishops, and abandoned by his nobles,
with Philip Augustus, in the first place conqueror of Saladin
in Syria, and afterwards triumphant at Beauvines, over the
enemies of his kingdom; or with Louis IX., surrounded in
his reverses by a faithful nobility, ever respected by the
clergy and the people, revered as the firmest support of
the Church, and proclaimed by his own age the arbiter of
Europe.</p>

<p>We will speak hereafter of the changes which were then
effected in the different classes of society; we will confine
ourselves here to saying that the crusades were the signal
for a new order of things in France, and that this new order
of things cast solid foundations during the holy wars.</p>

<p>If royalty in France was weak at the period of the first
crusade, in England it was strong and powerful; royalty and
feudalism oppressed England with all the weight of the conquests
of William; but an authority founded upon victory,
and sustained by violence, created at an early period in men’s
minds a feeling of opposition, which time and circumstances
were destined to develop. Military despotism had been
able to impose silence upon opinions; but it had not entirely
changed the manners of the English, or destroyed their
attachment to old customs. Passions suppressed by the
sword broke out with greater violence in the end.</p>

<p>An all-powerful monarchy exhibited a tendency to decline,
and in England was seen the contrary of that which had
been seen in France. Liberty made advances at the expense
of royal authority. It does not enter into our plan to explain
in detail the causes of this revolution. Several English
monarchs allowed themselves to be led away by an imprudent
and passionate policy, which threw them into fatal extravagances;
their excesses, their violences, and particularly the
crimes of John Lack-land, alienated the minds of their subjects,
and united the whole nation in one feeling of resistance
to absolute power. Another cause of decline not less remarkable,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span>
and to which history has not sufficiently drawn
attention, was the ambition of the English princes, which
inspired them with the senseless project of conquering the
kingdom of France. The ruinous wars which they maintained
against an enemy they could not subdue, placed them
at the discretion of the barons and the English people, who
furnished them with subsidies and fought under their
banners.</p>

<p>The crusades had, perhaps, less influence upon the civilization
of England than upon that of several other states of
Europe. They might, however, concur with many circumstances
of that period in effecting the changes which the
English monarchy underwent.</p>

<p>Richard Cœur de Lion was more anxious to acquire the
renown of a great captain than the reputation of a great
king; the glory of arms made him forget the cares of his
kingdom. It may be remembered that before his departure
he sold the charges, the prerogatives, and the domains of the
crown; he would have sold, as he himself said, the city of
London, if he could have found a purchaser; his reverses
and his captivity ruined his people, and his long absence
kept up the spirit of faction among his nobles, and more
especially in his own family.</p>

<p>The English barons were several times desirous of going
into the East, against the will of the king; and the idea of
opposing a monarch they did not love, often added to their
impatience to embark for Palestine. Kings likewise took
advantage of the opinions of their times, and engaged themselves
to set out for the crusades, with the sole view of obtaining
subsidies, which they employed in other enterprises.
These means, too often employed, drew contempt upon the
policy of princes, and only served to increase the public
mistrust.</p>

<p>But that which completed the overthrow of the foundations
of an absolute monarchy in England, was the violent
enterprises of the popes against the English kings; enterprises
which the spirit of religious wars favoured. In the
league of the barons against Henry III., the rebels wore a
cross, as in the wars beyond the seas; and the priests promised
the palms of martyrdom to those who should die in
the cause of liberty. One very curious circumstance is, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span>
the head of the league formed for the independence of the
English nation, was a French gentleman, the son of that
count de Montfort so renowned<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> in the crusade against
the Albigeois.</p>

<p>But the long efforts of England to obtain liberty deserve
so much the more to fix the attention of history, from their
having, in the end, attained a positive and durable result.
So many other nations, after having contended for a long
time, sometimes against license, sometimes against tyranny,
have only met with misery, shame, and slavery. If the
English revolution produced in the end salutary effects, it
was because all classes of society concurred together in it;
because it was made in the interests of all, according to the
character and the manners of the nation, and according to
the spirit of Christianity, which then presided over all which
ought to last among men. Unanimity of opinions and sentiments,
the accordance of manners and laws, of policy and
religion, founded from that time that public spirit of which
England still offers us the model; and this public spirit
became in the end the most firm support and the most sure
safeguard of liberty.</p>

<p>Whilst England was wresting liberty from its kings, and
France was requiring hers back again of royalty, Germany
presented another spectacle; the German empire, which
had thrown out great splendour up to the eleventh century,
declined rapidly during the crusades.</p>

<p>The emperors, in order to resist the great vassals, granted
several advantages to the clergy, and bestowed privileges
upon the cities. The clergy employed these advantages in
favour of the popes, who attacked the imperial power; the
cities profited by the concessions which were made to found
their independence. All the efforts of the emperors had
proved unable to prevent the crown continuing elective,
whilst the great fiefs became hereditary. Thus the heads of
the empire depended for their election upon the princes and
nobles whom they themselves had freed from all dependence.
In the competition of the pretenders to the throne, in a
competition which was almost always decided by fortune,
intrigue, or victory, it may easily be supposed that ambition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span>
was often more successful than moderation and virtue.
Among the princes who ascended the imperial throne, many
were men of great character; but their active and restless
genius led them into adventurous and gigantic enterprises,
which exhausted their strength and hastened the decline of
the empire.</p>

<p>The memories of ancient Rome and of the power of the
Cæsars were always present to their imagination. One of
the greatest errors of their policy was turning their views
towards Italy; they encountered on their way thither the
popes, who declared a war of extermination against them;
two families of emperors succumbed beneath the thunders
of Rome; they were never able to reign over Italy, and
whilst they exhausted themselves in vain efforts to establish
their domination there, they completed the loss of their influence
in Germany.</p>

<p>It is a consoling remark for humanity, that most of the
conquerors of the middle ages weakened themselves by their
undertakings, victory itself only serving to bring about the
ruin of their power. The kings of France of this period
evinced, perhaps, less talent and genius than the emperors
of Germany; but their policy was wiser and more fortunate;
they confined themselves to conquering their own kingdom;
their conquests only tended to unite the scattered members
of a large family; and their authority became more popular
in proportion with their being considered as a natural tie
between the French of all the provinces.</p>

<p>The glory which the emperors of Germany acquired by
their conquests was but a personal glory, and did not at all
interest the German people. This manifestation of their
power had nothing in common with the nations of which
they were the head. As soon as this power was no longer a
bond or a support for the people, they separated themselves
from it, and every one sought his safety or his aggrandizement
in his own strength.</p>

<p>A state of things arose from this which was, perhaps,
more fatal to Germany than the absolute authority of the
emperors; upon the ruins of the imperial grandeur arose a
crowd of states, opposed to each other by diversity of laws
and the spirit of rivalry. All those ecclesiastical and secular
principalities in which the spirit of monarchy prevailed; those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span>
cities in which the spirit of liberty fermented; that nobility
animated by the pretensions of aristocracy, could not possibly
have the same interests or the same policy to direct their
efforts towards one common and salutary aim.</p>

<p>The popes, after having weakened the power of the emperors,
wished to dispose of the broken sceptre of Charlemagne,
and offered it to all who appeared likely to promote
their scheme of vengeance. A crowd of princes then started
up as pretenders to the empire thus held out by the popes,
and the greater the number of these, the more rapidly the
empire declined. Amidst civil discords, Germany completed
the loss of its political unity, and at last its religious unity.</p>

<p>In order to judge to what a degree it was difficult to put
in motion that enormous mass called the German confederation,
it is only necessary to contemplate, in the history of
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, those numerous diets
which assembled to deliberate upon the war against the
Turks, in which the presence of imminent peril even was
never able to produce one energetic decision for the safety
of Germany.</p>

<p>The popes sometimes made use of the pretext of the crusades
to drive the emperors to a distance, and to precipitate
them into disastrous expeditions; thus the enthusiasm for
the holy wars, which had a tendency to establish union
among Christian nations, had no power to bring together
the members of the German nation, and only served to keep
up trouble and disorder in the bosom of the empire. We
must, however, repeat here what has been read in this history;
it was under the auspices and by the influence of the
court of Rome, when occupied seriously by a crusade, that the
family of Rodolph of Hapsburg arose, a family whose power
restored the empire to something of its ancient splendour,
and saved Europe from the invasion of the Turks.</p>

<p>We have likewise to add that, at the period of the crusades,
Germany augmented its territories and its population.
The expeditions against the infidels of the East gave birth to
the idea of attacking the pagans and idolaters, whose hordes
inhabited the banks of the Vistula and the coasts of the
Baltic. These races, when subdued by the Crusaders, entered
into the Christian republic, and formed part of the
German confederation. At the aspect of the cross, such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span>
cities as Dantzic, Thorn, Elbing, Kœnigsberg, &amp;c., sprang
up from the bosom of forests and deserts. Finland, Lithuania,
Pomerania, and Silesia became flourishing provinces;
new nations arose, new states were formed, and, to complete
these prodigies, the arms of the Crusaders marked the spot
in which a monarchy was to appear that did not exist in the
middle ages, but which the present age has seen all at once
take its place in the rank of the great powers of Europe.
At the end of the thirteenth century, the provinces from
which the Prussian monarchy derives both its name and its
origin, were separated from Christendom by idolatry and
savage manners; the conquest and the civilization of these
provinces were the work of the holy wars.</p>

<p>If from Germany we pass into Italy, we there meet with
other forms of government, and other revolutions.</p>

<p>When the last columns of the Roman empire crumbled
away, Italy was covered with ruins. The Huns, the Franks,
the Vandals, the Goths, the Germans, and the Lombards,
held over this beautiful country, in turns, the scourge of
their domination, and all left behind them traces of their
manners, their legislation, and their character.</p>

<p>In the tenth century, the emperors of Constantinople
being unable any longer to retain Italy, other powers arose,
some from conquests, others by good fortune, and others
from circumstances which history has much difficulty
in indicating. The influence of the popes sometimes defended
the independence of Italy against the invasions and
the yoke of the German emperors; but the struggle was so
long, and the war between the two powers exhibited so
many vicissitudes, that it only served to perpetuate trouble
and discord; during several centuries, the Guelphs and the
Ghibellines desolated Italy without defending it.</p>

<p>In every nation of Europe there was then a power, or
rather a preponderating authority, which was as a rallying-point,
or centre, around which society formed and united its
forces to defend its political existence.</p>

<p>Italy had not, like France and other countries, this precious
means of conservation. Nothing proves better the
dissolution in which this rich country was plunged, than the
manner by which it endeavoured to establish its independence
in the middle ages. That division into many states,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span>
that parcelling out of territory, that numerous population
split into a thousand fractions, all announced the absence of
any tie, of any common centre. Italy comprised many
nations; twenty republics had each their own laws, their
own interests, and their own history. Those perpetual wars
between the citizens of the same cities; those animosities
between republic and republic; that necessity of the inhabitants
for calling in strangers in their internal quarrels; those
mistrusts which bore harder upon the citizens than upon the
stipendiary adventurers, tended to efface the true sentiment
of patriotism, and at length caused even the name of the
Italian nation to be forgotten.</p>

<p>The feudal system was abolished earlier in Italy than
elsewhere; but with feudalism departed the ancient honour
of brave knights, and the virtues of chivalry. In republics
defended by mercenaries, bravery, and all the generous sentiments
that accompany it, ceased to be esteemed. Violent
passions had no longer any check, either in the laws or in
the opinions of men; it was at this unhappy period that
those hatreds and vengeances displayed themselves which
appear so improbable to us in our tragedies; no spectacle
can be more afflicting than that of Italy in the fourteenth
century; and we may safely say that Dante had but to look
around him to find the model for his Hell.</p>

<p>Society, always ready to split to pieces, appeared to have
no other motive but the fury of parties, no other principle
of life but discord and civil war; there was no other guarantee
against license but tyranny; or against tyranny, but the
despair of factions, and the poniard of conspirators. As the
strength of most of the little states which covered Italy was
seldom equal to their ambition; and as princes and citizens,
by the same reason that they were weak, wanted both moderation
and courage; they sought their elevation or their
safety in all the means that treachery and perfidy could suggest.
Plots, political stratagems, odious crimes, everything
appeared right to them; everything seemed properly available
that could sustain their quarrels, and satisfy their ambition
or their jealousy. At length, all morality disappeared;
and it was then that school of policy was formed, which is to
be found in the lessons, or rather in the satire, of Machiavel’s
book.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span></p>

<p>It is said that the Italians were the first to form the idea
of what publicists call the balance of power. We do not think
that Italy merits such a glory; that which is understood by
the balance of power is not an invention: it is nothing but
the natural resource of the weakness which seeks a support.
If we follow the progress of events, we shall find that this
system, so long boasted, became fatal to Italy, by calling
thither conquerors, who made it, even up to our own days,
the theatre of most sanguinary wars.</p>

<p>At the period of the crusades, the cities of Lombardy, and
the republics of Genoa, Pisa, and Venice, had attained great
prosperity; and that which gave them this prosperity was
the commerce of the East, which Italy carried on before the
crusades, and persevered in, with all the advantages accruing
from the expeditions beyond the seas.</p>

<p>But these republics, which contended for the empire of
the sea, and only occupied a little corner of land upon the
Mediterranean,&mdash;which had their eyes constantly fixed upon
Syria, Egypt, and Greece,&mdash;which left to strangers the care
of defending their territories, and only armed their citizens
for the defence of their commerce,&mdash;these mercantile republics
were much better calculated to enrich Italy than to keep
up the sentiment of a true independence among the Italian
nations.</p>

<p>We cannot, however, refrain from admiring that republic
of Venice, whose power everywhere preceded the arms of the
Crusaders, and which the nations of the middle ages looked
upon as the queen of the East. The decline of this great
republic did not begin before the period at which the progress
of navigation, that it had so much contributed to, at
length opened the route to India, and led to the discovery
of a new world. Most of the other republics of Italy neither
displayed the same splendour nor enjoyed the same
duration; many among them&mdash;particularly those in which
democracy prevailed&mdash;had disappeared at the end of the
crusades, in the chaos and tumult of discords and civil wars.
In their place arose dukes and princes, who substituted the
intrigues of policy for popular passions, and sometimes made
it their ambition to favour the revival of arts and letters, the
true glory of Italy.</p>

<p>The kingdom of Naples and Sicily, situated at the extremity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span>
of Italy, was for the Crusaders the road to Greece and
the East. The riches of this country, which appeared never
to have any guardians,&mdash;a territory which its inhabitants
were never able to defend, must have often tempted the
cupidity and the ambition of the princes and even of the
knights who went to seek their fortunes in Asia. The history
of this fine country is mixed up during two centuries with
that of the holy wars, the crusades often furnishing a pretext
or an opportunity for the conquest of it. The wars undertaken
for the kingdom of Naples,&mdash;those wars which produced
more monstrous crimes than glorious exploits, more revolts
than battles, completed the corruption of the Neapolitan
character, in which has always been remarked, on the one
part, an inclination to shake off the yoke of present domination,
and, on the other, an extreme resignation in submitting
to the yoke of victory.</p>

<p>Whilst glancing thus at the principal states of Europe, we
are particularly struck with the great diversity that exists
in the manners, the institutions, and the destinies of nations.
How is it possible to follow the march of civilization amidst
so many republics and monarchies, some bursting with
splendour from the bosom of barbarism, others sinking into
ruins? And how is it possible to point out the influence
of the crusades through so many revolutions, which have
often the same causes, but whose effects are so different, and
sometimes so opposite? Spain, to which we are now about
to turn our attention, will present us with other pictures,
and must furnish fresh subjects for meditation.</p>

<p>During the course of the crusades, we see Spain occupied
in its own boundaries with defending itself against those
same Saracens whom the other nations of Europe went to
contend with in the East; in the north of the Peninsula,
some Christian sovereignties had maintained themselves,
which began to be formidable under Sancho the Great, king
of Castile and Arragon. The valour of the Castilians, sustained
by the example of the Cid, and by the influence of
chivalric manners, and seconded by warriors from all the
provinces of France, took Toledo, before the end of the
eleventh century. But the conquests of the Spaniards did
not afterwards correspond with the splendour of their early
triumphs; as fast as they retook provinces from the Moors,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span>
they made separate kingdoms of them; and the Spanish
power, thus divided, became, in some sort, weakened by its
own victories.</p>

<p>The invasion of the Moors in Spain bore some resemblance
to that of the Franks in Asia. It was the religion of Mahomet
that animated the Saracen warriors to the fight, as
the Christian religion inflamed the zeal and ardour of the
soldiers of the cross. Africa and Asia often answered to the
appeal of the Mussulman colonies in Spain, as Europe did
to the cries of alarm of the Christian colonies in Syria. Enthusiasm
gave birth on both sides to prodigies of heroism,
and held fortune for a long time suspended between the two
inimical nations and the two inimical religions.</p>

<p>A spirit of independence naturally grew up among the
Spaniards, during a war in which the state had need of all
its citizens, and in which every citizen, by that means, acquired
a great degree of importance. It has been remarked,
with reason, that a people that has done great things, that
an entire people called to the defence of its country, experiences
an exaggerated sentiment of its rights, shows itself
more exacting, sometimes more unjust towards those who
govern, and often feels tempted to employ against its sovereigns
the strength it had employed against its enemies.
Thus we may see in the Spanish annals, that the nobility
and the people were more turbulent than in other countries,
and that monarchy was there at first more limited than
among the other nations of Europe.</p>

<p>The institution of the Cortes, the enfranchisement of the
commons, and a crowd of privileges granted to cities, signalized
very early, among the Spaniards, the decay of the
feudal system and of the absolute authority of the monarchs.
If we may judge by public acts of legislation, we might
believe that the Spanish people enjoyed liberty before all
the other nations of Europe. But, in times of trouble, we
must be guarded in judging of the liberty of a nation by
that which is said in political rostrums, or in charters and
institutions, by turns obtained by violence and destroyed
by power, always placed between two rocks,&mdash;anarchy and
despotism. The history of Spain, at this period, is full of
crimes and monstrous deeds, that stain the cause of princes
as well as that of the people: which proves at least that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span>
morals did not keep pace with laws, and that institutions,
created among public discords, did not soften the national
character.</p>

<p>Amidst the revolutions which agitated Spain, political
passions sometimes caused even the domination of the
Moors to be forgotten. When at the end of the thirteenth
century, the Mussulmans, conquered by James of Arragon,
abandoned the Balearic isles and the kingdom of Valencia
and Murcia, the Spaniards all at once suspended the progress
of their arms. Whilst in the East, the victorious
Mamelukes redoubled their efforts to completely drive the
Franks from the coast of Syria; in the West, the Moors
remained, during two centuries, in possession of a part of
Spain, without the Spaniards ever seriously attempting to
complete the conquest of their own country. The standard
of Mahomet floated over the cities of Granada, up to the
reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. It was only at this period
that the Spanish monarchy issued all-powerful from the chaos
of revolutions, and revived in the people the warlike and
religious enthusiasm which completed the expulsion of the
Moors. Then terminated the struggle which had lasted
during eight centuries, and in which, according to Spanish
authors, three thousand seven hundred battles were fought.
So many combats, which were nothing but one long crusade,
must have been a school of bravery and heroism; thus the
Spaniards, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, were
considered the most brave and warlike nation of Europe.
Philosophers have sought to explain by the influence of
climate that spirit of haughtiness and pride, that grave and
austere character which to this day distinguish the Spanish
nation. It appears to us that a much more natural explanation
of this national character is to be found in a war at
once patriotic and religious, in which twenty successive
generations were engaged, the perils of which must have
inspired serious thoughts as well as noble sentiments.</p>

<p>The aversion for the yoke and the religion of the Moors,
redoubled the attachment of the people for their religion
and their ancient customs. The remembrance of that glorious
struggle has not failed to animate the ardour and
courage of the Spaniards at a recent period;&mdash;fortunate had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span>
it been for Spain if, at the moment at which I am speaking,
she had not forgotten her own examples!</p>

<p>Towards the end of the war against the Moors, Spain
adopted the Inquisition with more warmth than the other
Christian nations. I will not attempt to repel the reproaches
which modern philosophers have addressed to her; but it
appears to me that sufficient account has not been taken of
the motives which would render more excusable in Spain
than elsewhere, those suspicions and those dark jealousies
for all which was not the national religion. How could they
forget that the standard of a foreign worship had so long
floated over the Peninsula, and that during many ages,
Christian warriors had fought, not only for the faith of their
fathers, but for the very soil of their country against the
infidels? According to my opinion, may it not be believed,
that among the Spaniards, religious intolerance, or rather
a hatred for all foreign religion, had something in itself
which was less a jealous devotion than an ardent, restless
patriotism?</p>

<p>Spain took no part in the crusades, till the spirit of these
wars began to die away in the rest of Europe. We must,
however, remark, that this kingdom derived some advantages
from the Eastern expeditions. In almost all the enterprises
of Christendom against the Mussulmans of Asia, a great
number of the Crusaders stopped on the coast of Spain to
combat the Moors. Many crusades were published in the
West against the infidels who were masters of the Peninsula.
The celebrated victory of Tolosa over the Moors was the
fruit of a crusade preached in Europe, and particularly in
France, by order of the sovereign pontiff. Expeditions beyond
the sea were likewise favourable to the Spaniards, by
retaining in their own country the Saracens of Egypt and
Syria, who might have joined those on the coast of Africa.
It has been shown in this history that the kingdom of Portugal
was conquered and founded by Crusaders. The crusades
gave the idea of those orders of chivalry, which, in
imitation of those of Palestine, were formed in Spain, and
without the succour of which the Spanish nation would not
perhaps have triumphed over the Moors.</p>

<p>We may add, that Spain is the country in which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span>
memory of the crusades was preserved the longest. In the
last century, the bull called <i>Crusada</i> was there published
every year in all the provinces. This solemn publication
reminded the Spaniards of the triumphs they had formerly
obtained over the Mussulmans.</p>

<p>We have shown the state of the principal powers of
Europe during the crusades; it now remains for us to speak
of a power which dominated over all the others, and which
was as a tie or centre to all the powers;&mdash;we mean the authority
of the heads of the Church.</p>

<p>The popes, as a temporal power and as a spiritual power,
presented a singular contrast in the middle ages. As sovereigns
of Rome, they had almost no authority, and were often
banished from their own states: as heads of Christendom,
they exercised an absolute empire to the extremities of the
world, and their name was revered wherever the Gospel was
preached.</p>

<p>It has been said that the popes made the crusades; they
who maintain this opinion are far from being acquainted
with the general movement which then affected the Christian
world; no power on earth could have been able to produce
such a great revolution; it only belonged to Him whose
will gives birth to and disperses tempests, to throw all at
once into human hearts that enthusiasm which silenced all
other passions, and drew on the multitude as if by an invisible
power. In the first book of this volume we have
shown how the enthusiasm for the holy wars developed
itself by degrees, and how it broke forth towards the end of
the eleventh century, without any other influence but that
of the dominant ideas: it led away the whole of society, and
the popes were led away as nations of people were; one
proof that the sovereign pontiffs did not produce this extraordinary
revolution is, that they were never able to revive
the spirit of the crusades, when that spirit became extinct
among Christian nations.</p>

<p>It has likewise been said that the crusades very much
increased the authority of the popes; we shall soon see what
truth there is in that assertion. Among the causes which
contributed to the growth of the pontifical authority, we
may name the invasion of the barbarians of the North, who
overthrew the empire of the West, and the progress of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span>
Saracens, who would not allow the emperors of the East
leisure to turn their attention towards Italy, or even to
preserve any domination over that country. The popes thus
found themselves freed from two powers upon which they
depended; and remained in possession of the city of Rome,
which appeared to have no other master. Other circumstances
added from that time to the authority of the successors
of St. Peter. However it may be, everybody knows
that this authority had already made immense progress before
the crusades; the head of the most powerful monarchs
had already bowed before the thunders of the Vatican; and
Christendom seemed to have already adopted the maxim of
Gregory VII., that “the pope, in quality of Vicar of Jesus
Christ, ought to be superior to every human power.”</p>

<p>It cannot be doubted that a religious war was calculated
to favour the development of the pontifical authority. But
this war itself produced events, and gave rise to circumstances
which were less a means of aggrandizement for the
power of the popes, than a rock against which that power
was dashed and injured. But it is positive, that the end of
the crusades left the sovereign pontiffs less powerful than
they had been at the commencement of the holy wars.</p>

<p>Let us, in the first place, say a few words of the advantages
which the heads of the Church derived from the expeditions
against the infidels. Recourse was always had to
the sovereign pontiffs when the question of a crusade was
agitated; the holy war was preached in their name, and carried
on under their auspices. Warriors enrolled under the
banners of the cross, received from the pope privileges which
freed them from all other dependence but that of the
Church; the popes were the protectors of the Crusaders,
the support of their families, the guardians of their properties;
it was to the popes the Crusaders submitted all their
differences, and confided all their interests.</p>

<p>The sovereign pontiffs were not at first aware of the
advantages they might derive from the crusades. In the first
crusade, Urban, who had enemies to contend with, did not
think of asking the assistance of the warriors he had persuaded
to take the cross; it was not till the second crusade
that the popes perceived the ascendancy the holy wars must
give them. At this period a king of France and an emperor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span>
of Germany were, in a manner, lieutenants of the Holy See;
in the third crusade, the pope compelled Henry II. to take
the cross, to expiate the murder of Thomas à Becket. After
the death of Henry, his son Richard set out for the East, at
the signal of the sovereign pontiff. In consequence of this
crusade, great disorders, as we have related, disturbed the
kingdom of England; the popes took advantage of them to
give laws to the English people, and a few years after the
death of Richard, his brother and successor acknowledged
himself the vassal of the court of Rome.</p>

<p>The crusades were for the popes a pretext to usurp, in all
the states of Europe, the principal attributes of sovereignty;
they became possessed, in the name of the holy war, of the
right of levying everywhere both armies and imposts; the
legates they employed in all the countries of Christendom
exercised supreme authority in their name; the presence of
these legates inspired respect and fear; their wills were
laws. Armed with the cross, they commanded all the clergy
as masters; and as the clergy, among all Christian nations,
had the greatest ascendancy, the empire of the popes had no
longer any opposition or limits.</p>

<p>It may be perceived that we have forgotten none of the
advantages the heads of the Church found in the crusades:
here are the obstacles and the rocks they met with in the
exercise of their power.</p>

<p>It must be allowed that the empire of the popes received
but very little increase in Asia during the holy wars; the
quarrels and disputes which constantly disturbed the Christian
colonies in the East, and in which they were obliged to
interfere, multiplied their embarrassments, without adding
to their power.</p>

<p>Their voice was not always listened to by the multitude of
the Crusaders; sometimes even the soldiers of the cross
resisted the will and despised the counsels of the pontiffs.
The legates of the Holy See were frequently in opposition to
the leaders of the army, and their character was not always
respected in camps. As the popes were supposed to direct
the crusades, they were, in some sort, responsible for the
misfortunes and disorders they had no power to prevent:
this moral responsibility exposed them sometimes to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span>
judged with rigour, and was injurious to their reputation
for wisdom and ability.</p>

<p>By an abuse of the spirit of the crusades, the popes were
dragged into wars in which their ambition was often more
interested than religion; they then thought of their temporal
power, and that was their weakest point; they were never
strong but when they depended upon a higher support; the
crusades became for them as a lever, which they employed
to elevate themselves; but it must be allowed that they
depended upon it too much, and when this lever failed them,
their authority trembled. Seeking to regain what they had
lost, the popes made, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
incredible efforts to revive the spirit of the crusades;
the question then being no longer to go and fight the Saracens
in Asia, but to defend Europe against the invasion of the
Turks. Amidst the perils of Christendom, the conduct of
the popes merited the greatest praise, and the zeal they displayed
has not been sufficiently appreciated by historians.
But the time of the fervour for crusades was past. The success
obtained by the sovereign pontiffs was never proportionate
with their efforts, and the uselessness of their attempts
necessarily weakened the idea entertained of their ascendancy
and their power.</p>

<p>The crusade against the Albigeois procured them very
little advantage; the intolerance which gave birth to that
war proceeded from the crusades; the Inquisition, which
arose from it, awakened more passions than it suppressed.
By the Inquisition, the Church assumed in this world a jurisdiction
which partook too strongly of humanity; her decrees
were much more respected when they were referred to heaven
or to a future life.</p>

<p>Nothing can equal the enormity of the tributes that were
imposed upon the clergy for carrying on the holy wars.
The tenths were not only levied for the crusades, but for
every attempt at a crusade; not only for expeditions to the
East, but for every enterprise against the enemies of the
court of Rome. They were at length levied under the
most vain pretexts; all Europe addressed warm remonstrances
to the popes; at first the rigour with which the
agents collected the tributes was complained of; and afterwards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span>
their infidelity in the application of the treasures
extorted from the faithful became equally a subject of
scandal. Nothing could be more injurious to the pontifical
authority than these complaints, which arose from all quarters,
and which, in the end, furnished weapons for the formidable
heresy of Luther.</p>

<p>The history of the popes in the middle ages completes the
proof of that which we have said. Their domination went
on constantly increasing during a century up to Innocent
III.; it after that period declined during another century,
down to Boniface VIII., at which time crusades beyond
the seas ended.</p>

<p>In latter days, publicists have said a great deal about the
power of the heads of the Church; but they have judged
rather according to systems than according to facts,&mdash;more
after the spirit of our own age than that of the middle ages.
The genius of the sovereign pontiffs has been much lauded,
particularly for the purpose of placing their ambition in a
stronger light. But if the popes really had the genius and
the ambition attributed to them, we must believe they would
have been principally employed in aggrandizing their states,
and increasing their authority as sovereigns. Nevertheless,
they did not succeed in this, or else they never attempted it.
In fact, what could men do, who were mostly arrived at the age
of decrepitude?&mdash;what could princes do, who merely passed
over the throne, to strengthen their authority, and master
the passions belonging to the infancy and the youth of
societies? Among the crowd of popes who succeeded each
other, many were endowed with a superior genius, whilst
others only possessed a moderate capacity; men of all characters
and all turns of mind occupied, in succession, the
chair of St. Peter; nevertheless, these men, so different by
their tastes, their passions, and their talents, all aimed at
and all did the same thing; they had, therefore, an impulsion
which was not in themselves, the motive of which must
be sought elsewhere than in the vulgar policy of princes.</p>

<p>That would be a curious history which would trace, in the
same picture, the spiritual empire and the temporal empire
of the popes. Who would not be surprised at seeing in it,
on one side, a force which nothing could resist, which moves
the very world,&mdash;a will always the same, which is transmitted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span>
from pontiff to pontiff, like a deposit, or like a sacred heritage;
on the other, a policy weak and changeable, like man,&mdash;a
power which can scarcely defend itself against the lowest
of its enemies, and which at every moment the breath of
revolutions has power to shake? In this parallel, the imagination
would be dazzled when such an empire should be
presented to it as has never been seen upon earth, and which
would lead to the belief that the popes did not belong to this
fragile and transitory world,&mdash;a power which hell cannot
pull down,&mdash;which the world cannot corrupt,&mdash;which, without
the help of any army, and by the simple ascendancy of
a few words, subdues things sooner, and proves itself more
formidable, than ancient Rome, with all her victories.
What more magnificent spectacle can the history of empires
present to us? But, in the other part of the picture, who
would not be moved to pity at beholding a government
without vigour, an administration without foresight,&mdash;that
people, descended from <i>the king people</i>, led by an indolent,
timid old man, the eternal city falling into ruins, and as
hidden beneath the grass? When we see&mdash;so near to a
power almost supernatural&mdash;weakness, uncertainty, the fragility
common to things below, and humanity with all its
miseries, why may we not be permitted to compare the double
power of the popes to Jesus Christ himself, of whom they
were the vicars and images upon earth,&mdash;to Jesus Christ,
whose double nature presents us, on one side, a God beaming
with splendour, and on the other a simple mortal, loaded
with the cross, and crowned with thorns?</p>

<p>If the principal features of this picture are not wanting in
truthfulness, how can we believe in the policy of the popes as
it is represented to us?&mdash;is it not more natural to think that
the sovereign pontiffs, in all they did that was great, followed
the spirit of Christianity? In the middle ages, which was
the period of their power, they were much more directed by
this spirit than they directed it themselves; later, and when
popes entertained projects like those that are attributed to
their genius and ambition, their power declined. We have
but to compare Gregory VII., giving himself up to the
spirit of his age, and supporting himself by the ascendancy of
the Church, with Julius II., whom Voltaire calls a great prince,
and who only employed the known combinations of policy.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span></p>

<p>The pontifical authority was the only one that had its
bases and roots in opinions and beliefs. This power gave
the world, or, rather, the world asked of it, laws, knowledge,
and a support. The popes were right in the famous comparison
of the two great luminaries. The authority of the
heads of the Church was much more in advance towards
civilization than the authority of princes. In order that the
world might be civilized, it was important for the popes to
have great power; and the need that was felt for their power
favoured the progress of it.</p>

<p>As long as the world was governed by opinions and beliefs,
rather than by civil laws and political authorities, the popes
exercised the greatest influence; when the interests and
rights of princes and nations became better regulated; when
the world passed from the empire of opinions to that of
laws; when, in a word, temporal power was well established
in Europe, and prevailed over the spiritual of society, the
pontiffs necessarily lost their ascendancy. Such is the
history of the origin, of the progress, and of the decay of the
pontifical power in the ages which have preceded us.</p>

<p>That which we have said of the popes clearly shows what
influence the Church exercised over the society of Europe in
the middle ages; but gross minds were not yet prepared to
receive all the benefits of Christianity. The alliance of barbarism
with superstition retarded the progress of true knowledge.
The passions and customs of barbarians were still
mingled with some salutary institutions.</p>

<p>The Franks, the Germans, and Goths, when obtaining
possession of the richest countries of Europe, had employed
all the rights of conquest, and these rights had become the
laws of European society. We may form an idea of the
government of the middle ages by representing to ourselves
a victorious army, which disperses itself throughout the conquered
country, shares the territory and those who inhabit
it, and is always ready to march at the signal of its officers
and its supreme general, to combat the common enemy, and
defend its possessions.</p>

<p>As long as discipline and subordination subsisted in this
military colony, public order was not entirely disturbed;
and this kind of government might supply the place of wiser
institutions. But as soon as the relations of assistance and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span>
fidelity, obedience and protection, became weakened, society&mdash;or
rather the feudal government&mdash;no longer presented
anything but the aspect of an army given up to license,&mdash;of
an army whose officers and soldiers no longer acknowledged
a head, were no longer subject to direction, and fought at
hazard under a thousand different standards.</p>

<p>The vassals depended, in the first place, on the prince,
because they held their lands and their offices of him.
These lands and these offices becoming hereditary, their
holders soon desired to render themselves independent, and
to arrogate to themselves privileges which only belonged
to the sovereign; such as coining money, holding a jurisdiction,
and making war in their own name. From that
time there remained scarcely any trace of subordination.</p>

<p>This decline of society, or, rather, this corruption of the
feudal system, is referrible to the end of the second race.
Charlemagne, in his endeavours to reëstablish the empire of
the Cæsars, committed violence upon the social compact,
and his extraordinary efforts exhausted the powers of royalty.
The bow which he had too strongly bent, broke in
the hands of his successors, and his empire crumbled away,
when no longer sustained by the ascendancy of a great character.
Charlemagne wished to emancipate himself from
the laws of feudalism; under his feeble successors, feudalism,
in its turn, was desirous of emancipating itself from the
crown. The greatest evil of the feudal system was that it
destroyed all protective power, all tutelary legislation, which
could watch over the order and safety of society.</p>

<p>The monarch, despoiled of all authority, could neither be
the support of innocence nor the avenger of crime; nor the
mediator in war, nor the arbitrator in disputes that disturbed
peace. Sovereignty, exercised by every man who
wore a sword, was spread everywhere, without any one
acknowledging its power anywhere; such was the disorder
and confusion among those who disputed, sword in hand, for
the wreck of sovereign power.</p>

<p>Nothing is more afflicting than this picture; the excesses
which accompanied feudal anarchy no one is ignorant of. It
does not form part of our plan to speak of it to any extent;
the task we have to perform is a less painful one: if we turn
our looks towards old times, it is only in order to discover<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span>
the origin of our institutions; and among the revolutions of
a barbarous age, we have only to make known what they
produced that is salutary and durable. Before we proceed
further, and in order to mix a few consolatory ideas with
sad and painful images, we will show, by the side of the
abuses of feudalism, the advantages contemporary society
received from the feudal system, and the happy germs of
civilization which grew from it for the benefit of following
ages.</p>

<p>If the feudal government contained sources of disorder, it
prevented disorder being carried to its height, and the evil
from remaining without remedy. If it favoured anarchy
and civil wars, it preserved Europe from the fury of conquerors,
and from that of despotism. Vassals did not willingly
consent to leave their lands; they were only bound
to follow their sovereign to war for a stipulated time. This
condition of the feudal compact, which was general in Europe,
was found favourable for the defence of territory, and
placed obstacles in the way of every project of invasion.
Forces, spread about in all parts, served to protect every
country against a foreign enemy, and could not be collected
anywhere to assist the designs of an ambitious leader.</p>

<p>At a time in which passions did everything and laws were
nothing, in which no political interest bound people together,
what could have prevented a prince from assembling armies
and ravaging Europe? What could have prevented a conqueror
from subduing several kingdoms, and subjecting the
people to all the excesses of tyranny, supported by the force
of arms alone? It was then to the spirit of resistance of the
feudal nobility that European society owed, in the midst of
barbarism, the advantage of not becoming a prey to Eastern
despotism, and security from wars of invasion.</p>

<p>Feudalism had rights and privileges to defend; the defence
of these rights and privileges naturally led to ideas of independence,
and these ideas of independence spread in the end
through all classes of society. It must not be forgotten that
the English barons established liberty in their country, whilst
defending the privileges and rights of the feudal compact.</p>

<p>The reciprocity of obedience and protection, of services
and duties, kept alive some generous sentiments. From
feudal relations was born that spirit of devotion and respect<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span>
for the sovereign which is neither the blind submission of
the slave, nor the reasonable submission of the republican.
This sentiment, which was considered, up to modern times,
as the conservative principle of society in monarchies, became
particularly the distinctive character of the French
nobility.</p>

<p>The history of the crusades presents us with several
examples of this devotion of the barons and knights to their
monarch. When the kings of France who took the cross,
were in any dangers in the East, what proofs of respect and
love did they not receive from the gallant knights who
accompanied them? What spectacle can be more touching
than that of the imprisoned army in Egypt, forgetting its
own captivity to deplore that of Louis IX.! Who is not
affected at seeing, upon the coast of Africa, the French
warriors overwhelmed with evils, but finding no tears in
their miseries but to weep for the death of a king of France?</p>

<p>These ties of fidelity, which arose from feudal relations,
were so powerful over men’s minds, that the preachers of
the crusades sometimes invoked them in their exhortations.
They preached the duties of feudalism concurrently with
the precepts of the Gospel, and in order to excite Christian
warriors to take the cross, they called them “the vassals of
Jesus Christ.”</p>

<p>It is to the times of the feudal government we must go
back, to find in all its purity, that susceptibility upon the
point of honour, that inviolable fidelity to the word, which
then supplied the absence of laws, and which in polished
societies often render men better than laws themselves.
All our ideas of military glory, that boundless esteem which
we accord to bravery, that profound contempt which,
amongst us, is attached to falsehood or felony, are to be
traced to this remote period. Feudalism was so completely
mixed up with the spirit and character of nations, that
modern societies have no institutions that have not some
relation with it; and we have everywhere traces of it in our
habits, our manners, and even in our speech.</p>

<p>Let me be allowed to add here one single observation.
It is in vain we protest against our origin by our words;
we are incessantly reminded of it by our tastes, by our sentiments,
and sometimes by our pleasures. In fact, if, on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span>
one side, our reason, formed in the school of new ideas, finds
nothing that is not revolting in the middle ages, why, on
the other, does our imagination, moved by the spectacle of
generous passions, delight in representing to itself olden
times, and mingling with gallant knights and paladins?
Whilst a severe philosophy heaps measureless blame upon
the barbarous customs of feudalism, and the gothic manners
of our ancestors, how is it that the remembrances which
these manners and these customs have left us inspire still
our poets with pictures which appear to us so full of charms?
Why are these remembrances revived every day with the
same success, in our poems, in our romances, and upon our
stage? Would it be true to say that there is more patriotism
in our imagination than in our reason, since the one would
make us forget the history of our country, and the other
unceasingly reminds us of it?</p>

<p>The crusades assisted in destroying the abuses of the
feudal system; they served to preserve all that the system
inspired of generous sentiments, and concurred at the same
time in developing that which it contained that was favourable
to civilization. We will finish our sketch of the manners
of feudalism and the salutary effects of the crusades,
by describing the revolution which operated at this time
upon the different classes of society. The nobility will fix
our attention in the first place.</p>

<p>Nobles are found in every nation where the memory of
ancestors is reckoned for anything. There can be no doubt
that nobility was common among the Franks and other barbarous
people who invaded Europe. But in what point of
view was this nobility looked upon before the eleventh and
twelfth centuries? How was it at first constituted? How
was the illustration of races transmitted? We are in possession
of very few monuments to assist in deciding these
questions; and when we have thoroughly studied the history
of the middle ages, we have nothing better to do than to
imitate the genealogists, who, when embarrassed in explaining
the origin of the most ancient families, content themselves
with assigning it to the night-time of the past.</p>

<p>When we reflect upon the rapidity with which generations
pass away, and how difficult it is, even in civilized times, for
most families to make out their own history during a single<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span>
century, can we be astonished that, in times of ignorance
and barbarism, there have been so few means of preserving
the memory of the most illustrious families? In addition to
the almost entire absence of written documents, the idea of
true grandeur, the idea of that which constitutes heroic
illustration, did not yet strike men’s minds sufficiently forcibly
to make them preserve a long remembrance of it.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> In
these barbarous times, men, and even princes, were most
frequently only distinguished by their physical qualities or
their bodily defects. To be convinced of this truth we have
but to glance at the list of kings of the middle ages, in
which we find the names of Pepin-le-Bref (Pepin the Short),
Charles-le-Chauve (Charles the Bald), William-le-Roux
(William Rufus, or the Red), Louis-le-Gros (Louis the
Fat), Frederick-Barbereusse (Frederick Barbarossa, or Red
Beard), and many others, whom their age only designated
by that which struck their eyes and was obvious to the
grossest perception. There are few things more curious for
an observer, than to see how old chronicles make us acquainted
with the personages whose actions they give an
account of. They never omit in their pictures, either the
colour of the hair, or the stature, or the countenance of the
princes and heroes; and their historical portraits (may I be
allowed the comparison?) bear much less resemblance to a
passage of history, than to those descriptions which are now-a-days
written upon the passports of travellers.</p>

<p>If, as a writer has said, entire man was not yet understood,
it cannot be said that virtue was not known, as at
any other period; but the idea of virtue was then lost in
that of duty, and with the single sentiment of duty, which
was but the voice of conscience or the modest instinct of
habit, they dreamt not of living in the memory of men.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>
The desire for illustrating a name belongs to a nascent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span>
civilization. When civilization threw forth its first rays,
moral ideas of greatness were attached to the name of
ancient families; and it may be safely said that nobility was
not truly instituted before the value of glory began to be
felt. But what is very certain is, that in the crusades
nobility acquired an eminence that it had never before enjoyed.
The exploits of nobles in the cause of Christianity,
were very different affairs from those wars of castle against
castle, with which they employed themselves in Europe.
Nobility from that time found its archives in history, and
the opinion the world entertained of its valour became its
loftiest title.</p>

<p>If we consult the most authentic facts and the most probable
opinions, we have reason to believe that the distinctions
of nobility were at first founded upon great offices,
but principally upon property. It was for the land or estate
that, in the feudal system, the oath of fealty or homage was
taken, and the protection of the sovereign claimed. For the
man who was not a proprietor there was no contract, no
privilege; he had nothing to give, nothing to receive; in the
times of Joinville, nobles were called <i>rich men</i>. In France,
a great proprietor was, by right, noble; if he was ruined or
despoiled, his descendants sank into the crowd again: thus
had the customs of a barbarous age established it. A
strange thing it is, that there are times in which extreme
civilization can make a nation revert to the same estate as
extreme barbarism. When political illusions shall be dispersed,
and there shall remain nothing but the mere substance
of society, it is still property, it is the estate which
will establish pre-eminence and denote ranks. Lands will
no longer furnish soldiers, but they will pay taxes for the
support of them; they will no longer be held by the tenure
of complying with the duty of feudal aid; but they will still
owe the sovereign the support of their influence, in exchange
for the protection they shall receive from the sovereign
authority.</p>

<p>If, in the middle ages, aristocracy was founded upon land,
society derived a great advantage from the circumstance;
for territorial property, which does not change, which is
always the same, preserves the institutions and manners of
a people better than industrial property, which most frequently<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span>
belongs no more to one country than another, and
which, on that account, bears within itself the germs of corruption.
If it was for this reason that formerly nobility
was degraded by giving itself up to the speculations of commerce
and industry, it must be agreed that the usage thus
established, had at least a respectable aim, and arose from
a salutary principle.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p>

<p>Territorial property had then such an influence over the
social state, that it is quite enough to be acquainted with
the changes it experienced, to judge of the changes to which
society was subjected. “As soon as the state of the property
of a certain period is discovered,” says Robertson,
“we may determine with precision what was at the same
time the degree of power then enjoyed by the king or the
nobility.” During the crusades, ecclesiastical and civil laws
permitted nobles to alienate their domains. A great number
of them availed themselves of this fatal privilege, and
did not hesitate to sell their lands; which displaced property,
and consequently power. The nobility thus lost its
power, and the crown gained that which the aristocracy lost.</p>

<p>The crusades, however, were not unproductive of good
fruit for the nobility; gentlemen acquired principalities in
the East; most of the cities of Greece and Syria became
so many lordships, which recognised as masters counts and
barons enrolled under the banners of the holy wars; some,
still more fortunate, ascended the throne of David, or that
of Constantine, and took place among the greatest monarchs
of Christendom.</p>

<p>The military orders likewise presented the nobility with
amends for the losses they experienced in ruinous wars.
These orders had immense possessions in both the West and
the East; they were for the European nobility, an asylum in
peace, and a school of heroism in war.</p>

<p>It was at this period that the use of surnames was introduced,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span>
and coats of arms were assumed. Every gentleman
added to his own name the name of his estate, or the title
of the lordship he possessed; he placed in his coat of arms
a sign which distinguished his family and marked his nobility;
genealogy became a science, and consecrated, by its
researches, the illustration of races. Whatever value may
be now-a-days attached to this science, it must be admitted
that it often threw a great light upon the history of illustrious
families, and sometimes upon the general history of a
country to which these families belonged.</p>

<p>Everything leads us to believe that the origin of surnames,<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>
but more particularly of coats of arms, is due to the
Crusaders. The lord stood in no need of a mark of distinction
when he did not go off his own manor; but he
became aware of the necessity for distinguishing himself
from others when he found himself at a distance from home,
and confounded in the crowd of the Crusaders: a great
number of families ruined themselves, or became extinct, in
the holy wars. Such as were ruined attached themselves
more strongly to the remembrance of their nobility, the
only wealth that was left them; after the extinction of
families, the necessity for replacing them was felt; it was
under Philip-le-Hardi that the practice of creating nobles
was introduced.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> As soon as there were new nobles, it
became of more consequence to be considered ancient
ones. Property did not appear sufficient to preserve and
transmit a name which itself became a property, consecrated
by history and acknowledged by society. It was
then that nobility attached more value to marks of distinction.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span></p>

<p>At the end of the feudal government, the nobility, it is
true, still constituted, in a great degree, the strength of the
army; but it served the state in a new character; it conformed
more with the spirit of chivalry than with that of
feudalism. A gentleman no longer paid homage to his
sovereign for his estate, but he swore upon his sword to be
faithful to him.</p>

<p>As soon as feudal services ceased to be required, the
nobility increased in zeal for personal service. Kings eagerly
welcomed them when they were no longer formidable; thus
they recovered in the favour of courts a great portion of the
advantages they had lost. As they still held the first rank
in society, and preserved a great ascendancy over the other
classes, they continued, by their example, to polish the spirit
and the manners of the nation; and it is by their means particularly,
that those elegant manners were formed which
have so long distinguished the French among all the nations
of Europe.</p>

<p>It is difficult, however, to say with precision what the
nobility gained and what they lost by the changes that were
effected. Their existence, doubtless, had something more
brilliant in it, but also something less solid. The honorary
prerogatives which they retained, without giving them any
real strength, armed more jealous passions against them
than territorial power had done; for it may be remarked,
that man’s self-love endures riches and power in others, with
a better grace than it endures distinctions.</p>

<p>We must add, likewise, that as society progressed, new
means of illustration, new kinds of notability arose; the
moral power of opinion, which had been attached exclusively
to nobility, communicated itself by degrees to those who
contributed to the prosperity of society by their talents,
their knowledge, or their industry.</p>

<p>We have seen the brilliant side of feudalism; we have
now to speak of the state in which the inhabitants of the
cities and the country groaned. Most of the villages and
cities depended upon some baron, whose protection they
purchased, and who exercised an arbitrary jurisdiction over
them. Man, reduced to servitude, or rather slavery, had no
law which guarded him against oppression; the produce of
labour, the wages of his sweat, did not belong to him;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span>
he was himself a property which could be claimed anywhere,
if he fled away from his home. Chained to the glebe, he
must often have envied the animal who helped him to trace
the furrow, or the palfrey, the noble companion of his
master. The serf had no other hope but that which religion
afforded him, and left nothing to his children but the
example of his patience in suffering. He could neither
make a contract during his lifetime, nor a testament at the
hour of death. His last will was not recognised by law; it
died with him. To excuse the barbarity of this gross age,
we must remember the still more frightful fate of slaves
among the Greeks and Romans. We have no need to point
out the obstacles this state of things must have opposed to
the development of the industry and the social faculties of
man. Thus the country was covered with forests, and most
of the cities presented nothing but an aspect of poverty
and misery.</p>

<p>The cities of Lombardy, and a great part of Italy, were
the first places that shook off the yoke of feudalism. The
emperors of Germany, as we have seen, were almost always
at variance with the popes. The cities took advantage of
these quarrels, to arrogate rights which no one disputed.
Others purchased them of the emperors, who believed they
made a good bargain when they sold that which they had not
the power to refuse. Towards the middle of the eleventh
century, the clergy and nobility had already no more influence
in the cities of Italy. According to the evidence of
Otho of Freisengen, a contemporary author, Italy was full
of free cities, all of which had obliged their bishops to reside
within their walls; there was scarcely a noble who was
not subject to the laws and government of a city. In Germany
the cities obtained their freedom at a later period.
These Germans, who, according to Tacitus, considered
dwelling in cities as a mark of servitude, not only in the
end built cities, but sought liberty in them. The cities of
the Rhine appear to have been made free by the emperors
in the eleventh century. But most of these cities were
poor, they contained but few inhabitants, and were not able
to defend themselves against the German oligarchy. At the
commencement of the fourteenth century, several free cities,
enriched by the commerce of the East, and by the communications<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span>
opened by the crusades, formed a confederation,
and by that means made their independence respected.</p>

<p>In England, the spirit of liberty did not take its spring
before the holy wars; the cities, with the exception of that
of London, which had obtained several privileges, scarcely
dreamt of independence; the Britons, as in the times of
Virgil, appeared still separated from the rest of the world.
It may be said that liberty in the English nation was not
an affair of locality, but a general affair, which was to be
decided at a later period.</p>

<p>In Spain, the war against the Moors, as we have already
said, favoured the independence of the commons. We are
in possession of historical documents of the eleventh century,
which prove that several Spanish cities enjoyed certain
immunities at this period. But the first of these cities which
were summoned to the Cortes, urged by a spirit of jealousy,
refused to admit the others, which was very injurious to the
development and progress of liberty in Spain.</p>

<p>In the south of France, the archives of the communes
present us with some traces of liberty, a long time before
the period of the crusades. The influence of a fine climate,
the vivacity which animated the inhabitants, with some traditions
of the Roman law, preserved, in the provinces which
border on Spain and Italy, habits of independence which
might serve as models or examples. When the kings of
France thought of enfranchising some communes, it was
from the south of the kingdom they must have taken the
idea.</p>

<p>These enfranchisements of the southern cities, however,
were rather consecrated by custom than by positive laws.
According to the best opinions, the formal and legal enfranchisement
of communes in France dates from Louis-le-Gros,
who granted privileges to some cities situated within the
domains of the crown. The example of Louis-le-Gros was
followed by Louis VII. and Philip Augustus. A great
number of cities saw all sorts of slavery excluded from their
walls, chose their own magistrates, levied their own taxes,
kept up a military force, and had a jurisdiction entirely their
own. Such was the first blow given in France to the feudal
government.</p>

<p>Before this period it was customary to implore the aid of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span>
the barons against violence and robbery. This support was
abandoned as soon as another tutelary power arose. The
serfs, and even the freemen, who had at first sought safety
in castles, soon sought it in cities, against their former
protectors, the castellans; the first engagements of the
inhabitants of cities were mutual defence and reciprocal
protection.</p>

<p>The liberty of cities began by the corporations; men could
only be strong when united. This necessity for union in
moments of crisis or peril is so natural, that when society
is disturbed, factions and parties are formed which are like
corporations. The spirit of a public body, or the spirit of
party, in whatever way it may be considered, holds essentially
with the social character. Liberty was much more
considered in relation with the community than in relation
with individual man; it was considered a benefit that could
only be enjoyed in common. Thus society did not find
itself subordinate to the individual, but the individual to
society. Isolated man could do nothing; strength lay with
the association, which effectually protected the rights of all,
and watched over the conservation of individual liberty and
public liberty.</p>

<p>When cities situated within the royal domains had obtained
their franchises, the spirit of independence soon possessed
the other cities of the kingdom. The communes
which succeeded in gaining their enfranchisement, did not
all obtain the same advantages; they were, more or less,
favoured by circumstances. Here, liberty was purchased of
the lord; there, the yoke was shaken off by force; in other
places, treaties were effected, in which the spirit of liberty
and feudal power made mutual concessions.</p>

<p>During the crusades, the long absence of the barons must
have multiplied, for the communes, opportunities of enfranchising
themselves. Most of the lords who ruined themselves
for the holy wars, exchanged, for the money of which
they stood in need, all their rights over the cities which
depended upon them&mdash;rights which they yielded the more
willingly from hoping to win principalities in Asia.</p>

<p>This enfranchisement of communes produced a very different
effect for the great vassals and the crown. It weakened
the authority of the lords, because the spirit of liberty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span>
was against them; it increased the royal authority, because
the cities which were free, or had a desire to be so, looked
to the king. Cities, when their independence was threatened,
implored the king’s protection. We find in old chronicles,
that Philip Augustus granted letters of protection to cities
dependent upon barons. Thus kings became the hope of
all the communes of the kingdom, and liberty supported
itself by royalty. This is why the cities of France, to defend
their franchises, formed no league, as they did in other
countries; for they found a natural defence in royal power.</p>

<p>The revolution which was destined to destroy feudalism,
appeared to act as of itself. There is, in the possession of a
newly-acquired good, a restlessness, an anxiety, a fear of
losing it, which kept the communes always on the alert;
there is, on the contrary, in the possession of an anciently-acquired
good, an indolent security, which did not permit
the barons to see the true state of things. The lords only
opposed new ideas by a short-sighted disdain, and believed
they had lost nothing as long as they retained their swords
by their sides.</p>

<p>If, however, we may judge by the complaints of Guibert,
abbot of Nogent, a contemporary historian, the enfranchisement
of the communes met with some opposition. There
was no want of sour spirits, who considered it a dangerous
and destructive innovation. But we may believe that these
complaints were only inspired by that natural repugnance
which the greater part of men entertain for seeing anything
change which is consecrated by time, and by that vague mistrust
which novelty produces, under whatever form it may
appear. The truth is, that nobody knew, or could possibly
judge, of the extent of the changes that were then in operation.
Revolutions, whatever may be their object or their
character, are never thoroughly understood before they have
finished their course, and never reveal their secret at their
commencement.</p>

<p>A century after Louis-le-Gros, Louis VIII. pretended to
have the right of immediate sovereignty over all the communes.
This was a signal for all the cities to complete their
emancipation from the barons; this was the mortal blow to
the feudal aristocracy. This great revolution of the social
state went on so rapidly, that history can with difficulty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span>
follow its progress, and cannot assign the part which the
crusades bore in it.</p>

<p>Happy had it been for society if that spirit of liberty
which then set it in motion, and which advanced without
ceasing, sowing blessings and evils on its route, had produced
none but wise institutions; if, always confined within
just bounds, it had not frequently kindled bloody discords,
and had not at last mingled itself with the blind passions of
the multitude! What a picture were that which should
exhibit the consequences of this revolution up to modern
times, which should represent monarchy rising from the
ruins of feudalism and then itself succumbing in a new
revolution! What a subject for serious thoughts in the historian,
when, embracing with a rapid glance ancient and
modern times, he sees the two most active forces of society,
at the revival of civilization,&mdash;royalty and liberty, marching
constantly one towards the other, demanding of each other
reciprocal support, overthrowing all the barriers that separated
them, destroying all they found in their passage; at
last, after several ages of endeavours, meeting face to face
upon the ruins accumulated round them, taking each other
at first sight for enemies, declaring war against each other,
and falling together on the same field of battle!<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p>

<p>God forbid that I should here be thought to present discouraging
images! I have only wished to show the fragility
of human affairs, and the want of foresight in those who
direct societies. The revolution we have beheld is, perhaps,
less the work of liberty than of the equality which is seen
to figure, for the first time, in the political world.</p>

<p>This equality, such as the moderns have constituted it,
was scarcely known in the ancient republics, of which the
language had no word to express it. The first book that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span>
spoke of equality was the Gospel. Christianity constantly
represents all men as equal before God. The object of the
Gospel was to lower the pride of the great; which was salutary.
I know not what false philosophy made use of equality
to raise the pride of the low;&mdash;and then society was shaken
to its very foundations.</p>

<p>The great revolution which has been effected in the manners
and laws of Europe, and which began at the times of
the crusades, may be divided into two principal epochs. At
first it was desirable to wrest from the feudal lords a power
which they abused: that was the first epoch,&mdash;that was the
revolution of liberty. When the feudal lords had nothing
left but distinctions, these distinctions irritated pride and
jealousy, which, in the end, persuaded themselves that every
political superiority was a tyranny, which must be brought
low. This was the second epoch,&mdash;the revolution of
equality; much more terrible than the first, because it had
for motive, passions much more difficult to satisfy than the
love of liberty.</p>

<p>But the peasants and serfs of the country, whilst the
cities were in the enjoyment of liberty, still groaned in
slavery. Up to the fourteenth century, this numerous class
found no abatement in the rigours of their servitude. The
greatest advantage the crusades could have bestowed upon
the peasants, was the momentary cessation of brigandage,
and the peace which reigned in the country, all the time the
wars against the Saracens were being carried on.</p>

<p>It is probable that serfs in Europe were not better treated,
according to the legislation and customs of the West, than
they were in the Holy Land, according to the <i>Assizes of
Jerusalem</i>. There is no doubt that peasants taken from the
glebe for the crusade became free men; but most of them
perished by misery or by the swords of the Mussulmans.
What became of the few who revisited their homes cannot
be ascertained.</p>

<p>A population dispersed and scattered about a country did
not present, as in cities, a formidable mass, capable of resistance.
Peasants rarely communicated with each other,
and could not support any demand, or establish any common
right. Man requires some intelligence to make him sensible
of the advantages of liberty, and the peasant class was then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span>
brutified by ignorance. We must likewise add, that the love
of independence came with riches; and this is why it arose
earlier in cities than in the country, and earlier in flourishing
cities than in poorer ones. The serfs of the country were
poor; they would not have known what use to make of
liberty. Liberty is of little value to him who is in want of
the first necessaries of life. Among warlike and barbarous
hordes, who entertained a repugnance for labour, it was
natural that they should be despised who gave themselves
up to the painful toil of cultivating the earth. This repugnance
was necessarily more strong among nomad nations,
like those that conquered Europe. The contempt felt in the
middle ages for the peasantry was injurious to their liberty;
and this contempt even survived their servitude. People
felt, in some sort, forced to treat as slaves men who performed
a task which was considered necessary, but which
every free man disdained.</p>

<p>The inhabitant of the country, abandoned to his own resources,
did not aspire to independence; the only good he
could pretend to was the choice of slavery. As the Church
inspired more confidence than the nobles, a crowd of unfortunate
beings took refuge, in a manner, at the foot of the
altars, and devoted their liberty and that of their children
to this church or that monastery, to which they looked for
protection. Nothing is more curious than the formulæ by
which the clergy received this sacrifice of individual liberty.
They congratulated the new serfs with having preferred
“the domination of Jesus Christ to the liberty of the age;”
they added, that “to serve God was to reign,” and that “a
holy servitude was true independence.” These words must
have been in harmony with the manners and ideas of the
times, since a multitude of men and women were seen every
day flocking to the monasteries, and conjuring the Church
to admit them among “the serfs of Jesus Christ.” That
they should believe themselves, on that account, much more
free than other men, we may at the present day be astonished;
but was there not a sort of liberty in wearing chains
they had chosen, and with which they had fettered themselves?</p>

<p>Some free cities of Germany contributed to the enfranchisement
of the peasants of their territory. The same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span>
thing happened in Italy and in Spain, where the territory
of cities was considerable; in England, the peasantry waited
a long time for any amelioration of their fate. But nothing
is more difficult than to ascertain with certainty the destiny
which, during many ages, this multitude of men who covered
the plains of Europe underwent; in the darkness of the
middle ages, numberless generations of serfs passed over the
earth, without leaving any traces in history. We can with
difficulty catch, in old chronicles and acts of administration,
here and there a few scattered gleams to throw a light upon
our researches.</p>

<p>In France, it is not till the commencement of the fourteenth
century that any ordinances of the kings upon the
enfranchisement of the serfs are to be found. In an ordinance
of 1315, Louis X. made use of these remarkable
words: “Many persons among our common people are
enchained in the bonds of servitude, which displeases us
greatly.... Our kingdom,” he added, “is called and
named the kingdom of the Franks; we are desirous that the
thing should in truth be in accordance with its name,” &amp;c.
In this ordinance, made only for the royal domains, the king
of France pressed the nobles to follow his example. “We
are in possession of a letter-patent of the same king, by
which commissaries were commanded to transport themselves
to the bailiwick of Senlis, and “to give freedom to all
who required it,” on condition, nevertheless, of paying a
sum for the rights of servitude, which reverted to the crown.</p>

<p>All the historical documents of this period prove, more
and more, that the kings had placed themselves at the head
of the general movement of society. In all they then did,
their motive, doubtless, was to reëstablish order in the kingdom,
and to found their authority upon the protection
granted to those who suffered from the violences and excesses
of feudal anarchy. If, however, we may judge by the
ordinance just quoted, and by many other similar ones, their
policy was not always disinterested, and, like most of the
barons, they sometimes sold rather than granted the freedom
of the serfs and the communes.</p>

<p>Many peasants showed themselves but little disposed to
receive a liberty which was to be sold to them. Some from
poverty, others from mistrust, a great number from unwillingness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span>
to change their condition, refused the benefit that
was offered to them. Such is the spirit of man, that they
resolved to remain serfs, because they were condemned to be
such no longer. In several provinces, even disorders were
created by their resistance. This was slaves fighting, with
their chains, against Liberty herself. At a later period, the
<i>jaquerie</i> proved that it was more easy to kindle the passions
of a gross people, than to make them free; and that it was
far, as regarded the serfs, from impatience under the yoke
and hatred for their masters, to the true love of liberty.</p>

<p>When we are desirous of breaking the chains of the multitude,
it is never to the multitude that we must address
ourselves; in order that the fate of the lower classes should
be ameliorated, the amelioration must come from the superior
classes, by whom knowledge is spread and institutions are
established. This is what happened at the period of which
we are speaking. The servitude of the country was much
softened by the maxims of the clergy, but more particularly
by the influence of that French magistracy which had arisen
contemporaneously with civilization.</p>

<p>In the middle of the fifteenth century, some serfs of
Catalonia, who had taken refuge in France, being claimed by
their lords, the parliament of Thoulouse declared that every
man who entered into the kingdom crying <i>France!</i> became
free. Mezerai,<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> who relates this fact, adds: “Such is the
kingdom of France, that its air communicates liberty to
those who breathe it, and our kings are so august that they
only reign over free men.”</p>

<p>At the beginning of the sixteenth century, scarcely a trace
of servitude could be found in the cities or the country.
History could but applaud this revolution, if the fall even of
feudalism, whilst destroying ancient abuses, had not placed
governments in antagonism with difficulties which had not
been foreseen, and whose consequences were destined to be
deplorable. When the feudal government, which cost the
people nothing,<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> was quite overthrown, it became necessary<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span>
to provide for the expenses of a new administration; when
the state had lost the defenders which the feudal laws provided
for it, others were to be sought, and their services to
be remunerated. Thence came the necessity for stipendiary
armies and regular and permanent taxes. To provide the
money wanted, the coinage was debased, the Jews were persecuted,
violence was had recourse to, and justice was sold,&mdash;all
of which tended to corrupt both the government and the
nation. The embarrassment of the finances, and the disorders
it produced, have only increased up to the present
day. To remedy this, the moral strength and life of society
have often been neglected, and means of raising money have
constituted the whole policy of states. To have credit, or
not to have it, that is, now-a-days, life or death for governments.
<i>Credit</i>, <i>deficit</i>, <i>bankruptcy</i>, are three words, of which
the ancients and the middle ages were quite ignorant; but
which are now constantly present to the restless, uneasy
minds of kings and ministers. These three words will perhaps
one day be sufficient to explain the decline and fall of
empires.</p>

<p>Whatever was the weight of the public impositions, it
must be allowed that the taxes gave rise to more frequent
relations between governments and the people, which proved
advantageous to liberty. People gave more attention to the
administration which they paid for with the fruit of their
industry and labour. Sovereigns had more consideration for
the different classes of citizens of whom they demanded tribute;
and were constrained to consult them in certain circumstances,
in order that the people, says Pasquier, might
not have occasion to be dissatisfied or murmur. The origin
of representative government, as it exists in many European
nations in our days, has been sought for in remote times;
but everything leads us to believe that it owed its birth to
the relations which the wants of states and the necessity for
taxes naturally established between peoples and governments.</p>

<p>That which most increased the embarrassments of the
majority of European monarchies, after the fall of feudalism,
was the excessive enlargement of their military establishments.
At the moment I am writing, there is no
necessity to point out this fearful rock of modern societies<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span>
It is not a century since Montesquieu predicted that Europe
would perish by its armies.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> God grant that this prophecy
be not about to be accomplished! The military force of
Europe has given us reason to dread all the evils it was
intended to prevent. It was to defend every kingdom from
foreign invasions; and yet there is not a kingdom in Europe
that has not been invaded, or threatened with invasion. It
was deemed necessary to restrain the multitude by means
of armies; and armies have been raised to such numbers of
men, that they have become the multitude itself under arms.
Can it be true, as has been said, that there is no remedy for
this evil? Deplorable state of things, without which society
cannot last, with which it cannot exist!</p>

<p>The crusades have been reproached with having given
birth to the idea of imposts; this idea is too simple not to
have arisen without the help of the crusades.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> It is probable
that the manner in which the tenths were collected
for the holy war, might serve as a model for those who afterwards
established regular contributions. As to regular
armies, the expeditions to the East might furnish the first
idea of them. It is certain that these distant expeditions
changed the conditions of the feudal service, and accustomed
people to see permanent armies maintained and commanded
by princes.</p>

<p>Among the institutions which contended with the barbarism
of the middle ages, we will, in the first place, consider
chivalry, the exploits of which are much better known than
its origin. At a time when everything was decided by force,
and everything was determined by the sword;&mdash;in which, as
Montesquieu says, to judge was to fight&mdash;women, children,
and orphans were not able to defend their rights, and were
abandoned a prey to iniquity. Generous warriors came
forward to defend them; their devotion was applauded,&mdash;their
example was followed. Shortly the order of Paladins
was formed, who perambulated the world, seeking for wrongs
to redress, and felons to combat with. Such was, doubtless,
the origin of chivalry, which is so uselessly sought for in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span>
forests of Germany. This institution sprang from the extreme
disorder of society, and arose like a bulwark, which
human generosity opposed to the irruptions of license, and
the passions of a barbarous age.</p>

<p>Chivalry was known in the West before the crusades.
These wars, which appeared to have the same aim as chivalry,&mdash;that
of defending the oppressed, serving the cause of God,
and combating with infidels,&mdash;gave this institution more
splendour and consistency,&mdash;a direction more extended and
salutary.</p>

<p>Religion, which mingled itself with all the institutions and
all the passions of the middle ages, purified the sentiments
of the knights, and elevated them to the enthusiasm of
virtue. Christianity lent chivalry its ceremonies and its
emblems, and tempered, by the mildness of its maxims, the
asperities of warlike manners.</p>

<p>Piety, bravery, and modesty were the distinctive qualities
of chivalry: “Serve God, and he will help you; be mild and
courteous to every gentleman, by divesting yourself of all
pride; be neither a flatterer nor a slanderer, for such people
seldom come to great excellence. Be loyal in words and
deeds; keep your word; be helpful to the poor and to
orphans, and God will reward you.”<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> Thus said the mother
of Bayard to her son; and these instructions of a virtuous
mother comprised the whole code of chivalry.</p>

<p>The most admirable part of this institution was the entire
abnegation of self,&mdash;that loyalty which made it the duty of
every knight to forget his own glory, and only publish the
lofty deeds of his companions in arms. The deeds of valour
of a knight were his fortune, his means of living; <i>and he
who was silent upon them was a robber of the property of
others</i>. Nothing appeared more reprehensible than for a
knight to praise himself. “If the squire,” says le Code
des Preux, “be vain-glorious of what he has done, he is not
worthy to become a knight.” An historian of the crusades
offers us a singular example of this virtue, which is not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span>
entirely humility, and might be called the false modesty of
glory, when he describes Tancred checking his career in
the field of battle, to make his squire swear to be for ever
silent upon his exploits.</p>

<p>The most cruel insult that could be offered to a knight,
was to accuse him of falsehood. Want of truth, and perjury,
were considered the most shameful of all crimes. If oppressed
innocence implored the succour of a knight, woe to
him who did not respond to the appeal! Shame followed
every offence towards the weak, and every aggression towards
an unarmed man.</p>

<p>The spirit of chivalry kept up and strengthened among
warriors the generous sentiments which the military spirit
of feudalism had given birth to: devotion to his sovereign
was the first virtue, or rather the first duty, of a knight.
Thus in every state of Europe grew up a young military
power, always ready for fight, and always ready to sacrifice
itself for prince or for country, as for the cause of justice
and innocence.</p>

<p>One of the most remarkable characteristics of chivalry,
and that which at the present day most strongly excites our
surprise and curiosity, was the alliance of religious sentiments
with gallantry. <i>Devotion and love</i>,&mdash;such was the
principle of action of a knight: <i>God and the ladies</i>,&mdash;such
was his device.</p>

<p>To form an idea of the manners of chivalry, we have but
to glance at the tournaments, which owed their origin to it,
and which were as schools of courtesy and festivals of bravery.
At this period, the nobility were dispersed, and lived isolated
in their castles. Tournaments furnished them with opportunities
for assembling; and it was at these brilliant meetings
that the memory of ancient gallant knights was revived,&mdash;that
youth took them for models, and imbibed chivalric
virtues by receiving rewards from the hands of beauty.</p>

<p>As the ladies were the judges of the actions and the bravery
of the knights, they exercised an absolute empire over
the minds of the warriors; and I have no occasion to say
that this ascendancy of the softer sex threw a charm over
the heroism of the <i>preux</i> and the <i>paladins</i>. Europe began
to escape from barbarism from the moment the most weak
commanded the most strong,&mdash;from the moment when the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span>
love of glory, when the noblest feelings of the heart, the
tenderest affections of the soul, everything that constitutes
the moral force of society, was able to triumph over every
other force.</p>

<p>Louis IX., a prisoner in Egypt, replies to the Saracens,
that he will do nothing without Queen Marguerite, “who is
his lady.” The orientals could not comprehend such deference;
and it is because they did not comprehend this deference,
that they have remained so far in the rear of the nations
of Europe, in nobleness of sentiment, purity of morals, and
elegance of manners.</p>

<p>Heroes of antiquity wandered over the world to deliver it
from scourges and monsters; but these heroes were not
actuated by religion, which elevates the soul, nor by that
courtesy which softens the manners. They were acquainted
with friendship, as in the cases of Theseus and Pirithous,
and Hercules and Lycas; but they knew nothing of the
delicacy of love. The ancient poets take delight in representing
the misfortunes of certain heroines abandoned by
their lovers; but, in their touching pictures, there never
escapes from their plaintive muse the least expression of
blame against the hero, who thus caused the tears of beauty
to flow. In the middle ages, or according to the manners of
chivalry, a warrior who should have imitated the conduct of
Theseus to Ariadne, or that of the son of Anchises towards
Dido, would not have failed to incur the reproach of
treachery.</p>

<p>Another difference between the spirit of antiquity and
the sentiments of the moderns is, that among the ancients
love was supposed to enervate the courage of heroes; and
that in the days of chivalry, the women, who were the
judges of valour, constantly kept alive the love of glory and
an enthusiasm for virtue, in the hearts of the warriors. We
find in Alain Chartier, a conversation of several ladies, who
express their opinions upon the conduct of their knights,
who had been present at the battle of Agincourt. One of
these knights had sought safety in flight, and the lady of his
thoughts exclaims: “According to the law of love, I should
have loved him better dead than alive.” In the first crusade,
Adela, countess of Blois, wrote to her husband, who
was gone to the East with Godfrey of Bouillon: “Beware<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span>
of meriting the reproaches of the brave.” As the count of
Blois returned to Europe before the taking of Jerusalem,
his wife made him blush at his desertion, and forced him to
return to Palestine, where he fought bravely, and found a
glorious death. Thus the spirit and the sentiments of
chivalry gave birth to prodigies equally with the most ardent
patriotism of ancient Lacedæmon; and these prodigies appeared
so simple, so natural, that the chroniclers only repeat
them in passing, and without testifying the least surprise at
them.</p>

<p>This institution, so ingeniously called “Fountain of
courtesy, which comes from God,” is still much more admirable
when considered under the all-powerful influence of
religious ideas. Christian charity claimed all the affections
of the knight, and demanded of him a perpetual devotion
for the defence of pilgrims and the care of the sick. It was
thus that were established the orders of St. John, of the
Temple, of the Teutonic Knights, and several others, all
instituted to combat the Saracens and solace human miseries.
The infidels admired their virtues, as much as they dreaded
their bravery. Nothing is more touching than the spectacle
of these noble warriors, who were seen by turns in the field
of battle and in the asylum of pain; sometimes the terror
of the enemy, and as frequently the consolers of all who
suffered. That which the paladins of the West did for
beauty, the knights of Palestine did for poverty and misfortune.
The former devoted their lives to the ladies of
their thoughts; the latter devoted theirs to the poor and the
infirm. The grand-master of the military order of St. John
took the title of “Guardian of the poor of Jesus Christ,”
and the knights called the sick and the poor “Our lords.”
It appears almost an incredible thing, but the grand-master
of the order of St. Lazarus, instituted for the cure and the
relief of leprosy, was obliged to be chosen from among the
lepers.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> Thus the charity of the knights, in order to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span>
the better acquainted with human miseries, in a manner
ennobled that which is most disgusting in the diseases of
man. Did not this grand-master of St. Lazarus, who was
obliged himself to be afflicted with the infirmities he was
called upon to alleviate in others, imitate, as much as is
possible on earth, the example of the Son of God, who
assumed a human form in order to deliver humanity?</p>

<p>It may be thought that there was ostentation in so great
a charity; but Christianity, as we have said, had subdued
the pride of the warriors, and that was, without doubt, one
of the noblest miracles of the religion of the middle ages.
All who then visited the Holy Land could but admire in
the knights of St. John, the Temple, and St. Lazarus, their
resignation in suffering all the pains of life, their submission
to all the rigours of discipline, and their docility to the
least wish of their leader. During the sojourn of St. Louis
in Palestine, the Hospitallers having had a quarrel with
some Crusaders who were hunting on Mount Carmel, the
latter brought their complaint before the grand-master.
The head of the Hospital ordered before him the brothers
who had outraged the Crusaders, and to punish them, condemned<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span>
there to eat their food on the ground upon their
mantles. “It happened,” says the sieur de Joinville, “that
I was present with the knights who had complained, and
we requested the master to allow the brothers to arise from
their mantles, which he refused.” Thus the rigour of the
cloisters and the austere humility of cenobites had nothing
repulsive for these warriors. Such were the heroes that
religion and the spirit of the crusades had formed. I know
that this submission and humility in men accustomed to
arms may be turned into ridicule; but an enlightened philosophy
takes pleasure in recognising the happy influence
of religious ideas upon the manners of a society given up to
barbarous passions. In an age when all power was derived
from the sword, in which passion and anger might have carried
warriors to all kinds of excesses, what more agreeable
spectacle for humanity could there be than that of valour
humbling itself, and strength forgetting itself?</p>

<p>We are aware that the spirit of chivalry was sometimes
abused, and that its noble maxims did not govern the
conduct of all knights. We have described in the history
of the crusades, the lengthened discords which jealousy
created between the two orders of St. John and the Temple.
We have spoken of the vices with which the Templars were
reproached towards the end of the holy wars. We could
speak still more of the absurdities of knight-errantry; but
our task is here to write the history of institutions, and not
that of human passions. Whatever may be thought of the
corruption of men, it will always be true that chivalry,
allied with the spirit of courtesy and the spirit of Christianity,
awakened in human hearts virtues and sentiments
of which the ancients were ignorant.</p>

<p>That which proves that everything was not barbarous in
the middle ages is, that the institution of chivalry obtained,
from its birth, the esteem and admiration of all Christendom.
There was no gentleman who was not desirous of
being a knight. Princes and kings took honour to themselves
for belonging to chivalry. In it warriors came to
take lessons of politeness, bravery, and humanity. Admirable
school, in which victory laid aside its pride, and grandeur
its haughty disdain; to which those who had riches and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span>
power came to learn only to make use of them with moderation
and generosity.</p>

<p>As the education of the people was formed upon the
example of the higher classes of society, the generous sentiments
of chivalry spread themselves by degrees through
all ranks, and mingled with the character of the European
nations; gradually, there arose against those who were wanting
in their duties of knighthood, a general opinion, more
severe than the laws themselves, which was as the code of
honour, as the cry of the public conscience. What might
not be hoped from a state of society, in which all the discourses
held in camps, in tournaments, in meetings of warriors,
was reduced to these words: “Evil be to him who
forgets the promises he has made to religion, to patriotism,
to virtuous love; evil be to him who betrays his God, his
king, or his lady?”</p>

<p>When the institution of chivalry fell by the abuse that
was made of it, or rather in consequence of the changes in
the military system of Europe; there remained still in
European society some of the sentiments it had inspired,
in the same manner as there remains with those who have
forgotten the religion in which they were born, something
of its precepts, and particularly of the profound impressions
which they received from it in their infancy. In the times
of chivalry, the reward of good actions was glory and
honour. This coin, which is so useful to nations, and which
costs them nothing, did not fail to have some currency in
following ages. Such is the effect of a glorious remembrance,
that the marks and distinctions of chivalry serve
still in our days to recompense merit and bravery.</p>

<p>Since it can with truth be said that the crusades added
some lustre and gave some ascendancy to chivalry, it must
be agreed that they rendered essential service to humanity.</p>

<p>If the institution of chivalry was a barrier against license
and barbarism, the institution of the clergy, founded upon
more fixed and durable principles, ought to have rendered
still greater services to civilization.</p>

<p>The ascendancy and wealth of the clergy placed them on
an equality with the nobility, in the feudal system; but it
must be allowed that the rank assigned them in this order<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span>
of things was repugnant to their character and to the state
of society. We do not hesitate to say that the feudal system
had a tendency to corrupt the institution of the clergy, as
the clergy corrupted the feudal system. The clergy, instructed
in principles of peace, were not fit to carry out the
conditions of the military régime; on the other side, the
military régime was sure to change the pacific manners of
the clergy. It was not at all uncommon to see prelates
clad in cuirass and helmet. Sometimes country priests led
to battle the flock which a religion of peace had confided to
them. This military spirit in ecclesiastics was much increased
by the crusades, in which their arms were sanctified
by the object of the war. The clergy, however, never became
sufficiently warlike to fulfil all the feudal engagements;
and we may add likewise, that they were not always
sufficiently pacific to fulfil all their religious duties.</p>

<p>It may be concluded, from what we have just said, that
the ecclesiastical order and the feudal government would, in
the long run, repel each other. If we consult the history
of the middle ages, we shall see that the barons and nobles
often showed themselves jealous of the power of the clergy,
and that the clergy, in the end, contributed to the ruin of
the foundations of feudalism.</p>

<p>The existence of the clergy underwent many modifications,
according to times, places, and circumstances. In Italy,
they enjoyed but very little credit, and took part in most
popular factions. In Germany, the high clergy shared with
the nobility the wrecks of imperial power. In Spain, they
contributed greatly to the expulsion of the Moors, and the
spoils of the vanquished added to their wealth. In England,
the clergy associated themselves with the barons, and contended
with the crown. In France, they attached themselves
to royalty, and favoured the constantly increasing
power of the monarchs.</p>

<p>If we may judge by the councils which were held during
the crusades, most of which were occupied with reforming
ecclesiastical discipline, we have reason to believe that the
morals of the clergy had then a strong tendency to corruption.
Old chronicles are particularly severe against the
Crusaders and the clergy of the East, whom they unceasingly
accuse of outraging morality and religion by their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span>
excesses. Some of the chroniclers even, like James of Vitry,
draw such hideous pictures, that they are suspected of injustice,
or at least of exaggeration. It is not useless, for
the sake of historical truth, to remark here, that most of the
historians of whom we now speak, belonged to the class of
preachers charged with the task of censuring their age, and
who were often obliged to darken their colours in order to
move the multitude. In all times, sacred orators have been
seen exaggerating the vices it was their object to combat;
and if we were not aware of the charity which animates
them, we might sometimes mistake their discourses for
violent satires. This is an observation of which we ought
not to lose sight whilst reading the chronicles of the middle
ages, which are almost all drawn up by ecclesiastics, accustomed
by their profession to judge their contemporaries
with severity. Another observation proved by history is,
that corruption is spoken of with more bitterness in times
in which it is scarcely known, than in times in which it has
become general. In ages in which some ideas of virtue still
prevail, people accuse themselves; and in ages quite corrupted,
they praise themselves.</p>

<p>A chronicle of the time of the first crusades tells us, that
the iniquities of men had then reached their height; and,
what at once characterizes the spirit of the chronicler and
that of his age, he adds that these iniquities would have
shortened the duration of the world, “if it had not been
that some new monastic congregations were formed.” In
fact, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, more monasteries
were founded than in all the other centuries of the
middle ages. The enthusiasm for the holy wars, by exalting
the imaginations of nations, had produced a mental revolution;
prodigies were everywhere seen that had never been
observed till that time; devotion itself believed that it could
no longer attain salvation by ordinary ways: whilst a crowd
of warriors precipitated themselves upon the East, many
pious souls, to perform penance, sought for private mortifications,
and devoted themselves to the rigours of a voluntary
exile, or buried themselves in deserts.</p>

<p>At the head of the monastic congregations which were
formed at this period, we must place that of the Brothers of
Mercy, which had its birth in the third crusade, and was instituted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span>
for the purpose of delivering captives. These venerable
cenobites, after the example of the heroes of chivalry,
sought for victims to console, and for the miserable to succour.
Like knights, they exposed themselves to a thousand
dangers, and braved death in the exercise of beneficence and
charity. It was during the sixth crusade that the two orders
of St. Dominic and St. Francis arose, orders which, according
to the expression of the abbot of Usberg, renewed the youth
of the Church. From the thirteenth century these two
orders sent missions into the East, and into the north of
Asia. Whilst the Tartar hordes were overturning empires,
ravaging Europe, and threatening all Christendom, poor
priests traversed the solitudes of Tartary, penetrated even
into China; and, peaceful conquerors, armed with the Gospel,
extended the empire of Christianity, and planted the
standard of the cross at the extremities of the known world.
The religious colonies which they then founded in Asia
lasted much longer than the colonies founded by the Crusaders.</p>

<p>We will not attempt to enumerate all the services which
religious communities rendered society. They had regulations
which might serve for models in the infancy of political
legislation. They were in all respects like the corporations
of cities. Whilst anarchy disturbed cities, the woods had
their legislation; and the germs of civilization developed
themselves in silence and in solitude.</p>

<p>It was in monasteries that were found the only schools in
which letters were taught, and that the Latin language, and
the wonders it produced, were preserved. It was in them
that studious men kept a faithful register of events, and
employed themselves in transmitting to us those historical
documents without which the glory and the manners of our
ancestors would be unknown to us.</p>

<p>Besides that the clergy contributed greatly to the fertilizing
of uncultivated lands, they protected the labourers
with the whole power of the Church. The Truce of God,
which was the work of the clergy, placed under the safeguard
of Heaven, the inhabitants of the fields, the oxen, the
companions of their labours, and even the instruments of
their tillage. The Church went still further; it multiplied
the festivals of the calendar, for the sake of the people. By<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span>
augmenting the number of religious solemnities, the Church
had two motives: the first, to bring more frequently to the
foot of the altar an ignorant and gross multitude, who there
found the instruction necessary for the amelioration of their
morals and the consolation of their evils; the second, to procure
some days of repose for that crowd of serfs, condemned
by the avarice of their masters to labours which had no end,
and of which they did not gather the fruit.<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p>

<p>Amidst wars which revived without ceasing, the peasantry
often found an asylum near a monastery inhabited by peaceful
men, and protected by the opinions of the times. Nothing
can prove better the ascendancy of the Church, than
seeing, on one side, the nobility shut up in their strong
castles, and on the other, cenobites dwelling in cloisters
scarcely closed, and defended only by faith and confidence.
As might be expected, the peace which reigned in the neighbourhood
of monasteries attracted a numerous population
around them. Many towns, and even cities, owed their
origin to the vicinity of a monastery, whose name they still
preserve.</p>

<p>The maxims of the clergy, more perhaps than their example,
contributed to the enfranchisement of serfs. Gregory
the Great, when giving liberty to some slaves, said that the
Redeemer came upon earth to release men from slavery, and
to substitute the rights of the people for the code of servitude.
In the middle ages, many charters of liberty were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span>
granted for “the love of God,&mdash;for the salvation of the soul,&mdash;for
the remission of sins.” It was at the hour of death, and
by testamentary dispositions, that most enfranchisements
were granted; from which we may conclude that it was the
work of the priests who assisted the dying. The clergy represented
the enfranchisement of slaves as a thing agreeable
to God; the ceremony of manumission was performed in the
church as a solemn religious act. It was at the foot of the
altars that the holy words were pronounced which broke the
bonds of slavery. Thus everything announced that the
spirit of the Gospel was everywhere mingled with the progress
of civilization, and that the liberty of modern nations
was to be one of the blessings of Christianity.</p>

<p>There was another mode of gaining liberty, which was by
entering into holy orders, or to take vows in a monastery.
So great a number of slaves escaped by that means from the
yoke of their masters, that this custom was obliged to be
restrained, and at last entirely abolished, in almost all the
states of Europe. The crusades often bestowed upon the
serfs the same privileges that the clergy did. Beneath the
banners of the cross, serfs found the enfranchisement they
had before found in monasteries. This facility which peasants
possessed, of breaking their chains by going to the Holy
Land, would have depopulated the plains, if new regulations
had not placed restrictions and limits to it.</p>

<p>It has been said that the clergy became enriched by the
crusades. This assertion, which has been so often repeated
by the writers of the last century, requires to be examined
by the impartiality of history. The clergy were rich at the
period of the first crusade. Their enemies accused them for
a long time of having usurped immense properties. In
France, under the two first races, their wealth had given
umbrage to the barons, who had several times despoiled
them, under the pretext that they did not defend the state,
and that the property they held belonged to them whose
bravery watched over the safety of the kingdom.</p>

<p>If the crusades enriched the clergy, it might be supposed
that the clergy would be most rich in countries which took
the greatest part in the crusades. Now, the clergy of Germany,
and several other states of Europe, surpassed in wealth
the clergy of the kingdom of France, where the crusades<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span>
excited so much enthusiasm, and caused so many warriors
to take arms. The clergy, it is true, found new possessions
in the East; but, after the crusades, nothing of them was
left but vain titles.</p>

<p>The first crusade must have been, as we have said, very
profitable to the clergy; they were not obliged to pay the
expenses of it; the zeal of the faithful furnished them.
Nevertheless they did take part in this crusade; and the
priests who set out, with the other Crusaders, certainly
did not enrich themselves in their pilgrimage. Many, no
doubt, shared the fate of Robert, abbot of St. Remi, the historian
of the first crusade, who, on his return from Jerusalem,
was expelled by his monks for having ruined his
convent.</p>

<p>At the second crusade, contributions were levied upon the
churches, without any regard to the warm remonstrances of
the ecclesiastics. From that time an opinion, which became
very injurious to the clergy, was established throughout the
Christian world, which was, that wars undertaken for the
glory of Jesus Christ and the deliverance of the holy places,
ought to be paid for by the Church. Tributes were at once
levied upon the clergy, without consulting any other authority,
or following any other regulations than those of necessity
and circumstances. To reckon from the third crusade,
after the publication of the <i>Saladin tenth</i>, more regular imposts
were established, which were fixed by the popes or
councils, and which were collected with such rigour, that
churches were despoiled of their ornaments, and sometimes
the sacred vases were put up to sale. It is true that
the clergy sometimes received offerings and bequests from
those who went to the Holy Land, or had made a vow to
go; but what did such tributes of piety amount to when
compared to the tributes they themselves were compelled to
pay? We do not hesitate to affirm that, in the space of two
hundred years, the clergy paid towards the holy wars more
money than would have been required to purchase all their
property; and thus the zeal of ecclesiastics for the deliverance
of the holy places was observed perceptibly to cool;
and it may be said that the indifference which followed
among Christian nations the ardour for the crusades, began
by the clergy. In Germany, and many other countries,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span>
their discontent was carried so far, that at last the popes
did not dare to trust the preaching of crusades to the
bishops, and only gave this mission to the mendicant orders,
who possessed nothing, and had nothing to pay for the expeditions
against the infidels.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p>

<p>It has been said that the clergy took advantage of the
crusades to buy at low prices the property of the nobility,
as, in our days, we have seen many people take advantage of
a revolution, to purchase at a moderate price the property
of the clergy themselves. We find, in fact, examples of such
acquisitions in the first crusades; but these examples must
have been more rare in the holy wars, of which the clergy
were obliged to pay the expenses.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> The great advantage
that the clergy had over the nobility was, that the nobles
were able to pawn or alienate their possessions, and that
ecclesiastics were never allowed to pledge or alienate their
property. Another advantage the clergy possessed was, that
they formed a body always animated by the same spirit, and
always governed by the same laws. Whilst everything
changed around them, they never changed. It was thus
they resisted the revolution which was effected in property.</p>

<p>We have seen, that in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
a great number of monasteries were established.
By that means wild, uncultivated places became fertile
lands; and these conquests made over the desert added to
the domains of the clergy. We must likewise add, that the
jurisdiction of the clergy, which every day made fresh progress,
was for them a source of wealth. It was in the
nature of things, as we have already remarked, that the most<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span>
enlightened class should become the richest. The clergy
had therefore no need of profiting by the ruin of the Crusaders
in order to become rich; their knowledge, their spirit
of order and economy, <i>with the ascendancy they possessed over
the people</i>, offered them ample means for increasing or preserving
their possessions.</p>

<p>Everybody, besides, had reason to rejoice at seeing the
clergy acquire wealth; for this wealth belonged to everybody.
In fact, every man could enter into the clergy, and the clergy
belonged to all families. This order, so powerful in the
middle ages, was as a natural link, as an intermediate point,
which drew together and united all the classes of society.
In the quarrels which jealousy sometimes raised between the
clergy and the nobility, the great vassals reproached the
ecclesiastics with being <i>the children of serfs</i>. It was not
uncommon to see men who had issued from the lowest class
of the people, in the highest functions of the Church; a certain
proof that the clergy offered every one a way by which
he might elevate himself, and that they thus assisted in
reëstablishing the harmony destroyed by feudal inequality.</p>

<p>The clergy&mdash;such as our fathers saw it&mdash;only now exists in
the memory of men.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> In proportion as this institution,
with all the advantages we have spoken of, shall be further
removed from us, we shall perhaps become the more aware
of its value. There are things of which we judge more
favourably when memory recalls them to us, than when they
are present.</p>

<p>After a revolution which has ruined so many families, in
which so many hopes have been deceived,&mdash;at a time in
which a numerous youth is crowded in the confined circle of
public employments,&mdash;in which the divers professions, among
the enlightened class, by no means suffice for the vast number
of the candidates,&mdash;let me ask whether the Church, with its
riches and its consolatory morality, would not be as a port in
the storm,&mdash;as a refuge always open for those to whom the
world has nothing to give? At a time in which everything
is uncertain, moving, and transitory,&mdash;in which no man is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span>
sure of his destiny, who but must envy those men whose
fate never changed,&mdash;who lived always in the same manner,&mdash;who
saw the present without complaining,&mdash;to whom the
future gave no uneasiness, and who might justly be compared
to the young ones of the birds, of which Scripture speaks?
If I durst utter all my thought&mdash;and I speak less in the
name of religion than in the names of philosophy and
humanity&mdash;I should even regret those austere retreats, open
to piety, and consecrated by peace and prayer. There, at
least, a shelter was found from the passions which disturb
society, as they trouble the heart of man. Why, in fact,
should there not be hospitals for the miseries of the soul, as
there are for other human infirmities? Why are not they
who have suffered from the storms of life, and whose heart is
torn by deep wounds, to find a refuge against their ills, as
well as those whom indigence overtakes, or as well as the
war-mutilated soldier? Who does not know that great
revolutions, like great griefs, inspire a desire for concealing
existence, and seeking repose in solitude? “When the
storm growls,” says Pythagoras, “worship echo.” Let us
look back to the times which preceded the middle ages,&mdash;to
those times in which the world was ready to fall to pieces
with the Roman empire: it was at this deplorable epoch that
the deserts of the Thebais were peopled with pious cenobites,
who were no longer able to support the spectacle of human
passions. It was not only simple and vulgar men who flocked
to the solitudes of Cetteus and Memphis, but learned men,
warriors,&mdash;men who had been seen in the courts of emperors.
Whilst society was shaken to its foundations,&mdash;whilst disorder
and corruption spread their baneful influence everywhere,
elevated minds, whom this state of things drove to
despair, went to bury themselves in retirement, embracing
the altars of that Christian religion which was the only support
left to unfortunate virtue, and was the last hope of
civilization.</p>

<p>The swords of knights and the maxims of the clergy, as
we have seen, contended with advantage against the excesses
of barbarism; but no institution had yet attained sufficient
consistence to guarantee the security of European societies.
In spite of all efforts for the reëstablishment of order,
anarchy still subsisted. In order to know what, either in an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span>
age or a people, is the spirit of civilization, it is sufficient to
be acquainted with the progress that has been made in that
same age, or among that same people, in the administration
of justice. Of all the monuments the human mind can
raise, a civil and criminal code is that which requires the
most extensive knowledge, and the profoundest acquaintance
with the passions of man.</p>

<p>In the middle ages, society, immersed in darkness, had
lost the lessons and examples of antiquity in all which concerned
judicial order; and found itself, in a manner, reduced
to the experience of the barbarians.</p>

<p>When the barons usurped from the crown the right of
administering justice, there were as many jurisdictions in
France as there were lordships. Judicial administration
then lost that spirit of <i>wholeness</i>, that uniformity, which
gives weight and rectitude to its decisions. Judgment was
no longer given but according to local customs, or uncertain
traditions.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> When, in the seventeenth century, the judicial
customs and traditions which had been found in preceding
ages were collected, there were found two hundred and
eighty-five of them; a certain proof that in the times of
which we speak, there could be no fixed rule, and that
anarchy had invaded the sanctuary of justice.</p>

<p>Royalty could not watch over seignorial jurisdictions, and
the ordinances of the kings were powerless out of the
domains of the crown. The great vassals had no mutual
understanding that might modify or regulate legislation.
It is a remarkable thing that France, after the decline of the
empire of Charlemagne, remained more than two centuries
without recognising any authority to which it could carry its
griefs and its complaints,&mdash;without having, either in the
person of the monarch or the assemblies of the great, a power
which could establish regulations, repair injustices, correct
abuses, and consecrate the maxims of experience. If the
kingdom was able to subsist for so long a time in this state,
have we not reason to believe that there is in every society
an unknown force, which defends that society against its own
excesses, and saves the people in spite of their passions,&mdash;in
spite of all which seems calculated to bring on their ruin?</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span></p>

<p>To decide in civil and criminal causes, there was no other
guide, no other intelligence, but the instincts and the conscience
of the judges. These feeble means were not competent,
in complicated cases, to assign to actions their true
intention, or to appreciate the language of innocence or the
denegations of crime. All matters were then treated according
to verbal conventions, and judged according to unwritten
testimonies. Words, often ill-interpreted, sometimes partially
effaced from the memory, frequently contradicted or
falsified, could not enlighten justice. Good faith was implored;
the consciences of witnesses and parties were
appealed to; but it was too frequently perjury that answered,
and which commanded the decisions of the judges.
At length, it was believed that an infallible means was discovered
for detecting falsehood and fraud; an appeal was
made from the consciences of men to the justice of Heaven.
He who was accused, he whose evidence was contradicted,
submitted to the ordeals of fire, boiling water, or red-hot
iron. It was believed that Heaven would not permit injustice,
and that it would rather suspend the laws of nature
than the laws of society.</p>

<p>These proofs, however, were abandoned to the vulgar;
judicial combat was the ordeal of nobles or of freemen.
This species of justice, in which every warrior had only his
own valour as the arbiter of his destiny, conformed exceedingly
well with the military spirit of the age.</p>

<p>So barbarous a custom was generally adopted: not satisfied
with having recourse to judicial combat in criminal
cases, civil questions were subject to its decisions. A gentleman
had not only a right to defy his adversary, he might
also challenge the witnesses themselves, and force sometimes
even the judges to descend with him into the arena. Justice
was then only seen in victory, or rather victory became
the sole justice. Thus the Franks, in the crusades, often
expressed their astonishment that God should sometimes
allow the Mussulmans to conquer the Christians.</p>

<p>The sword decided everything; the places where justice
pronounced her decrees resounded with the cries of fury and
hatred. They were stained, by turns, with the blood of the
innocent or with the blood of the guilty, as skill, strength,
or fortune favoured the arms of the combatants. In the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span>
face of such combats, how was it possible to preserve the
idea of justice or injustice? Must not ferocity of manners
have increased, and education become unnatural?</p>

<p>We ought, however, to remember the circumstances which
brought about this custom, and which may render it excusable
in the eyes of enlightened philosophy. In the impossibility
in which the judges often found themselves of ascertaining
the truth or pronouncing with certainty, fraud, perjury,
and falsehood triumphed over the laws, and threatened
to invade the whole of society. No better means could be
discovered to prevent this misfortune than to terrify imposture
and perfidy, by the preparations, “pomp, and circumstance,”
of a judicial combat. Justice, being unable to
reveal herself amidst the darkness of barbarism, surrounded
herself with terrible images, and would only allow her sanctuary
to be approached with mistrust and fear. The terror
which the idea even of a judicial combat inspired, the uncertainty
of such a judgment, must have prevented many contests,
and that was a great advantage. No other more certain
means, besides, were to be found to appease quarrels,
which could not be prolonged without perilling the whole of
society. In an age in which the passions were mixed with
everything, it was doubtless important for society that justice
should terminate debates in an equitable manner; but it
was likewise important that these debates should terminate
promptly.</p>

<p>At the first aspect, we only see in this custom a privilege
and a monstrous employment of physical force. But without
this employment of physical force, the world was perhaps
likely to become the prey of perjured, faithless men. We
ought then to sigh less over this revolting abuse than over
the state of society in which it appeared necessary, in order
to prevent abuses still more revolting. It required much
trouble afterwards to reform the judicial combat. The prejudices
most difficult to be destroyed are those in which
bravery and the point of honour believe themselves interested.
Neither the power of kings, nor religion, nor philosophy,
have been able to abolish duels among modern nations; and
duels, in some respects, are nothing but the justice which
was rendered by the sword in the middle ages.</p>

<p>We have not yet made known all the obstacles which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span>
triumph of justice met with in the manners and customs of
these remote times. The absence of laws caused great disorders;
but the yoke of the laws was more insupportable to
the barons than anarchy itself. The confidence which the
barons felt in their arms, rendered them at least indifferent
to all kinds of legislation. In any society whatever, the
men who have power or force in their hands are seldom the
first to appeal to laws; because nobody can be unjust towards
them with impunity, and they have always the means of
doing themselves justice.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p>

<p>Judicial order, as we understand it now-a-days, could be
nothing, in the twelfth century, but an abstraction which
did not enter into men’s minds. The warlike nobility of
Europe would have had nothing to do with any kind of justice
which did not present an image of war. The barons
could not form an idea that legislation might be a safeguard
for themselves as well as society. They only felt an injustice
as they felt a wound in the field of battle; and personal
resentment was the only motive which animated them to the
pursuit of the guilty. Equity then scarcely passed for a
virtue, but revenge was a duty. There were no laws against
those who were unjust, but there were laws against those
who did not avenge themselves.</p>

<p>With these manners and this character, the barons were
not able to renounce the practice of private wars, which the
Franks and other barbarians had brought with them into
Europe. Every noble who fancied himself attacked in either
his honour or his property, took arms to defend his rights or
avenge his quarrel. All the relations and vassals of the belligerent
parties were obliged to take part in the quarrel.
Fields were ravaged, towns and villages were burnt, and it
was thus they demanded or rendered justice. During many
centuries Europe was desolated by these intestine wars.
Sanguinary discords, which were transmitted from generation
to generation, became an habitual state, for which customs
and regulations were invoked; and whilst society was
without laws, civil war had its jurisprudence.</p>

<p>It was not easy to remedy such vast disorders. How<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span>
could force be disarmed, and despoiled of a prerogative it
seemed to prefer to all other privileges? Society, such as it
then was, had but one single power capable of counterbalancing
that of the warlike passions which desolated
Europe; this was the force of religious ideas and the ascendancy
of Christianity. The authority of councils was
invoked against private wars; the saints were made to
speak; superstition itself was called in; visions, revelations,
and prodigies were had recourse to. The Church put forth
all its threats and launched all its thunders. These means
sometimes suspended the progress of the evil, but the principle
of discord always subsisted. It was not possible to
put an end to private wars, but they were at length suppressed
during certain days of the week; and all the good
that such a powerful religion could do was to bring about
the adoption of the Truce of God. It was here the crusades
wonderfully seconded the zeal of the clergy. Whenever
war was declared against the Saracens, discords were all at
once appeased, as if by miracle, and Europe remained in
profound silence before the standard of the cross.</p>

<p>The efforts of the clergy, however, in conjunction with
some other favourable circumstances, were destined in the
end to bring about the triumph of justice and humanity.
Before civil justice was established, the Church possessed a
holy jurisdiction which judged the faithful. This justice
stood in no need of pursuing the guilty; the guilty came to
give themselves up to its judgments: it was not blind, like
human justice; the most secret folds of the conscience developed
themselves before it: it met with no resistance, it
excited no murmurs; those whom it condemned, condemned
themselves. To cause its laws to be executed, and to sanction
its decisions, it had the power of remorse, the fear of an
avenging God, the promises of heaven, the menaces of hell.
Such was the tribunal of penitence, which, in the absence of
civil laws, held the place sometimes of other tribunals, and
watched over public order, as a triumph of religion. A
tribunal so formidable necessarily increased the influence of
the clergy, and contributed, no doubt, to extend their jurisdiction
even to affairs in which evangelical morality was
not at all interested. People, persuaded that all justice
comes from God, were likely to be led to believe that God<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span>
pronounced his least judgments by the organs of his ministers
upon earth. When the popes were reproached with
interfering in the policy of princes, they answered that the
acts of that policy might be sins, and thence these acts came
under the pontifical jurisdiction. The clergy usurped judicial
authority in civil affairs, as the sovereign pontiffs had
usurped temporal authority.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> In the middle ages the clergy
declared themselves arbiters of the just and the unjust; and
as their jurisdiction was much more favourable to humanity,
more conformable to reason than that of the barons, it made
rapid progress. Among the privileges which the popes
granted to the Crusaders, that of being judged by the ecclesiastical
laws was placed in the first rank. The clergy took
advantage of the absence, the death, or the ruin of the
nobles who were gone to the crusades, to extend their jurisdiction,
as the commons availed themselves of this circumstance
to obtain their liberty, and kings to increase their
power. At last this jurisdiction became so powerful that it
awakened the jealousy of the feudal nobility. Towards the
middle of the thirteenth century, the nobles formed a league
against the clergy, and in a manifesto, which we still possess,
they demanded that “they should render to Cæsar that
which belonged to Cæsar.” They forbade their vassals to
appeal to the ecclesiastical tribunals, except in cases of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span>
heresy, marriage, and usury, and threatened delinquents
with the loss of their property and the mutilation of a member.
“The clerks,” added they, “enriched at our expense,
shall be brought back to the state of the primitive church
and to a contemplative life, leaving to us the action which
becomes us, and presenting to us the miracles which we have
not seen for a long time.”</p>

<p>As the influence of the clergy arose from Christianity, the
nobles, in their manifesto, wished to claim the advantage of
having alone converted the Gauls by their arms. All that
they said in support of this assertion gave reason to predict
that they would not triumph in a contest in which Victory
would range herself on the side of knowledge and intelligence.</p>

<p>This was not an ordinary war, but a veritable war of
opinions; and as the lords had, to sustain it, nothing but
their swords, they were at last obliged to renounce their
pretensions.</p>

<p>The society of Europe, however, arrived at that period so
fatal to nations, at that crisis, almost always a sanguinary
one, in which new opinions and old opinions declare an
obstinate war against each other; in which all that is new
ferments, and is agitated violently; in which all that is ancient
resists, and falls to pieces with a crash. For a length
of time old laws were powerless; and the laws which were
endeavoured to be established, had, in their execution,
neither the force that is acquired by habit, nor that which is
conferred by experience. A universal crisis was experienced
throughout Europe; and the West, troubled by revolutions
and civil wars, was, for a moment, upon the point of falling
back into the darkness and chaos of the tenth century.</p>

<p>It was at this period that was established in Germany the
imperial chamber, instituted for the purpose of appeasing
discords and repressing brigandage. In Arragon the tutelary
authority of the <i>justiza</i> was created, who was armed against
license with all the power of a dictator. In all countries
brotherhoods and associations were formed against the excesses
of anarchy. It was in France, above all, that the
necessity was felt to call in justice to the support of shaken
social order, and to place it under the safeguard of royalty.
Royal power was born, in some sort, amongst the perils and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span>
fears of society. There is an instinct which, in moments of
crisis, guides people towards the authority which is to protect
them; and this authority becomes all-powerful, from the
reason that its assistance is implored, and that it is the
object of all hopes.</p>

<p>Ecclesiastical jurisdiction had already dealt a mortal blow
to feudal justice. The study of the Roman law caused
something of the experience of the ancients to revive among
nations scarcely escaped from barbarism. A new judicial
order sprang up in Europe, particularly in France.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> This
judicial order was at first very complicated, in consequence
of that natural disposition of men of the pen and of the
robe to multiply forms in all affairs. To follow the clue
through the labyrinth of the new laws, the barons were
deficient in knowledge, and more particularly in patience.
If it be true that lawyers complicated legislation in order
to remain the sole interpreters of it, their hopes were not
deceived; for they in the end took the places of the feudal
nobles in judicial functions.</p>

<p>It is true that seignorial justices were not abolished; but
an appeal was permitted from their decisions to the judgment
of the crown. There were, besides, cases in which
the justice of the barons was found incompetent, and as this
incompetence was almost always judged of by the jurisdiction
of the king, the latter finished by attracting to itself
most of the causes of any weight or importance. As it is
otherwise important that justice should be protected by a
force that can make it respected, as the power of the barons
declined, and as that of the king increased daily, the royal
jurisdiction prevailed, and custom sanctioned the maxim that
all justice emanates from the king. When once this maxim
was recognised and proclaimed in all the provinces, Beaumanier
was right in saying, “that the king was sovereign<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span>
over everything, and that he had by right the general
guardianship of the kingdom.”</p>

<p>It was at this period arose that French magistracy which
afterwards became so eminent. The parliaments exhibited
the frankness and loyalty of old times, united with the intelligence
of modern times. They sometimes defended the
rights of the people against the crown, and were often a
buckler for the crown against factions. Perhaps their roots
did not strike deeply enough into the society whose rights
they defended. The fundamental laws of the kingdom had
neither regulated their rights, nor fixed with precision the
limits of their power. Their authority was due less to
written constitutions than to that want of justice which is
felt among civilized people, than to that supreme ascendancy
which they almost always obtain whose function it is to be
exponents of the law. We have seen parliaments perish
amidst public disorders, for which they themselves gave the
imprudent signal. They saw the faults of administration,
but they were deficient in positive knowledge to point out
the proper remedy: they appealed to the people, and factions
answered; they invoked liberty, and the revolution burst
forth. Now, when this magistracy no longer exists among
us, and that it can have no place in the order of things
which events have given birth to, it appears to us the moment
is come for everybody to be just towards it, and to praise
that noble disinterestedness, that enlightened firmness, that
inflexible probity, which formed its principal character. “It
is for the observer of the present period,” says an English
writer, “and not for the historian of past times, to decide if
those virtues which distinguished the ancient French magistracy
are sufficiently common now-a-days, not to be remembered
with great praise, and exhibited to our contemporaries
as useful examples.”</p>

<p>In the revolution which was effected, we are astonished
that the barons showed so little foresight; they opposed the
privileges of an order of things which no longer existed,
when, without their intervention and without their concurrence,
a new order of things was established; the greater
that was their need of union to defend themselves, the more
obstinacy they showed for maintaining the too fatal privilege
of making war upon each other. The habit of warlike and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span>
feudal manners made them prefer to all other functions the
occupation of arms, which they considered, with reason, as
the most glorious career; but which ruined them, kept them
in their ignorance, and drove them from affairs, whilst others
enriched themselves in peaceful employments, exercised their
faculties usefully, and employed themselves exclusively with
power. In the end, the nobility, after the most generous
sacrifices, became nothing but an aristocracy without action
in the government, whilst those who lent a hand to the
administration became really the masters.</p>

<p>The revolutions we have just described have made us for
a moment forget the crusades; the holy wars, however, may
be reckoned among the causes which ameliorated legislation.
The departure of the Crusaders gave occasion for a number
of actions; precautions against fraud were multiplied; public
notaries were called in; the use of charters,&mdash;called <i>chartres
chirographaires</i>, or <i>chartres parties</i>,&mdash;was adopted, or rather
revived. We have already said that many regulations were
made to limit the numbers of the Crusaders, and these regulations
were so many laws added to those which existed.
The Crusaders, whilst passing through distant countries,
might remark many wise customs, which they brought back
into their own country. Villehardouin informs us with
what astonishment the French nobles, on their arrival at
Venice, beheld the senate, the doge, and the people deliberating
in their presence. This spectacle could not fail to
enlighten them. When the Latins were masters of Constantinople,
they there became acquainted with the legislation
of Greece; in Palestine, the Assizes of Jerusalem gave
them an idea of a legislation less imperfect than their
own; the code which for a long time governed the Christian
colonies led Louis IX. to think of making a collection of
laws, which he did not, it is true, put in practice, but which
no doubt spread much useful information. The example of
St. Louis, and the encouragement that jurisconsults received
on his return from Egypt, contributed to create among the
people the love of justice; and this love of justice, which
began to be felt among all classes, was the best guarantee
of a nascent civilization.</p>

<p>Skilful writers have gone over before us this epoch, so
abundant in great events and in lessons of policy. They have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span>
shown how royalty rose from the bosom of disorder; how
legislation progressively prevailed over anarchy; and how
several states of Europe&mdash;particularly France&mdash;attained that
degree of strength and splendour in which we have seen them
during the eighteenth century. There would remain but
very little for us to say, after the great publicists who have
preceded us, if recent revolutions had not broken forth to
enlighten us. The experience of the present times has
thrown a new light over past ages; and we are better acquainted
with the nature and origin of old institutions, since
we have seen them sink into ruins. The tree of our ancient
monarchy has not been able to resist the concussions which
have shaken society; its branches have strewed the earth,
and its roots have been laid bare. It then became easy for
us to see by what secret conduits strength and life had been
circulated; how had grown, and how had fallen,&mdash;</p>

<p class="ppq6 p1">
“That tree whose head approached to heaven,<br />
And whose feet touched the empire of the dead.”<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a></p>

<p class="p1">After having gone through the different classes of society,
and shown the origins of our institutions during the crusades,
we are about to see what was, at the same period, the progress
of navigation, commerce, industry, the sciences, letters, the
arts, and general knowledge.</p>

<p>Before the twelfth century, the seas of Europe and Asia,
with the exception of the Mediterranean, were scarcely
frequented even by the nations who dwelt upon their shores.
At the period of the first crusades, that which formed the
kingdom of France had but two or three ports upon the
coast of Normandy, and had not a single one upon the
ocean, or the Mediterranean, when, in the seventh crusade,
Louis IX. caused that of Aigues-Mortes to be dug.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>
England was scarcely more advanced; that kingdom abandoned
the navigation of the seas which surrounded it to
pirates. It appeared that the world was not yet large
enough for the ambition and genius of the English nation,
which at the present day dominates over all the known seas.
Some cities on the shores of the Baltic, of Holland, Flanders,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span>
and Spain, made maritime expeditions, but which scarcely
deserve to be described in the history of the crusades.
When the crusades began, the spirit of devotion, united
with that of commerce, gave a new and more extended
direction to the voyages and labours of navigators. The
inhabitants of Denmark appeared in the seas of Syria; and
Norwegians, who came by sea, assisted at the taking of
Sidon. Citizens of Lubeck and Bremen were present at the
siege of Ptolemaïs. From all the coasts of the West, vessels
and fleets transported pilgrims, provisions, and arms into the
kingdom of Jerusalem and the other Christian principalities
established in Asia by the victories of the Crusaders.</p>

<p>Thus navigators from all countries met in the seas of the
East. It was, in some sort, under the auspices of the cross,
that advantageous relations began to be established among
the maritime nations of Europe. At the commencement of
the twelfth century, a fleet of Pisans, joined with some other
Italians, came to assist the Arragonese in conquering the
Balearic Isles. The navigators of Italy were so little acquainted
with the seas of Spain, that they took the coasts of
Arragon for the country of the Moors. This first alliance
between distant nations was the work of a crusade preached
by Pope Pascal III., and seconded by a great number of
knights of Provence and Languedoc.</p>

<p>The navigators of Lubeck, Bremen, and Denmark, after
having tried their strength in long voyages, took advantage
of the experience they had gained, to visit the unknown seas
of the Baltic. These new enterprises presented to their
pious zeal and their ambition a nearer sea, and savage peoples
which they might bring under their faith, and make subservient
to their commercial views. Maritime expeditions
were mixed with the crusades preached against nations still
living in a state of paganism. At the aspect of the cross
and the flag of navigators, rich cities sprang up, and barbarous
regions began to be acquainted with the blessings of
civilization.</p>

<p>It was at this period that navigation opened for itself a
new career, and saw the theatre of its useful labours expand.
Nothing could have favoured its progress like the communication
that was then established between the Baltic, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span>
Mediterranean, the Spanish Ocean, and the seas of the
north. By uniting nations in pursuit of the same advantages,
it multiplied their relations, their ties, and their interests,
and redoubled their emulation. In this career thus
opened to all the nations of Europe, practical knowledge
became rectified, was much increased, and spread everywhere;
the configuration of coasts, the position of capes,
ports, bays, isles, &amp;c. &amp;c., were all ascertained; the depth
of the ocean was fathomed; the direction of winds, currents,
and tides was observed; much information was gained upon
all the points of hydrography, and very soon that ignorance of
the eleventh and twelfth centuries was dispersed, which had
occasioned so many shipwrecks, that the chroniclers of the
times of the first crusades, as they tremblingly recount
them, can only ascribe them to the anger of Heaven.</p>

<p>We would here speak of the mariner’s compass, if the
period of its invention could be ascertained clearly. A
passage of James of Vitry, which we have elsewhere given,
does not permit us to doubt that the properties of the loadstone
were known in the time of the crusades, and that
navigators derived great assistance from it in their long
voyages; but, on the other hand, there is nothing to prove
that the use of the mariner’s compass was then general.
We may believe that so valuable a discovery was still a
secret for the vulgar, and that those who were in possession
of this secret, only sought to profit by it for their own
interest, without thinking of the advantages that might be
drawn from it for the progress of navigation. We will add
that that which has happened to the mariner’s compass, has
happened also to most of the inventions of industry, of
which history can rarely assign the epochs, because their
authors, from a spirit of cupidity or jealousy, have not only
not promulgated them, but have concealed them carefully
from the knowledge of their contemporaries.</p>

<p>Naval architecture was much improved during the crusades.
The vessels were greatly enlarged, to enable them to
contain the multitudes of pilgrims to be transported. The
dangers incidental to long voyages, caused the ships destined
for the East to be constructed in a more solid manner. The
art of setting up several masts in the same vessel, the art of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span>
multiplying the sails, and of disposing them so as to enable
the ship to sail against the wind, were the happy fruit of
the emulation which then animated navigators.</p>

<p>Thus the activity and the genius of man triumphed over
all obstacles, commanded the elements, and took possession
of the empire of the sea. But this empire, like that of the
land, was, in the middle ages, a prey to brigandage and
violence; tempests, contrary winds, shipwrecks, were not
the only evils to be apprehended in long voyages. On every
sea no right was known but the right of the strongest, and
the absence of a maritime code added greatly to the perils
of distant navigation.</p>

<p>The necessity for a legislation that might assure the interests
and the freedom of navigators was strongly felt. It
was Spain that furnished the first model of one. At the
commencement of the twelfth century a code of maritime
rights was drawn up by the ancient <i>prudhommes</i><a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> of the
Sea of Barcelona. The Venetians adopted it in an assembly
held at St. Sophia, in 1255. This code was afterwards
adopted by the Pisans and Genoese, and, under the name
of the Consulat of the Sea, became the common law or right
of the eastern seas. Another code, published at first by
Eleanor of Guienne, and afterwards by Richard Cœur-de-Lion,
under the title of “Rolls of Oleron,” obtained the
assent of several maritime nations, and was at last accepted
in all the seas of the West.</p>

<p>Protected by this code, navigators were enabled to gather
the fruit of their long labours, and soon disputed advantageously
the empire of the Mediterranean with the infidels.
If Italy and several other countries of the West escaped the
yoke of the Saracens, they owed their safety more to the
superiority of their fleets than to that of their armies.</p>

<p>I have spoken in the preceding book of the discovery of
America, and of the passage to India by the Cape of Good
Hope. It is probable that, without the crusades, the genius
of navigators would, although later, have surmounted the
immense space and numberless dangers that separated the
Baltic and the Mediterranean from the Indian Ocean, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span>
the Old World from the New. We may at least say that
the distant expeditions and the perilous enterprises undertaken
beneath the banners of the cross, prepared the way
for the last prodigies of navigation, by opening everywhere
new routes for industry, and, above all, by favouring the
progress of commerce, the natural and necessary link between
the divers nations and the different countries of the
globe.</p>

<p>Each climate has its productions; and this diversity of
riches creates for men an obligation for exchanges. This
obligation for exchanges produces communication among all
nations, so that in time the most widely-separated regions
cannot remain unknown to each other. It may truly be
said, that Providence has thus placed various productions in
different climates, that it has denied to some countries what
it has granted to others, to create for men dispersed over
the face of the earth, the necessity for reciprocally seeking
each other, for trading to supply their mutual wants, for
communicating their knowledge, and for marching together
towards civilization.</p>

<p>In the middle ages, the indolent and effeminate Greeks
neglected to bring into the West the merchandises of Asia.
The Saracens only anchored on the coasts of Europe, to
bring thither the scourges of war. The commerce of the
West went to seek that which was not brought to it; and
frequent voyages to the East were all for the profit of the
West.</p>

<p>A long time before the crusades, the merchandises of
India and Asia had arrived in Europe, sometimes by land,
crossing the Greek empire, Hungary, and the country of
the Bulgarians; but more frequently by the Mediterranean,
in which were all the ports of Italy. These routes were
both made more familiar by the holy wars, and from that
time nothing could stop the rapid progress of commerce,
protected in its march by the standard of the cross.</p>

<p>Most of the maritime cities of the West not only got
rich by furnishing Europe with the productions of the East,
but they found further a considerable advantage in the
transport of pilgrims and Christian armies. Fleets followed
along the coasts of the countries in which the Crusaders
were fighting, and sold them the munitions of war and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span>
provisions of which they always stood in need. Thus commerce
brought back into Europe a part of the treasures which the
princes and barons, who ruined themselves to go and fight
the infidels, carried into Asia.</p>

<p>All the wealth of the maritime cities of Syria, and even of
Greece, belonged to merchants of the West. They were
the masters of a great part of the Christian cities of Asia;
we know what was the share of the Venetians after the
taking of Constantinople. They possessed all the isles of
the Archipelago, and half of Byzantium. The Greek empire
was as another Venice, with its laws, its fleets, and its armies.</p>

<p>The Latins soon lost Constantinople, Jerusalem, and most
of the countries which submitted to their arms. Commerce,
more fortunate, preserved its conquests after the crusades.
The city of Tana, built at the mouth of the Tanais, became
for Venice a colony, which opened for her useful relations
with Persia and Tartary, and which dominated in the markets
of Tauris, Trebizond, Bagdad, and Bassora. Some
Genoese, assembled in a little city of the Crimea,&mdash;Caffa,
at the time even when the Turks were threatening Europe,
employed themselves in working the mines of the Caucasus,
and receiving the treasures of India by way of Astracan.
European commerce established stores even among nations
that made cruel war against the Christians. The terror
which the Mamelukes inspired did not prevent colonies
of merchants establishing themselves in Egypt. Africa,
particularly the coast of the Mediterranean, was all subservient
to their mercantile ambition, and the places which
St. Louis had not been able to conquer, became tributaries
to their industry.</p>

<p>Whilst the commerce of all parts of the world was thus
placed in the hands of a few maritime cities, many of the
great kingdoms of Europe were still strangers to it. England,
which had no other wealth but its wools, gladly received
in its capital the merchandises of Asia, brought
thither by Italian and Spanish merchants. The cities of
France took but little part in the commerce of the East.
The crusades were the work of the French; others gathered
the fruits of them. Marseilles was, in the middle ages, the
only French city which kept up any relation with distant
nations. This city founded by the Phocians, for the sake<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span>
of the commerce with the Gauls, had never ceased to turn
its eyes towards the places of its origin, and have commercial
relations with Syria and Greece. Spain, whose
industry developed itself early, took more advantage from
the crusades, and, towards the end of the holy wars, the
Spaniards had warehouses upon all the coasts of Asia.</p>

<p>No country, however, derived more advantage from the
trade of the East than Italy. This country, which dominated
over the Mediterranean, and which lay open to all parts of
the known world, was placed in the most favourable position.
This position, which had formerly facilitated the conquests
of the Romans, assisted the nations of Italy in their
new enterprises, and subdued the world to their speculations,
as it had subdued it to their arms. Whilst their fleets set
out for the East, they sent into Europe, not legions and proconsuls,
as Rome had done, but caravans of merchants, who
subdued the provinces they passed through to the calculations
and the wants of commerce. These merchants disposed
of, by their industrious traffic, all the money which
then circulated in the West. In all countries they had
numerous colonies and considerable establishments. Europe
has no great cities in which the name of the Lombards,
given to a street, to a quarter, does not, even at the present
day, attest the long sojourn of the Italian merchants.</p>

<p>We cannot help admiring this power of commerce; but it
had likewise its principle of destruction. What rivalries,
what jealous passions, did it not give birth to daily! Pacific
conquests were contended for without ceasing, swords in
hand. In this struggle many cities succumbed; Pisa was
destroyed by Genoa; Genoa, in her turn, could not maintain
its rivalry against Venice. Another rock for these commercial
powers, was the mobility of the commerce which had
elevated them, and which carried unceasingly its favours
and its gifts from one place to another. If commerce
changed its route or its direction, that was quite enough to
make a city prosper, or to precipitate its fall. In the middle
ages, a crowd of cities disappeared, without discord or war
having at all contributed to their ruin. It appeared as if
fortune took a pleasure in destroying her own work, and as
if she disdained on that account to associate herself with
human passions.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span></p>

<p>It is not possible to separate the progress of industry and
even of agriculture from that of commerce. To ascertain
what industry and agriculture could gain by relations with
the East, it would perhaps be sufficient to ascertain in what
state these two sources of prosperity then were among the
Orientals. Among so many travellers, there were, doubtless,
some who had an interest in observing the usages and
practices of the distant countries they visited. We know
that in the expeditions of the Crusaders, such as were masters
of a trade, or were skilful in a mechanical art, were enrolled
in preference to others. These industrious pilgrims
did not always make a voyage barren of advantages for their
country; and in those holy wars, in which the knights of the
cross only sought victory and renown, industry, if I may
venture to say so, had also its crusade, whose peaceful
trophies consisted in precious discoveries, stolen from the
Greeks or the Saracens, and in the happy imitation of that
which they had admired in the arts of the East.</p>

<p>The Saracens had manufactures of stuffs before the crusades.
At Damascus, and in the cities of Egypt, metals
were worked with greater perfection than in the West.
Old chronicles inform us that the Christians of Palestine
went sometimes to Damascus to purchase arms. Joinville
relates that, being on a pilgrimage to our lady of Tortosa, he
bought at Tripoli some camlets, fabricated in that city. He
sent some pieces of them to Queen Marguerite, who, he tells
us, at first took them for relics, and fell on her knees to
receive them; but upon discovering her mistake arose, saying,
“Mischief upon the seneschal! who has made me kneel to his
camlets.”<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Joinville was directed by Louis IX. to purchase
a quantity of this stuff, which proves that the manufactory
in which it was fabricated had some reputation.</p>

<p>There were at this period, in the same city of Tripoli, and
in several cities of Greece, a great number of silk-looms, the
produce of which must have excited great attention in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span>
merchants and pilgrims who visited the East. About the
middle of the twelfth century, Roger II., king of Sicily,
caused several of these looms to be transported to Palermo;
this was the fruit of an expedition to the coasts of Greece.
The mulberry-tree flourished and multiplied under the beautiful
sky of Italy, as well as under that of the Morea, and
this useful conquest gave the Sicilians the means of soon
surpassing the industry of the Greeks. The principal workshop
was placed in the palace of the kings, as if to display
the richness and magnificence of this new art.</p>

<p>Many useful inventions came to us at this period from the
countries of the East. Some writers affirm that windmills
were known in Europe before the crusades; but we should
remember that they might have been due to the early pilgrimages
into Asia, which it is so difficult to separate, upon
such matters, from the holy wars.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a></p>

<p>Tyre was at this time famous for its glass. The sand
found in its vicinity gave to the fabrication of glass a perfection
unknown in other countries. The use of glass was
much more common in Palestine than in the West. The
Venetians obtained from Tyre the idea of their beautiful
works in glass, so celebrated in the middle ages.</p>

<p>The Crusaders, as has been seen in this history, always
evinced great surprise at witnessing the explosion of the
Greek fire. But what appears very strange, they never
seemed to envy the Saracens this great advantage. The
Frank warriors, in the field of battle, preferred the sword and
lance to a means of fighting which, in their minds, took away
something from personal bravery. It is not at all improbable,
however, that the Greek fire, in the end, furnished
the idea of gunpowder; an invention fatal to humanity, but
which placed a formidable weapon in the hands of European
society, when threatened by the Turks and Tartars.</p>

<p>We have already spoken of the maize, or Turkish wheat,
sent into Italy by Boniface of Montferrat, in the fourth
crusade. The Damascus plum was brought at the same
time into Europe by a duke of Anjou, who visited Jerusalem.
Our gardens owe to the holy wars the ranunculus,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span>
so prized by Orientals, and shalots, which take their name
from Ascalon; the knowledge, or rather the use of saffron,
alum, and indigo, in Europe, may be traced to the times of
the crusades.</p>

<p>We may remember with what delight the Crusaders
saw for the first time the sugar-canes of the territory of
Tripoli. The plant was transported to Sicily, about the
middle of the twelfth century. It is not correct, however,
to say that it passed from thence into the new world. If
the Spaniards afterwards transported the sugar-cane to the
island of Madeira, we may believe they found it in the kingdom
of Granada, whither the Moors had brought it from
Africa. But it is also probable that notice was only taken
of this plant because the taste for sugar was widely spread,
and that the substance, which was brought from Egypt,
became an important branch of commerce. It is thus we
may render honour to the crusades.</p>

<p>Natural history, which is connected with the progress of
industry and agriculture, was enriched likewise by some
useful notions. Distant climates not only exchanged their
vegetable productions, but the crusades procured for Europe
an acquaintance with several animals of Africa and Asia.
We have mentioned that the Mamelukes of Egypt sent
Louis IX. an elephant, of which the French monarch made
a present to the king of England. A short time after the
first expedition of Louis IX., Bibars sent to Mainfrey, son
of Frederick II., several Mogul prisoners, with their horses,
which were of Tartar breed. Among the Oriental productions
which the Egyptian ambassadors were directed to present
to the king of Sicily, was a giraffe, an animal that had
never till that time been seen in the West.</p>

<p>The curious circumstances which we could further produce,
would add nothing to the opinion that must be already
entertained of the happy influence of the crusades upon the
progress of agriculture and industry. The riches of Asia,
when brought into Europe, soon gave birth to a desire for
the cultivation of the arts which embellish life, and of the
sciences which double the faculties of man.</p>

<p>In the tenth century, architecture consisted in the construction
of towers, ramparts, and fortresses. In the habitations
of the great, everything was sacrificed to the necessity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span>
of providing defences against an enemy; nothing could
be afforded to comfort or magnificence. The dwellings of
the people, even in cities, scarcely protected them from the
injuries of weather or the intemperance of seasons. The
only architectural monuments were those which devotion
raised to ancestors. Before magnificent palaces for princes,
or convenient houses for the rich were thought of, edifices
consecrated to religion were constructed. It is scarcely
possible to enumerate the churches and monasteries built in
the eleventh and twelfth centuries. According to the opinion
of the time, the most certain mode of expiating sins, was to
build a church or a monastery. Thus architectural monuments
arose at the voice of repentance, and religious inspirations
revived, in some sort, the prodigies which fabulous
antiquity attributed to the lyre of Amphion.</p>

<p>In every city, in every town, the inhabitants made it their
pride to ornament their cathedral, and the altars at which
they invoked the saint whom the parish had chosen for its
patron. It may be said that there was something like
patriotism in this pious zeal; for the basilic, or paternal
church, was then the most noble and the most sensible
image of the country.</p>

<p>At the commencement of the crusades, there existed a
religious confraternity composed of men practised in the
labours of building; they travelled about the world, offering
their services to the faithful to build or repair churches.
Another confraternity was formed with the useful design of
constructing bridges for pilgrims and travellers. A chapel
or an oratory reminded passengers that the bridge they were
crossing was the work of charity.</p>

<p>The clergy, who were rich, and could only display their
opulence in buildings, made it their glory to erect churches.
To complete their work, they called in the aid of painting
and sculpture, which, like architecture, owed their first encouragement
to piety, and whose earliest masterpieces were
consecrated to the ornamenting of the altars of the Christian
religion.</p>

<p>Nothing was more common than to see noble Crusaders,
on their departure for Palestine, or on their return to the
West, found a monastery or a church. Several pilgrims
are named, who, on coming back from Jerusalem, employed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span>
their treasures in constructing churches, the form of which
might offer them an image of the holy sepulchre they had
visited. The treasures conquered from the infidels were
often appropriated to such buildings. Before the first crusade,
some cities of Italy undertook an expedition into
Africa, and the spoils were reserved for the ornamenting of
churches. We read in an Italian chronicle, that the Pisans
ceded to the Greek emperor Calo-John several cities which
belonged to them in Asia Minor, upon the condition that
this emperor would defray the expenses necessary for the
building of the archbishop’s palace at Pisa, and ornamenting
the cathedral of Palermo.</p>

<p>During the crusades, the sight of the monuments of architecture
which were admired in the East, must have awakened
the emulation of the western pilgrims. Nothing could exceed
the surprise of the Crusaders at beholding the city of
Constantine. Foucher de Chartres exclaimed in his enthusiasm:
“Oh, what a vast and beautiful city is Constantinople!”
The German historian Gunther likewise expresses
his admiration, and says that such magnificence
could not be believed if it were not seen. The marshal of
Champagne relates that the French knights, on seeing the
beautiful towers and the superb palaces of Byzantium, could
not persuade themselves <i>that there could be such a rich city
in all the world</i>!</p>

<p>Italy, which derived such advantages from its relations
with the East, profited greatly by the masterpieces of Greece.
The inhabitants of Rome, and of several other cities founded
and embellished by the Romans, had before them remains of
antiquity that might serve them as models. The riches
which their commerce brought them furnished them with
the means of encouraging industry and the arts, which assist
in the embellishment of cities. The cities of Italy,&mdash;Venice
in particular,&mdash;had palaces and sumptuous edifices before the
crusades. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the
taste for beautiful architecture changed the face of Italy,
and spread by degrees throughout the rest of Europe.</p>

<p>We must add, however, that the fine arts, with the exception
of architecture, owed very little to the frequent communications
with the East. Painting was despised among the
Mussulmans, to whom the Koran forbade the reproduction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span>
of the images of man or of animated beings. The Latins
likewise, as our readers may remember, after the taking of
Constantinople, destroyed most of the monuments raised by
the genius of sculpture, and converted the masterpieces of
Phidias and Praxiteles into pieces of coin.</p>

<p>The indolent and silent character of the orientals was not
calculated to carry music to perfection, as this art bespeaks
a lively and warm imagination in a people; and the Greeks
had for a long time lost the secret of those melodious songs
which, in the times of Linus and Orpheus, charmed the
heights of Rhodope and the woods of Mænalus. The history
of music, then, has very little to do with that of the
holy wars. When Italy saw the fine arts revive, they sprang
up as a natural production of the soil, as plants indigenous
to the climate; they owed their splendour to the prosperous
state of society, and followed, as a consequence of the opulence
and luxury which commerce and industry had produced.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p>

<p>The revival of the fine arts announced that of letters.
But if it be true that letters owed a part of their progress to
the influence of the crusades, it must be confessed that the
Crusaders did not always show themselves disposed to profit
by them for themselves: nothing can exceed the ignorance
of the Crusaders who then set out for the East. History
informs us that after the taking of Jerusalem, they burnt at
Tripoli a library which contained the most precious monuments
of oriental literature: at the taking of Constantinople,
a conflagration devoured the literary treasures of ancient
Greece. The Crusaders beheld this misfortune with so
much indifference, that not one of their chronicles makes
mention of it, and posterity would have been ignorant of it
but for the eloquent complaints of Nicetas.</p>

<p>The science which gained most by these distant expeditions
was doubtless geography. Before the crusades, this
science was quite unknown. Countries, the least distant
from each other, had no intercommunication. Burgundy
was scarcely known at Paris; in Burgundy Paris was considered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span>
as a very remote place. The Crusaders who followed
Peter the Hermit were not acquainted with the names of
the cities of Germany and Hungary which they passed
through. They experienced a defeat at Mersbourg, and the
contemporary chronicles that speak of it content themselves
with calling the Hungarian city <i>Malleville</i>, or the city of
misfortune.</p>

<p>If the Franks scarcely knew their own country, what must
have been their ignorance of the countries of the East?
We may judge by the necessity they felt for taking their
guides from among the Greeks, whom they mistrusted, and
by their extreme embarrassment whenever these guides
abandoned them. Several armies perished from want of
knowing the places to which victory conducted them. Most
of the chroniclers knew no more about the matter than the
Crusaders; and this it is that renders it so difficult to follow
them in Asia Minor and Syria.</p>

<p>One most remarkable circumstance is, that out of more
than two hundred chronicles that speak of Egypt, we have
not been able to find more than one that makes mention of
the Pyramids. James of Vitry, who sojourned for a long
time in Syria, and who appears to have possessed as much
knowledge as was then common to the learned, repeats, in
his descriptions of the East, the fables of Herodotus; such as
the history of the Amazons and that of the phœnix. We can
scarcely forbear laughing at the simple credulity of Joinville,
who tells us gravely, in his memoirs, that the trees of the
terrestrial paradise produce cinnamon, ginger, and cloves,
and that these spices are fished out of the waters of the
Nile, whither they have been carried by the winds.</p>

<p>The Crusaders, constantly engaged in fighting, never entertained
the idea of making themselves acquainted with the
countries subdued by their arms. Nevertheless, in consequence
of them, religion and commerce,&mdash;the one led by the
desire of spreading the Gospel, the other by the hopes of
gaining wealth, opened some new routes, and gained useful
notions concerning the East during the crusades. The missionaries
sent by the court of Rome and by St. Louis travelled
over the vast regions of Asia, and commerce either
followed or went before them in these distant journeys.
The accounts of Rubruquis, Asselin, John Plan Carpin, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span>
Marco Paolo, contain observations of which the truth and
correctness are recognised at the present day.</p>

<p>We may add that the Crusaders, who went from all the
countries of Europe, became acquainted with each other
beneath the standard of the cross. Nations were no longer
foreign to each other; which dissipated the ignorance in
which they had been regarding the names of the cities and
provinces of the West.</p>

<p>The geographical charts of this period neither give the
configuration of the globe, nor the extent of countries, nor
the position or limits of emperors; they merely trace, by
vague designations, that which struck travellers most forcibly,&mdash;such
as the curiosities of each country, the animals,
the buildings, and the various dresses of men. We have
seen a map of the world, which is attached to the chronicle
of St. Denis, and which appears to have been made in the
thirteenth century: we do not find, as in modern maps, the
names of the four cardinal points set down, but on the four
sides are written the names of the principal winds, to the
number of twelve. Jerusalem, according to the opinion of
the time, is placed in the centre of the three parts of the
known world; a large edifice surmounted by a cross represents
the holy city. Around this queen of cities, the author
of the map has figured, by other edifices, the cities of Palestine,
Syria, Egypt, &amp;c.: the distances are marked without any
attention to exactness; all appears thrown at random on the
paper: this confused mass of edifices or houses, seems to be
less a representation of the universe than the shapeless picture
of a great city, built without plan or regularity.</p>

<p>We may judge by this how completely geography was
then in its infancy; but, at the same time, it renders it
evident that it was not quite neglected, as till that time it
had been. Thus, we have a right to believe they would not
stand still there, and that geographical knowledge would
soon advance. In the fourteenth century, the countries of
the East were already much better known, if we may judge
by the chart which Sanuti presented to the pope, and which
may be seen in the collection of the historians of the crusades
by Bengars.</p>

<p>The sciences most useful to man, such as medicine, might
have made some progress during the crusades, if the Crusaders<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span>
had profited by the knowledge of the Orientals. In
medicine particularly, the Arabians had more positive knowledge
than the Latins. At the siege of Ptolemaïs, we have
seen that Saladin sent his physicians to Richard; but we do
not learn that the king of England sent his to Saladin, when
he fell ill. In the first crusade of St. Louis, the physicians
who accompanied the army of the Crusaders understood
nothing of the scurvy and other epidemic diseases, which
exercised such ravages in the camp of the Christians. Their
ignorance was not less fatal than the contagion: when
Louis IX. and his warriors became the prisoners of the
Mussulmans, the diseases which desolated them ceased all
at once, because they were no longer attended by their own
physicians, but were placed under the care of the Arabians.</p>

<p>The East then furnished Europe with several processes
and remedies from which modern medicine, for a length of
time, derived great advantage. Cassia and senna came from
Asia, and became known in the West at the period of the
crusades. Theriaca, which played so great a part in the
medicine of the middle ages, was brought from Antioch to
Venice. Robert of Normandy, on his return from the Holy
Land, after the taking of Jerusalem, obtained from the
school of Salerno a collection of Hygeian precepts, which
became proverbs among all the nations of Europe.</p>

<p>And yet these discoveries, and this knowledge of the
Orientals, did not much enlighten the West in the art of
curing. Properly to receive lessons of experience of this
kind, preliminary studies were necessary, and the physicians
of Europe were then too ignorant to profit by the learning
of the Arabians. At this period, religious charity raised a
great number of open asylums for suffering humanity. But
this charity, however admirable, when its object was to
attend the sick, and comfort them in their sufferings, knew
but very little of the symptoms or the character of the numberless
diseases which attack the life of man. It may be
safely said, that during the crusades, we received from the
East many more serious diseases than true instruction in
medicine. We know that there were numerous lazar-houses
established in Europe in the time of the crusades; but we
know nothing of the remedies employed for the cure of
leprosy. Isolation appears to have been the only curative<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span>
or preservative means known for this malady, which many
learned physicians now look upon as mere prejudice. The
spirit of devotion richly endowed lepers, without doing
anything for their cure. Leprosy, in the end, disappeared
without the assistance of medicine, and the property bestowed
upon lazar-houses was transferred to the hospitals;
which was advantageous to humanity, and may be set down
as one of the benefits of the crusades.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p>

<p>We will say nothing of the other sciences, which owed
still less than geography and medicine to the holy wars.</p>

<p>The Saracens of Syria were very little enlightened in the
middle ages. In the East, the state of knowledge, like
everything else, depended upon the reign of a great prince;
whilst this prince reigned, knowledge flourished by his influence;
at his death, everything returned to darkness, as
the natural state of countries governed by Islamism.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p>

<p>The Franks gained more by their commerce with the
Greeks than by that with the Saracens. The Crusaders
established continual relations between the cities of Italy
and the empire of Byzantium. Some sparks of the genius of
the Greeks were glimmering in Italy before the taking of
Constantinople by the Turks.</p>

<p>A college for young Greeks was established at Paris in
the reign of Philip Augustus. In the thirteenth century
universities flourished at Bologna, Paris, and Salamanca, in
which the Greek language was taught; and later, the Oriental
languages were added, by a decree of the council of Vienna.</p>

<p>We find in a chronicle of St. Denis these remarkable
words:&mdash;“This year, 1257, William, a physician, brought
some Greek books from Constantinople.” Thus, the arrival
of some volumes from Greece was an event worthy of being
recorded, and the importance attached to it, already announced
the disposition of men’s minds.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span></p>

<p>When the Turks became masters of Constantinople, the
learned, exiled from their country, came to establish themselves
in Italy, where the Greek muses formed an alliance
with the Latin muses. The venerable interpreters of antiquity
were hailed everywhere with eagerness, and the communication
of their knowledge was repaid by generous hospitality.
Among the distinguished men to whom the muses
of ancient Greece owed an honourable protection, we must
not forget Nicholas V., who, as the head of the Christians of
the West, excommunicated the Greek Church, and, as a
scholar, seemed to have vowed a worship to the genius of
Homer and Plato.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> Printing, which had then recently
been invented, was employed to preserve the literary treasures
brought from the East, and made them for ever safe
from the scythe of Time, the furies of war, or the hands of
barbarians. The Iliad and the Odyssey found readers in
places which had inspired the Æneid; the orations of Demosthenes
were again read amid the wrecks of the forum,
where the learned might believe they still listened to the
voice of Cicero. The genius of the Italians, kindled by the
masterpieces of ancient Rome and of old Athens, produced
fresh masterpieces; and Italy presented a phenomenon
which the world will, perhaps, never see again,&mdash;that of a
nation which, in the space of a few centuries, obtained twice
the palm of literature in two different languages.</p>

<p>It was from Constantinople we received the philosophy of
Aristotle. We can scarcely say to what extent the true
friends of intelligence ought to congratulate themselves on
this head. Aristotle had disciples, partisans, and martyrs;
the philosopher of Stagyra was very near being preferred to
the Bible; the contemners of Aristotle were called <i>Biblici</i>.
At that period a mania for subtleties was introduced into
the schools, which dishonoured the teaching of philosophy.
Reason was no longer studied in the mind of man, but in a
book; nature was no longer studied in the universe, but in
Aristotle. The schools became like fencing-matches. In
an age in which everything was decided by violence, the
human mind wished to have its species of warfare; so that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span>
victory in most affairs was considered justice; and became,
in the schools, the only reason. We may believe that this
philosophy did not much assist the march of true wisdom;
but we must admit, that if it did, for a moment, lead the
human mind astray, it did not quite arrest its progress. It
exercised the faculties of man, and by that means assisted in
their development. At the commencement of societies, it
is less the errors of the mind than its inaction that retains
nations in the darkness of barbarism.</p>

<p>Universities had never been so attended as at this period.
The number of students in the schools of Paris, Bologna,
and Oxford were said to amount to ten thousand. The
great privileges granted to universities, prove the esteem in
which learning was then held. The doctors disputed for
precedency with knighthood itself. If Bartholo is to be
believed, ten years’ teaching of the Roman law conferred the
title of <i>knight</i>. This dignity was called <i>the knighthood of
learning</i>, and they who attained it were called <i>knights-clerks</i>.</p>

<p>Among all the productions of mind, those which ought to
be ranked first, were such as had for object the preservation
of the memory of events. At all periods of the middle ages,
chronicles appeared, to which were consigned the important
facts of history. In many monasteries were kept registers
or journals, in which was inserted everything remarkable
that happened in the various parts of the world. Monks,
in the general assemblies, sometimes communicated these
registers to each other, and this communication assisted them
in rendering their chronicles more complete. In ages less
remote from us, other cenobites have collected, with laborious
care, these same chronicles, concealed in the solitude
of cloisters, and have transmitted them to posterity as the
most precious monuments of old times.</p>

<p>The ancient chroniclers were simple and pious men; they
considered the least falsehood as a mortal sin; they were
scrupulous in telling the truth, when they were acquainted
with it. Most of them would have thought themselves deficient
in the duties of an historian, if they had not gone
back to the creation of the world, or at least to the deluge.
Among the events which they relate, they never forgot
such as would strike the vulgar, and which struck themselves;
as the revolutions of nature, famines, prodigies, &amp;c.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span>
According to the spirit of their age, the foundation of a
monastery holds a more conspicuous place in their recitals
than that of a kingdom or of a republic. Politics are quite
unknown to them; and everything which astonishes them,
everything they do not easily comprehend, they rarely fail
to account for by a miracle.</p>

<p>Such is the character of our old chroniclers; and even
when they do not inform us of that which we desire to
know, their simplicity touches us, and their ingenuousness
interests us. When they tell us of wonderful things which
were believed in their times, and of which they appear
fully persuaded, they do nothing but paint themselves and
their age.</p>

<p>But we must beware of fancying the Oriental chronicles
of the same period more perfect than our own. We find in
them the same spirit of superstition and credulity, united to
that spirit of fatalism which characterizes the Mussulman
faith.</p>

<p>It is quite in vain for us to seek in Arabian historians
any of those thoughts that instruct us in the knowledge of
human passions or political revolutions. They almost always
neglect the most important circumstances of events, in order
to describe whimsical particularities, or to enter into insignificant
details; thus, obeying the spirit of oriental despotism,
which wills that man should be always occupied with
little things. When they relate the fall of an empire, if
asked why it has fallen, they reply: “God knows, God has
willed it so.” In all their chronicles which we have consulted,
whenever the Mussulmans triumph over the Christians,
we never find any other reflection but this: “God is
God, and Mahomet is his prophet.” When the Christians
gain a victory, the Mussulman chronicles preserve a perfect
silence, contenting themselves with saying: “May God
curse them!”</p>

<p>Oriental historical productions are very far from redeeming
this absence of remark by another merit, such as order,
clearness, or elegance; most of their accounts are nothing
but a nomenclature of facts confusedly arranged. Quotations
from the Koran, verses made upon the occurrence of
an event, some comparisons which belong rather to poetry
than history,&mdash;such are the only ornaments of their narrations.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span></p>

<p>We see by this that our chronicles of the middle ages
have nothing to envy in those of the East. Most of them,
it is true, are of an extreme dryness, and have neither precision
nor method. But still some few of them do not appear
unworthy of attracting the attention of scholars and
men of taste. As their authors wrote in Latin, we have
reason to believe that the great works of antiquity were not
unknown to them, and in many of their recitals, we may
easily perceive they have had models.</p>

<p>History must have made some progress during the crusades.
These long wars between the Christians and the
Mussulmans were like a great spectacle at which Europe
and Asia were present. The importance of the events, and
the lively interest which Christendom took in them, inspired
several writers with the desire of retracing the history of
them. A crowd of chroniclers arose in the West, among
whom some were not unworthy of the name of historians.
Everybody is acquainted with William of Tyre, who may be
called the Livy of the crusades, Albert d’Aix, Baudry, archbishop
of Dol, Odo of Deuil, and particularly James of
Vitry, in whom we meet with vivid and animated descriptions,
a rapid and flowing style, and a narration almost
always elegant:&mdash;and, though last, not least, Villehardouin
and Joinville, who wrote in the French language, and whose
memoirs are the earliest monuments of French literature.</p>

<p>But all these events which presented to historians such
rich pictures, the wonders of nascent institutions, the prodigies
of the social world issuing from the chaos of barbarism,
must not only have awakened the curiosity, they
must have struck vividly the minds of new generations.
This grand spectacle, without doubt, contributed to the
development of the faculties connected with the imagination.
After having seen the simple and faithful relations of
events, the genius of poets was called upon to add something
to the truthful pictures of the chroniclers. The
troubadours who flourished during the crusades were not
likely to neglect the exploits of so many gallant knights.
We hear their voices constantly mingling with those of the
preachers of the holy wars, and find their poetical fictions
everywhere confounded with the narrations of history.</p>

<p>Among the warriors who went into the East to combat<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span>
the infidels, a great number of troubadours and trouvères
distinguished themselves. We have seen the romance of
Raoul de Couci, and the verses of Thibault, count of Champagne.
We may add to these names known in the <i>fasti</i> of
the French muses, those of the count of Poictiers, the count
of Anjou, the duke of Brittany, Frederick II., and Richard
Cœur-de-Lion. Often would these princely and lordly
Crusaders charm the tediousness of a long pilgrimage by
poetical relaxations and remembrances. The count of
Soissons, when a prisoner with St. Louis, sang the praises of
the dames of France, in the presence and beneath the very
swords of the Saracens. One chronicle relates that at the
end of the third crusade, the duke of Burgundy made a
satire against Richard, and that Richard replied by a poem.
The example of these princes was enough to arouse the
emulation of the poets; and as they composed their verses
in the French language, this language, which was then
spoken at Jerusalem, Constantinople, and many other places
in the East, must have prevailed over all contemporary
idioms.</p>

<p>The muse of the troubadours celebrated chivalry, love,
and beauty; that of the trouvères, who dwelt on the banks
of the Loire, and in the provinces situated beyond that
river, delighted in songs of a more serious kind. The
trouvères had rivals in England and Germany. These
poets had created for themselves an heroic and new world,
which inspired them with noble actions. They celebrated
the lofty deeds of Arthur and Rinaldo, the knights of the
Round Table, Charlemagne, Roland, and the twelve peers
of France. They added to these names those of Godfrey,
Tancred, Richard, and Saladin, the remembrance of whom
vividly interested all the Christian nations of the middle
ages.</p>

<p>The marvellous, among a people, belongs to their habits,
to the effects of climate, and to the great revolutions of
society. In consequence of the mixture and confusion of
divers nations in the middle ages, the wonderful traditions
of the North became confounded with those of the South,
and produced a semi-barbarous mythology, which differed
widely from the laughing mythology of the Greeks. But
the labours, the perils, the exploits of a religious war, of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span>
distant war, like those of the crusades, must have given a
more noble direction to the imagination of poets, and preserved
it from that which was common and whimsical in the
romantic conceptions of a gross age. That which was then
passing upon the real theatre of events, was more extraordinary
than the inventions of poetry; and the marvellous of
that period was the more easy to be seized, from being all to
be found in actual history.</p>

<p>A new literature then was born, conforming with the
genius of a new state of society. If this literature, which,
to employ the expression of the learned Heren, bore a character
of national and contemporary originality, had produced
great works like the Iliad and the Odyssey, the muses
would have opened for themselves a career unknown to the
ancients; language would have been, from that time enriched,
perfected, fixed by the masterpieces themselves; and
history would have spoken of the age of the crusades, as it
speaks to us of the age of Augustus or Pericles.</p>

<p>Unfortunately, our literature of the middle ages only produced
indifferent poems, which were not able to make us
forget the great works of antiquity. There were none but
romantic productions, in which the interest of the subject
was not at all raised by talent, and poems whose authors,
though witty and ingenious, had none of that authority of
genius which carries away the opinions of an age, and even
of posterity.</p>

<p>We have more than one reason for regretting that the
human mind did not open for itself a new career at the
period of the crusades. There is no doubt that the ancients
offer us the more perfect models of taste; but in proportion
as people, in the end, became impassioned for the Greeks
and the Latins, modern nations disdained their own antiquities
for those of Athens and Rome. With the study of
masterpieces which had nothing to do with our own glory,
the remembrance of our own ancestors was not at all mixed;
and the knowledge they have given us has added nothing to
our patriotism. What an interest and what a value would
the remembrances of our country have had for us, if they
had been traced by a literature, formed according to the
manners of the nation, and which would, in some sort, have
commenced with the nation itself!</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span></p>

<p>Most of the romancers, and even the poets of these times,
who had no models and wanted taste, found no other means
of interesting their readers, than by exaggerating the sentiments
of chivalry. Imitation, pushed to the extreme, was
taken for reality, and there were found knights who wished
to do that which they saw in romances and poems. Thence
came knight-errantry. Thus, in all times, the state of society
has acted upon literature, and literature, in its turn, has reacted
upon the state of society.</p>

<p>The romances which were consecrated to chivalry and the
crusades, underwent the modifications that manners and
customs received; and this species of composition has come
down to our days, expressing, by turns, the tastes, sentiments,
and opinions of each age. This was quite unknown
to antiquity. It was born with the Romance language, whose
name it took; and they who now derive pleasure from it
ought to be thankful for it to the age of the crusades.</p>

<p>These kinds of productions, which attracted the curiosity
and attention of the vulgar, contributed to form the national
language, which then appeared to be scorned by the learned.
The Latin language still remained the language of the
sciences and of learning. But it lost its correctness and its
purity. The Latin of the fifteenth century was more corrupt
than that of the twelfth. The Romance language and
the Latin language had a tendency to corrupt each other, by
their mixture and their reciprocal borrowings.</p>

<p>Knowledge, however, continued to increase and spread,
and assisted greatly in polishing the manners of the nations
of Europe. One proof that the crusades were not unconnected
with these first steps of civilization is, that knowledge
and letters first flourished among the peoples enriched by
the commerce which the holy wars favoured, as in Italy;
and with the peoples who had most communication with the
Orientals, as the Spaniards. Two inventions were destined
to complete this happy revolution, and mark the commencement
and the end of the period of the crusades. The first
was the invention of paper, which became known in Europe
just before the first expedition into the East; the second,
the invention of printing, which took place towards the end
of the holy wars.</p>

<p>There remains but little for us to say upon the results of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span>
the crusades. Several distinguished writers have spoken of
them before us, and the information they have given upon
this important subject, whilst it facilitates our labour, only
leaves us the advantage of expressing an opinion which their
authority has consecrated, and which has no longer any need
of being defended.</p>

<p>The better to explain and make clear all the good that
the holy wars brought with them, we have elsewhere examined
what would have happened if they had had all the
success they might have had. Let us now attempt another
hypothesis, and let our minds dwell for a moment upon the
state in which Europe would have been, without the expeditions
which the West so many times repeated against the
nations of Asia and Africa. In the eleventh century, several
European countries were invaded, and others were threatened
by the Saracens. What means of defence had the
Christian republic then, when most of the states were given
up to license, troubled by discords, and plunged in barbarism?
If Christendom, as M. De Bonald remarks, had
not then gone out by all its gates, and at repeated times, to
attack a formidable enemy, have we not a right to believe
that this enemy would have profited by the inaction of the
Christian nations, and that he would have surprised them
amidst their divisions, and subdued them one after another?<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>
Which of us does not tremble with horror at thinking that
France, Germany, England, and Italy might have experienced
the fate of Greece and Palestine?</p>

<p>We have said, when commencing our history, that the
crusades offered the spectacle of a sanguinary and terrible
struggle between two religions which contended for the empire
of the world; the victory to belong to that one of these
two religions which would inspire its disciples and defenders
with the most generous sentiments, and which, favouring
among them the progress of civilization, would give them
the greater force and power to defend their territories and
assure their conquests.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span></p>

<p>In this formidable struggle, the true means of defence
consisted in superiority of knowledge and of social qualities.
As long as the ignorance of barbarism reigned over the
nations of the West as well as over those of Asia, victory
continued uncertain; perhaps even the greater strength was
then on the side of the more barbarous people, for they were
already possessed of all the conditions of their political existence.
But when the dawn of civilization rose over Europe,
she became aware of her own security, and her enemies began
to be sensible of fear.</p>

<p>The Mussulman religion, by its doctrine of fatalism, appeared
to interdict all foresight to its disciples, and in days
of mischance contained nothing to revive the courage of its
warriors. The Christians, on the contrary, lost none of
their faculties in reverses: reverses often even redoubled their
energy and activity. What is most astonishing in the history
of the crusades, is to observe that the defeats of the
Christians in Asia, excited, among the warlike populations of
Europe, much more enthusiasm than their victories. The
preachers of the holy wars, to persuade Christian warriors
to take up arms against the infidels, said nothing of the
glory and the power of Jerusalem; but endeavoured, in
their pathetic lamentations, to exaggerate the perils, the
misfortunes, and the decline of the Christian colonies.</p>

<p>We see by this what advantage Christianity had over the
worship of Mahomet, in the war between the East and the
West.</p>

<p>Another vice of the Koran is, that it has a tendency to
isolate men; which is injurious to the development of their
social qualities. Under the empire of Islamism, there is
nothing strong but despotism; but the strength of despotism
is, almost always, nothing but the weakness of the nation
it rules over. The Christian religion has another aim, when
it says to its disciples, <i>Love one another as brothers</i>. One of
its most admirable characteristics is the spirit of sociability
with which it inspires men. By all its maxims, it orders
them to unite, to help one another, to enlighten one another.
It thus doubles their strength, by placing them constantly
in community of labours and dangers, fears and hopes, opinions
and feelings. It was this spirit of sociability which
gave birth to the crusades, and sustained them during two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span>
centuries. If this spirit was unable to assure success, it at
least prepared the Christian republic, at a later period, to
defend itself with advantage. It made the nations of
Europe like fasces that cannot be broken. It created, in
the midst of disorders even, a moral force which nothing
could conquer; and Christianity, defended by this moral
force, was at length able to say to the barbarians, masters of
Constantinople, that which God said to the waves of the
sea: <i>You shall go no further</i>.</p>

<p>Thus Christianity, and the heroic virtues with which it
inspired its disciples, were, in the middle ages, an invincible
buckler for Christian Europe. When the enthusiasm for
crusades beyond the seas began to die away, the heads of
the Church still invoked the spirit of the Gospel, to animate
the nations against the Mussulmans, on the point of invading
Germany and Italy; and, still holding up to Christian
warriors the cross of Christ, sometimes succeeded in awakening
in hearts sentiments of a religious and patriotic heroism.
It cannot then be denied that the crusades contributed to
save European societies from the invasion of the barbarians;
and this was, without doubt, the first and greatest of the
advantages which humanity derived from them.</p>

<p>Here I am, then, arrived at the termination of my labour.
To resume my opinions and render a last homage to truth,
I must say, that, among the results of the crusades, there
are some which appear incontestable, others which cannot
be determined with precision. I ought to add, that many
circumstances concurred with the civil wars in assisting the
progress of knowledge and civilization. Nothing can be
more complicated than the springs which set modern societies
in motion; and he who would desire to explain the
march of things by one single cause, must fall into great
error. The same events do not produce always or everywhere
similar effects; as may be seen by the picture we
have traced of Europe in the middle ages. The holy wars
assisted, in France, in abasing the great vassals, whilst
feudal power received scarcely any injury from it in Germany
and other countries. During this period some states
were enlarged, others marched rapidly towards their fall.
Among some nations, liberty took deep root, and presided
over young institutions; among others, the power of princes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span>
was elevated, at times freeing itself from all restraints, at
others, being limited by wise laws. Here flourished commerce,
the arts and sciences; elsewhere industry made no
progress, and the human mind remained immersed in darkness.
The germs of civilization, in the times of the crusades,
were like those seeds which the storm carries with it, and
scatters, some in barren places, where they remain unknown
and unproductive; others, upon propitious land, where, the
action of the sun, a happy temperature, and the fecundity
of the soil, favour their development, and cause them to
bear good fruits.</p>

<p>Every age has its dominant opinions; and when these
opinions are connected with great events, they leave their
impress upon the institutions of societies. Other events,
other opinions come, in their turn, to give a new direction
to human affairs, and to modify, ameliorate, or corrupt the
morals and the laws of nations. Thus, the political world
is unceasingly renewed; by turns, disturbed by violent
shocks, and ruled by generally-spread truths or errors. If,
in the future, societies assume still another new face, there
is no doubt their institutions will, one day, be explained by
the influence of the revolutions we have seen, as we now
explain the institutions of times past, by the influence of
the crusades. May posterity gather and preserve the fruit
of our misfortunes, better than we ourselves have gathered
and preserved the fruit of the experience and of the misfortunes
of our fathers!<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a></p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><span class="smcap">See Supplementary Chapter, at page 549.</span></p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span></p>

<div class="chapter">

<h2 class="p4">APPENDIX.</h2>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:joseph-michaud-history-of-the-crusades-v3-dec2.jpgdec2.jpg" width="150" height="41"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>


<p class="pc1"><i>No. 1.&mdash;Page 2, Vol. I.</i></p>

<p class="p2"><span class="smcap">In</span> the third and fourth century of the Christian era, pilgrimages
to the Holy Land became so frequent, that they led
to many abuses. St. Augustine, Serm. 3, de Martyr. Verb.,
expresses himself thus: “Dominus non dixit, Vade in Orientem
et quære justitiam: naviga usque ad Occidentem, ut accipias
indulgentiam.” The same saint says elsewhere, Serm. 1, de
Verb. Apost. Petri ad Christum: “Noli longa itinera meditari;
ubi credis, ubi venis; ad eum enim, qui ubique est, amando
venitur, non navigando.” St. Gregory of Nyssus, in a letter
which bears for title, “De Euntibus Hierosolymam,” speaks
with still greater vehemence against pilgrimages: he thinks
that women, in particular, would meet on their route with frequent
opportunities for sinning; that Jesus Christ and the Holy
Ghost were not in one place more than another; he censures
bitterly the morals of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, who committed
the greatest crimes, although they had constantly before
their eyes Calvary and all the places visited by pilgrims. St.
Jerome endeavoured to divert St. Paulinus from the pilgrimage
to Jerusalem, by a letter which is still preserved: “De Hierosolymis,”
said he, “et de Britannia equaliter patet aula cœlestis.”
He added, that an innumerable crowd of saints and doctors
enjoyed eternal life without ever having seen Jerusalem; that
from the reign of Hadrian to that of Constantine, an image of
Jupiter received the adorations of the pagans upon the rock of
Calvary, and that fervent worship was paid to Venus and Adonis
within the walls of Bethlehem.</p>

<p>We add an extract from the pilgrimage of St. Eusebius of
Cremona, and his friend St. Jerome, taken from a notice, written
by Francis Ferrarius, vol. i. of the Bollandists, of the month of
April, p. 276.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span></p>

<p>“(A.D. 390-423.) According to St. Jerome, St. Eusebius
was born at Cremona, of distinguished parents, who spared
neither pains nor expense for his education. They were rewarded
by the rapid progress of their son in knowledge, but particularly
by the rare virtues which he showed from his earliest childhood.
Solely occupied with religious ideas, Eusebius, when still young,
abandoned his parents, his country, and all the advantages
which his birth and wealth promised him, to go to Rome, and
visit the sacred monuments contained in that city. Very soon
becoming united in a strict friendship with St. Jerome, who
dwelt in Rome, Eusebius determined to accompany him in a
voyage which the latter intended to make to Jerusalem.</p>

<p>“Having embarked, they visited the isle of Cyprus in their passage,
passed through Antioch, where they were received by St.
Paulinus, who was bishop of that city,<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> and arrived safely at Jerusalem.
After having performed their devotions in the spots sanctified
with the presence of Christ, they visited Bethlehem, Calvary,
Mount of Olives, and Mount Tabor, the valley of Jehoshaphat, the
castle of Emmaüs, and extended their pilgrimage as far as Egypt,
to witness the fasts and austerities to which the pious solitaries
of the Thebaïs abandoned themselves. Returning into Judæa, the
city of Bethlehem particularly fixed their attention, and they
resolved to found a monastery there, which was soon filled with
religious men disposed to follow the rules established by St.
Jerome himself. But the crowd of pilgrims becoming daily more
considerable, and not knowing how to feed and lodge them, the
two friends were obliged to return to Italy, to sell the property
they had there, which they destined for these pious purposes.
St. Jerome, compelled by his affairs to go to Rome, there met
with St. Paulina, descended from the ancient family of the
Gracchi. This lady, learning the project that had brought him
into Italy, determined to follow his example: she abandoned her
fortune, her country, and her children, and accompanied him to
Bethlehem, where she founded a monastery for maidens, which
she governed herself to the time of her death. St. Jerome,
after having employed the large sums he brought back in the
construction of an hospital for pilgrims, terminated his pious
career at Bethlehem, at an advanced age. Eusebius, who was
named abbot after the death of his friend, only survived him
two years. Deeply regretted by his monks, of whom he had
constantly been the benefactor and the father, he was interred,
according to his desire, with St. Jerome, close to the stable in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span>
which the Saviour was born. Thus were united in the tomb, as
they had been in life, and as they are, without doubt, in heaven,
where their virtues have placed them, two men who renounced
all they held most dear to strengthen the faith of the faithful,
and to become in a distant country the consolers of the unfortunate.”</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 2.&mdash;Page 3, Vol. I.</i></p>

<p class="pc"><i>The Itinerary from Bordeaux to Jerusalem.</i></p>

<p class="p2">Although we do not think it necessary, at this time of day, to
give, as Mr. Michaud has done, in his “Pièces Justificatives,”
the whole of this celebrated Itinerary,<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> with remarks upon the
places passed through or by; we think we shall gratify the
praiseworthy curiosity of many of our readers by so far presenting
the details, as to show the route by which early pilgrims travelled
to the Holy Land.</p>

<p>This Itinerary is deemed by learned men the most exact and
correct that has come down to modern times; it was printed for
the first time, in 1588, by the care of the celebrated Pierre
Pithon, from a manuscript upon vellum in his own library; and
which, when M. Michaud wrote this history, was in the Imperial
Library at Paris. This Itinerary was composed about the year
333 of the Christian era. In fact, the author of it informs us
that he went from Constantinople to Chalcedon, and that he returned
to Constantinople under the consulship of Dalmatius and
Xenophilus, who, we learn from Cassiodorus and other authorities,
were consuls together in the year 333. The author was
a Christian of Bordeaux, whose aim, in this work, was to facilitate
for his compatriots the voyage to the Holy Land, which he
himself had performed.</p>

<p>The example of the empress Helena, and the magnificence
with which she had ornamented the humble spot which gave our
Saviour birth, singularly excited, at this period, the zeal and
curiosity of Christians for such voyages. A passage from the
Psalms, badly interpreted in the Greek, was considered as a prophecy,
and a commandment to all the faithful to visit the holy
places. In the Psalms was read: “Let us adore the Lord, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span>
the spot where his feet were placed,” and the bishops of that
time unceasingly repeated: “The psalmist has prophesied, and
has said; Let us adore the Lord on the spot where his feet were
placed.” This is in the 132nd Psalm, and Jerome, Eusebius,
and others did not understand it otherwise; the Vulgate translates
it: <i>Adorabimus in loco ubi steterunt pedes ejus</i>; but the
Hebrew only says, <i>We will prostrate ourselves before thy footstool</i>,
that is to say, before the holy ark; and this is the version
in the English.</p>

<p>On leaving this famous city, our pilgrim directed his course
towards Thoulouse, passing by Auch&mdash;from Thoulouse to Narbonne,
passing by Carcassonne&mdash;and from Narbonne to Arles,
passing by Beziers and Nîmes. Arles was then a city of great
note, being called the Little Rome of the Gauls. He continues
his route towards Italy, and after having passed through the
cities of Avignon, Orange, Valence, Die, Gap, and Embrun, he
arrives at the foot of the Cottian Alps (Alpes Cottiæ); at
Briançon he begins to climb Mount Genevre, and soon finds
himself at Susa in Italy. He afterwards enters Turin, follows
the Po, traverses the beautiful plains of Piedmont, which are
north of that river, till he gains Pavia; he re-ascends towards
the north, and arrives at Milan, then the city of Italy second
only to Rome. Continuing his route towards the East, the pilgrim
passes through Bergamo, Brescia, Verona, Vicenza, and
arrives at Aquileia, then a great city, but afterwards destroyed
by Attila. He then ascends the Julian Alps, which separate
Friuli from Carniola. He arrives at <i>Æmona</i> (Layback), and at
twenty-three miles beyond that place, marks the limits of Italy
and Norica; which limits were at that time the boundaries of
the Western and the Eastern empires.</p>

<p>Our pilgrim, after quitting the vicariat of Italy, or the ancient
Cisalpine Gaul, enters the diocese of Illyria, goes on to Cilley,
and reaches the city of Petau, in modern Styria. Crossing the
river Drave, he enters Lower, or Second Pannonia; but continues
to follow the northern banks of the Drave, or the southern frontiers
of modern Hungary, and traversing Pannonia Superior, he
directs his course to the south, and gains the banks of the Save
at <i>Cibalis</i>, which was placed where now the modern village of
Svilaï stands, to the east of Brod. Proceeding towards the
East, he enters <i>Sirmium</i>, then one of the most considerable
cities of the Eastern empire, but of which there are now scarcely
any vestiges. At a short distance from Sirmium our pilgrim
comes to the confluence of the Save and the Danube, at <i>Singidunum</i>,
where Belgrade is at present, which city, he informs us,
terminates Pannonia Superior. Crossing the Save, he finds himself
in Mœsia, now Servia, and follows the course of the Danube.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span>
At <i>Viminacium</i>, now in ruins, near Vi-Palanka and Ram, our
pilgrim does not neglect to remark that it was at this place
Diocletian killed Carinus, which agrees with the account of
Eutropius of this event. After leaving the banks of the Danube
at Viminacium, he directs his course towards the south-east,
following the Roman way, which deviates little from the banks
of the Morava, and at about fifty miles before he comes to Nissa,
he points to a station called <i>Mansio Oromago</i>, as the limits of
Mœsia and Dacia; but which we must observe is the Dacia of
Aurelian, and not that of Trajan, of which he speaks. After
having traversed Nissa into Servia, he arrives at the city of
<i>Sardica</i>, whose ruins are now to be seen near Sophia, or Triaditza.
Continuing to follow the same route, which is that of
the present day, from Belgrade to Constantinople, he sets down
the limits between Dacia and Thrace, just beyond the <i>Mutatio
Sencio</i>. From Philippopolis, or Felibra, our pilgrim journeys to
<i>Heraclia</i>, now Erekil, on the coast of the Sea of Marmora, and,
at length to Constantinople. From Constantinople, says our
traveller, you cross the Bosphorus, you arrive at Chalcedon, and
go through Bithynia. At Libyssa, near Gebyzeh, on the coast
of the Propontis, our pilgrim remarks, is the tomb of Hannibal;
which is confirmed by Pliny, Plutarch, Eusebius, &amp;c. Tournefort
and Belo, among the moderns, say they have seen the tomb
in this place. After arriving in <i>Nicomedia</i> (Isnikmid), our pilgrim
continues his route, and passing through Nice (Isnik)
marks near Ceratæ the limits of Bithynia and Galatia. Then
on to <i>Ancyra</i>, near Angora&mdash;then to Andrapa, where he places
the limits of Galatia and Cappadocia. Proceeding still towards
the south-east, into the Karismania of the moderns, he gains
Tyana, which he tells us is the country of the magician Apollonius.
Next is a place called Pilas, and soon after Tarsus,
which he does not fail to tell us is the country of the apostle
Paul. He then enters Cilicia Secunda, which formed one of the
divisions of the empire of the East. At nine miles beyond
Alexandria (or Scanderoun) he marks the limits of Cilicia and
Syria, and arrives at length at the city of Antioch (Antakia).
Our traveller then continues his route along the Roman way
which ran along the coast of Syria, and at <i>Balnea</i> (Belnia),
indicates the limits of Syria and Phœnicia. On passing by a
small place called <i>Antaradus</i> (Centre-Aradus), which is the
Tortosa of the time of the crusades, he takes care to observe
that the city of Aradus itself is only two miles from the coast.
This powerful city was built in the little island called Ruad by
the moderns. Our traveler crosses <i>Tripolis</i> (Taraboles), then
Berytus (Berouth), and arrives at <i>Sidona</i> (Saide). Next to
Tyre (now the little village of Sour); thence to Ptolemaïs (St.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span>
Jean d’Acre), and at Sycamenes be finds himself at the foot
of Mount Carmel. At eight miles from that place he indicates
the confines of Syria and Palestine, and arrives at Cæsarea
(Qaïsarich). On leaving Cæsarea, our pilgrim quits the direct
road that leads to Jerusalem. In order the better to fulfil the
object of his voyage, and visit Palestine, he directs his course to
the East, towards the revered waters of the Jordan. After interrupting
his Itinerary to make several Biblical remarks, he
proceeds to the banks of the Jordan, at a place called <i>Scythopolis</i>
or <i>Bethsan</i>, named by the moderns Bisan; then going afterwards
to the south of the side of Jerusalem, he passes <i>Aser</i>,
“in which was the house of Job,” and at fifteen miles thence
enters <i>Neapolis</i> or <i>Sichem</i>, the Naboles of the moderns. Here
he ceases to follow any direct route, but visits every place that
the Old or New Testament has rendered memorable; and gives
an account of them in his journey from Neapolis to Jerusalem.
After seeing everything that could attract the attention of a
pious and well-informed Christian, he returns to Jerusalem, and
resumes his Itinerary with as much exactness as at first. As his
homeward journey begins by the same route he arrived, we will
join company with him at Erekil, on the coast of Marmora, where
he begins to deviate. He proceeds to the south of Mount
Rhodope, the Despeto-dag of the moderns; he passes through
the city of Apris, which, after Theodosius, took the name of
Theodosiopolis. At a short distance from Apris, our pilgrim indicates
the limits of the province of Europa, and that of Rhodope.
To understand this, we must remember that at the period
at which the Aquitain pilgrim wrote, the diocese of Thrace was
divided into six provinces, amongst which were those of Europa
and Rhodope; the cities of Constantinople, Heraclea, and Apris
were in the province of Europa. Our pilgrim reaches Trajanopolis,
which the Turks call Orichovo, and keeping to the west,
through Macedonia, or the Romania of the moderns, and
along the northern shores of the Sea of Marmora, and of the
Archipelago, he points out, near a place called Pardis, the boundary
of the provinces of Rhodope and Macedon&mdash;he crosses Neapolis,
now Cavale, and Philippi, which is in ruins. Shortly
afterwards he visits the celebrated Amphipolis on the Strymon,
the ruins of which are now near a little village called Jeni-Keni.
Twenty miles farther our pilgrim contemplates the tomb of the
poet Euripides, at a station named Arethusa, situated in a valley
of the same name. He passes by Thessalonica (Saloniki), which
is still one of the most considerable cities of these countries.
He arrives at Pella, the celebrated capital of Macedon, which
presents nothing at the present day but ruins, known by the
name of Palatiæ, or the Palaces. Our pilgrim does not omit to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span>
show his erudition by remarking that Alexander the Great was
of this city&mdash;<i>civitas Pelli, unde fuit Alexander Magnus Macedo</i>.
Here the pilgrim, directing his course towards the north-west,
follows the famous Egnatian way, constructed by the Romans
through Macedon. This way passes to Edessa, to Heraclea in
Macedon, and there, discontinuing its northward direction, it
goes straight to the west to Dyrrachium; but one branch of
this way, before arriving at Dyrrachium, now Durazzo, re-descends
towards Apollonia, now in ruins under the name of Polina;
and it was this last that the pilgrim took. At thirty-three miles
from Heraclea, near a station called Brucida, he points out the
limits of Macedon and Epirus, two provinces which were then
only subdivisions of the great diocese of Macedon. At twenty-four
miles from Apollonia, the Aquitain traveller gains the coast
at Aulona (Valena), at a place where Epirus, or the coast of
Albania of the moderns, comes nearest to Italy. He then crosses
the strait between Aulona and Hydruntum, near Otranto.
Upon his arrival in Italy, our pilgrim goes to Brindisi, and
afterwards takes the Appian way, of all the ways the best and
the most frequented. It led him first to Capua. From Capua
he continues, by the same way, to Rome, crossing the Pontine
marshes. He quits Rome, and follows the Flaminian way, which
crosses the Apennines, and which leads out at Ariminum (Rimini),
by Spoleto, Fano, and Pesaro.</p>

<p>From Rimini our pilgrim takes the Emilian way, which traced
and still does trace a straight line; and traversing Bologna,
Modena, Parma, and Placentia, he arrives at last at Mediolanum
(Milan); from whence he returns to Bordeaux by the same
route he took at starting.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 3.&mdash;Page 25, Vol. I.</i></p>

<p class="p2">There is so much sameness, accompanied by such incredible
marvels, in the numerous pilgrimages described by M. Michaud,
that we are certain our readers will willingly dispense with them.
The incident which he promises to give of Foulque, count of
Anjou, is this:&mdash;“Then the count approached to kiss the Holy
Sepulchre, and then the divine clemency showed that the good
zeal of the count was acceptable, for the stone, which is hard and
solid, at the kiss of the count became soft and flexible as wax
warmed at the fire. The count bit it, and took away a large piece
in his mouth, without the infidels perceiving it; and he then,
quite at his ease, visited the other holy places.”</p>

<p>There is, indeed, another incident to which we fear M. Michaud
alludes; but as the amusement or instruction it could afford would
not compensate for its indecency, we do not give it.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 4.&mdash;Page 53, Vol. I.</i></p>

<p class="p2">Among the chroniclers who give an account of this very
memorable event, one of the most esteemed is William of
Malmesbury, a monk of the order of St. Bennet. From his
learning he was called the Librarian, and his particular study
was history. He lived in the early part of the twelfth century.
Our author having transferred the spirit of all the chronicles to
his text, we deem it quite unnecessary to offer the whole that he
has quoted from them in his <i>Pièces Justificatives</i>; but there is a
curious passage of William of Malmesbury, which shows the
character of the writer and his times, that we shall not hesitate
to give.</p>

<p>Having said that, after the council, every one retired to his
home, he continues thus:&mdash;“Immediately the fame of this great
event being spread through the universe, penetrated the minds
of Christians with its mild breath, and wherever it blew, there
was no nation, however distant or obscure it might be, that did
not send some of its people. This zeal not only animated the provinces
bordering on the Mediterranean, but all who had ever
even heard of the name of a Christian in the most remote isles,
and among barbarous nations. Then the Welshman abandoned
his forests and neglected his hunting; the Scotchman deserted
the fleas with which he is so familiar; the Dane ceased to swallow
his intoxicating draughts; and the Norican turned his back upon
his raw fish.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> The fields were left by the cultivators, and the
houses by their inhabitants; all the cities were deserted. People
were restrained neither by the ties of blood nor the love of
country; they saw nothing but God. All that was in the
granaries or destined for food, was left under the guardianship of
the greedy agriculturist. The voyage to Jerusalem was the only
thing hoped for or thought of. Joy animated the hearts of all
who set out; grief dwelt in the hearts of all who remained.
Why do I say, of those who remained? You might have seen
the husband setting forth with his wife, with all his family; you<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span>
would have laughed to see all the penates put in motion and
loaded upon cars. The road was too narrow for the passengers,
more room was wanted for the travellers, so great and numerous
was the crowd.”</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 5.&mdash;Page 82, Vol. I.</i></p>

<p class="pc"><i>Robert of Normandy.</i></p>

<p class="p2">Robert had, before the crusades, long and serious quarrels
with his father, William II. of Normandy and I. of England.
In 1080, he quitted his country and sought the protection of his
uncles, Robert, count of Flanders, Udo, archbishop of Trèves,
and several other princes of the houses of Lorraine, Germany,
Aquitain, and Gascony. He made his complaints to them,
mingling falsehood with truth, and received great assistance
from them. But he squandered their gifts among actors, parasites,
and courtezans. He was so prodigal that he soon became
straitened again, and was obliged to have recourse to usurers.
“Every one,” says the chronicler Orderic Vital, “knew Duke
Robert for an indolent, weak prince. So the ill-intentioned,
despising him, took advantage of his character to excite trouble
and factions. The duke was bold, valiant, worthy of praise in
many respects, and naturally eloquent; but he was inconsiderate,
prodigal in his bounty, free of promises, light and imprudent
in his falsehoods, allowing himself to be easily prevailed
upon by prayers; mild in character and slow to punish crime;
changeable in his decisions, too familiar in his conversation, and by
that means drawing upon himself the contempt of the ill-disposed.
He was stout, and short of stature, whence his father named him
Courte-Heuse. He was anxious to please everybody, and gave,
or promised, or granted, all that was asked of him. Prodigal of
his patrimony, he diminished it daily by giving imprudently to
every one what he desired. Thus he became poor, and furnished
others with means to act against him.” When the first crusade
took place, Normandy, ill-governed by such a prince, was in the
most deplorable condition. Duke Robert, in fear of the greatest
evils, saw no better means of avoiding them, than by pledging
his duchy with his brother William Rufus, for five years, for the
sum of ten thousand marks, and setting out for Jerusalem.
With his exploits in the Holy Land our readers are acquainted.
In the year 1100, Robert, on his return from Palestine, landed
in Apulia, where he fell in love with Sibylla, daughter of Geoffrey
of Conversana, nephew of Duke Guiscard. He married her, and
took her into Normandy, obtaining from his father-in-law the
means of redeeming his duchy. He lived there eight years<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span>
much in the same fashion as before his pilgrimage. At the end
of that period, and in consequence of events foreign to our object,
he was made prisoner at Tinchebray in Normandy, by his brother
Henry, who carried him to London, where he remained confined
twenty-seven years, but always living amidst the enjoyments
of life.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 6.</i></p>

<p class="pc"><i>Charlemagne.</i></p>

<p class="p2">Whilst searching the Chronicles for passages illustrative of
our work, we met with a portrait of Charlemagne so exceedingly
interesting, that although he had nothing to do with the crusades,
we cannot refrain from presenting it to our readers, begging
them to remember that Charlemagne was considered, even in
Asia, as the most powerful prince of Europe.</p>

<p>“Charlemagne, who attained the highest degree of celebrity
and glory, of a scrupulous and profound piety, was well informed
in letters and philosophy, was the avenger and ardent propagator
of the Christian religion, and the defender and supporter of
justice and truth. Charlemagne’s face was very white (at the
time he was crowned by the pope, Leo), his countenance was
cheerful, and whether standing or sitting, his carriage was equally
majestic. Although his neck was thick and rather short, and his
belly too protuberant, all his limbs were well proportioned. On
days of festivity he wore a mantle of gold tissue, and a chaussure
ornamented with precious stones. His <i>sagum</i>, or cloak, was
fastened with a golden clasp, and his diadem was enriched with
gold and jewels. Towards the end of his career, he was seized,
on his return from Spain, with a fever, which lasted four years,
and rendered him lame. He followed rather his own inclinations
than the advice of his physicians, for whom he had a kind of
aversion, because they wished him to abstain from roast meat, of
which he was very fond, and to accustom himself to live on boiled
meats. Charles was called great on account of his great good
fortune, in which he was not inferior to his father, but was, on
the contrary, more frequently a conqueror and more illustrious.
In his youth his hair was brown, and his complexion ruddy; he
was handsome, and had much dignity in his carriage; he was
very generous, very equitable in his judgments, eloquent, and
very well informed. He enjoyed every day the sports of the
chase and the exercise of riding on horseback; he was exceedingly
fond of tepid baths, to which he invited not only his children but
the lords of his court, his friends, and his guards, so that there
were often more than a hundred persons in the bath with him.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span>
He was moderate in his eating, and still more so in his drinking;
nevertheless he often complained that fasts were injurious to him.
He rarely gave great banquets, except upon solemn occasions.
There were, ordinarily, not more than four dishes on his table,
besides the roast meat which he so greatly preferred. Whilst
he ate, a person read to him histories and accounts of the actions
of the ancients, or else the book of the <i>City of God</i>, by Saint
Augustine, for which he had a great predilection. During the
repast he never drank more than three times. In summer, he
took fruit after dinner, and slept two or three hours, undressed
as if at night. His dress was that of the Franks, and he constantly
wore a sword; the sword-belt and baldric being of gold
or silver. Sometimes he wore two swords. He spoke several
languages. He had around him doctors of the seven liberal arts,
who instructed him daily; that is to say, a deacon of Pisa, in
grammar; a Saxon, in rhetoric, dialectics, and astronomy; and
Albin, surnamed Alouin, in the other arts. He himself made
some reforms in the art of reading and in that of singing,
although he never read in public aloud, and never sang but with
the choir. He caused all the laws of his kingdom to be written,
that were not so before. He himself wrote the actions and the
wars of the ancients, and began a grammar of the language of
his country. He had every night a hundred and twenty guards
around his bed. Ten were placed at his head, ten at his feet,
and ten on each side of him, and each of these forty held a naked
sword in one hand and a lighted torch in the other.”</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 7.&mdash;Page 227, Vol. I.</i></p>

<p class="pc"><i>The Chronicle of Tours.</i></p>

<p class="p1">We think it our duty to give here the passage from Albert
d’Aix in its entirety, which contains the motives for the sentence
of death pronounced by the leaders of the Christian army against
the Mussulmans found in Jerusalem. At the end is the description
of the massacres which followed the taking of the city. For
all who wish to appreciate the spirit of the times, this document
is important.</p>

<p>“Jerusalem civitas Dei excelsi, ut universi nôstis, magnâ difficultate,
et non sine damno nostrorum, recuperata, propriis
filiis hodie restituta est, et liberata de manu regis Babyloniæ
jugoque Turcorum. Sed modo cavendum est, ne avaritiâ, aut
pigritiâ vel misericordiâ erga inimicos habitâ, hanc amittamus,
captivis et adhuc residuis in urbe gentilibus, parcentes. Nam si
forte à rege Babyloniæ in multitudine gravi occupati fuimus.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span>
subito ab intus et extra impugnabimur, sicque in perpetuum
exilium transportabimur. Unde primum et fidele nobis videtur
consilium, quatenus universi Saraceni et Gentiles, qui captivi
tenentur, pecunia redimendi, aut redempti, sine dilatione in
gladio corruant, ne fraude aut ingenio illorum nobis aliqua
occurrant adversa. Consilio hoc accepto, tertio die post victoriam
egressa est sententia à majoribus; et ecce universi arma
rapiunt, et miserabili cædi in omne vulgus gentilium, quod
adhuc erat residuum, exagunt, alios producentes à vinculis,
et decollantes; alios per vicos et plateas civitatis inventos
trucidantes, quibus antea pecuniæ causâ, aut humanâ pietate
pepercerant. Puellis tenellis detruncabant, aut lapidibus obruebant,
in nullis aliquam considerantes ætatem. E contra puellæ,
mulieres, matronæ, metu momentaneæ mortis angustatæ
et horrere gravissimæ necis concussæ, Christianos, in jugulum
utriusque sexus debacchantes ac sævientes, medios pro liberandâ
vitâ amplexabantur, quædam pedibus eorum advolvebantur, de
vitâ et salute suâ illos mirum miserando fletu et ejulatu sollicitantes.
Pueri vero quinquennes aut triennes matrum patrumque
crudelem casum intuentes, unà miserum clamorem et fletum
multiplicabant; sed frustra hæc pietatis et misericordiæ signa
fiebant. Nam Christiani sic neci totum laxaverunt animum, ut
non sugens masculus aut fœmina, nedum infans unius anni
vivens manum percussoris evaderet. Unde plateæ totius civitatis
Jerusalem, corporibus extinctis virorum, mulierum, lacerisque
membris infantium adeo stratæ et opertæ fuisse referuntur, ut
non solùm in vicis, soliis, et palatiis, sed etiam in locis desertæ
solitudinis, copia occisorum reperiebatur innumerabilis.”&mdash;<i>Alb.</i>
<i>Aq.</i> lib. 6, cap. 30, <i>ap.</i> <i>Bong</i>. pp. 282, 283.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 8.</i></p>


<p class="ph1 p2"><i>Letter from Bohemond, Godfrey, Raymond, and Hugh the Great, upon the
Peace concluded with the Emperor, and the Victory gained over the
Infidels (anno 1097, ex Manuscript. St. Albani).</i></p>

<p class="p1">Bohemond, son of Guiscard; Raymond, count of St. Gilles;
Duke Godfrey, and Hugh the Great; to all of the sect of the
Catholic faith: may they attain the eternal felicity which we
wish them.</p>

<p>In order that the peace concluded between us and the emperor,
as well as the events that have happened to us since we
have been in the lands of the Saracens, be known to all the
world, we despatch to you, very dear brethren, an envoy, who
will inform you of all it can interest you to know. We have to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span>
tell you, that in the month of May, the emperor promised us
that from that time, pilgrims who came from the West to visit
the Holy Sepulchre, should be protected from all insults on the
lands of his dominions; pronouncing pain of death against whoever
should transgress against his orders, and giving us at the
same time, as hostages, his son-in-law and his nephew, as guarantees
of his word. But let us return to events more capable
of interesting you. At the end of the same month of May, we
gave battle to the Turks, and, by the grace of God, we conquered
them. Thirty thousand were left upon the field of battle.
Our loss amounted to three thousand men, who, by that glorious
death, have acquired felicity without end. It is impossible to
value correctly the immense quantity of gold and silver, as well
as precious vestments and arms, that fell into our hands; Nice,
a city of importance, with the forts and castles which surround
it, immediately surrendered. We likewise fought a bloody battle
in Antioch; sixty-nine thousand infidels were killed in the place,
whilst only ten thousand of us had the good fortune to obtain
eternal life upon this occasion. Never was a joy equal to that
which animates us, beheld; for, whether we live, or whether we
die, we belong to the Lord. On this subject learn that the king
of Persia has sent us a message, by which he warns us of his
intention of giving us battle towards the festival of All-Saints.
If he should prove the conqueror, his design is, he says, with
the help of the king of Babylon and many other infidel princes,
to make incessant war upon the Christians; but if he should be
conquered, he will be baptized with all those he can persuade to
follow his example. We beg you, then, very dear brethren, to
redouble your fasts and your alms, particularly the third day
before the festival, which will be on a Friday, the day of triumph
of Jesus Christ, in which we shall fight with much more hope of
success, by preparing ourselves by prayers and other acts of
devotion.</p>

<p>P.S.&mdash;I, bishop of Grenoble,<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> send these letters, which
have been brought to me, to you archbishops and canons of the
church of Tours, in order that they may be known by all those
who will repair to the festival, and by those of the different
parts of the earth into which they shall return; and that some
may favour this holy enterprise by alms and prayers, whilst
others, taking up arms, will hasten to take a part in it.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 9.</i></p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>Letter from Daimbert, Archbishop of Pisa, Godfrey of Bouillon, and
Raymond, Count of St. Gilles. They announce the Victories gained by
the Christian Armies in the Holy Land (anno 1100, ex Manuscript.
Signiensis Monasterii).</i></p>

<p class="p1">I, archbishop of Pisa, and the other bishops; Godfrey, by the
grace of God now defender of the Holy Sepulchre, and all the
army of the Lord, at present in the land of Israel, to our holy
father the pope, to the Romish Church, to all bishops, and to all
Christians, health and benediction in our Lord Jesus Christ.</p>

<p>God has manifested his mercy by accomplishing by means of
us, that which he promised in ancient times. After the taking
of Nice, our army, three hundred thousand men strong, covered
the whole of Romania. The Saracen princes and kings having
risen up against us, with the help of God were easily conquered
and annihilated; but as some of us became vain-glorious upon
these advantages, the Lord, to prove us, opposed Antioch to us,
a city against which human efforts could do nothing, which
stopped us nine months, and the resistance of which so humbled
our pride, that it compelled us to have recourse to penitence.
God, touched by our repentance, allowed a ray of his divine
mercy to shine upon us, introduced us into the city, and gave
the Turks with all their possessions up to us.</p>

<p>In our ingratitude, having a second time imputed this success
to our own courage, and not to the Omnipotent who had caused
us to obtain it, he permitted, for our chastisement, that an innumerable
multitude of Saracens should come and besiege us, so
that nobody durst go out of the city; we were soon given up to
so cruel a famine, that some of us, in their despair, did not
appear averse to nourishing themselves upon human flesh. It
would be too long to make the recital of all we suffered in this
respect. At length the anger of the Lord became appeased, and
he so inflamed the courage of our warriors, that even they who
were weakened by disease and famine took up arms and fought
valiantly. The enemy was conquered; and as our army was
fruitlessly consuming itself within the walls of Antioch, we
entered Syria, and took from the Saracens the cities of Barra
and Marra, as well as several castles and strong places. A horrible
famine which assailed our army here, placed us under the
cruel necessity of feeding upon the dead bodies of the Saracens,
already in a state of putrefaction. Happily, the hand of the
Lord aided us again, and opened to us the gates of the cities and
fortresses of the countries we passed through. At our approach,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span>
they hastened to send us messengers loaded with provisions and
presents; they offered to surrender and accept the laws we might
please to dictate; but as we were few in number, and as the
general desire of the army was to march to Jerusalem, we continued
our route, after having required hostages of the cities,
the smallest of which contained more inhabitants than we had
soldiers.</p>

<p>The news of these advantages induced a great number of our
people who had remained at Antioch and Laodicea, to join us at
Tyre, so that, under the all-powerful <i>ægis</i> of the Lord, we arrived
at Jerusalem. Our troops suffered much in the siege of this
place from the want of water. The council of war being assembled,
the bishops and principal leaders ordered that the army
should make a procession barefooted around the city, in order
that He who formerly humiliated himself for us, touched by our
humility, might open the gates to us, and give up his enemies to
our anger. The Lord, appeased by our action, gave up Jerusalem
to us eight days afterwards, precisely at the period at
which the Apostles composing the primitive Church separated to
spread themselves over the different parts of the earth, an epoch
which is celebrated as a festival by a great number of the faithful.
If you desire to know what we did to the enemies we found in
the city, learn that in the portico of Solomon, and in the temple,
our horses walked up to their knees in the impure blood of the
Saracens. We already marked out those who were to guard the
place, and we had already granted to those whom a love of
country or a desire to see their families again recalled into
Europe, permission to return thither, when we were informed
that the king of Babylon was at Ascalon, with an innumerable
army, announcing haughtily his project of leading away into
captivity the Franks who guarded Jerusalem, and then rendering
himself master of Antioch. It was thus he spoke; but the God
of heaven had ordained otherwise. This news being confirmed
to us, we marched to meet the Babylonians, after leaving in the
city our wounded and our baggage, with a sufficient garrison.
The two armies being in presence of each other, we bent our
knees, and invoked in our favour the God of armies, that it
might please Him, in His justice, to annihilate by our hands the
power of the Saracens and that of the demon, and by that means
extend his Church and the knowledge of the Gospel from one sea
to the other. God granted our prayers, and gave us such courage
that those who could have seen us rush upon the enemy, would
have taken us for a herd of deer going to quench the thirst that
devours them in a clear fountain which they perceive. Our army
consisted of little more than five thousand horsemen and fifteen
thousand foot; the enemy, on the contrary, had more than a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span>
hundred thousand horse and forty thousand foot soldiers. But
God manifested his power in favour of his servants. Our first
charge alone put to flight, even without fighting, this immense
multitude. It might be said they feared to offer the least
resistance, and that they had not arms upon which they could
depend to defend themselves with. All the treasures of the king
of Babylon fell into our hands. More than a hundred thousand
Saracens fell beneath our swords; a great number were drowned
in the sea, and fear was so strong upon them, that two thousand
were stifled in the gates of Ascalon, by pressing to get in.</p>

<p>If our soldiers had not been occupied in pillaging the camp of
the enemies, scarcely, of such a number, enough would have
escaped to announce their defeat. We cannot pass by in silence
a very extraordinary event. On the day before that of the
battle, we took possession of several thousands of camels, oxen,
and sheep. The leaders commanded the soldiers to leave them,
in order to march towards the enemy. A wonderful thing to
relate, these animals accompanied us still, stopping when we
stopped, advancing when we advanced; the clouds even sheltered
us from the ardour of the sun, and the zephyrs blew to refresh
us. We offered up thanks to the Lord for the victory he had
enabled us to gain, and we returned to Jerusalem. The count
of St. Gilles, Robert duke of Normandy, and Robert count of
Flanders, left Duke Godfrey there, and came back to Laodicea.
A perfect concord having been reëstablished between Bohemond
and our leaders by the archbishop of Pisa, the Count Raymond
prepared to return to Jerusalem for the service of God and his
brethren. In consequence we wish for you, heads of the Catholic
Church of Jesus Christ, and first of the Latin people; and you
all, bishops, clerks, monks, and laymen, that in favour of the
courage and admirable piety of your brethren, it may please the
Lord to pour his blessings upon you, to grant you the entire
remission of your sins, and to make you sit at the right hand of
God, who lives and reigns with the Father in the unity of the
Holy Ghost, from all eternity. So be it.</p>

<p>We pray you and supplicate you by our Lord Jesus Christ,
who was always with us, and who has preserved us through all
our tribulations, to show gratitude towards our brethren who
return to you, to do them kindness, and pay them that which
you owe them, in order by that means to render yourselves
agreeable to the Lord, and to obtain a part in the favours they
have merited from divine goodness.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">No. 10.</p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>Letter of the principal Crusaders to Pope Urban. (See Foulcher de
Chartres, pages 394, 395, of the Collection of Bongars.)</i></p>

<p class="p1">We are all desirous that you should know how great the mercy
of God has been towards us, and by what all-powerful help we
have taken Antioch; how the Turks, who had loaded with outrages
our Lord Jesus Christ, have been conquered and put to
death, and how we have avenged the injuries done to our God;
how we have at last been besieged by the Turks from Corasan,
Jerusalem, Damascus, and many other countries; and how at
length, by the protection of Heaven, we have been delivered
from a great danger.</p>

<p>When we had taken Nice, we routed, as you have learnt, a
great multitude of Turks who came out against us. We beat
the great Soliman (Kilidge-Arslan), we made a considerable
booty, and being masters of all Romania, we laid siege to Antioch.
We suffered much in this siege, both on the part of the
Turks shut up in the city, and on the part of those who came to
succour the besieged. At length, the Turks being conquered in
all the battles, the cause of the Christian religion triumphed in
the following manner. I, Bohemond (<i>ego Bohemundus</i>), after
having made an agreement with a certain Saracen, who agreed
to give up the city to me, I applied ladders to the walls towards
the end of the night, and we thus made ourselves masters of the
place which had so long resisted Jesus Christ. We killed Accien,
the governor of Antioch, with a great number of his people, and
we had in our power their wives, their children, their families,
and all that they possessed. We could not, however, get possession
of the citadel; and when we were about to attack it, we
saw an infinite number of Turks arrive, whose approach had been
announced to us for some time; we saw them spread over the
country, covering all the plains. They besieged us on the third
day; more than a hundred of them penetrated to the citadel, and
threatened to invade the city from within.</p>

<p>As we were placed upon a hill opposite to that on which the
fort stood, we guarded the road which led into the city, and
forced the infidels, after several combats, to reënter the citadel.
As they saw they could not execute their project, they surrounded
the place in such a manner that all communication was cut
off; at which we were greatly afflicted and desolated. Pressed
by hunger and all sorts of miseries, many among us killed their
horses and their asses which they brought with them, and ate
them; but at last the mercy of God came to our assistance; the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span>
apostle Andrew revealed to a servant of God the place in which
the lance was with which Longinus pierced the side of the Saviour.
We found this holy lance in the church of the apostle Peter.
This discovery, and several other divine revelations, restored our
strength and courage to such a degree, that those who were full
of despair and fright became full of ardour and audacity, and
exhorted each other to the fight. After having been besieged
during three weeks and four days, on the day of the festival of
St. Peter and St. Paul, full of confidence in God, having confessed
all our sins, we marched out of the city in order of battle.
We were in such small numbers, in comparison with the army of
the Saracens, that the latter might well believe we meant to fly,
instead of to provoke them to fight. Having made our dispositions,
we attacked the enemy wherever they appeared in force.
Aided by the divine lance, we put them at once to flight. The
Saracens, according to their custom, began to disperse on all
sides, occupying the hills and roads, with the design of surrounding
us and destroying the whole Christian army; but we had
learnt their tactics. By the grace and mercy of God, we succeeded
in making them unite at one point, and when they were
united, the right hand of God fought with us; we forced them
to fly and abandon their camp, with all that was in it. After
having conquered them and pursued them the whole day, we
returned full of joy into Antioch. The citadel surrendered; the
commander and most of his people being converted to the Christian
faith. Thus our Lord Jesus Christ beheld all the city of
Antioch restored to his law and his religion; but as something
sorrowful is always mixed with the joys of this world, the bishop
of Puy, whom you gave us for your apostolic vicar, died after the
conquest of the city, and after a war in which he had gained much
glory. Now your children, deprived of the father you gave them,
address themselves to you who are their spiritual father. We
pray you, you who have opened to us the way we are following,
you, who by your discourses have made us quit our homes and
all we held dearest in our own countries, who have made us take
the cross to follow Jesus Christ and glorify his name, we conjure
you to complete your work by coming into the midst of us, and
by bringing with you all you can bring. It was in the city of
Antioch that the name of Christian took its origin; for when
St. Peter was installed in that church which we see every day,
those who had called themselves Galileans named themselves
Christians. What can be more just or more suitable than to see
him who is the head of the Church come to this city, which may
be regarded as the capital of Christendom? Come, then, and
help us to finish a war which is yours. We have conquered the
Turks and the Pagans; we cannot in the same way combat heretics,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span>
Greeks, Armenians, Syrians, and Jacobites; we conjure you to
do so; we conjure you, holy Father, with earnestness. You,
who are the father of the faithful, come amongst your children;
you, who are the vicar of St. Peter, come and take your seat in
his church; come and mould our hearts to submission and
obedience; come and destroy by your supreme and sole authority
all kinds of heresies; come and lead us in the road you have
marked out for us, and open to us the gates of the one and the
other Jerusalem; come, and with us deliver the tomb of Jesus
Christ, and make the name of Christian prevail over all other
names. If you yield to our wishes, if you come amongst us,
every one will obey you. May He who reigns in all ages bring
you amongst us, and make you sensible to our prayers. Amen.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 11.</i></p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>Council of Naplouse, held by the Authority of Garamond, Patriarch of
Jerusalem, to reform the Morals of the Christians of Palestine, in the
Presence of Baldwin, King of Jerusalem, in the year of our Lord 1120,
in the Pontificate of Calixtus II.</i></p>

<p class="p1">This is the manner in which William of Tyre, book xii. of the
<i>Holy War</i>, chap. xiii. relates summarily the cause and the acts
of the council.</p>

<p>The same year, that is to say the year 1120 of the incarnation
of the Word, the kingdom of Jerusalem being tormented,
on account of its sins, with many troubles, and in addition to
the calamities inflicted by their enemies, a multitude of locusts
and gnawing rats destroying the harvests to such a degree that
it was feared bread would be wanting; the seigneur Garamond,
patriarch of Jerusalem, a man religious and fearing God; the
king Baldwin, the prelates of the churches, and the great men
of the kingdom, repaired to Naplouse, a small city of Samaria,
and held a public assembly and a general court. In a sermon
addressed to the people, it was said, that as it appeared plain that
it was the sins of the people which had provoked the Lord, it was
necessary to deliberate in common upon the means of correcting
and repressing excesses, in order that, returning to a better life,
and worthily satisfying for their remitted sins, the people might
render themselves acceptable to Him who desireth not the death
of a sinner, but rather that he should turn from his wickedness
and live. Terrified, then, by the menacing signs of Heaven, by
frequent earthquakes, by successive defeats, by the pangs of
famine, by perfidious and daily attacks of their enemies; seeking
to win back the Lord by works of piety, they have, to restore<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span>
and preserve discipline in morals, decreed twenty-five acts, which
shall have the force of laws. If any one be desirous of reading
them, they will be easily found in the archives of many churches.</p>

<p>Present at this council, Garamond, patriarch of Jerusalem;
the logician Baldwin, second king of the Latins; Ekmar, archbishop
of Cæsarea; Bernard, bishop of Nazareth; the bishop of
Liddes; Gildon, abbot elect of St. Mary of the Valley of Jehoshaphat;
Peter, abbot of Mount Tabor; Achard, prior of
Mount Sion; Payen, chancellor of the king; Eustace Granier;
William de Buret; Batisan, constable of Jaffa; and many
others of the two orders, of whom we forget the number and the
names.</p>

<p>“The synod,” says Baronius, “towards the end of 1120 succeeded
in effecting such a reformation in morals, that by the
mercy of Heaven, in the following year, 1121, the leader of the
Turks, coming against Antioch with considerable strength, was
struck with apoplexy and died.”</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 1.</span>&mdash;As it is necessary that things which commence by
God should finish in him and by him, with the intention of
beginning this holy council and terminating it by the Lord, I,
Baldwin, second king of the Latins at Jerusalem, opening this
holy assembly by God, I render and I grant, as I have ordered,
to the holy Church of Jerusalem, and to the patriarch here present,
Garamond, as well as to his successors, the tenths of all
my revenues, as far as concerns the extent of this diocese; that
is to say, the tenths of my revenues of Jerusalem, Naplouse, and
Ptolemaïs, which is further called Accon. They are the benefits
of my royal munificence, in order that the patriarch, charged
with the duty of praying the Lord for the welfare of the state,
may have wherewithal to subsist on. And if, one day, in consequence
of the progress of the Christian religion, he, or one of
his successors, should ordain a bishop in one of these cities, he
may dispose of the tenths as well for the king as for the Church.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 2.</span>&mdash;I, Bohemond, in the presence of the members of
this council, with the consent of the personages of the assembly
and of my barons, who will do the same by their tenths, according
to the extent of their ecclesiastical powers, I make restitution of
the tenths, as I have said; and agreeing with them as to the
injustice with which they and I have retained them, I ask pardon.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 3.</span>&mdash;I, Patriarch Garamond, on the part of the all-powerful
God, by my power and that of all the bishops and
brethren here present, I absolve you upon the said restitution of
the tenths, and I accept charitably with them the tenths you
acknowledge to owe to God, to me, and to your other bishops,
according to the extent of the benefices of the brethren present
or absent.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span></p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 4.</span>&mdash;If any one fears being ill-treated by his wife, let
him go and find him whom he suspects, and let him forbid him,
before legal witnesses, entrance to his house and all colloquy
with his wife. If, after this prohibition, he or any one of his
friends should find them in colloquy in his house or elsewhere,
let the man, without any cutting off of his members, be submitted
to the justice of the Church; and if he purges himself by
ardent fire, let him be dismissed unpunished. But when he
shall have undergone some disgrace for being surprised in colloquy,
let him be dismissed unpunished and without vengeance
for having violated the prohibition.</p>

<p>M. Michaud inserts the whole of these laws; but we omit the
next twelve, as more likely to create disgust than to afford
instruction or amusement.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 16.</span>&mdash;The male or female Saracen who shall assume the
dress of the Franks shall belong to the state.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 17.</span>&mdash;If any man, already married, has married another
woman, he has, to the first Sunday of Lent of our year, to confess
himself to the priest and perform penance; afterwards he
has but to live according to the precepts of the Church. But if
he conceals his crime longer, his goods will be confiscated; he
will be cut off from society and banished from this land.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 18.</span>&mdash;If any man, without knowing it, marries the wife
of another, or if a woman marries, without knowing it, a man
already married, then let the one that is innocent turn out the
guilty one, and be in possession of the right of marrying again.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 19.</span>&mdash;If any man, wishing to get rid of his wife, says he
has another, or that he has taken her during the lifetime of the
first, let him submit to the ordeal of red-hot iron, or let him
bring before the magistrates of the Church, legal witnesses, who
will affirm by oath that it is so. What is here said of men is
applicable to women.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 20.</span>&mdash;If a clerk take up arms in his own defence, there
is no harm in it; but if, from a love of war, or to sacrifice to
worldly interests, he renounces his condition, let him return to
the Church within the time granted, let him confess and conform
afterwards with the instructions of the patriarch.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 21.</span>&mdash;If a monk or regular canon apostatize, let him return
to his order or go back to his country.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 22.</span>&mdash;Whoever shall accuse another without being able
to prove the fact, shall undergo the punishment due to the crime
he has accused him of.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 23.</span>&mdash;If any one be convicted of robbery above the
value of six sous, let him be threatened with the loss of his hand,
his foot, or his eyes. If the theft be below six sous, let him be
marked with a hot iron on the forehead, and be whipped through<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span>
the city. If the thing stolen be found, let it be restored to him
to whom it belongs. If the thief has nothing, let his body be
given up to him he has injured. If he repeats the offence, let
him be deprived of all his members, and of his life.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 24.</span>&mdash;If any one under age commits a theft, let him be
kept until the King’s court shall decide what shall be done with
him.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Chap. 25.</span>&mdash;If any baron surprises a man of his own class in
the act of theft, the latter is not to be subject to the loss of his
members, but let him be sent to be judged in the King’s court.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 12.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Bull of Pope Eugenius III. for the Second Crusade.</i></p>

<p class="p1">We here give a translation of the bull of Eugenius III.,
published in 1145, for the second crusade. It is taken from
“Bullarum Romanum Novissimum,” the first volume.</p>

<p>“The servant of the servants of God, to his dear son Louis,
illustrious and glorious king of the French, to his dear sons the
princes, and to all the faithful of the kingdom of France, health
and apostolic benediction.</p>

<p>“We know by the history of times past, and by the traditions
of our fathers, how many efforts our predecessors made for the
deliverance of the Church of the East. Our predecessor, Urban,
of happy memory, sounded the evangelic trumpet, and employed
himself with unexampled zeal, in summoning the Christian
nations from all parts of the world to the defence of the Holy
Land. At his voice, the brave and intrepid warriors of the
kingdom of the Franks, and the Italians, inflamed with a holy
ardour, took arms, and delivered, at the cost of their blood, the
city in which our Saviour deigned to suffer for us, and which
contains the tomb, the monument of His passion. By the grace
of God, and by the zeal of our fathers, who defended Jerusalem,
and endeavoured to spread the Christian name in those distant
countries, the conquered cities of Asia have been preserved up to
our days, and many cities of the infidels have been attacked and
their inhabitants have become Christians. Now, for our sins,
and those of the Christian people (which we cannot repeat without
grief and lamentation), the city of Edessa,&mdash;which in our own
language is called Rohas, and which, if we can believe the history
of it, when the East was subjected to the Pagan nations,
alone remained faithful to Christianity,&mdash;the city of Edessa is
fallen into the hands of the enemies of the cross.</p>

<p>“Several other Christian cities have shared the same fate: the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span>
archbishop of that city with his clergy, and many other Christians
have been killed; relics of saints have been given up to the
insults of the infidels, and dispersed. The greatest danger
threatens the Church of God and all Christendom. We are
persuaded that your prudence and your zeal will be conspicuous
on this occasion; you will show the nobleness of your sentiments
and the purity of your faith. If the conquests made by the
valour of the fathers are preserved by the valour of the sons, I
hope you will not allow it to be believed that the heroism
of the French has degenerated. We warn you, we pray you,
we command you, to take up the cross and arms. I warn you
for the remission of your sins,&mdash;you who are men of God,&mdash;to
clothe yourselves with power and courage, and stop the
invasions of the infidels, who are rejoicing at the victory gained
over you; to defend the Church of the East, delivered by our
ancestors; to wrest from the hands of the Mussulmans many
thousands of Christian prisoners who are now in chains. By
that means the holiness of the Christian name will increase in
the present generation, and your valour, the reputation of which
is spread throughout the universe, will not only preserve itself
without stain, but will acquire a new splendour. Take as your
example that virtuous Mattathias, who, to preserve the laws of
his ancestors, did not hesitate to expose himself to death with
his sons and his family; did not hesitate to abandon all he held
dear in the world, and who, with the help of Heaven, after a
thousand labours, triumphed over his enemies. We, who watch
over the Church and over you, with a parental solicitude, we
grant to those who will devote themselves to this glorious enterprise
the privileges which our predecessor Urban granted to the
soldiers of the cross. We have likewise ordered that their wives
and their children, their worldly goods, and their possessions,
should be placed under the safeguard of the Church, of the
archbishops, the bishops, and the other prelates. We order, by
our apostolic authority, that those who shall have taken the
cross shall be exempt from all kinds of pursuit on account of
their property, until their return, or until certain news be
received of their death. We order, besides, that the soldiers of
Jesus Christ should abstain from wearing rich habits, from having
great care in adorning their persons, and from taking with
them dogs for the chase, falcons, or anything that may corrupt
the manners of the warriors. We warn them, in the name of
the Most High, that they should only concern themselves with
their war-horses, their arms, and everything that may assist
them in contending with the infidels. The holy war calls for all
their efforts, and for all the faculties they have in them; they
who undertake the holy voyage with a right and pure heart and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span>
who shall have contracted debts, shall pay no interest. If they
themselves, or others for them, are under obligations to pay
usurious interest, we release them from them by our apostolic
authority. If the lords of whom they hold, will not, or cannot
lend them the money necessary, they shall be allowed to engage
their lands or possessions to ecclesiastics, or any other persons.
As our predecessor has done, by the authority of the all-powerful
God, and by that of the blessed St. Peter, prince of the
apostles, we grant absolution and remission of sins, we promise
life eternal to all those who shall undertake and terminate the said
pilgrimage, or who shall die in the service of Jesus Christ, after
having confessed their sins with a contrite and humble heart.”</p>

<p><i>Given at Viterbo, in the month of December, 1145.</i></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 13.</i></p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>A Letter from Saladin, drawn up by the Cdi Alfadhel, to the Imaum Nassir
Del-din-illah Aboul Abbas Ahmed, containing the account of the Conquest
of Jerusalem, and of the Battle of Tiberias.</i></p>

<p class="p1">After devout wishes for the caliph, he enters thus on his
subject:&mdash;</p>

<p>“The <i>servant</i> (that is Saladin) has written this letter, which
contains the account of the auspicious events of which he is the
author. The inscription of this letter is the description of divine
goodness, which is a sea for pens, a sea in which they may swim
for ages. It is a blessing for which the gratitude should be
measureless. Let thanks then be rendered to God for this blessing
of to-day; it is a blessing which will last for ever; let no
one say: <i>The like has been seen</i>. The affairs of Islamism are in
the happiest condition; the faith of those who believe in it is
strengthened. The Mussulmans have destroyed the error which
infidels had spread over these places. God has faithfully fulfilled,
with regard to his religion, the compact he entered into.
Religion was exiled and a stranger; she now inhabits her natural
dwelling: the reward is received, that reward purchased at the
price of life. The commandment of the truth of God, which
was powerless, is now in vigour; his house is re-peopled, though
it was abandoned after it had been destroyed. The order of
God is arrived, and the noses of the polytheists are abased.
Swords advanced by night, and the sick were asleep. (That is
to say, I believe, that Saladin surprised the Crusaders, and that
the Christians did not expect what happened to them on his part.)
God has performed the promise he made to raise his religion
above all religions. Its light is more brilliant than that of the
morning; the Mussulmans are restored to their heritage, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[373]</a></span>
had been wrested from them. They have been awakened, they
have conquered that which they could not have hoped to conquer,
even in their dreams; their feet are firmly fixed upon the
hill; their standards have floated over the mosque; they have
prayed upon <i>the black stone</i>. In acting thus, the <i>servant</i> proposed
to himself nothing short of these great results; he only
confronted <i>this evil</i> (the evils of this war) in the hope of this
great blessing; he only made war on those who opposed him,
that the word of God might be spread; for the word of God is
exalted; he has only fought that he might by that means merit
eternal life, and not the wealth of this world. Perhaps, tongues
may have accused him of having a contemptible object, and men’s
thoughts have calumniated him; but he has extinguished these
thoughts by means of time and patience. He who sought a precious
thing placed himself in danger. He who exerted himself
to render his life illustrious, exposed himself. Otherwise, the
<i>servant</i> has only acted after having consulted with the wisest of
his doctors. The <i>servant</i> has written this letter, and already
God has caused him to triumph over his enemies. The towers
of the infidel are cast down; he drew his sword, and it became
a wand; his attacks became weak; he turned his bridle; and,
as a chastisement from God, he has not found hands to act with.
His swords have slept in their scabbards, his lances have lost
their noses (points), and for a long time they were raised to inflict
death. The land of Jerusalem is become pure; it was as a
woman who has her rules. God is become one God, and he was
<i>trinary</i> (or three). The houses of the infidel are destroyed, the
dwellings of polytheism are cast down. The Mussulmans have
taken possession of the fortified castles. Our enemies will not
return to them again, for they are branded with the seal of weakness
and degradation. God has placed beauty where deformity
was.</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p>The first time the servant attacked them,<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> God came to his
succour, and assisted him with his angels; he broke them with
a rupture past remedy; he precipitated them with a fall which
would not allow the infidels to rise up again. He made a great
number of prisoners, and killed many of their people. The field
of battle was covered with dead, arms, and horses. How many
swords became like saws, with striking! How many horsemen
rushed towards the destiny which destroyed them! The king
himself (of Jerusalem) advanced and cleared all before him.
That day was a day of testimony (of the favour of God and the
valour of the Mussulmans). The angels were witnesses. Error
was at bay; Islamism took birth. The ribs of the infidels were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[374]</a></span>
materials for the fire of hell. The king was taken, and he held
in his hand the most firm of his ties, the most strong of the
<i>bonds</i> of his religion and of his belief. That was the <i>cross</i>, the
leader, the guide of the partisans of pride and tyranny. They
(the Christians) never advanced towards a peril without having
this in the midst of them; they flew round it as moths fly round
a light. Their hearts gathered together under its shade; they
fought under this light with the greatest courage. They considered
it as the strongest tie that could bind them together;
they believed it to be a wall which would defend them on this
day. On that day the greater part of the infidels were taken.
Not one of them turned his back, except the Count.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> May
God curse him! He was eager for carnage in the day of victory,
and full of base tricks in the day of degradation; he saved himself!
but how? he stole away for fear of being struck by the
lance or the sword; God afterwards took him in his own hands,
caused him to die according to his promise, and sent him from
the kingdom of death to hell. After the defeat, the servant
passed through the province (Palestine), and gathered together
the Abassides subjects that were scattered about it;&mdash;those subjects
who carried terror to the hearts of their enemies; and he
conquered by their aid such and such places.</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p>This province (Palestine) is full of wells, lakes, islands, mosques,
minarets, population, armies. The servant will change the tares
of error for the good seed of the true faith; he will cast down
the crosses of the churches, and will cause the <i>izan</i> (the summons
of the Mussulmans to prayers) to be heard. He will
change into <i>pulpits</i> the places on which the infidels immolated
(altars), and of churches he will make mosques.</p>

<p>“There remained nothing but Jerusalem; every banished man,
every fugitive had here taken refuge; those from afar as well as
those near had here shut themselves up; they considered themselves
as there protected by the favour of God; they believed
that their Church would intercede for them. Then the servant
arrived before the city; he beheld a city well peopled; he beheld
troops who had agreed to die; for whom death would be sweet
if their city was doomed to fall. He came to one side of the
city, but he found that the valleys (or the gardens) were deep;
that bad passages were numerous; that the walls, like a necklace,
surrounded it, and that towers, like large beads,<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> were
placed along the middle of the walls. Then he directed his
course to another side, where there was such an ascent as he
desired, a place and an asylum for the cavalry; he surrounded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[375]</a></span>
this side and made his approaches to it; he caused his tent to be
pitched in a spot exposed to the attempts of the enemy; he
attacked the walls vigorously, and at length got possession of
them. The besieged sent to him, offering to pay him a tribute
for a certain time; they wished to obtain a cessation of their
distress, and wait for reinforcements. The servant deferred his
answer, and drew his machines nearer; the machines that are
the sticks and cords that punish castles for their resistance.
Their strokes prepared the victory. Possession was taken of
the towers; the walls were void of combatants; stone crumbled
away into dust again, as it had been at first. The gates fell
into the hands of the army of the servant. Then the infidels
despaired; the leader of the impiety came out then: this was
<i>Ben</i> or <i>Bezbar-ran</i>; he requested that the city should be taken
by capitulation and not by storm; the abjection of ruin and
distress was imprinted upon his countenance, which before
shone with the glory of royalty; he prostrated himself in the
dust, he before whom nobody had dared to raise their eyes, and
said: There (pointing to the city) are thousands of captive
Mussulmans;&mdash;this is the determination of the Franks: if you
take the city by force, if you place the burden of war heavily on
their backs, they will immediately kill their captives; they will
afterwards kill their wives and children; then they will have
nothing to wish for but death; but not one of them will die
without having sacrificed many of your people.’ The officers
were of opinion that the city should be taken by capitulation;
for, said they, if it is taken by storm, there is no doubt but that
the besieged will rush headlong into danger, and will sacrifice
their lives for a thing they have so well defended. In the
sorties they had precedingly made, they had displayed incredible
courage, and their attacks had been terrible.</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p>But God has driven them out of this territory, and has cast
them down; he has favoured the partisans of the truth, and has
shown his anger against the infidels. These had protected this
city by the sword; they had raised buildings at the point of the
sword and with columns of soldiers. These (the infidels) have
placed churches there, and houses of the Diweieh, Deuïourjeh,
&amp;c., and of the Hospitallers. In these houses are precious things
in marble.</p>

<p>“The servant has restored the mosque <i>Alasca</i> to its ancient
destination. He has placed imauns in it, who will there celebrate
the true worship. The <i>khothbeh</i> (or sermon) was made
there on Friday, the 14th of Chaaban. Little was wanting to
make the heavens open with joy, and the stars dance. The word
of God has been exalted; the tombs of the prophets, which the
infidels had stained, have been purified, &amp;c. &amp;c.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[376]</a></span></p>

<p>Towards the end of his letter, Saladin says that his troops are
spread all over the province; he boasts of the fertility and richness
of it, and says he is going to complete the conquest of it.
He adds that the fleet has put to sea; and that he is about to
restore the walls of Jerusalem.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 14.</i></p>


<p class="ph1 p1"><i>Khothbeh, or Sermon made at Jerusalem, the first Friday after Saladin had
taken Possession of that City, by Mohammed Ben Zeky.</i></p>

<p class="p2">Mohammed Ben Zeky ascended the mimber, or pulpit,
and commenced the khothbeh, or sermon, by reciting the
surate <i>Falchah</i> (the first of the Koran) from the beginning to
the end. Then he said: “May the crew of the unjust perish!
Praises be to God, the master of worlds!” Then he read, 1st,
the commencement of the surate <i>Alin’am</i>: “Praise to God who
has created the Heavens;” 2nd, a verse of the surate <i>Soubhana</i>:
“Praise to God who has no son;” 3rd, three verses of the surate
<i>Alkehef</i>: “Praises to God who has sent the book to his servant.”
Then he read, 1st, the verse: “Praise to God, and salvation to
his servants;” 2nd, a verse of the surate <i>Seba</i>: “Praises to God
to whom belongs all that is in heaven or earth;” 3rd, several
verses of the surate <i>Falhr</i>: “Praises to God the creator of the
Heavens.” His intention was to bring together all the <i>Temeh-houdah</i>
(praises which are contained in the Koran). After this,
he commenced the khothbeh in these terms:&mdash;</p>

<p>“Praise to God, who has raised Islamism into glory by his
aid; who has abased polytheism by his power; who rules worldly
things by his will; who prolongs his blessings according to the
measure of our gratitude; who defeats infidels by his stratagems;
who gives power to dynasties, according to his justice; who has
reserved future life for those who fear him, by an effort of his
goodness; who extends his shadow over his servants; who has
caused his religion to triumph over all others; who gains the
victory over his servants without any one being able to oppose
him; who triumphs in his caliph, without any one being able to
resist him; who orders what he wills, without any being able to
make objections to it; who judges according to his will, without
any one being able to avert the execution of his decrees. I
praise this God for having by his assistance rendered his elect
victorious; for the glory he has given them; for the aid he has
granted to his defenders; I praise him for having purified the
house filled with pollution, from the impieties of polytheism.
I praise him inwardly and outwardly. I give testimony that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[377]</a></span>
there is no other God but this God; that he is the only one, and
has no associate; the only one, the eternal one, who begets not,
neither is he begotten, and has no equal. I give testimony that
Mahomet is his servant and his messenger, this prophet who
has removed doubts, confounded polytheism, extinguished
falsehood; who travelled by night from Medina to Jerusalem;
who ascended into the heavens, and reached even the cedar
Almontéhy. May the eternal felicity of God be with him, with
his successor Abou Bekr Alsadic, &amp;c.</p>

<p>“O men! publish the extraordinary blessing by which God has
made easy to you the recapture and deliverance of this city
which we had lost, and has made it again the centre of Islamism,
after having been during nearly a hundred years in the hands of
the infidels.</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p>This house was built and its foundations laid for the glory of
God and in the fear of Heaven. For this house is the dwelling
of Abraham; the ladder of your prophet (peace be with him!);
the kiblah towards which you prayed at the commencement of
Islamism, the abode of prophets, the aim of saints, the place of
revelation, the habitation of order and defence; it is situated in
the land of the gathering, the arena of the meeting; it is of this
blessed land of which God speaks in his sacred book. It was in
this mosque that Mahomet prayed with the angels who approach
God. It was this city to which God sent his servant, his messenger,
the word which he sent to Mary. The prophet he
honoured with a mission did not stray from the rank of his servant.
For God said, <i>the Messiah will not deny that he is the
servant of God; God has no son, and has no other God with him</i>.
Certes, they have been in impiety, they who have said that the
Messiah, the son of Mary, was God.</p>

<p>“This house is the first of the two kiblah, the second of the
mosques, the third of the héramëin; it is not towards it that the
people come in crowds after the two mesdjed; it is towards it
that the fingers are pointed after the two places. [I suppose
Mecca and Medina.] If you were not of the number of the servants
whom God has chosen, certes he would not have favoured
you particularly by this advantage which has been granted to no
other brave men, the honour of which no one can dispute with
you; how fortunate you are in being the soldiers of an army
which has made manifest the miracles of the prophet, which has
made the expeditions of Abou Bekr, the conquests of Omar,
&amp;c. God has rewarded you by the best of rewards in that
which you have done for his prophet. He has been grateful for
the courage you have shown in punishing rebels; the blood
which you have shed for him has been acceptable to him; it has
introduced you into the Paradise which is the abode of the blessed;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[378]</a></span>
acknowledge, then, the value of this blessing, offer up to him
necessary thanksgivings; for God has shown for you a marked
beneficence in granting you this blessing, in selecting you for
this expedition. For the gates of Heaven have been opened for
this conquest; its splendour has cast a light which has penetrated
even to the deepest darkness; the angels who approach the
Divine Majesty have rejoiced at it; the eye of the prophets and
the messengers has beheld it with joy. Since, by the favour of
God, you are the army which will conquer Jerusalem at the end
of time, the troop which will raise the standards of the faith after
the destruction of the prophecy.</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p>This house, is it not that of which God spoke in his book? for he
says, Be he praised who made his servant travel by night,’ &amp;c.;
is this not the house which the nations have revered; towards
which the prophets came, in which the four books sent from God
have been read? Is this not the house for which God stopped
the sun, under Joshua, and retarded the march of day, in order
that his conquest should be easy, and should be accelerated? Is
this not the house which God committed to Moses, and which he
commanded his people to save; but, with the exception of two
men, these people would not; God was angry against these
people, and cast them into the desert, to punish them for their
rebellion.</p>

<p>“I praise the God who has conducted you to the place from
which he banished the children of Israel; and yet these were
distinguished above other nations. God has seconded you in an
enterprise in which he had abandoned other nations that had
preceded you; which has caused there to be but one opinion
amongst you, whilst formerly opinions differed; rejoice that God
has named you among those who are near him, and has made of
you his own army, after you became his soldiers by your own
free will. The angels (who were sent towards this house) have
thanked you for having brought hither the doctrine of the unity.</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p>Now the powers of the heavens
pray for you, and pour benedictions upon you. Preserve
this gift in you, by the fear of God. Whoever possesses it is
saved. Beware of the passions, of disobedience, of falling back,
of flying from an enemy. Are you eager to take advantage of
the opportunity to destroy what anguish remains? Fight for
God as you ought; sacrifice yourselves to please him, you his
servants, since you are of the number of the elect. Beware
that the devil do not come down among you again, and that
irreligion introduce not itself into your hearts. Did you figure
to yourselves that your swords of steel, your chosen horses, your
untiring perseverance, have gained you this victory? No, it was
God; it was from him alone that your success came. Beware,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[379]</a></span>
servants of God after having obtained this victory, of becoming
disobedient and rebellious; for then you will be like her who
cut to pieces that which she had spun, or like him to whom we
have sent our verses, and who has rejected them; the devil has
laid hold of him, and he has wandered from the faith. The holy
war! the holy war! that is the best of your worships, the most
noble of your customs; help God, and he will help you; hold to
God, and he will hold to you; remember him, and he will remember
you; do good towards him, and he will do good towards
you; endeavour to cut off every diseased member, to destroy
even to the last enemy; purify the rest of the earth of those
nations with whom God and his messenger are angry. Lop off
the branches of impiety, and fear, for already the days have
grown. Vengeance of Mussulman attacks, of the Mahometan
nation. God is great: he gives conquests, he degrades impiety;
learn that this is a great opportunity&mdash;seize it; it is a prey, cast
yourselves upon it; it is a booty, get possession of it. It is an
important business, apply your whole means to it, give yourselves
up to it entirely; put the battalions of your tribes on the
march for it. For this business draws towards its end, and the
treasuries are filled with wealth. God has already given you
the victory over these vile enemies. These enemies were equal
to you, or perhaps more numerous than you; but however that
might be, he has manifested that one of you is worth twenty
other men. God will aid you as you cause his orders to be
obeyed, and abstain from that which he has prohibited. He will
strengthen all us Mussulmans by a victory; if God helps you,
you have no other conqueror to fear; but if he withdraw his
help from you, who will be he that shall help you after him?”</p>

<p>Then the preacher prayed for the Imaun Alnassir, the caliph,
and said: “O God! eternalize the sultan, thy servant, who
humbles himself before thy majesty, who is grateful for thy
blessings, who cherishes the remembrance of thy favour. Preserve
thy keen sword, thy brilliant star, who protects and defends
thy religion, who defends the harem! the seid, the triumphant
prince, the <i>reuniter</i> of the word, of the faith (that is
to say, who has so acted that the Mussulman princes, with one
accord, with one unanimous feeling, marched against the infidels);
the exterminator of the cross, the good of the state and
of religion (salah eddounia wa eddyn). The sultan of the Mussulmans,
the purifier of the sacred house, Aboul Modhaffer Yous-ben-Ayoub,
the verifier of the power of the emir of the believers;
O God! grant that thy angels may surround his throne; make
good the reward due to that which he has done for the religion
of Abraham; reward his actions for the sake of the Mussulman
religion. O God! prolong for Islamism,” &amp;c.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[380]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 15.</i></p>


<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Bull of Gregory VIII., A.D. 1187.</i></p>

<p class="p2">Gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of God; to all those
of the worshippers of Our Lord Jesus Christ to whom these
letters shall come, health and the apostolic benediction.</p>

<p>Having learnt the terrible severity of the judgments which the
divine hand has exercised over Jerusalem and the Holy Land,
we have been, we and our brethren, penetrated with such horror,
afflicted with such lively grief, that, in the painful uncertainty
of what it would be best for us to do on this occasion, we have
only been able to partake the sorrows of the psalmist, and to exclaim
with him, “Lord, the nations have invaded thy heritage,
they have profaned thy holy temple; Jerusalem is no more than
a desert, and the bodies of the saints have served as pasture to
the beasts of the earth, and to the birds of the heavens.” For in
consequence of the intestine dissensions which the wickedness of
men, by the suggestion of the demon, had given birth to in the
Holy Land, behold Saladin, without any warning, at the head of
a formidable army, comes pouring down upon the city. The
king and the bishops, the Templars and the Hospitallers, the
barons and the people, hasten to the rescue, bearing with them
the cross of the Lord, that cross which, in memory of the passion
of Christ, who was nailed to it, and which thus purchased
the redemption of the human race, was regarded as the most
secure rampart to be opposed to the attacks of the infidels. The
conflict begins; our brethren are conquered, the holy cross falls
into the hands of the enemies; the king is made prisoner, the
bishops are massacred, and such of the Christians as escape
death, cannot avoid slavery. Flight saves a few, and very few;
and these tell us that they saw the whole of the Templars and
Hospitallers perish before their eyes. We think it useless,
beloved brethren, to inform you how, after the destruction of the
army, the enemies spread themselves over the whole kingdom,
and rendered themselves masters of most of the cities, with the
exception of a small number, which still resist. It is here we are
compelled to say with the prophet, “Who will change my eyes
into a fountain of tears, that I may weep night and day the
massacre of my people!” Nevertheless, far from allowing ourselves
to be cast down, or to be divided, we ought to be persuaded
that these reverses are only to be attributed to the anger
of God, against the multitude of our sins; that the most efficacious
manner of obtaining the remission of them is by tears and
groans, and that at last, appeased by our repentance, the mercy of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[381]</a></span>
the Lord will raise us up again, more glorious for the abasement
into which he has plunged us. Who could, I say, withhold his
tears in so great a disaster, not only according to the principles
of our divine religion, which teaches us to weep with the afflicted,
but further, from simple motives of humanity, when considering
the greatness of the peril, the ferocity of the barbarians, thirsting
for the blood of Christians, their endeavours to profane holy
things, and to annihilate the name of the true God, in a land in
which he was born; pictures which the imagination of the reader
will represent to him better than we can paint them. No; the
tongue cannot express, the senses cannot comprehend what our
affliction has been, what that of the Christian people must be, at
learning that this land is now suffering as it suffered under its
ancient inhabitants; this land illustrated by so many prophets,
from which issued the lights of the world; and, what is still
greater and more ineffable, where was incarnate God the creator
of all things; where, by an infinite wisdom, and an incomprehensible
mercy, he consented to subject himself to the infirmities of
the flesh, to suffer hunger, thirst, the punishment of the cross,
and by his death and glorious resurrection, effected our salvation.
We ought not then to attribute our disasters to the injustice
of the judge who chastises, but rather to the iniquity of the
people who have sinned; since we see in Scripture that, when
the Jews returned to the Lord, he put their enemies to flight,
and that one of his angels was sufficient to annihilate the formidable
army of Sennacherib. But this land has devoured its inhabitants;
it has not been able to enjoy a long tranquillity, and
the transgressors of our divine law have not preserved it long;
all thus giving this example and this instruction to such as sigh
after the heavenly Jerusalem, that it is only by the practice of
good works, and amidst numerous temptations, that they can
attain it. The people of these countries had beforehand reason
to fear that which has now happened to them, when the infidels
got possession of a part of the frontier cities. Would to God
that they had then had recourse to penitence, and that they had
appeased, by a sincere repentance, the God they had offended!
for the vengeance of that God is always only delayed. He does
not surprise the sinner; he gives him time for repentance, until
at length his exhausted mercy gives place to his justice. But we
who, amidst the dissolution spread over this country, ought to
give our attention, not only to the iniquities of its inhabitants,
out to our own, and to those of all Christian people, and who
ought, still further, to dread the loss of those of the faithful that
still remain in Judæa, and the ravages with which the neighbouring
countries are threatened, amidst dissensions which prevail
between Christian kings and princes, and between villages<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[382]</a></span>
and cities; we who see nothing on all sides but scandals and
disorders, we ought to weep with the prophet, and repeat with
him, “Truth and the knowledge of God are not upon earth; I
see nothing reign in their place but falsehood, homicide, adultery,
and thirst for blood.” It is everywhere urgent to act, to efface
our sins by voluntary penance, and, by the help of true piety,
to return to the Lord our God, in order that, corrected of our
vices, and seeing the malice and ferocity of the enemy, we may
do for the support of the cause of the Lord, as much as the
infidel does not fear to attempt to do every day against him.
Think, my beloved brethren, for what purpose you came into
this world, and how you ought to leave it; reflect that you will
thus pass through all that concerns you. Employ, then, the time
you have to dispose of in good actions, and in performing
penance; give that which belongs to you, because you did not
make yourself, because you have nothing which is yours alone,
and because the faculty of creating a hand-worm is above all the
powers of the earth. We will not say, reject us, Lord, but permit
us to enter into the celestial granary that you possess; place
us amidst those divine fruits, which dread neither the injuries of
time nor the attempts of thieves. We will labour to reconquer
that land upon which the truth descended from heaven, and
where it did not refuse to endure the opprobrium of the cross for
our salvation. We will not hold in view either a love of riches
or a perishable glory, but your holy will, O my God! you who
have taught us to love our brothers as ourselves, and to consecrate
to you those riches, the disposal of which, with us, is so
often independent of thy will. It is not more astonishing to see
this land struck by the hand of God, than it is to see it afterwards
delivered by his mercy. The will of the Lord alone can save
it; but it is not permitted to ask him why he has acted thus. Perhaps
it has been his will to prove us, and to teach us that he
who, when the time of repentance is come, embraces it with joy,
and sacrifices himself for his brothers, although he may die
young, his life comprises a great number of years. Behold with
what zeal the Maccabees were inflamed for their holy law, and
the deliverance of their brethren, when they precipitated themselves,
without hesitation, amidst the greatest perils, sacrificing
their wealth and their lives, and exhorting each other, mutually,
by such speeches as these: “Let us prepare ourselves, let us
show ourselves courageous, because it is better to perish in fight
than to behold the evils of our nation, and the profanation of
holy things.” And they only lived under the law of Moses,
whilst you have been enlightened by the incarnation of our Lord
Jesus Christ, and by the example of so many martyrs. Show
courage, then; do not fear to sacrifice these terrestrial possessions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[383]</a></span>
which can last but so short a time, and in exchange for
which we are promised eternal ones, above the conception of the
senses, and which, in the opinion of the apostle, are worthy of
all the sacrifices we can make to obtain them.</p>

<p>We promise, then, to all those who, with a contrite heart and
an humble mind, will not fear to undertake this painful voyage,
and who will be determined so to do by motives of a sincere
faith, and with the view of obtaining the remission of their sins,
a plenary indulgence for their faults, and the life everlasting
which will follow.</p>

<p>Whether they perish there, or whether they return, let them
know that, by the mercy of the all-powerful God, and by the
authority of the holy apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own,
they are liberated from all other penance that may have been
imposed upon them, provided always that they may have made
an entire confession of their sins.</p>

<p>The property of the Crusaders and their families will remain
under the special protection of the archbishops, bishops, and
other prelates of the Church of God.</p>

<p>No examination shall be made as to the validity of the rights
of possession of a Crusader, with regard to any property whatever,
until his return or his decease be certain; and till that
time his property shall be protected and respected.</p>

<p>He cannot be compelled to pay interest, if he owe any to
anybody.</p>

<p>The Crusaders are not to march clothed in sumptuous habits,
with dogs, birds, or other such objects, which only display luxury
and ostentation; but they are to have what is necessary, are to
be clothed simply, and are rather to resemble men who are
performing a penance, than such as are in search of a vain glory.</p>

<p><i>Given at Ferrara, the 4th of the calends of November.</i></p>

<p class="p2">[Then follows the ordinance for a general fast, to appease the
anger of God, in order that he may enable them to recover
Jerusalem.]</p>

<p>The anger of the Supreme Judge being <span class="smcap">never</span> so effectively
appeased as when we seek to subdue our carnal desires,&mdash;</p>

<p>Consequently, as we make no doubt that the misfortunes
which have recently fallen upon Jerusalem and the Holy Land
from the invasion of the Saracens, have been produced by the
crimes of the inhabitants and those of the Christian people; we,
with the unanimous advice of our brethren, and the approbation
of a great number of bishops, order that, from this day, for five
years, the fast of Lent shall be observed every Friday, during
the whole day.</p>

<p>We further order, that in all places where divine service is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[384]</a></span>
celebrated, it shall be at nine o’clock, and that from the Advent
of the Lord to his Nativity.</p>

<p>Every one, without distinction, abstaining from eating flesh
on the Friday and Saturday of each week, we and our brethren
further interdict the use of it on Tuesdays among ourselves,
unless personal infirmities, a festival, or some other good cause
excuse us; hoping by this means that the Lord will be appeased,
and will leave us his benediction.</p>

<p>Such are our regulations on this subject, and whoever shall
infringe them shall be considered as a transgressor of the fast of
Lent.</p>

<p><i>Given at Ferrara, the 4th of the calends of November.</i></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 16.</i></p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>The Council of Paris, held in 1188, under the Pontificate of Pope Clement
III. The Tenths, called Saladin Tenths, were then decreed, to provide
for the Expenses of the War against Saladin, King of the Turks.</i></p>

<p class="p1">In the month of March of the year of grace 1188, towards
Mid-Lent, a general council, to which were summoned the archbishops,
bishops, abbots, and barons of the kingdom, was convoked
at Paris by King Philip. An infinite number of soldiers
and people there took the cross. It was resolved, with the consent
of the clergy and the people, that, considering the urgent
wants then experienced (the king having nothing more at heart
than the undertaking of the voyage to Jerusalem), a general
tenth, from which no one should be exempt, which was named
the <i>Saladin tenth</i>,<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> should be pre-levied for that year only.</p>

<p><i>Establishment of the Tenth.</i>&mdash;In the name of the holy and
indivisible Trinity, greeting. It is ordered by us, Philip, king
of France, with the advice of the archbishops, bishops, and
barons of our dominions, that the bishops, prelates, and clerks
of the churches convoked, and the soldiers who have taken the
cross, shall not be troubled for the repayment of the debts they
may have before contracted, with Jews or Christians, until two
years have revolved, reckoning from the first festival of All Saints
which shall follow the decree of our said lord the king: so that
at the following All Saints the creditors shall receive a third of
that which is due to them, and thus, from year to year, at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[385]</a></span>
same period, until the entire acquittal of the debt. The interests
for anterior debts shall run no longer, dating from the day on
which the debtor shall have taken the cross. The Crusader who
is a legitimate heir, son or son-in-law of a soldier not a Crusader,
or of a widow, shall procure for his father or his mother the
advantage granted by the present decree, provided he be not in
the enjoyment of other revenues than that arising from the
labour of his father and mother; but if their son or son-in-law
was not at their charge, or even if he did not bear arms and the
cross, they shall not enjoy the said advantage; but the debtors
who shall have lands and revenues, within the fortnight which
follows the approaching festival of John the Baptist, shall point
out to his creditors the lands and revenues upon which they shall
be able to recover their debts, on the terms above expressed, and
according to the form prescribed, by means of the lords in the
jurisdiction of whom these lands shall be. The lords shall have
no power to oppose this consignment, short of satisfying the
creditor themselves. Those who shall not have lands or revenues
enough to form such a consignment, shall furnish their
creditors guarantees and securities for the acquittal of their
debts at the term fixed; if within the fortnight after the festival
of St. John the Baptist, they have not satisfied their creditors
by a consignment of lands, or by guarantees and securities, if
they have no property, as it has been ordered, they shall not
enjoy the privilege granted to others. If a clerk or a crusade
soldier be the debtor of a clerk or of a crusade soldier, he shall
not be troubled before the next All Saints, provided he can
furnish him with a good guarantee for payment at that time.</p>

<p>If one of the Crusaders, eight days before the Purification of
the Virgin, or later, consign, in favour of his creditor, some
money, some work, or some bill, the creditor cannot be forced
on that account to consider him liberated. The bargain by which
a man has bought of another Crusader the annual produce of an
estate is good and valid. If a soldier or a clerk has engaged or
consigned his lands or his revenue for some years to another
Crusader, or to a clerk or a soldier not crossed, the debtor, for
that year, shall collect the produce of the lands or the revenues;
but the creditor, after the expiration of the years during which
he has enjoyed the consignment or the guarantee, shall continue
to enjoy it a year longer, to compensate for the loss of the first
year; so that, however, the creditor shall have for that first year
half of the revenue for the cultivation, if he has cultivated the
vines and the lands which were consigned to him as security.
All bargains which shall have been made eight days before the
Purification of the Virgin, or which shall be made after, shall
be authentic. It will be necessary for all the debts coming<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[386]</a></span>
within the favour of the present decree, that the debtor shall
give a guarantee as good, or even better than that which he had
given before. If the parties are not agreed upon the goodness
of the guarantee, it shall be referred to the lord of the creditor;
if he do not answer to this demand, the affair shall be taken
before the suzerain. If the lords or princes under whose direction
the creditors or the debtors may be, refuse to give their
hand to the execution of that which is ordered by the present
decree, on account of the privileges given to the debtor, or of
the consignments to be made, and if, warned by the metropolitan
or the bishop, they have not done it within forty days, they will
be liable to excommunication; but if the lord or the suzerain
make it his duty to show, in presence of the metropolitan or
the bishop, that he has not failed in this formality towards the
creditor, or even the debtor, and that he is ready to execute what
is ordered, the metropolitan or the bishop cannot excommunicate
him. No Crusader, whether clerk, soldier, or other, shall be
held responsible but for debts already demanded legally at the
time at which they shall have taken the cross; he shall not be
passible to others before his return from the Holy Land. They
who are not Crusaders shall pay, at least this year, the tenth of
all their property and revenues, except the monks of the order
of Citeaux, of the Chartreux, of Fontevraud, and the lazar-houses,
with regard to the property which belongs to them.
Nobody shall meddle with the property of the communes, unless
it be the lord of whom they hold. For the rest, every one shall
retain the rights he had before in the commune. The grand
justiciary of an estate shall always levy the tenths of it. Let it
be observed, that they who are subject to pay the tenth, shall
pay it upon all their goods and revenues, without beforehand
subtracting their debts. It is not till after they have paid the
tenth that they may pay their creditors from the remainder of
their property; all laymen, as well soldiers as those that are
subject to the <i>taille</i> (poll-tax, or something like land-tax), upon
taking the oath, under pain of anathema, and clerks under pain
of excommunication, shall pay the tenth. The soldier who is
not crossed shall pay to his lord who is crossed, and of whom he
holds, the tenth of his own property and of the fief which he
holds of him. If he holds no fief of him, he will pay him the
tenth of his own property, and will pay the tenth to those of
whom he holds directly. If he holds of no lord, he will pay the
tenth of his own property to him upon whose fief he lives. If a
man possessing an estate in proper, finds upon his estate tenths
belonging to another than to him to whom he owes them, and if
the proprietor can prove that they legitimately belong to him,
the former cannot retain these tenths. The crossed soldier, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[387]</a></span>
legitimate heir or son-in-law of a non-crossed soldier, or of a
widow, will receive the tenth of his father or mother. Nobody
shall lay hands on the property of archbishops, bishops, chapters,
or churches that depend upon them, but the archbishops,
bishops, chapters, or churches themselves. If the bishops collect
the tenths, they shall remit them to those who are appointed to
receive them. The Crusader subject to the <i>taille</i>, or to the
tenth, and who shall refuse to pay them, shall be arrested, and
placed at the disposal of him to whom he is indebted. He who
has arrested him cannot be excommunicated for doing so. He
who shall pay his tenth with readiness, according to the law and
without constraint, shall be recompensed by God.</p>


<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 17.</i></p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>Note upon the Greek Fire, taken from the Manuscript Life of Saladin,
by Renaudot.</i></p>

<p class="p1">It is certain that the artificial fire called <i>Greek fire</i>, <i>sea fire</i>,
or <i>liquid fire</i>, the composition of which is found in the Greek
and Latin historians, was very different from that which the
Orientals began at this time to make use of, and the effect of
which was the more surprising, from the cause of it being entirely
unknown; for whereas the first was prepared of wax,
pitch, sulphur, and other combustible materials, there was nothing
in this but naphtha or petrol, of which there were springs near
Bagdad, like those of which the ancients speak, near Ecbatana
and on the frontiers of Media. All naturalists agree that this
bituminous matter takes fire very easily, and that it is impossible
to extinguish it with anything but sand, vinegar, and urine. An
experiment was made with it before Alexander, by lighting a
great quantity of it by trains, which burnt for a long time
without being able to be extinguished; a buffoon, even, having
been rubbed with it, the fire injured him so seriously that there
was great difficulty in saving his life. And yet, notwithstanding
the ancients were acquainted with it, it is not known that they
frequently employed it in war, nor that it entered into the composition
of the true Greek fire, invented, according to common
opinion, by Callinichus, under Constantine Pogonatus, but which
is, notwithstanding, more ancient by many centuries. Thus it
is very probable that the Orientals, not having made any use of
it before this siege, Ebn-el-Mejas employed it successfully as a
new invention; and that the Christians, on account of the resemblance,
called it the Greek fire, from the idea they conceived
that it might be the same as that with which the whole Levant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[388]</a></span>
was acquainted. This fire having been in use for the defence of
besieged places, was called <i>oleum incendiarium</i>, <i>oleum medicum</i>;
and it was employed in the time of Valentinian, under whom
Vegetius, a military author, who gives the composition of it,
wrote his work. Æneas, an ancient author quoted by Polybius,
also speaks of it in his <i>Treatise upon the Defence of Cities</i>, and
Callinichus added nothing new to it, except the machines, or
copper pipes, by means of which they employed it for the first
time at sea, and burnt the Arabian fleet near Cyzicus. The
Greeks continued afterwards to use these machines, with which
they armed their fire-ships, and never communicated the knowledge
of it to any other nation; any more than did the Mahometans
their naphtha fire, when they had once learned the
practice. Thus the names became confounded by the ignorance
of the two nations; the Greeks calling, with much reason, the
artificial fire of the Mussulmans, <i>Media fire</i>, and the Latins
comprising both under the name of <i>Greek fire</i>; as the Orientals
afterwards called gunpowder <i>naphtha</i>, from the relation they
found between it and that fire which it made them abandon.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 18.</i></p>

<p class="pc reduct"><i>Memoir upon the Forest of Saron, or the Enchanted Forest of Tasso.</i></p>

<p class="p1">Most of the places in Palestine, in which battles were fought
between the Franks and the Saracens, were, towards the end of
the eighteenth century, the theatre of many conflicts between
the French and the Mussulmans. The French, in 1799, put the
Syrians to flight in the neighbourhood of Arsur, on the same
spot where Richard gained a great victory over Saladin. We
feel pleasure in presenting to our readers the very interesting
Memoir of M. Paultre, who made the campaign in Syria, and
who identified the forest of Saron, or the enchanted forest of
Tasso.</p>

<p>“The 24 Ventose, an 7 (14th of March, 1799), our army,
leaving Jaffa to march upon St. Jean d’Acre, after an hour and
a half’s progress, arrived on the edge of a torrent, which flowed
from Lidda, and fell into the sea at a short distance on our left;
the crossing of this torrent presented many difficulties to our
artillery.</p>

<p>“Before us was a plain of about a league in width, but which,
on our left, extended to the sea, where it was inclosed by <i>dunes</i>,
or small sand-hills, covered with verdure; whilst on our right, it
extended for two or three leagues, and was lost in the declivities<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[389]</a></span>
of the mountains of Gofna and Naplouse, called by the Hebrews,
Mount Garizim. The torrent we had just passed was the ancient
boundary between the tribes of Dan and Benjamin with that of
Ephraim, on the territory of which we were about to march.</p>

<p>“The plain appeared to be closed before us by a wooded
ascent, extending from the principal chain which ran along the
plains of Palestine, on our left, quite to the seashore; our route
was through these woods, and it would have been dangerous to
approach them without having reconnoitred them; the more so
from our knowing the Syrian army to be at a small distance
from us, and it might be expected they had thrown some parties
into them, to oppose our passage, and take the advantage which
difficult and covered places might offer them. This forest,
placed upon a very elevated hill, presented to us a picturesque
aspect, which pleasingly recalled the sites of our beautiful wooded
countries of France.</p>

<p>“The French general availed himself of the moment which
the passage of the torrent retarded the march of the army, to
have the different issues of this forest reconnoitred by our vanguard,
and to assure himself that the roads were practicable.
At nine o’clock in the morning, the general who commanded the
cavalry informed him that the route was free, that there was
no party of the enemy in the woods, and that the army might
advance with safety. According to this advice, the march was
resumed, and after proceeding for an hour over a level plain, we
began to enter the wood, and ascend a hill, where the road
became very difficult for our pieces and our carriages. The
route we followed appeared to be very little frequented, although
our guides assured us it was the high road to Jaffa, St. Jean
d’Acre, and Damascus. Sands, rocks, bushes, ravines, and steep
hills, rendered our march very painful; it might have been said
that routes had never been traced in these cantons; and I cannot
better compare that which we followed than to the cross-roads
of our least-frequented forests in France. Branches of trees,
whole trunks, fallen from age or accident, with enormous rocks,
at every step barred the way, and our sappers had infinite trouble
to clear a passage for our carriages and loaded camels. If the
enemy had known how to take advantage of the circumstance,
and had augmented our difficulties by some redoubts or barricades
of trees, it would have been impossible for us to have forced the
passage; some parties of infantry, or only some armed peasants,
would have been able to do us much injury, and entirely have
stopped the march of our army, in places already nearly impassable
by their nature. But happily, we had to do with enemies
who had no suspicion of even the first elements of military
tactics; for, whilst our columns traversed with so much difficulty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[390]</a></span>
these woody and rocky mountains, where it would have been so
easy to stop us, and fight us with advantage, they awaited us
peaceably, four leagues further on, in a clear plain, where our
artillery and our manœuvres gave us every advantage over them;
as they had good reason to know on the morrow. After a painful
march of two leagues, across the forest, the army halted on
issuing from the wood, and took up a position on the northern
side of the hill, near the village of Meski, where our headquarters
were established. A torrent flowed at a small distance
in front of our position; and our light troops, who had already
passed it, informed us that they could perceive, in a vast plain
which extended from the side of St. Jean d’Acre, parties of
Syrian and Mameluke cavalry, which indicated the neighbourhood
of the enemy’s army. Dispositions were then taken to keep
us in readiness, in case they should march to attack us; but the
evening and the night passed without a blow being struck; and,
on the morrow, after having crossed the torrent without opposition,
we presented ourselves before them in battle-array in the
plain of Quoquoun, at the foot of the mountains of Naplouse,
and, after a slight affair, we drove them back to the plain
of Esdrelon, whence they effected their retreat upon St. Jean
d’Acre.</p>

<p>“<i>Description of the Forest of Saron.</i>&mdash;The woods we had
just crossed are known in the country under the name of the
Forest of Saron; they extend over a vast hill, which is one of
the western counterforts of the chain which separates the valley
of the Jordan from the plains of Palestine, and which is itself a
prolongation of Mount Libanus. This hill, designated by the
Hebrews, Mount Saron, is detached from the principal chain
below the city of Naplouse, and extends to the sea, where it terminates
by low rocks and hills, between Jaffa and Arsouf, the
ancient Apollonius; it may be of eight or nine leagues in
length, from Mount Garizim, where it quits the principal chain,
to the seashore; its mean width is between two and three
leagues, and its height is progressive, from Naplouse to the
shore of the Mediterranean, where it terminates in rocks and
hills of a moderate height. It is bordered on the north by the
torrent of Arsouf (Naher-el-Hadder), which has its source below
Naplouse, in Mount Garizim; passes near the ruins of ancient
Antipatris, and falls into the sea near Arsouf, after a course of
seven or eight leagues. To the south, it is parallel with the
torrent of Lidda, the ancient Disopolis, which rises in Mount
Acrabatene, off Jericho, near Gofna and Gazer, passes Lidda,
and falls into the sea at about a league north of Jaffa, after a
course of from eight to ten leagues. These two torrents flow
parallel with each other, and make almost the same turns, being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[391]</a></span>
directed by the declivity of the same hill. The mean distance
between their beds is from five to six leagues, which was the
width of the land of the ancient tribe of Ephraim, upon the
centre of which extended Mount Saron, whose base, two or
three leagues wide, terminates at these torrents, by two little
lateral plains, of a league in width, or thereabouts.</p>

<p>“The forest covers the side of the hill, from the principal
chain to within three-quarters of a league of the seashore;
which gives it a length of from seven to ten leagues, and from
two to three in width. The chain of Mounts Acrabatene and
Garizim appeared to me barren, or covered only with brushwood.
The declivities of Mount Saron are more steep and
broken on the north than on the south side; its base is a limestone
rock, which, in many places of the forest, rises above the
surface in great blocks, heaped one upon another. In general,
I cannot better compare the sites of this part of Palestine, than
to those of the environs of Fontainebleau. The forest of Saron
is composed solely of oaks, of the species designated by the
ancients, <i>Quercus cerrus</i>; its leaves are more smooth and less
indented than those of our common oaks. The capsule of the
acorns is of very large dimensions; I have seen many of from
ten to twelve lines in diameter, at their opening, and which had
contained acorns of that size; the scales or shells which cover
this capsule were not rounded and placed one upon another, as
with that of the oaks of Burgundy, but were terminated in
points, and bent outwards in a volute form, or like little hooked
points, which has obtained for this oak the name of <i>Quercus
cunita</i>; the leaves were covered with those tubercles, known in
commerce as gall-nuts. These oaks did not appear to me to be
susceptible of gaining any considerable size; most of them,
although announcing great age, might be embraced by a single
man, and had, at most, a square of from seven to eight inches.
The trunk was knotty and not very straight, and in few cases
was more than from twenty-five to thirty feet high; their top
was rather orbicular than pyramidal, like that of our apple and
chestnut-trees of Europe. Their bark was, however, more
smooth and less furrowed than that of our oaks of the same
age. In general, the growth of these trees was nearly like that
in the gravelly woods of the dry and elevated coasts of Lower
Burgundy, and I believe that the same cause, want of depth of
vegetable earth and moisture, may produce this resemblance,
although under different climates. And yet I suspect the wood
to be very hard, and of good quality; but being knotty, twisted,
and of small size, it can be of very little use for building purposes:
thus, Solomon, to build his temple, was obliged to get his timber
from Libanus, whilst the forest of Saron was at the very gates<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[392]</a></span>
of Jerusalem. Our first Crusaders, at the time of the siege of
the holy city, being obliged to bring thither the wood for the
construction of their machines and towers of attack, complained
that this forest could only furnish them with pieces of small
dimension, which rendered their building labours long and difficult.
Perhaps, since that period, there has been no occasion
for having recourse to this forest, which now is only used by the
inhabitants of the neighbourhood, who cut, on its outskirts, the
wood they stand in need of. The government takes no notice of
a property which can be turned to no public profit; considering
the difficulty of transporting squared timber, in a country where
carriages are not used, and where everything is carried upon the
backs of camels; besides, so little wood is used for firing in
hot climates, that this forest cannot have much value for that
purpose even.</p>

<p>“I have now to prove that this forest of Saron was that in
which our first Crusaders, at the siege of Jerusalem in 1099,
went to cut their timber for the construction of the machines
and towers they employed in the attack of the city.</p>

<p>“According to William of Tyre, it was a Syrian who pointed
it out to the duke of Normandy and the count of Flanders.
This historian places it at a distance of seven or eight miles from
Jerusalem, and remarks that the trees of this forest being of
small growth, and not capable of furnishing the strong timber of
which they stood in need, the difficulty of procuring any other
in a country in which woods were very rare, obliged them to
form these machines of pieces fastened together, which required
much time and labour.</p>

<p>“Casu affuit quidam fidelis indigena natione Syrus, qui in
valles quasdam secretiores, sex aut septem ab urbe distantes milliaribus
quosdam de principibus direxit, ubi arbores, etsi non ad
conceptum opus aptas penitùs, tamen ad aliquem modum bonas
invenerunt plures.”</p>

<p>William of Tyre is mistaken in the distances, when stating
this forest to be six or seven miles from Jerusalem, whilst it is
really ten or eleven leagues from it. He places it likewise in a
deep valley, which could only be correct if considered with
reference to the mountains of Gosna and Naplouse, from which
the Crusaders might have descended to cut the wood of which
they stood in need.</p>

<p>“Raoul of Caën, equally a contemporary historian, is more
exact in the placing of this forest, and proves to us in an irrefutable
manner, that it was that of Saron in which the Crusaders
went to cut the timbers for the siege; for he places it at the foot
of the mountains of Naplouse, exactly where it now exists.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[393]</a></span></p>

<p>“Lucus erat in montibus, et montes ad Hyerusalem remoti ei,
quà modò Neapolis, olim Sebasta, ante Sychar dictus est, propiores,
adhuc ignota nostratibus via, nunc celebris et fermè peregrinatium
unica.”&mdash;<i>Rad. Cad.</i> cap. 121.</p>

<p>“In fact, to come from St. Jean d’Acre to Jerusalem, it is
necessary to pass through this forest; and I do not know how
the Crusaders could pass it without observing it, in their march
from Antioch to the holy city. Apparently having followed
the shores of the sea from Cæsarea to Jaffa, and the high hills
that were on their left, prevented their seeing it.</p>

<p>“Le Perè Maimbourg does better; knowing that Palestine is
a country in which woods have at all times been rare, in his
History of the Crusades,’ he doubts the existence of this forest,
which is, to the best of my belief, the only one in these cantons.</p>

<p>“Tasso, whose poetical and rich imagination delighted in
creating so many wonderful things, was not stopped by such
trifling considerations, and in his <i>Jerusalem Delivered</i>, the forest
of Saron has supplied him with one of the finest episodes of his
poem.</p>

<p>“I must here hazard some ideas upon the origin of the
name of the forest, of the city, and of the country of Saron.
M. D’Anville, in his map of Palestine, gives to the part of the
territory of the tribe of Ephraim, comprised between the torrent
of Lidda and that of Apollonias, the name of <i>Saronas</i>, which
he writes as the name of the country; and it is precisely on
this spot that the forest of Saron exists, of which, perhaps,
M. D’Anville had no kind of knowledge. He likewise places
between these two torrents above Lidda, a city called Thamnath
Sara, in a country which he denominates <i>Tamnitica</i>, which now
forms part of the forest where Mount Saron again unites with
the principal chain.</p>

<p>“In the map of the Holy Land, by M. Robert, after the
manuscripts of the Sieurs Sanson, there is a city of Sarona,
situated between Lidda and Antipatris, towards the centre of the
present forest. He makes this city a royal city of the Hebrews.
He places, as M. D’Anville does, the city of Thamnath Sara;
and at a short distance to the north, a city of Ozensara.</p>

<p>“The resemblance of these different names leads me to think
they may be all formed from the primitive <i>Sar</i>, which, in many
languages, signifies oaks, woods, forests as Diodorus points out,
in book v., when saying that the Gauls gave the name of
<i>Saronides</i> to certain philosophers of their country, because they
dwelt in forests of oaks, and taught under the shade of those
trees. We have preserved this <i>sar</i> in the word <i>sarman</i>, the
wood of the vine; in <i>serpe</i> (or <i>sarpe</i>, low Breton), an instrument<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[394]</a></span>
to cut wood; <i>surbacane</i>, a perforated stick, to throw small
arrows or other projectiles; <i>sarse</i>, a wooden cask; <i>esserter</i>, or
<i>essarter</i>, to pull up bushes in a place about to be cultivated.</p>

<p>“I leave it to pens more versed than mine in the science of
etymology, to follow this subject in a more learned and certain
manner.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 19.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Ralph Dicet.</i></p>

<p class="p1">Ralph Dicet was of London, and lived, as it is said, in
the reign of John; he was a man remarkable for his piety and
learning.</p>

<p>He says: “In 1185, the king of England (Henry II.) convoked
the conventual abbots, the counts and barons, near the
Fountain of the Clerks,<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> at London.</p>

<p>“After having heard the patriarch, and the master of the Hospitallers,
the king entreated all who were present to send to
Jerusalem all the assistance in their power. They then deliberated
whether it was proper for the king to go in person to Palestine,
or whether he ought to remain in England, to govern it, as
he had engaged to do, before the assembled church. The king
promised to furnish succours, in men and money, to repress all
violences and iniquities of every kind, and that equity and mercy
should preside over all judgments. It appeared most prudent
for the king to govern his kingdom with suitable moderation,
and to defend it from the irruptions of the barbarians.</p>

<p>“In the same year, the kings of France and England had an
interview at Gisors, where they received the cross from the
hands of the archbishop of Tyre. It was agreed that all the
French Crusaders should wear a red cross, those of England a
white cross, and those of the counts of Flanders a green one.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p>

<p>Ralph says that when the cross was taken in England, a
general tenth upon all property was levied, for the assistance of
Jerusalem. This levy was made with so much violence as to
terrify both the clergy and the people. Under the title of alms,
it was enforced with a spirit of exaction and rapacity.</p>

<p>After this observation, the historian places the letters patent
of Philip, king of France, and Richard, king of England,
which order that the Crusaders should set out from both
countries in the octave of Easter, under pain of excommunication<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[395]</a></span>
and interdiction; and forbid any one to do injury to the
Crusaders during their absence. These letters are dated 30th
December.</p>

<p>Ralph Dicet’s work terminates in the year 1199. It is excellent
for dates, and for many passages of it.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 20.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Ralph of Coggershall.</i></p>

<p class="p1">Ralph of Coggershall, an Englishman by birth, flourished about
the year 1220, in the reign of Henry III., son of John. He
was of the order of Citeaux. His merit and his learning raised
him to the dignity of abbot of the monastery of Coggershall, in
the county of Essex. He is the author of many works.</p>

<p>D. Martenne, when publishing Ralph’s “Chronicon Anglicanum,”
is astonished, and apparently with reason, that the
English, who are so jealous of the glory of their country, have
shown such neglect for the works of this author, whom their
scholars value so highly.</p>

<p>Ralph, like the other chroniclers, is dry and brief, and it is not
before the invasion of Palestine by Saladin that he abandons the
style of the chronicler to assume that of the historian.</p>

<p>After having spoken of the arrival of the kings of France and
England in Sicily, of that which Richard did in the isle of
Cyprus, of the victory which this prince gained over the Saracen
vessels before landing at Acre, of the siege and reduction of that
place, of the divisions which broke out between Philip Augustus
and Richard, of the taking of several maritime cities by Richard,
and of the death of the marquis of Montferrat, Ralph of Coggershall
relates that the duke of Burgundy, left in Palestine by
Philip Augustus, who had returned home, came to join Richard,
in order to fight together against the enemies of Christ; and that
it was resolved to go and besiege Jerusalem. He describes the
victory which Richard gained over a rich caravan which was on
its way to that city. He says, that while this prince was in his
camp, before the castle of Ernald, and the duke of Burgundy,
with his troops, was in the fortress of Betenoble, a spy came to
warn the king that in the night he had heard some men and
camels come down from the mountains, and that he had followed
them. He added, that he had discovered they were sent by
Saladin to the duke of Burgundy, and that the camels, to the
number of five, were loaded with gold, silver, and silken vestments.
The spy had orders from the king to take with him some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[396]</a></span>
of the king’s guards, and lie in ambush for the messengers of
Saladin on their return. All which he did; he surprised them,
took them, and brought them to the king. Richard drew from
one of them by torture the secret intrusted to them. He acknowledged
that the sultan had sent them to the duke. On the following
day Richard sent for the duke, the patriarch, and the
prior of Bethlehem. He had a private conference with them,
and swore, before them, on the Gospel, that he was ready to go
with his army and besiege Jerusalem, or Babylonia, or Berytus,
without the possession of which places the king could not be
crowned. Richard, after having taken this oath, desired the
duke to take his. The duke refused, because the Templars and
the French had assured him he should incur the anger of Philip,
if Richard, by their means, triumphed in Jerusalem. Richard
flew into a great rage, treated the duke as a traitor, and reproached
him with receiving presents from Saladin. The duke
denied all he was accused of. Then Richard sent for the messengers
of Saladin. When they had been introduced, and had
revealed their secret, the king ordered his guards to shoot them
to death with arrows in presence of the whole army; which was
done, without the troops of Richard or of the duke knowing the
cause of this severity, or whence these messengers came, or what
they had done. The duke of Burgundy, much ashamed, immediately
retired with his troops, and took the road to Acre.
Richard, upon hearing of this retreat, instantly sent messengers
to the guards of the city, forbidding them to allow any Frenchman
to enter. The duke encamped without the walls. The king
struck his camp on the following day; and, following the duke,
he also pitched his tents on the outside of the city.</p>

<p>Ralph then gives long details of the battle of Jaffa, which took
place soon after. As this battle is one of those in which the
valour and skill of Richard were displayed with the greatest advantage,
and as the historians we have followed in our account of
the third crusade, have only presented us with inexact details
of this event, we think it but justice to the lion-hearted king to
give an extract from that which Ralph says of it.</p>

<p>Richard had been reposing with his army three days before
Ptolemaïs, when he was informed that Saladin was besieging
Jaffa with all his troops; and that the city would soon be taken,
and the garrison slaughtered, if he did not afford the besieged
prompt assistance. Richard, afflicted with this news, endeavoured
to bring back the duke of Burgundy to sentiments of
concord; but this prince rejected all his advances, and set out
with his troops that same night for Tyre. Shortly after arriving
there, he finished his life miserably in the delirium of a fever;
which Ralph considers as a just chastisement from heaven<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[397]</a></span>
Richard embarks with a part of his army, and trusts himself to
the seas; but the vessels were driven towards the isle of
Cyprus, by contrary winds and the fury of the waves, so that
they who remained on land believed that the king had retreated
secretly. This likewise accounts for some authors having said
that Richard went to the isle of Cyprus. The king, and those
who accompanied him, after having struggled against the winds
and waves for three days, at length succeeded, by rowing
obliquely, in anchoring with three vessels in the port of Jaffa.</p>

<p>Saladin, by repeated assaults, had already rendered himself
master of the city, and had put to death all the infirm and the
wounded. The garrison had retired into the castle, and were
already thinking of surrendering by capitulation, when the
patriarch, who went freely from one army to the other, told
them that Saladin’s soldiers had resolved to kill them all, to
avenge their relations and friends, whom Richard had put to
death without pity on several occasions; and that they would
not escape death, if even Saladin should grant them permission
to retire. In spite of this information, the garrison hesitated,
and saw no hope of avoiding the fate which awaited them, when
the vessels of the king appeared in the port. This sight restored
their courage. On his part, Richard, perceiving that the fortress
of the city was not taken, jumped on shore fully armed, followed
by his troops, and like a furious lion, rushes amidst the hosts of
enemies that cover the shore. He advances audaciously, through
the arrows which pour upon him from all sides, cutting down all
in his way. The Turks, unable to stand against such an attack,
and believing that Richard had brought a more numerous army
with him, precipitately abandoned the siege, and not without
experiencing a great loss. They were so terrified, that nothing
could stop them before they had got safely within the walls of
Rœmula. The king, after this encounter, went boldly and
pitched his tents under the walls of the city, in a plain near to
Saint Abacue, for the Crusaders could not remain in the city on
account of the odour arising from the dead killed on both sides,
which had been placed, by mistake, by the side of a number of
carcasses of pigs.</p>

<p>When it was announced to Saladin, on the following day, that
Richard had arrived with only eighty soldiers, and the four hundred
cross-bowmen who formed his guard, he broke into a great
rage with his army, for having fled before so small a number. He
immediately ordered his cavalry to return to Jaffa, and to bring
him, the next day, the king alive and a captive.</p>

<p>That night Richard reposed tranquilly in his camp, suspecting
nothing; when, at daybreak, the infidels surrounded his camp
so completely, that there was no passage by which he could take<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[398]</a></span>
refuge in the city. Three thousand Saracens entered Jaffa; and
the Christians, awakened by noise and cries, were struck with
terror at finding themselves enveloped on all sides.</p>

<p>At the sight of such a sudden danger, Richard quickly assumes
his armour, mounts on horseback, and banishing all fear, appears,
on the contrary, more bold in proportion with the number of his
enemies. He animates his men to the fight; he tells them they
ought not to fear death when they have to defend their religion,
and avenge the insults offered to Christ; that it would be more
glorious for them to fall for the law of Christ, and in falling,
courageously to strike down his enemies, than to give themselves
basely up to them, or to seek safety in a flight which was
become impossible. Whilst addressing them thus, Richard
ranged his companions in a close battalion, so that, during the
combat, the enemy might be able to find no open space through
which to break them. He then caused to be planted, at the
foot of every one, tent-poles, which served them for a rampart.
Whilst they were thus employed, as well as the time permitted,
and that, on their side, the infidels, armed and waited, talking
among themselves, one of the chamberlains of the king rushed
from the city, and arrived at the camp, crying out with a
lamentable voice, as it has been reported to us by Hugh de
Nevil, who was in this battle, “Alas! my lord, we shall all
perish; we have no resource left. A numberless multitude of
pagans have got possession of the city, and we have before us
troops as uncountable, who threaten us with death.” The
king, in great anger, commanded him to be silent; and swore he
would strike off his head if he dared to speak such words before
any one of the soldiers. Richard immediately harangued his
troop afresh; he exhorted them not to be terrified by the numbers
of the pagans; he told them he would go into the city to
ascertain what was passing; and, taking with him six determined
warriors and the royal standard, he intrepidly enters Jaffa,
opens himself a road with sword and lance, precipitates himself
upon the enemies, who are assembled in the public places,
attacks them, cuts them down, kills them. The warriors who
accompany him overturn all they meet, and slaughter them
without mercy. The irruption of the king was so sudden and
so violent, that most who fell were ignorant what power it
was that destroyed them. The enemies fled before the king,
who pursued them as flocks fly before a lion inflamed by hunger.</p>

<p>Richard having, by his incomparable valour, cut down or put
to flight the infidels who were in the city, made some of the
soldiers of the garrison, who had retired into the castle, come
and take charge of the gates and walls of the place.</p>

<p>After this incredible victory, the king returned with his six<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[399]</a></span>
warriors to the army. Nevertheless, he was much afflicted at
having so few horses; for there were but six and a mule in all
the camp. To animate his soldiers still further, Richard related
to them what the Lord had done in the city, by means of his
arm, and how so small a number had triumphed over such a host
of enemies: “For this reason,” exclaimed he, “let us invoke the
aid of the all-powerful God, in order that he may to-day crush
our enemies. Be sure to resist the first shock, and sustain
courageously the violence of the first blows. Beware of breaking;
for if separated, you will be torn to pieces like sheep, without
strength and without defence. If, on the contrary, you can
sustain the first charge without breaking, you will have nothing
to fear from the courage of your enemies. You will triumph,
with the help of God, over the enemies of Christ. But if I see
any one of you show the least fear, or leave a passage for the
enemy, or turn aside, I swear, by the all-powerful God, I will
myself strike off his head.”</p>

<p>When the king had thus exhorted and animated his men to
the fight, all raised their lances, and, by their prayers, invoked
the assistance of God; but whilst many among them, no doubt,
were reflecting that they had nothing but a cruel death before
them, the sound of trumpets and the noise of clarions announced
the approach of the infidels, who came down upon the Christians
like a torrent, with their lances directed towards them, and
uttering loud and frightful cries. The Turks expected that the
Christians would give way at the first charge; that they would
disperse over the plain; that their ranks would be broken; and
that they would allow themselves to be cut to pieces almost
without resistance. But the Christian battalion remained firm
and motionless, without yielding a foot to either the terror or
the violence of the assault. The Turks wondered at this unheard
of audacity in so small a number, and reining up their horses,
retired backwards some distance, yet not so far but that they
might touch each other with their lances on both sides. Not an
arrow was discharged, not a javelin was thrown; they only
threatened each other with gesture, voice, and countenance.
The Turks remained thus for half an hour, and then returned to
their first position, murmuring and talking to themselves. They
drew back from the Christians nearly half a stadium. Upon
seeing this, the king broke into loud laughter, crying, “Brave
soldiers of Christ! did not I tell you so? Did not I tell you
they would not dare to measure themselves with you, unless we
attacked them first? They have shown us all their courage,
and everything that they thought could inspire us with fear and
terror. They thought to frighten us by their numbers, and that
we should not dare to resist their first charge. They expected<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[400]</a></span>
us to submit, like women, to their blows, and fly here and there
over the plain. Cursed be he now who would seek to avoid their
charge, or who would fear to measure himself with them. Sustain
their assaults with courage, as you have just done, until,
with the help of God, we triumph over them.”</p>

<p>Richard had scarcely ceased to speak, when the infidels
advanced afresh, uttering their cries, and sounding their trumpets;
they, however, halted at a short distance from the Christians.
The latter remaining motionless as before, and showing,
if possible, greater intrepidity, the infidels returned a second
time to their position, without venturing to strike a blow. They
repeated this five or six times, from the first hour of the day
to the ninth. Richard, who began to be tired of such long inactivity,
and whose courage increased proportionately with the
intrepidity of those around him, ordered his troop, when the
infidels came down again, to launch some arrows and darts at
them, and let them feel the points of their lances, so as to provoke
them to fight. He commanded his cross-bowmen to march
before the soldiers, and discharge their arrows, bolts, and javelins
at the enemy, which was done; and when the Turks, according
to their custom, advanced uttering hideous cries, and appeared
ready to overwhelm the Christians, the latter attacked them with
their lances, their swords, and all sorts of weapons, overthrowing
them and killing them. The carnage soon produced cries
of agony and disorder in the ranks of the enemy. Some were
run through with lances, others were cast headlong from their
horses; these were wounded in the head, those were pierced by
arrows; and a vast number were slain by darts and javelins.
The intrepid Richard, whose resplendent arms glittered like
fire, and who had till that moment neither given nor received a
wound, now all at once dashed amidst the infidel ranks, with his
sword in one hand, and his lance in the other,<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> striking sparks
from the helmets and armour of all he encountered, right and
left. He rushed among the thickest of the enemy’s battalions,
without seeking to avoid their blows, and without ceasing to
deal mortal ones. At one time he was surrounded by a hundred
Saracens, who attacked him alone. He falls upon them; he
strikes off the head of one at a blow; he divides the shoulders
from the body of another; he cuts off the hand of this one, and
the arm of that one; others he overthrows, and renders incapable
of defence. The rest disperse, and seek to avoid his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[401]</a></span>
blows. Richard inspires such terror that no one dares to wait
for him, no one dares encounter him. The soldiers of Richard
follow their king as they would have followed their standard;
they penetrate the enemy, slaughtering without compunction,
all who either resist or fall in their way. The infidels fall with
lamentable cries; striking the earth with head and feet, and
their lives gush out with their blood. Although they attacked
the Christians with vigour, and hurled a shower of darts, it
pleased God, however, that not one of their blows should be
mortal, and that in this fight not a single Christian should
perish, with the exception of one soldier, who, separating himself
from his comrades, met with the death he wished to avoid
by flight. The soldiers to whom Richard had confided the
guarding of Jaffa, admiring the invincible courage of the king
and his companions, issued in a body from the city, and fell with
vigour upon the Turks. The latter, pursued without any intermission
by Richard and his little army, took to flight, after
losing a great number of their men, and concealed themselves in
holes and caves.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a></p>

<p>Ralph, of Coggershall, after describing this astonishing
victory, says that Richard being attacked by the plague, determined
to return into Europe. He gives an account, in a few
words, of the treaty made with Saladin. He says that that
which confirmed the king of England in the resolution of leaving
Asia, was the news he received of his brother John’s attempts to
usurp his authority in his kingdom. The battle of Jaffa was
fought in the dog-days, and it was in the autumn that Richard
set sail for Europe. The account which the author gives of the
manner in which the king was made prisoner in Germany, is
sufficiently curious to be repeated here. Ralph is the only one
of the chroniclers we have analyzed who furnishes minute details
on this subject.</p>

<p>King Richard, says he, with some of his people, was annoyed
during six weeks, by a tempestuous sea. When he arrived
within three leagues of Marseilles, and learnt that the Count de
St. Gilles, and some other nobles, through whose states he must
pass, had agreed to place ambushes for him, he resolved to
return to England through Germany. He went back, and
landed at the isle of Corfu. He found there two pirate vessels,
which had had the audacity to attack his, and which his pilot
recognised. Richard, on account of the courage and hardihood
they had shown, made a bargain with the pirates, and agreed to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[402]</a></span>
go on board their vessels. He only took with him a small number
of his people. These were Baldwin de Betune; Master
Philip, the king’s clerk; Anselm, his chaplain, who himself
related to us all he saw and heard; and some knights of the
Temple. They landed on the coast of Sclavonia, at a city named
Gazara. They immediately sent a messenger to the neighbouring
castle, to request of the lord, who was master of the province,
and nephew to the marquis of Montferrat, liberty to pass
through his states. The king, on his return, had purchased
three rubies of a Pisan, for which he gave nine hundred byzants.
He had had one of these rubies set in a gold ring; and he
charged the messenger to offer this ring to the lord of the
castle. The latter inquired the names of those who demanded
the passage. The messenger replied that they were pilgrims
returning from Jerusalem, and he named Baldwin de Betune,
adding that it was a merchant called Hugh, who sent him the
ring. The lord of the castle, after having for a long time
examined the present, replied to the messenger, “His name is not
Hugh, but Richard, king of England. I have sworn,” added he,
“that I will make prisoners of all pilgrims who come into this
country, and that I will not receive any present from them; but
on account of the value of this, and of the dignity of him who
sends it, and who has honoured me thus without knowing me, I
return you the ring, and I grant free liberty of passage.” The
messenger went and reported this answer to the king. The
pilgrims, very little satisfied with the message, left the city
secretly in the night, mounted upon horses they had purchased,
and made the best of their way across the country. But the
lord sent a spy after them, to follow their steps and arrest the
king. When Richard entered a city in which dwelt the brother
of the lord, the latter called to him a trustworthy person, named
Roger d’Argenten, a Norman by birth, who had been with him
twenty years, and to whom he had given his niece in marriage;
and ordered him to go to all the houses in which pilgrims lodged,
and endeavour to discover, by language, or by some other sign,
if the king were not among them. He promised him half the
city if he could arrest the prince. Roger, after a long search,
discovered the king, who for a considerable time dissembled,
and was only induced to reveal himself by the prayers and tears
of Roger. The latter immediately advised Richard to steal
away, and gave him the best horse he could procure. He then
went to his master, and told him that the news of the arrival of
Richard was false, and that it was only Baldwin de Betune and
his companions, who were returning from pilgrimage. But the
master flew into a great rage, and ordered them all to be arrested.
The king had left the city secretly with William de l’Etang, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[403]</a></span>
a servant who understood the German language. He travelled
three days and three nights without taking any food. At last,
pressed by hunger, he turned from his road, to enter a city
called Ginana, in Austria, on the Danube. To complete his ill
fortune, the duke of Austria was then at Ginana. The king’s
servant, on going to the market, displayed several byzants, and
created suspicions by his discourse; he was arrested and interrogated.
He answered that he served a rich merchant, whom he
expected in three days. He was then released; and he went
instantly to the king, relating to him what had happened, and
advising him to depart without delay. But the king, who was
fatigued, determined to rest for a few days. The servant, after
going to the market to buy provisions, had one day the imprudence
to carry with him the king’s gloves, stuck in his girdle.
These gloves were very remarkable, and the servant was again
arrested. Being taken before a magistrate of the city, he was
put to the torture, and threatened with having his tongue cut
out if he did not at once reveal the truth. The servant yielding
to the agony of the <i>question</i>, made the confession demanded of
him. Information was instantly sent to the duke; the house in
which the king lodged was surrounded, and he was summoned
to surrender. The king declared he would only surrender to the
duke himself. The latter arrived, and the king, making a few
steps to meet him, gave up his sword to him.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> The duke, highly
elated, led away the king, whom he treated honourably. He
afterwards placed guards about him, who never left him, night
or day, but kept watch, with drawn swords in their hands.</p>

<p>After this recital, Ralph makes many sad reflections upon the
captivity of Richard, which he can only explain as a secret
judgment of God, so astonishing and deplorable does it appear
to him, that a king who had escaped so many dangers in Syria,
should become the prisoner of a Christian prince, without having
an opportunity to defend himself or give battle. He follows the
king through his captivity, and describes his deliverance and
return to his dominions. He gives an account of what happened
to this prince when he had regained his kingdom, and pursues
his history to the time of his death, which was in 1229. Ralph
has drawn such a portrait of Richard as cannot fail to interest
our readers, on account of the prominent part which that king
has played in the history of the crusades.</p>

<p>“We had reason to hope,” says he, “that Richard, considering
the liberality of his excellent mind and his great skill in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[404]</a></span>
art of war, would be the model of Norman kings. In the early
days of his reign he was affable to everybody; being well disposed
in religious affairs, and inclined to listen to just demands;
he immediately filled up the vacant bishoprics and abbeys. He
promised to render justice to all. He restored to many, for
sums of money, their charters, privileges, and liberties, or else
renewed them. The money he thus obtained served as means
for his voyage to Jerusalem. He quitted his kingdom almost
immediately afterwards, and commenced his expedition with
much devotion, great preparation, and infinite expense. God
protected him throughout, and caused him to escape all the
dangers of this war; and, by his help, the king wrested from the
hands of the infidels a great portion of the Holy Land. God
still evidently watched over him during his return and his captivity,
and preserved him from the hands of new and numerous
enemies. But when Richard was restored to his subjects, he
forgot the victorious hand that had preserved him: in the maturity
of age he took no pains to correct the vices which had
disfigured his youth. He displayed so much harshness and
obstinacy, that he tarnished by excessive severity all the virtues
that had graced the commencement of his reign. He always
turned a threatening eye upon those who talked to him of state
affairs; he made reproaches or censures with a terrible air, and
showed a furious countenance to those who did not satisfy his
demands for money, or perform the promises they had made to
pay him some. In private he was affable and winning, and even
condescended to play or to joke. He was so greedy of money
that he wished to empty every purse. He pressed the English
to such a degree, in order to discharge the amount of his
ransom, that he spared no order and no condition. Nevertheless,
Hubert, archbishop of Canterbury and justiciary of the
kingdom, mitigated, as much as he could, the effects of the cruel
edicts of the king.”</p>

<p>Ralph, in another part of his works, after having praised the
new king of England for having restored to the ecclesiastical
benefices their revenues and their titularies, adds, that Richard
took great delight in the divine service, and particularly in the
solemnities of religion. He says that his chapel was richly
ornamented; that he accompanied, with his sonorous voice, and
encouraged by presents, the singers of the church; but that
from the <i>secrète</i> of the mass to the <i>post-communion</i>, he prayed
in silence, and with an earnestness which nothing could disturb.
He afterwards names two abbeys which he founded or repaired,
both of the order of Citeaux; one was that of Bon-Port, in Normandy,
in the diocese of Rouën; the other, that of the Pine, in
the diocese of Poictiers.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[405]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 21.</i></p>

<p class="p2">The continuator of the history of William of Tyre relates
nothing which is not found in the text, except a little trick
which Saladin attempted to play off upon Richard, at the time
of the battle of Jaffa, and which we think worthy of being presented
to our readers. We quote the chronicle:&mdash;</p>

<p>“Saladin asked where the king of England was. They answered
him, Sire, see him yonder on the ground, on foot, with
his men.’ How,’ said Saladin, is the king on foot among his
men; is he not ashamed?’ Then Saladin sent him a horse, and
charged the messenger to say, that such a one as he should not
be on foot among his men in such danger. The sergeant performed
the commands of his lord. He came to the king and
presented to him the horse sent by Saladin. The king thanked
him for it, and ordered one of his own sergeants to mount it and
show its paces before him. After the sergeant had spurred the
horse into a gallop, and wished to return towards his master, he
found he could not; for the horse, in spite of all he could do,
carried him away to the Saracen host. Saladin was much
ashamed of this.”</p>

<p>This chronicle, when speaking of the deliverance of Richard
from his captivity, does not hesitate to say that it was by the
advice of Philip Augustus, that such an enormous ransom was
required, and that the king of France had a good share of it.</p>

<p>Another chronicler, Gauthier Vinisauf, says that Richard gave
eight noble Turkish prisoners in exchange for William de Protelles
(others name him Porcelot), who had saved his master,
when taken by surprise, by throwing himself in the way of the
Saracens, exclaiming, “I am King Richard.”</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 22.</i></p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>Extract from an anonymous Chronicle contained in the MSS. of the
Sorbonne, No. 454, of the Thirteenth Century.</i><a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Then the king Richard turned back, and directed his course
as straight and as well as he was able towards Germany, where
he landed, and, with a small train, wandered about till he came<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[406]</a></span>
to Austria (Osterriche), where he was watched by spies, and
known. When he fancied he was discovered, he took the dress
of a servant, and set to work in the kitchen to turn the capons;
but the spy knew him, and went and informed the duke; and
when the duke heard it, he sent so many knights and people
that they were much the stronger, and the king was taken
and sent away to a fortress, and his companions to another; and
the king was sent from castle to castle, so that no one knew
where he was, nor did the soldiers who guarded him know who
he was.</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p><i>How Richard the King was taken out of Prison by Blondel
the Minstrel</i>.&mdash;We have told you how King Richard was put in
prison by the duke of Austria, and that no one knew where he
was except the duke and those he trusted. It happened that the
king had for a long time entertained a minstrel, born near Artois,
whose name was Blondel. This person declared to himself that
he would seek his lord over the whole earth till he had found
him; and set out, and wandered about from day to day, by land
and water, until he had sought for a year and a half without
hearing anything of the king. And it so happened that he
entered into Austria, and chance led him straight to the castle
where the king was confined. And the <i>Aubergiste</i>, near the
castle was a widow woman, and he asked her to whom that
castle belonged, which was so fine, so strong, and well placed.
The hostess replied that “it belonged to the duke of Austria.”
“Pretty hostess,” said Blondel, “is there any prisoner confined in
it?” “Certes,” said she, “there is one, who has been confined
nearly four years, but we do not know who he is; they guard
him very carefully, and we have no doubt he is a gentleman&mdash;somebody
of high quality.” When Blondel heard this he
was infinitely delighted, and his heart whispered him that he
had at length found him he sought; but he was careful not to
allow the hostess to know this. That night he slept soundly, for
his mind was at rest; and when the cock announced the day, he
arose and went to the church to pray God to assist him. He
then came to the castle, and addressed himself to the castellan,
telling him he was a minstrel, and played upon the lute, and
that he would willingly remain with him if it were agreeable to
him. The castellan was a young and handsome knight, and said
he would gladly retain him. Then Blondel was delighted, and
went to fetch his lute and his wallet; and he exerted himself so
that he greatly pleased the castellan, and became a favourite
with his household. Here he remained all the winter without
being able to make out who the prisoner was. At length, near
the festival of Easter, as he was one day walking in the garden
which surrounded the tower, examining it in all directions, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[407]</a></span>
the hope of seeing the prisoner, whilst his thoughts were thus
engaged, the king perceived Blondel, and, wishing to make himself
known to him, called to his mind a song which they had
made together, and which no one knew but the king and Blondel.
So he began to sing the first verse of it in a loud and clear voice,
for he sang very well. And when Blondel heard it, he became
certain it was his lord; and his heart had never experienced
such joy as that day. And he went from the orchard to the
chamber in which he slept, and fetched his lute; then he began
to play, and in his playing expressed his pleasure at having
found his lord. Thus Blondel remained till Pentecost, and performed
his part so well that nobody suspected him. Then
Blondel went to the castellan, and said to him: “Sir, if agreeable
to you, I would willingly return to my own country, for it
is a long time since I left it.” “Blondel, good brother,” said
the castellan, “you will not do so if you will take my advice;
but remain where you are, and I will advance your fortunes.”
“Certes, sir,” said Blondel, “I cannot remain on any account.”
When the castellan found that he could not detain him, he bade
him farewell, and gave him a good new horse. Having left the
castellan, Blondel travelled so quickly that he soon arrived in
England, and informed the barons and the friends of the king
where and how he had found him. When they heard this news
they were much delighted, for the king was the bravest knight
that ever wore spur. They then determined among themselves
that they would send into Austria, to the duke, to procure the
deliverance of the king; and selected two of the most valiant
and prudent knights for the purpose. They travelled so quickly
that they soon reached the duke of Austria, whom they found
in his castle. They saluted him on the part of the barons of
England, and said: “Sire, they pray and beseech you to take
ransom for their lord; they will give you as much as you may
require.” The duke replied that he would consider of it. And
when he had taken advice upon the matter, he said: “If you
wish to recover your lord, you must bring two hundred thousand
marks sterling; if not, say no more about it, for it will be time
and trouble thrown away.” Having received the answer, they
bade farewell to the duke, and said they would report it to the
barons. They then returned to England, and told the barons
what the duke had said; and the barons replied that he should
never be detained for that. Then they got together the ransom,
and sent it to the duke, and the duke delivered the king to
them; but not before he had given him good security that he
would never molest him.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[408]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 23.</i></p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>Extract from a Journey made into the country of Wales by Baldwin,
Archbishop of Canterbury.</i></p>

<p class="p1">We have spoken, in the seventh book, of the preaching of
Archbishop Baldwin, and of the account written by Gerald the
Welshman (Giraldus Cambrensis), known also under the name
of <i>Barri</i>. We think we shall gratify our readers by giving an
extract from this relation, which will furnish some idea of the
manners of the inhabitants of Wales in the twelfth century.
The preachers went first to Hereford and Radnor. In this latter
city a bishop of the country and a monk of the order of Cluni
took the cross; at the same time was enrolled Rhys, son of
Gruffydh, prince of the southern part of Wales. Their example
was followed by Eineon, son of Eineon Clyd, prince of Ekenia,
and by several other inhabitants. Giraldus relates what had
happened to the lord of Radnor, in the reign of Henry I. This
nobleman entered a church, where, without respect to the sanctity
of the place, he passed the night with his horses and hounds.
Rising early, according to the custom of hunters, he found that
he was struck blind, and was told that all his hounds were dead.
He was conducted back to his castle by the hand, and when he
had for a long time led a sad and an unhappy life, he determined
to go to Jerusalem, in order that the light of the faith might not
be extinguished within him. When arrived in Palestine, he
proceeded to fight with the Saracens, and mounting a fiery
horse, he rushed amidst the enemies’ ranks, and expired with
glory.</p>

<p>In the province of Warthrenion, near Radnor, an adventure
no less miraculous was related among the people. Einon, son-in-law
of Rhys, lord of the country, was one day hunting in the
forests. One of his people struck a hind with an arrow. This
hind, contrary to custom, had horns of twelve years, and as
large as those of the male. This animal was considered as a prodigy
of nature; but the hunter who had killed it instantly lost
his right eye, was struck with paralysis, and remained during
the rest of his life in a languishing state.</p>

<p>The people of this province held in reverence a stick which
had belonged to St. Cyricus; this stick was crooked at both
ends, in the shape of a cross, and was ornamented with gold and
silver. It possessed the special virtue of curing the evil and
humours of the neck. Those who were attacked by this sort of
complaint, touched the stick, after having paid a denier. “It
happened in our time,” says Giraldus, “that a man suffering<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[409]</a></span>
from the evil only placed a single obole before the stick, and the
evil was only half cured; upon this the sick man offered a
second obole, and was quite cured. Another man obtained his
cure by promising a denier, but as he did not perform his promise,
his evil returned, and did not entirely disappear until he
had offered three deniers.”</p>

<p>Near Eleiven, in the church of Glascum, was a bell, which
was said to have been that of St. David’s. A woman, to liberate
her husband, who was shut up in a neighbouring castle, carried
thither the bell, which she had secretly taken from St. David’s
church; but the castellans would not deliver the husband, and
retained the bell: the castle was consumed during the night by
a miraculous fire, which spared nothing but the wall against
which the bell was suspended. An almost similar miracle happened
at the little village of Luel. The church, which had been
set fire to, was entirely consumed, with all it contained, with the
exception of the box which contained the <i>host</i>.</p>

<p>In the province of Elevein two great lakes burst their banks,
one of which was constructed by nature, and the other by the
hand of man. The natural dyke changed its place, and the lake
appeared two thousand paces off, in a valley, where it preserved
its fish. Giraldus, when relating this singular circumstance,
adds, “that in Normandy, some time before the death of
Henry II. all the fish in a lake were beheld fighting during a
whole night, and that crowds were drawn together to witness
this strange spectacle. The next morning, not a single fish was
left alive.”</p>

<p>In the country of Haga and Brecknock, in a lake across which
the river Wye passes, before Glastonbury, the water all at once
appeared of a green colour. Old men said this phenomenon
took place at the time when the country was desolated by Noël,
son of Meredith. It happened in the same country, that a little
boy, endeavouring to take a nest of doves, in the church of St.
David, his hand remained fastened to a stone, which was considered
as a miracle wrought by the saint, who wished to preserve
the birds of his church. This boy, followed by his parents
and friends, came and threw himself at the foot of the altar, and
passed three nights fasting and praying: the stone was detached
from his hand, and he was delivered. Giraldus says that he saw
this boy, then become an old man, in the course of his journey,
and that he related this prodigy to him. The stone was preserved
in the church of St. David, and the impression of the
five fingers of the boy was still visible.</p>

<p>A miracle not less incredible happened near St. Edmondsbury.
A poor woman, with the appearance of devotion, approached the
box or <i>tronc</i> of a holy personage, and instead of placing an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[410]</a></span>
offering in it, found means to steal from it every day some portion
of the alms of the faithful. She kissed the tronc in such a
manner, that a piece of money stuck to her tongue, which she
conveyed to her mouth without being observed. One day,
whilst kissing the tronc in her customary manner, her lips
became fixed to it; she spit out the money which she had in her
mouth, but could not release her lips from the box, during a
whole day. A great number of Christians, and even Jews,
came to behold this miracle, and were struck with surprise and
admiration.</p>

<p>Archbishop Baldwin and his train preached the crusade in the
fields where they found the labourers and shepherds. They gave
the cross to a great number of men, who joined them in a state
of perfect nudity; their wives having concealed their clothes to
prevent their enrolling themselves in the crusade.</p>

<p>Whilst crossing the territory of Brecknock, Giraldus heard
that in the church of Heveden, the concubine of the rector of
the church imprudently sat down on the wooden coffin of St.
Orsana, sister of King Ofred. This coffin was more elevated
than the altar. When the concubine wished to rise up, she
could not release her thighs from the wood, to which they were
firmly fixed. The people crowded in, she was overwhelmed with
blows, her clothes were torn off her back, and she was only relieved
by the help of the Divinity, who, at length, was moved to
pity by her tears and prayers.</p>

<p>The psalm-book of Quindreda, sister of St. Kenelmus, likewise
operated great prodigies. On the eve of the festival of St.
Kenelmus, at Winehelcumbe, a crowd of women came from all
the neighbouring places to be present at the festivities given by
the monks. The <i>subcellarius fornicationem incurrit</i> with one of
those in the corridors of the cloister. On the following day, in
the procession, he carried the book of psalms of which we have
spoken; but when he wished to lay it down, the book remained
attached to his hands. He then remembered the sin he had
committed the night before; he confessed, performed penance,
and, seconded by the prayers of his brethren, at length succeeded
in breaking the chains the Divinity had imposed upon
him. This book of psalms possessed admirable and frequently
tried virtues. When the body of Kenelmus was being carried
to the cemetery, and the people, on the way, cried out, “He is
a martyr!” Quindreda, who was suspected of having killed her
brother, answered, “It is as true that he has been assassinated
as it is true that my eyes, drawn from my head, are fastened to
this psalter.” At these words the two eyes of Quindreda fell
from their sockets upon the open book, and left the stains of
blood upon the leaves.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[411]</a></span></p>

<p>They likewise exhibited, in the same country, a collar or
crown, which they said had belonged to St. Canaucus. A thief
having endeavoured to steal it, was deprived of sight, and spent
his life in darkness.</p>

<p>Giraldus related many other prodigies no less extraordinary.
We repeat some of them in his own words. A soldier named
Gilbert Hagernill, was delivered, <i>per fenestram ejectionis</i>, of a
foal, in the presence of a great number of witnesses. He had
been ill three years before the event. A mare produced an
animal of extraordinary swiftness, which in its fore quarters
resembled a horse, and in its hind quarters a stag.</p>

<p>Near the rivers Avon and Neth Giraldus was told of an adventure
which had happened to a curate named Elidore. This
curate, when twelve years of age, had fled from the paternal
roof. After having remained two days in a cavern, he perceived
two little men, who came towards him, and said: “Will you come
with us? We will take you to a land of delights.” The youth
followed the pigmies along a subterraneous and dark road, and
discovered a beautiful country which was intersected by woods,
meadows, and rivers, but which was not lighted by the sun.
Young Elidore was conducted before the king of this dark country,
who, after admiring him for a long time, gave him to the
prince, his son. The subjects of this prince were of very small
stature; they had light curly hair, which flowed over their
shoulders. They had little horses, as big as our hounds. They
ate neither meat nor fish, and lived, for the most part, upon
milk. They never swore or took oaths, and detested falsehood.
When any of them went upon the earth, they could not at all
comprehend the inconstancy, perfidy, and ambition of the men
whom the sun enlightened. They appeared to have no exterior
worship, no religious observances, but confined themselves entirely
to the love of truth.</p>

<p>Young Elidore sometimes reascended to the earth, and came to
see his mother, to whom he related his discoveries and adventures.
His mother advised him to bring with him a little of the gold
which he described as being so plentiful in that wonderful country.
He wished to obey her, and stole a golden ball, with which the
king’s son was accustomed to play. As he entered the paternal
dwelling, his foot remained fixed to the sill of the door; the
golden ball he had brought, rolled to the feet of his mother, but
was immediately picked up by two pigmies, who loaded Elidore
with jeers and raillery. The latter, quite ashamed of his fault,
wishing to return to the country of the Gnomes, in vain endeavoured
to find the road; and although he continued his search
for more than a year, he never succeeded. He finished by seeking
consolation in study, and became a priest. He had learnt,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[412]</a></span>
says Giraldus, the language of the pigmies, and retained several
words of it: this language very much resembled Greek.</p>

<p>This story, which is very like one of the <i>Thousand and One
Nights</i>, may have furnished Swift with the idea of <i>Gulliver</i>; it
is given at great length by Giraldus. The curate, Elidore, adds
our traveller, related these marvellous adventures in his old age,
and could not repeat them without shedding tears.</p>

<p>In the country of Haverford and Ross, an innumerable multitude
of people followed Archbishop Baldwin, and took the
cross. The orators of the holy war preached in Latin and in
French, and although the people did not understand a word they
spoke, they were moved to tears. An old woman, who, during
three years, had been blind, sent her son to Archbishop Baldwin,
in order to obtain a morsel of the robe of that holy pontiff. The
young man not having been able to penetrate the crowd which
surrounded the archbishop, brought back to his mother a clod of
earth upon which the archbishop had trodden, and left his footmark;
the blind woman pressed this clod to her mouth, then
applied it to her eyes, and recovered her sight.</p>

<p>The preachers of the crusade appeared in the isle of Mona,
or Anglesea. In this isle, Roderick, the youngest of the sons of
Awen, took the cross with a great number of his subjects. The
inhabitants of this isle pointed out, with great respect, a stone
which bore the shape of a man’s thigh, and which, by a miraculous
virtue, when it was displaced, returned of itself, to the spot
it had at first occupied. Count Hugh, of Chester, caused it to
be fastened with strong chains to the bottom of the sea; but on
the next day, it was again found in the place from which it had
been taken.</p>

<p>The archbishop finished his tour by visiting the environs of
Deva, or Chester; these countries were not less rich in marvels
than the others. Many of the princes and nobles of this
country took the cross.</p>

<p>When crossing the river Conway, Giraldus informs us that
at the source of that river the enchanter Merlin lived; he gives,
on this subject (chap. viii.), a curious notice upon the two Merlins;
the one was of Scotland and the other of Wales; the
latter was named Ambrose, and was born of a demon, in the
city of Caermardyn, which owes its name to him.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[413]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 24.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Letter to M. Michaud upon the Assassins, by Am. Jourdain.</i></p>

<p class="p1">In the course of your labours, you must often, Monsieur, have
met with the names of these sectaries, known by the appellation
of <i>Assassins</i>, whose religious principle consisted in blind obedience
to that Old Man of the Mountains, who reigned only by
murder, and the most horrible crimes. More than once perhaps
you will have attributed to the love of the marvellous
which prevails in ages of ignorance, barbarism, and credulity,
the accounts of Western authors, contemporaries of the crusades,
respecting their perseverance, and their imperturbable
audacity in the pursuit and execution of crime. Nevertheless,
we must confess, to the disgrace of our species, these accounts
are even below the truth, and are confirmed by the unanimous
concurrence of Arabian and Persian writers.</p>

<p>I will not describe these sectaries to you according to William
of Tyre, James of Vitry, and an infinite number of historians
with whom you are well acquainted; I should, if I did so, teach
you nothing you did not know before. But I will devote this
letter to presenting you with a short sketch of the origin, the
dogmas, and history of the Assassins, even of their present
state; for some remains of them still exist in the mountains of
Syria. I shall be highly gratified if I can add any interest to
your work, or give you at least a proof of the pleasure I receive
in being serviceable to you.</p>

<p>Before entering on the matter, it will not be useless to recall
to your mind the origin of the two great religious sects which
divide the Mussulmans&mdash;the <i>Sunnites</i> and the <i>Chütes</i>.</p>

<p>Mahomet dying without naming his successor, there arose two
factions among the people, one of which wished to elevate to the
caliphat, Ali, the son-in-law of this false prophet, and the other
the pious Abou-Bekr. The courageous firmness of Omar cut
the difficulties short, and the party of Abou-Bekr triumphed.
Omar governed after him, and had Othman for his successor. It
was not till the death of this weak prince, that Ali obtained possession
of the throne, always regarded by his partisans as his
heritage.</p>

<p>Nevertheless, scarcely had his reign begun, than factions arose
on all sides, whose aim it was to deprive him of the sceptre. Ali
had contributed to this state of things, by disdaining the arts of
policy, and by offending by refusals and even by disgraces, some
of the officers of Mahomet, whose credit was great. One of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[414]</a></span>
these factious persons, Moaviah, an ambitious and powerful
rival, aided by the cunning of Ibn-el-Ass, the famous conqueror
of Egypt, sustained by Ayesha, the widow of Mahomet, who
could not pardon the husband of Fatima, for having suspected
her conjugal fidelity, and profiting skilfully by the faults of Ali,
succeeded at length in wresting an authority from him whose
legitimacy could not be contested; at the same time terminated
by murder the course of a life which was about, probably, to end
in humiliation and troubles of all kinds. His two sons experienced
a fate not in any way more fortunate; they perished,
victims of the ambition of the Ommiades, a house of which
Moaviah was the first prince.</p>

<p>From that time there existed in the Mussulman empire two
parties, whose opposition had religion for its basis, and which
exist even at the present day:<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> these are the Sunnites and the
Chütes. The first recognised the legitimacy of the succession
in the persons of Abou-Bekr, Omar, and Othman, and placed
Ali in the same rank with these three caliphs. The second, on
the contrary, treat the first vicars of Mahomet as usurpers, and
maintain that Ali was his only and veritable successor.</p>

<p>The numbers of the partisans of Ali became very great, particularly
in Persia; but these partisans were not long before
they themselves were divided into several parties, united in their
veneration for Ali and his posterity, but divided with regard to
the prerogatives they attached to this noble origin, and to the
branch which possessed the rights of the <i>Imamat</i>, that is to say,
the spiritual and temporal power. Of all the sects to which this
difference of opinions gave birth, the most powerful was that of
the Ismaëlians. It was thus called because it pretended that
the dignity of Imaun had been transmitted by an uninterrupted
line of the descendants of Ali, to a prince named Ismaël, and
that after his death the Imamat had reposed upon persons unknown
to men, up to the moment at which the triumph of the
house of Ali was to be effected; to this sect belonged the Carmates
and the Fatimite caliphs, who wrested Egypt and Syria
from the Abasside caliphs of Bagdad, after having laid the foundation
of their power in Africa, and formed a great empire, to
the period when Saladin overturned their throne to erect one for
a descendant of Abbas. But as the Fatimites acknowledged no
other legitimate authority but their own, they employed a great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[415]</a></span>
number of missionaries in spreading their dogmas, and gaining
proselytes in secret.</p>

<p>Such is, Monsieur, the sketch I have deemed it necessary to
make, before proceeding with the founder of the sect which is
the object of my letter.</p>

<p>This founder was named Hassan, son of Sabbah. He was
born in the environs of Thous, a city of Korassan, celebrated for
having given birth to several great men. His father lived in the
practices of a mortified life and of an austere doctrine, but he
followed in secret the sect of the Rafedhites, or the partisans of
Ali. To divert, however, all suspicion from his opinions, he
intrusted the education of his son to a famous doctor, Movaffeceddin,
of Nichapour, who was a virtuous Sunnite. He pretended
to an Arabian origin, and gave himself out as descended from
the family of Sabbah-Homairi; but this was a fable to which no
one gave faith, and it was very well known that his ancestors
inhabited some villages in the dependence of Thous.</p>

<p>Hassan speaks thus of his first years of conversion to the sect
of the Ismaëlians:&mdash;“From the age of seven years I laboured
to acquire knowledge and talents. I made, as my fathers had
done, profession of that sect of Chütes who recognise the succession
of the twelve Imauns.</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p>I had occasion to become
acquainted with a <i>refik</i>, named Amireh-Zanab, and a most intimate
friendship grew up between us. I believed that the
dogmas and opinions of the Ismaëlians were only those of philosophers,
and I imagined that the sovereign of Egypt (that is
to say, the Fatimite caliph) was a sectary of this philosophy.
This persuasion engaged me in warm discussions with Amireh;
whenever he wished to defend his own doctrines, we had disputes
and controversies respecting the dogmas of them. It was
in vain for him to attack the doctrines of my sect, I did not
yield at all to his arguments, and yet he insensibly made an
impression on my mind. Whilst things were in this state we
separated, and I was afflicted with a long illness. I then said
inwardly to myself: “The doctrine of the Ismaëlians is conformable
with truth, and it is only obstinacy that prevents me from
adhering to it. If then, as God forbid! the fatal moment is come
for me, I shall die without having embraced the truth.” I was,
however, restored to health, and soon after made acquaintance
with another Ismaëlian, named Abou-Nedjm-Sanadj. I
questioned him upon the true system of Ismaëlian belief: he explained
it to me clearly, and I very soon penetrated all the depths
of it. I afterwards met with an Ismaëlian Dai, named Moumen,
to whom the cheik Abdelmelik-ben-Attach, dai of Irac, had
given permission to exercise the functions of missionary. I
informed him of the wish I had to make my profession of faith<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[416]</a></span>
to him, and he acceded to my request. At the time that the
cheik Abdelmelek came to Rey, I accompanied him, and my
conduct having pleased him, he confided to me the ministry of a
dai. You must go into Egypt,’ said he, in order to render
your homage to the Imaun Mostanser, and may that be a
blessing to you!’ Mostanser-billah, a descendant of Ali, then
occupied the caliphat of Egypt and the <i>Imamat</i>. When, therefore,
the cheik left Rey for Ispahan, I set out for Egypt.”</p>

<p>Hassan was received in Egypt with great distinction, for the
fame of his merit had preceded him thither, and the Imaun
Mostanser admitted him to the most familiar intimacy. This
high degree of favour ruined him. The courtiers, jealous of his
credit, laboured to procure his disgrace, and a difference having
arisen between him and the celebrated Bedr-Al-djemali, generalissimo
of the caliph’s troops, Hassan succumbed. His enemies
seized him and threw him, with some Franks, into a vessel about
to sail to Africa. Scarcely was he on the sea when a horrible
tempest arose and placed the ship in great danger; all the passengers
were overcome by terror, expecting nothing but death;
Hassan alone preserved his self-possession and tranquillity.
When interrogated upon this extraordinary conduct, “Our
lord,” answered he, “has promised me that no harm should
happen to us;” and, in effect, at the end of a short time, the sea
resumed its calm. The cry of miracle soon arose, and Hassan
made so many disciples of the companions of his voyage. Another
time, the vessel was driven into the port of a Christian
city, the governor of which allowed our pious doctor to reimbark,
after having treated him with hospitality. At length, the
vessel being cast upon the coast of Syria, Hassan abandoned
it, and directed his course towards Persia, by land. He passed
through Aleppo and Bagdad, and went from thence to Konsistan,
Ispahan, Yezd, and Carmania, preaching his doctrine everywhere.
From Carmania he returned to Ispahan, where he
sojourned more than four months, at the end of which he set
out for Konsistan. He remained here three months, and then
went to Damegan, where he dwelt for three years, making a
great number of proselytes. Hassan, after various other wanderings,
took possession of Altamont, a strong castle, situated in
the Roudbard, a country near Casbin. Mirkhond, a Persian
historian, relates, that he proposed to Mehdi, a descendant of
Ali, who possessed this place, to purchase as much land of him
as could be comprised within the skin of an ox, for the sum of
3,000 dinars. Mehdi having consented to this bargain, Hassan
took the skin of an ox, of which he made thongs, and tying
these together, passed the line all round the castle. It was by
means of this trick that he made himself master of Altamont,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[417]</a></span>
which afterwards became the central point of the power of the
Ismaëlians.</p>

<p>This power, by the ability and activity of Hassan, made a
rapid progress; it was already established throughout the province
of Roudbar, in which his sectaries built a number of
strong castles; nobody was talked of in Persia but Hassan, who
threatened to bring the whole of that great country under his
domination. Melik-chah, alarmed at what he heard, ordered
one of his generals to destroy Hassan and his partisans, and to
raze his fortresses; but in vain; and death overtook Melik-chah
before his troops had obtained the least advantage.</p>

<p>The troubles which followed his death, and the division
which arose among the children of this prince, on the subject of
the succession to the throne, left the field free for Hassan to
augment the number of his proselytes. The best-fortified castles
of the north-west of Persia fell into his hands. At length, the
sultan Sindjar, having made himself master of this kingdom, set
seriously about the destruction of the Ismaëlians. Hassan, by
artifice, got rid of this dangerous enemy. He seduced one of
the servants of the prince; who, whilst he slept, placed a sharp
stiletto near his head. When the sultan, on awaking, saw this
poniard, he was seized with great fear; but as he was ignorant
of the hand that placed it there, he preserved silence upon the
circumstance. At the end of some days he received the following
letter from the head of the Ismaëlians:&mdash;“If good intentions
were not entertained towards the sultan, the poniard which he
found near his head would have been plunged into his heart.”
Sindjar was so terrified, that he consented to make peace with
the Ismaëlians upon three conditions: the first was, that they
should add no new constructions to their castles; the second,
that they should purchase neither arms nor machines of war;
and the third, that he should make no new proselytes. He even
granted Hassan, by the title of pension, a portion of the revenues
of the country of Coumes.</p>

<p>From that time Hassan lived peaceably in the castle of Altamont,
in the greatest seclusion, practising the exercises of austere
piety, and employing himself in the composition of dogmatic
treatises upon his doctrine. It is said that he only ascended to
the terrace of his palace, at Altamont, twice during thirty years.
He required of his sectaries the most rigid exactitude in the observances
of religion. Even paternal tenderness could not lead
him to deviate from this severity. Hosséin, his son, having
killed the daï of Couhestan, he punished him with death; another
son, for having drunk wine, met with the same fate. A man
having played upon the flute, in the castle of Altamont, he commanded
him to be turned out of the place, and resisted all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[418]</a></span>
prayers that were made to him to obtain his pardon. Some
authors pretend, that by sacrificing his sons thus, he wished to
prove to the Ismaëlians that he had no intention of fixing the
sovereign power in his own family; I doubt whether such a
reason can justify Hassan in his barbarity. And yet it would
not be the first time that policy has sacrificed the feelings of the
heart to state interests.</p>

<p>The ability of this man in the management of affairs equalled
his fanaticism. History has preserved several proofs of this, of
which I shall only quote the following. Hassan had studied
under the imaun Movassek-eddin, in company with Nizam-el-Moulk,
one of the greatest statesmen Islamism ever produced;
and community of labours established the strictest friendship
between them. They entered into a mutual promise that the
first of the two that should obtain honours should share them
with the other, and that fortune should not affect their attachment.
Hassan, after having for a long time led a miserable life,
went to Nichapour, where he found Nizam-el-Moulk minister
of the great Melik-chah; this was about the year 1073 of the
Christian era. Nizam-el-Moulk, faithful to his promise, received
Hassan with great kindness, and procured him a post at the
court. Endowed with an expansive mind, rare cunning, and
great talents for administration, this aspirant was not long in
insinuating himself into the good graces of the Sultan, and acquiring
his confidence. One day, Melik-chah having conceived
some doubt of the probity of his first minister, asked him in how
short a time he could draw out a clear statement of the receipts
and expenses of the provinces. We should observe, that at that
period the dominions of this prince extended from Antioch, in
Syria, to Kachkar, in Turkistan. Nizam-el-Moulk said it would
require two years; Hassan offered to perform the labour in forty
days, provided the Sultan would place at his disposal all the
writers of the court; and his offer being accepted, he realized
his promise. He was preparing to present the result of his
researches to the prince, when Nizam-el-Moulk, who saw his
ruin approach, found means to get the statements into his
hands, and to mutilate them. When Hassan appeared before
the Sultan, the prince put several questions to him relative to
the situation and finances of the empire. Hassan had recourse
to his papers, and found them incomplete; he hesitated, stammered,
and could not answer. Nizam-el-Moulk skilfully took
advantage of his tergiversations to degrade Hassan in the mind
of Melik-chah. “Wise and prudent men,” said he, “required
two years to perform the work commanded by your majesty;
an ignorant man, who has pretended to terminate it in forty
days, is unable to give satisfactory answers to the questions put<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[419]</a></span>
to him.” The prince, in his anger, was desirous of punishing
Hassan; but, as he was a creature of his court, he allowed the
affair to drop, and satisfied himself with despising him. This
anecdote, which does little honour to the character of Nizam-el-Moulk,
and shows no delicacy on the part of Hassan, towards
the man to whom he owed his fortune, proves at least that the
latter possessed great aptitude for business.</p>

<p>Such was the man whom the Ismaëlians, or rather the Assassins
of the Crusaders, recognised as their chief, and to whom they
gave the name of <i>Séidouna</i>,&mdash;Our Lord. But before we proceed,
it is necessary to enter into some details upon the principles of
this sect, upon the denominations that it bore, and upon its
organization.</p>

<p>You have seen, sir, the origin of the denomination of Ismaëlian,
given to the branch of the partisans of Ali to which Hassan
belonged. This name is not, however, the only one under which
these heretics were known by orthodox Mussulmans. They were
likewise called <i>Bathenians</i>, <i>Nezzarians</i>, <i>Molaheds</i>, and <i>Hachichens</i>;
but the two last epithets alone applied to the proselytes
of Hassan.</p>

<p>The title of Bathenian designated the principles established by
the Ismaëlians. One of the characters of their religion was to
explain, in an allegorical manner, all the precepts of the Mussulman
law; and this allegory was carried so far by some of their
doctors, that it tended to nothing less than the destruction of all
public worship; and to the elevation of a purely philosophical
doctrine, and a very licentious morality, upon the ruins of all
revelation and all divine authority. This is why they were
called <i>Bathenis</i>, or <i>Bathenians</i>; which is to say, <i>partisans of
interior worship</i>.</p>

<p><i>Molahed</i>, the plural of the Arabian word <i>Molhed</i>, signifies
<i>impious</i>; the partisans of Hassan did not receive this epithet
till towards the year 1164 of Christ, and under the reign of one
of his successors, named Hassan, the son of Mohammed. This
prince, from his youth, gave himself up to the study of the dogmatic
books of the sect; and as his father, to whom he succeeded,
was unacquainted with science, he appeared in the eyes of the
people a very profound scholar, and an extraordinary man. This
good opinion, with respect to his person, increased daily, and the
Ismaëlians became more blindly willing to execute his orders.
Hassan, rendered bold by this success, put forth some extravagant
opinions, and gave himself out to be the Imaun of the age.
His father was still living; and, in his ignorance, scrupulously
followed the doctrines of his sect. The pretensions of his son
disgusted him, and he put to death two hundred and fifty of
those who favoured them. As long as Mohammed lived, Hassan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[420]</a></span>
suppressed his real intentions; but he resumed them the
moment the death of his father put him in possession of the
throne. He permitted everything that religion prohibited,
abolished the exterior practices of the Mussulman faith, allowed
his subjects to drink wine, and dispensed with all the obligations
which the law of Mahomet imposes on its sectaries; he declared
that the knowledge of the allegorical sense of the precepts dispenses
with the observance of the literal sense, and at length
caused himself to be proclaimed son of Nezzar, son of the caliph
Mostanser, and the caliph of God on the surface of the earth.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>
This heretical conduct procured for the Ismaëlians the denomination
of <i>Molahed</i>, impious.</p>

<p>The surname of Nezzarians is derived from that Nezzar, of
whom I have spoken, and was given to those Ismaëlians who
adhered to the party of that prince, the eldest son of Mostanser,
caliph of Egypt. The sectarians of Hassan were of the party of
Nezzar.</p>

<p>I now come to the epithet of <i>Assassins</i>. The origin of this
word had been the object of numerous researches, which still
remained without any satisfactory result, when an illustrious
scholar proved, in an evident manner, supporting all he advanced
upon various Arabian texts, that it was a corruption of the word
<i>hachichen</i>; and that it was given to the Ismaëlians, because they
made use of an intoxicating liquor called <i>hachich</i>. This hachich
is a preparation of the leaves of hemp, or some other part of that
vegetable, which they employ in different manners; as a liquor,
under the form of confections; or as pastilles, sweetened with
saccharine substances; and even as fumigations. “The intoxication
produced by the <i>hachich</i>,” says M. Silvestre de Sacy, “throws
the person who takes it into an ecstasy similar to that which the
Orientals experience in the use of opium; and according to the
testimony of a great many travellers, we may be satisfied that
men in this state of delirium imagine that they enjoy the ordinary
objects of their wishes, and taste of a felicity, the acquisition
of which costs them little, but the use of which, too often
repeated, changes the animal organization, and leads to marasma
and death. Some of them, in this state of transient insanity,
losing the consciousness of their weakness, commit actions of a
brutal nature, capable of disturbing public order. It cannot be
forgotten that, during the sojourn of the French army in Egypt,
the general-in-chief was obliged strictly to prohibit the sale and
use of these pernicious substances, the indulgence in which has
become a necessity for the inhabitants of Egypt, particularly the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[421]</a></span>
lower classes of the people. Those who give themselves up to
this custom, are still called <i>Hachichin</i>, <i>Hachachin</i>; and these
two expressions plainly show why the Ismaëlians have been
called by the Latin historians of the crusades, sometimes
<i>Assissini</i>, and sometimes <i>Assassini</i>.</p>

<p>With a small acquaintance with the Arabic tongue, and an
observation upon the alterations certain words of that language
have experienced in being transferred to the works of Latin and
Greek authors, it is impossible to raise any objection to the correctness
of the etymology advanced by M. Silvestre de Sacy.
We may, however, believe that all Ismaëlians did not employ
the hachich; that their chief alone was acquainted with this preparation,
and that he only administered it to those whom he
destined to exercise the infamous trade of <i>fedai</i>, or <i>assassins</i>;
for there prevailed among the partisans of this sect a remarkable
hierarchy: the <i>dai</i>, <i>the refik</i>, and the <i>fedaï</i>, formed
three perfectly distinct classes.</p>

<p>The chief of the sect dwelt, as I have said, in the castle of
Altamont, placed amidst mountains. It was the situation of this
abode which gave him the title of <i>Cheik Aldjebal</i>,&mdash;<i>Lord of the
Mountain</i>; but as <i>cheik</i> signifies equally <i>lord</i> and <i>old man</i>, our
historians of the crusades took it in the latter sense, and called
the prince of the Assassins the <i>Old Man of the Mountain</i>.</p>

<p>The <i>daïs</i> formed the first class of the sect; it was reserved to
them to propagate the doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> They exercised the functions
of missionaries, spreading themselves throughout the provinces,
preaching the dogmas of their worship, and receiving the profession
of faith of such as were converted. There were, still
further, degrees among these. They called <i>dai aldoat</i>,&mdash;<i>dai of
dais</i>, him who had several missionaries under his orders, and
whose jurisdiction comprised several provinces. The Ismaëlians
had <i>dais aldoat</i> in Syria, Irac, Dilem, Korassan, &amp;c.</p>

<p>Under the name <i>refik</i>, it appears, the body of the sectaries
was comprised.</p>

<p>The <i>fedaïs</i> were the blind ministers of the Old Man of the
Mountain; it was in their hands he placed the knife under which
were to fall, without pity, all who opposed the establishment of
his doctrine, or combated it by dangerous arguments; princes,
generals, doctors,&mdash;nobody was safe from their blows; and they
showed in the execution of the crime, a perseverance equalled
only by their fanaticism.</p>

<p>The word <i>fedaï</i>, in its proper signification, means a <i>devoted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[422]</a></span>
man</i>, and the application of it was very just, since this class of
the Ismaëlians had for the orders of their prince a devotedness
without example. It is true this blind obedience was purchased
by stratagem; for I have not the least doubt that we must apply
to the fedaïs that which Marco Paolo relates of the young
people brought up by the Old Man of the Mountains. “This
traveller, whose veracity is generally acknowledged,” says
M. de Sacy, “informs us that this prince caused young people to
be brought up, chosen from amongst the most robust of the inhabitants
of the places over which he ruled, to make of them the
executioners of his barbarous decrees. All their education had
for object to convince them that by blindly obeying the orders
of their chief, they would secure themselves, after their death,
the enjoyment of all the pleasures which delight the senses.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>
To attain this aim, this prince caused delicious gardens to be
made round his palace. There, in pavilions, decorated with all
that Asiatic luxury can imagine that is rich and brilliant, dwelt
young beauties, consecrated solely to the pleasures of those for
whom these enchanting places were destined. It was to this
spot the Ismaëlian princes caused to be transported, from time
to time, the young men of whom they meant to make the blind
instruments of their will. After having caused them to swallow
a draught which plunged them into a profound sleep, and deprived
them for some time of the use of all their faculties, they
had them conveyed to these pavilions, worthy of the gardens of
Armida. Upon awaking, everything which struck their ears or
their eyes threw them into a ravishment of delight, which left
reason no empire in their minds. Uncertain if they had already
entered upon the enjoyment of the felicity of which a picture
had so often been held up to their imagination, they abandoned
themselves with transport to all the various seductions by which
they were surrounded. After they had passed some days in
these gardens, the same means as had been employed to bring
them there, without their knowledge, were again had recourse to
to remove them from them. Advantage was carefully taken of
the first moments of an awakening, which for them had put an
end to the charm of so much enjoyment, to cause them to describe
to their young companions the wonders of which they had
been witnesses, and to convince them that the happiness of
which they had during several fast-flitting days partaken, was but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[423]</a></span>
the prelude or foretaste of what they could secure an eternal
possession of by their submission to the orders of their prince.”</p>

<p>This draught, endowed with such wonderful powers, was nothing
but the <i>hachich</i>, with the virtues of which the chief of
the sect was acquainted, and the use of which was not spread
till some centuries after.</p>

<p>This, sir, is what Oriental historians furnish us with respecting
the origin, dogmas, and political organization of the sect of the
Assassins. As to its history, the extent of its dominions, and its
power, these are points, for the development of which a much
greater space would be requisite than that to which I am obliged
to limit myself. Nevertheless, I will devote a few lines to these
articles, for the gratification of your curiosity.</p>

<p>Mirkhoud has left us, in his work entitled <i>Bouzat Alsafa</i>, a
history of the Ismaëlians of Persia. This piece is the more
valuable and authentic, from having been extracted word for
word, from a history written by the celebrated vizier Atha-el-Mulk,
who was sent by Holagon, after the ruin of the Ismaëlians,
into the castle of Altamont, and had an opportunity of consulting
their original historical memoirs. Mirkhoud, or rather
Atha-el-Mulk, informs us, then, that the Persian dynasty of the
Ismaëlians furnished eight princes, including Hassan-ben-Sabbah,
and that it subsisted during a space of 166 years, to the
time at which Holagon, at the instigation of several princes who
detested the Ismaëlians on account of their excesses, conquered
Persia, destroyed the castles of the sect, and sent Rokn-eddin-Karchar,
the last sovereign of Altamont, to the other side of
the Oxus. This great event took place in 1256.</p>

<p>But this principal branch, or rather this <i>stock</i> of the Ismaëlians,
is not that of which such frequent mention is made in
our crusades; Hassan Sabbah, after having laid the foundation
of his power in Persia, sent missionaries, of both the first and
second order, into all parts of the Mussulman world; and these
missionaries were particularly active in Syria. A certain very
celebrated Seljoukide emir, who governed Aleppo, seconded
their designs wonderfully. Redoun (that was the name of this
prince) formed a friendship with the Ismaëlians, embraced their
principles even, and granted them open protection. From that
period, that is to say 501 of the Hegyra, dates the origin of the
great power they exercised in Syria, which subsisted nearly two
hundred years; but these Ismaëlians were subject to the sovereign
of Altamont, and were directed by <i>daïs</i>: it is even remarkable
that most of the <i>fedaïs</i>, employed in committing murder
in Syria, were Persians by nation, and had doubtless been
educated for that execrable profession in the delicious gardens
of Altamont, and by the virtue of the <i>chich</i>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[424]</a></span></p>

<p>Europe has taken too little interest in the history of the
Ismaëlians, as obtained from Oriental writers, to be certain of
the extent of country occupied by these sectaries. The geography
of Persia, likewise, is enveloped in too much obscurity to
allow us to assign an exact position to the various castles they
inhabited. But what I can affirm is, that the province of
Roudbar, in which was placed the seat of their empire, is, according
to the <i>Ferhenk Choouri</i>,&mdash;the Persian dictionary, explained in
Turkish, a large district, comprising many villages, and situated
between Casbin and Guilan, in the neighbourhood of Theheran,
the present capital of Persia.</p>

<p>William of Tyre informs us that the Ismaëlians possessed
ten fortresses in Syria, and reckons them at sixty thousand souls.
Their principal establishment was at Massiat, an important, well-fortified
place, situated to the west of Hamah, at the distance
of a day’s march. They obtained possession of it in 505 of the
Hegyra, after having assassinated the emir who governed it; and
have kept it even up to our times. In addition to Massiat, they
held seven fortresses in the parallel of Hamah, from Hemes to
the Mediterranean, and in the neighbourhood of Tripoli. They
began to appear in Syria towards the end of the fifth century of
the Hegyra. Their power increased rapidly under the Seljoukide
Redevan, who embraced their doctrine. During the whole
course of his reign, they had a house in Aleppo, in which they
exercised their worship. They were so much dreaded, that they
carried off women and children out of the open streets in mid-day,
without any one daring to oppose their violences. They
publicly plundered people of a sect opposed to their own; gave
asylum to the greatest criminals, and gathered from impunity
fresh audacity for the commission of new crimes. These barbarians
carried their insolence so far as to seize, by force of arms,
cities and strong castles; it was thus they entered Apamea,
from which place Tancred drove them.</p>

<p>Whatever may have been the extent of the dominions possessed
by the Ismaëlians, either in Persia or Syria, it cannot be
compared with their power, established by fanaticism, and maintained
by the fear they inspired. Spread throughout the whole
of the Mussulman world, from the extremities of Asia Minor to
the depths of Turkistan, they were everywhere dreaded. In
presenting you with a few instances of their fanaticism and
audacity, if I do not afford you a precise idea of their power, I
shall at least make you acquainted with the nature of it, and
with what it may be presumed to have been. Let us begin with
devotedness and fanaticism.</p>

<p>History informs us that Henry, count of Champagne, having
made a journey into Lesser Armenia, paid a visit, on his return,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[425]</a></span>
to the king of the Assassins, and was received with the most
distinguished honours. The prince led him to all parts of his
abode, and having conducted him up a very lofty tower, upon
every step of which stood men clothed in white: “I do not
suppose,” said he to his guest, “that you have any subjects as
obedient as mine?” At the same time he made a sign with his
hand, when two of these men precipitated themselves from the
top of the tower, and expired instantly. The head of the
Ismaëlians added: “If you desire it, at the least signal on my
part, those whom you see will precipitate themselves in the same
manner.” When taking leave of Henry, he made him rich presents,
and said: “If you have any enemy who aims at your
crown, address yourself to me, and my servants shall soon
relieve you from your anxiety, by poniarding him.”</p>

<p>Melik-chah, alarmed at the progress of Hassan-ben-Sabbah,
sent one of his officers to him to require him to desist from his
views, and to surrender his castles. Hassan ordered one of his
servants into his presence, and commanded him to kill himself,
which the servant instantly did. He then told another to throw
himself from the summit of a high tower, and his orders were
equally promptly obeyed. “Report to your master,” then said
he to the ambassador, “what you have seen, and tell him that I
have sixty thousand men at my command, whose devotedness
and obedience are like that which you have seen.”</p>

<p>In 1120, some Bathenians having assassinated Boursiki, prince
of Mossoul, they were cut to pieces on the spot. The mother of
one of these Ismaëlians having learnt the death of the emir and
the fate of the assassins, gave herself up to transports of joy;
but her satisfaction was changed into as lively a grief when she
learnt that her son, by some fortunate chance, had escaped the
destiny of his companions. Thus fanaticism produced the same
effect upon this woman as was produced by national honour and
patriotism in the case of the Spartan mother, whom history has
immortalized as sinking under her grief when she heard that
her son had escaped from the massacre of Thermopylæ. What
becomes of the charm and power of virtue, if blind fanaticism,
the disgrace of our nature, can rival her in the noblest actions
she inspires?</p>

<p>The Ismaëlians were the more dangerous and redoubtable,
from their practice of insinuating themselves into the courts of
most princes, and their skill in adopting such disguises as circumstances
required. They assumed the Syrian dress, in order
to get rid of that Ahmed Bal, of whom I have just spoken; they
entered the service of Tadjelmouth Bouri, prince of Damascus,
in the quality of grooms of Korassan, and attacked him with
impunity. The murderers of Bouriski took the dress of dervises,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[426]</a></span>
to avert all suspicion. The Ismaëlians deputed to poniard the
marquis of Montferrat, embraced Christianity, wore religious
habits, affected the most austere piety, gained the friendship
and esteem of the clergy, acquired the good-will of their victim,
and, after having killed him, endured the tortures in which they
perished with admirable resignation. The imaun Fakr-eddin, a
very celebrated Persian doctor, having been accused of practising
the Ismaëlian doctrines in secret, in order to clear himself
from the calumny, ascended the pulpit, and pronounced maledictions
against the sect. This news reaching Altamont, Mohammed,
who then reigned, charged a fedaï with the execution
of his vengeance. This man repaired to the dwelling of the
imaun, and told him that he was a jurisconsult, that he was
desirous of being instructed by so able a master, and with his
caresses and flattery, played his part so well, that he was admitted
into the family of the doctor; he passed seven months with him
without obtaining an opportunity to execute his purpose. At
length, finding himself one day alone with the imaun, he shut
the doors of the house, drew his poniard, rushed upon the
doctor, struck him to the ground, and seated himself upon his
chest. “I will rip you up,” said he, “from the navel to the
breast.” “What for?” replied the imaun. Then the fedaï reproached
him with having cursed the Ismaëlians from the pulpit.
The imaun swore several times never to speak ill of that sect in
future; upon which the fedaï released him, saying: “I have no
orders to kill you, otherwise I should not delay the execution of
those orders, or hesitate in performing them; know, then, that
Mohammed salutes you, and desires that you would do him the
honour of visiting him at his castle. You will become an all-powerful
governor, for we shall obey you blindly.” And he
added, “We take no account of the discourse of common people;
their insults have no effect upon us. But you, you ought never
to permit your tongue to utter anything against us, or to censure
our conduct; because your words sink into the people’s hearts as
the strokes of the engraver penetrate the stone.” The imaun
said: “It is impossible for me to go to the castle, but I will,
henceforward, never pronounce a word that may be displeasing
to the sovereign of Altamont.” After this conversation, the
fedaï took from his girdle three hundred and sixty pieces of gold,
and said to the imaun: “Here is your salary for one year, and
it has been ordered by the <i>sublime divan</i>, that you should
receive every year a similar sum from the reis Modhaffer. I
have in my chamber two Yeman robes; when I am gone your
servants must take them, for our master has sent them to you.”
The fedaï instantly disappeared. The imaun took the pieces of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[427]</a></span>
gold and the robes, and during five years received the appointed
salary.</p>

<p>This miraculous devotedness, this confidence in an after-life,
the felicity of which was beyond description, produced the
audacity and perseverance in the execution of the orders of the
prince, and the imperturbable courage which led the Ismaëlians
to endure death, without allowing the most severe tortures to
draw a confession from them. Caliphs and emirs fell beneath
their blows, in mosques, in streets, within the walls of palaces,
amidst crowds of people and courts of nobles. If they were
taken with the fatal knife in their hands, they thanked heaven
for bringing them nearer to the goal of their desires, and hailed
death as leading them the first step towards felicity. Moudoud
and Ac Sancar Albourski, princes of Mossoul, were assassinated
as they were coming out of the great mosque of the city, although
surrounded by their officers and domestics. Ahmed Bal, governor
of some castles of the Azerbaidjan, had several times declared
himself an enemy to the Lord of the Mountain; he was struck
dead in the midst of the hall of audience of the sultan Mohammed
at Bagdad. The great Saladin refused to embrace or protect
the Ismaëlian doctrine, and announced his intention of
destroying it. Whilst he was carrying on the siege of Akka, or
Ptolemaïs, a fedaï threw himself upon him, and dealt him a blow
of a poniard upon his head. Saladin seized him by the arm, but
the murderer never ceased striking till he was killed. A second
and a third fedaï continued the attack, but without obtaining
better success. Nevertheless, says the historian, Saladin retired
to his tent in great fear.</p>

<p>I have told you, sir, that the irruption of Holagon into Persia,
and the expeditions of Biban into Syria, ruined the Ismaëlian
power. But, whilst destroying their castles, these two great
warriors were not able to completely exterminate the sect. When
Tamerlane penetrated into Mezinderan, he found a great number
of Ismaëlians. Mention is often made of these sectaries in the
history of the conquest of Yemen by the Turks. We know that
they are at present scattered through many parts of Persia, and
that the government tolerates them. They even pretend that
they have preserved their imaun to this moment; that he is
descended from Ismaël himself, the son of Djafar Elasdie, and is
named Chah Kalil. He dwells in the city of Khekh, near to
Kom. This imaun is almost venerated as a god, among his
proselytes, who attribute to him the gift of miracles, and often
decorate him with the title of caliph. The Ismaëlians are found
as far as the banks of the Ganges and the Indus, whence they
piously come every year to receive the blessings of their lord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[428]</a></span>
in return for the magnificent offerings they bring him. There
likewise still exist many families of them in the mountains of
Libanus, upon whom M. Rousseau, consul-general of France to
Aleppo, has given us some valuable information.</p>

<p>The Ismaëlians of Syria are divided into two classes,&mdash;the
<i>Soueidanis</i> and the <i>Khedhrewis</i>. The latter, who form the most
numerous part of the sect, have for chief the emir Ali Zoghbi,
successor of the emir Mustapha Edris. Their principal place of
abode is at Messias, which M. de Sacy thinks ought to be called
Mesiat. This ancient fortress is situated at twelve leagues west
of Hamah, upon an isolated rock. At three leagues west of
Messias, the Ismaëlians possess another fortress, named Kadmous,
of not less consequence than the other.</p>

<p>The second class, which comprises the <i>Soueidanis</i>, is much less
numerous than the preceding one, and is concentrated in the
village of Feudara, of the district of Messias. Its poverty has
drawn upon it the contempt of the Khedhrewis; its present
chief is named <i>Cheikh Soleiman</i>.</p>

<p>The sect of the Ismaëlians at the present moment only consists
of some wretched families scattered here and there, whom
the persecutions of the Turks are daily annihilating. The following
is the sinister event which has plunged them into these
circumstances. We will leave M. Rousseau to speak:&mdash;“The
<i>Reslans</i>, one of the most distinguished families of the sect of the
Nosaïris, possessed from time immemorial the fortress and territory
of Messias, when the Ismaëlians, having become sufficiently
powerful to encroach upon their domains, suddenly attacked
them, and drove them from the country, in which they established
themselves. This manifest usurpation increased the inveterate
hatred which all the neighbouring peoples entertained for them.
The Nosaïris, after having uselessly attempted, by several means,
to regain their possessions, at length had recourse to stratagem.
They sent some of their people to Messias, who, under borrowed
names, and without creating any suspicion of their designs,
entered the service of the Chich emir, <i>Mustafa Edris</i>, who then
commanded in the fortress.</p>

<p>“Abou Ali Hammour and Ali Bacha, chief of the conspirators,
had not long to wait for the opportunity they wished for. One
day when the emir remained alone in his dwelling, they assailed
him, and slew him with several dagger-wounds. This unexpected
murder was the signal for great misfortunes for the Ismaëlians.
Measures were so well concerted among their enemies, that at a
given signal, a numerous band of Nosaïris, posted in the avenues
of Messias, were to precipitate themselves upon it on a sudden,
and massacre all the inhabitants who attempted to defend themselves.
This project was completely carried out. The Ismaëlians,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[429]</a></span>
attacked sharply, terrified, and, for the most part, killed in the
open streets, offered but weak resistance to their enemies, to
whom they were compelled to swear submission and obedience
for the future. The booty made on this day was valued at more
than a million piastres, reckoning the plunder of the villages and
the country. This event took place in the year 1809.”</p>

<p>These Ismaëlians have a book which contains the dogmas of
their present belief, the practices of their worship, &amp;c. Its
author was a certain Cheikh Ibrahim, who seems to have been
one of the visionaries of the sect; it was made public after the
pillage of Messias. It is an assemblage of absurd reveries and
incoherent, ridiculous, insignificant principles, in which the
primitive doctrine of these sectaries is joined to a crowd of dogmas
which are foreign to it, and which time, communication with
other sects, and ignorance, have introduced into their belief.
Nevertheless, the study of them ought not to be entirely neglected,
as they serve to prove to what a degree the human mind
may deceive itself.</p>

<p>To avoid fatiguing your patience, I will pass over that which
relates to mystic theology, and the different incarnations of the
Imaun or Messiah, who was manifested in the persons of Adam,
Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Ali, fourth caliph, according
to orthodox Mahometans. I will likewise be silent upon the
mysteries of the alphabetical letters, which are divided into the
luminous and the obscure, the substantial and the corporeal;
were at first twenty-two in number, were augmented by six, at
the time of the revelation of the Koran; are connected with the
houses of the moon, with the signs of the zodiac, with the
planets, and the elements; designate sometimes a prophet, sometimes
a holy personage; in short, are susceptible of an infinity of
allegorical applications; but I will give in its entirety the
description of Paradise.</p>

<p>“I have reserved an abode more permanent, and filled with
eternal delights for those who follow my law, and fear the effects
of my justice. This abode is paradise, to which entrance may be
obtained by eight different gates, which lead to the same number
of inclosures; there are in each inclosure or division, 70,000
meadows of saffron, and 70,000 abodes of mother-of-pearl and
coral; in each dwelling-place or abode, there are 70,000 palaces
and 70,000 galleries of topaz; in each gallery there are 70,000
golden saloons; in each saloon, 70,000 silver tables; upon each
table, 70,000 exquisite dishes, &amp;c. &amp;c. Each of these 70,000
palaces contains 70,000 springs, or streams of milk and honey
with as many purple pavilions, occupied by beautiful young
women. Still further, each saloon is surmounted by 70,000
domes of amber, and upon each dome are set forth 70,000 wonders<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[430]</a></span>
from the hand of Omnipotence. The inhabitants of these
enchanted places are immortal and are unacquainted with infirmities,
tears, laughter, prayers, or fasting.”</p>

<p>I ought to tell you, with regard to this passage, that in the
true doctrine of the Ismaëlians, paradise is the true religion,
and the epoch of its manifestation, and that this description, or
any other like it, must be considered as an allegory.</p>

<p>To this quotation I cannot refrain from adding two others:
one upon the duties of man, the other upon the metaphysical
ideas of this sect.</p>

<p>“Oh! son of Adam, the empire of the universe belongs to
me; all that you possess comes from me; but learn that the
aliments which nourish you, will not preserve you from death,
nor the clothes which cover you from the infirmities of the flesh;
you will advance or go back, as you employ your tongue in
falsehood or in truth. Thy being is composed of three parts:
the first is mine, the second is thine; and the third belongs to
us in common. That which is mine, is thy soul; that which is
thine, is thy actions; and that which we share between us, is the
prayers which thou addressest to me. Thou oughtest to implore
me in thy wants; my delight is to listen to the prayers
of the good. Oh! son of Adam, honour me, and thou wilt know
me; fear me, and thou wilt see me; adore me, and thou wilt
draw near to me. Oh! son of Adam, if kings are cast into
flames for their tyranny, magistrates for their treachery, doctors
for their jealousies, artisans for their frauds, the great for their
pride, the low for their hypocrisy, the poor for their falsehoods,&mdash;where
will they be found who can aspire to enter into paradise?</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p>There are three sorts of existence: the first,
usual and relative, exposed to the influence of the stars, subject
to alterations, and susceptible of being and not being at the
same time; that is matter: the second, intellectual, which has
been preceded by non-existence, but which becomes permanent
from the moment it begins; that is the soul, upon which the
celestial bodies cannot act: the third, necessary, absolute, and
eternal, superior by its nature to the two others, that is the
Supreme Being, by whom everything has been produced, who
has always subsisted, and will subsist for ever.</p>

<p>“The Being whose existence is eternal, the first principle, is
unlimited, One, and without companions.</p>

<p>“Man exists then doubly,&mdash;by his soul and by his body; his
spiritual existence survives his bodily existence, which, sooner of
later, is dissolved.</p>

<p>“The soul is a simple substance, homogeneous and immaterial,
an indestructible breath of the Divinity. The body is a
compound of material parts heterogeneous and destructible,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[431]</a></span>
which only exists as long as its parts remain united together.
The soul is not essentially inherent to the body; the latter is
not the subject of it; we only know that it is present in it, as we
are aware of the splendour of the sun upon the surface of any
object whatever.</p>

<p>“The soul is immortal.</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p>Souls were created
before bodies: they resided, whilst waiting for them, in the intellectual
world, the abode of true essences.</p>

<p>“After their union with the body, they constantly endeavour
to preserve the reminiscence of their productive cause; and if,
in their new state, they do not forget this first essence, they
return to their former dwelling; otherwise they continue wandering
and unhappy in the <i>material</i> world, there to perpetually
experience the vicissitudes and pains of the present life.</p>

<p>“In order not to deteriorate, or lose its rights to proximity
with its author, the soul must be constantly filled with the idea
of that first cause which is disposed to attract it, unceasingly,
towards it. It is its true state of perfection, that in which it
maintains itself by becoming insensible to all terrestrial affections.</p>

<p>“In addition to his immaterial and reasonable soul, man has
still another, which is the natural soul; this is born and dies
with the body; it is a certain inexplicable, but active and actual
force, which is common to him and animals devoid of reason,
and which elevates him above these; it is the immortal breath
which the Divinity has communicated to him, to the exclusion
of the other beings of the universe.”<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>&mdash;Receive, monsieur, I
beg, &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 25.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Treaty made under the Walls of Constantinople.</i></p>

<p class="p1">This is certainly one of the most extraordinary documents we
have ever seen. A handful of warriors, in a strange and foreign
country, without any certainty of reinforcements, are before the
second city of the world, well peopled, completely fortified, and
prepared for defence; and yet they, before giving an assault,
coolly draw up a treaty, by which the city and its empire are
divided amongst them; and what completes the wonder is, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[432]</a></span>
they succeeded, and, for a while, obtained what they contemplated.</p>

<p>“We, Henry Dandolo, by the grace of God doge of Venice,
Dalmatia, and Croatia, and the very illustrious lords, Boniface,
marquis of Montferrat; Baldwin, count of Flanders and Hainault;
Louis, count of Blois and Clermont; and Henry, count of
St. Pol; each on his own part, in order to maintain among us
union and concord, and to avoid every subject of offence, with
the co-operation of Him who is our peace, who made everything,
and for whose glory we have thought fit to establish the following
order, after having reciprocally engaged ourselves with the bonds
of an oath. In the first place, we all agree (after having invoked
the name of Jesus Christ) to cause the city to be attacked; and
if, by the aid of divine power, we succeed in entering it, we will
remain and serve under the command of those who shall be
established leaders of the army, and follow them as it shall be
ordered. All the wealth that shall be found in the city, shall
by every one be deposited in a common place, which shall be
chosen for this purpose, we reserving always, as well as for our
Venetians, three parts of this wealth, which are to be remitted
to us as an indemnity for that which the Emperor Alexius was
bound to pay to us, as well as to you. On your side, you will
retain a fourth part, until we have all obtained equal satisfaction;
and if there should be anything left, we will share it equally
between us and you, so that all may be satisfied. And if the
said wealth should not prove sufficient to discharge that which is
due to us, this wealth, from whatever source it may arise, shall
be shared in the same manner between you and us, as it has
been thereupon agreed, except the provisions and forage, which
shall be set aside and divided equally among your people and
ours, in order that all may subsist in a suitable manner; and all
that may be found besides shall be shared with the other booty,
according as it has been agreed thereupon. We and our Venetians
are to enjoy, throughout the empire, in a free and absolute
manner, and without any kind of contradiction, all the prerogatives
and possessions which we have been accustomed to enjoy,
as well in spiritual as in temporal matters; as well as all privileges
and usages, written or not written. There shall also be
chosen six members on our part, and six on yours, who, after
having taken an oath, shall choose in the army and raise to the
empire, him whom they shall believe to be most fit to exercise
it, and to command in this land for the advantage and glory
of God, of the holy Romish church, and of the empire. If
they agree among themselves, we will recognise as emperor him
whom they shall have elected with one common voice. But if it
should happen that six shall be on one side and six on the other,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[433]</a></span>
it shall be left to chance, and him upon whom the lot shall fall we
will acknowledge as emperor. If there should be a majority on
one side, we will acknowledge as emperor him in favour of whom
this majority shall be declared. If the council should be divided
into more than two parts, we will acknowledge for emperor him
whom the most numerous party shall have elected. The person
who may be chosen emperor, shall have the quarter of all that
shall be conquered from the empire, the palace of Blachernæ,
and the Lion’s Mouth. The three other quarters shall be shared
equally among you and us. As to the clerical members who
shall be of the side on which the emperor shall not have been
chosen, they shall have the privilege of composing the clergy of
the Church of St. Sophia, and to elect a patriarch for the glory
of God, of the holy Roman church, and the empire. But as
regards the clerical members on one side and the other, they
shall compose the clergy of the churches which shall fall to their
share. As to the wealth of the churches, care will be taken to
distribute to the ecclesiastics as much as will be sufficient to
provide honourably for them, and to the churches as much as
will be requisite to maintain them properly. Whatever may
remain of this wealth shall be divided and shared as above
directed. We will, in addition, make oath, on both sides, that,
dating from the last day of the present month of March, we will
remain during the space of an entire year in the service of the
emperor, in order to contribute to and strengthen his power, for
the glory of God, the holy Romish church, and the empire;
and that all those who shall have previously sojourned in the
empire, shall swear fidelity to the emperor, according to the
good and praiseworthy custom. Thus then, all those who now
dwell in the empire, as has been mentioned, shall swear they
will hold as good and authentic the regulations and treaties
which have been made. It is also proper to observe that, as
well on your side as on ours, there shall be chosen twelve members,
at most, as it may be convenient, who, after having taken
the oath, shall be charged with the duty of distributing the
fiefs and honours among individuals, and of regulating the rights
of service to which these same individuals shall be subjected as
regards the emperor and the empire, according to what these
members shall think suitable; that the fief which shall be
assigned to any one shall be possessed freely and without any
obstacle, by his posterity, as well masculine as feminine, and
that the possessor shall have entire power to execute whatever
to him may seem good, saving his obedience to the laws and the
duty he shall owe to the service of the emperor and the empire.
There shall be likewise done for the emperor all the service
necessary, independently of that to which the possessors of fiefs<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[434]</a></span>
and privileges shall be bound, according to the order that shall
be assigned to them. It is further enacted, that no inhabitant
of a nation which shall be at war with us or our successors, or
the Venetians, shall be admitted into the empire until that war
shall be entirely terminated. Moreover, each party is held to
labour sincerely to obtain from our holy father the pope, that if
any one shall attempt to contravene the present constitution, he
shall be struck by excommunication. On his side, the emperor
is bound to swear that he will hold the acts and gifts which
shall be made, irrevocable, conformably with all which has hereupon
been named. That if the present treaty should require
any addition or suppression, it will be within our power and
liberty to make it, assisted by our six counsellors, conjointly
with the said lord marquis, assisted equally by his six counsellors.
On the other side, the above-named lord doge cannot take
the oath to the emperor for any service, for any fief or privilege
that may be granted to him; but he or they whom he shall
delegate in that which concerns him, shall take the oath to do,
towards the emperor and towards the empire, all services required,
conformably with all which has been thereupon mentioned.</p>

<p><i>Given, in the year of grace 1204, the 7th day of the month of
March.</i></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 26.</i></p>

<p class="p2">In the year 1195, Walter Hemingford, an English chronicler,
says that the Old Man of the Mountain sent to all the princes
of Europe a letter, in which he exculpates the illustrious king
Richard from the death of the marquis of Montferrat. Although
this letter may be a little apocryphal, we publish it, to show our
readers how the Old Man of the Mountain was then spoken of.</p>

<p>“The Old Man of the Mountain to the princes and all the
people of the Christian religion, salutation. As we do not wish ill
to him who is innocent and merits it not, we will not allow that
the innocence of another should be compromised by any act that
we have done. We will never suffer, with the permission of
God, that they who have offended us shall rejoice long in the
injuries inflicted on our simplicity. We signify then to you all,
and we take as witness him by whom we hope to be saved, that
it was not by any machinations of the king of England that the
marquis was killed. He was justly killed, by our will and by
our order, by our satellites, because he had offended us, and had
neglected, in spite of our warnings, to make us reparation: for
it is our custom first to warn those who have offended us in anything,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[435]</a></span>
either us or our friends, in order that they may give us
satisfaction; and it is our custom, if they despise our warning,
to avenge ourselves by the hands of our ministers, who obey us
with the greater devotion from being convinced they shall be
gloriously recompensed by God, if they fall whilst executing
our orders. We have learnt likewise that it is said of the same
king that he had engaged us, as less incorruptible than others,
to send some one of our people to lay an ambush for the king of
Franco. This is false, and the effect of a vain suspicion. God
is our witness, that he never proposed anything of the kind to
us, and that our honesty would not permit us to allow anything
evil to be attempted against a person who had not merited it.
Fare ye well.”</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 27.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Fragment from Nicetas Choniates, concerning the Statues of Constantinople
destroyed by the Crusaders.</i><a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a></p>

<p class="p1">The Latins manifested that love of gold which characterizes
their nation, by thinking of a new species of plunder, till that
time unknown to all the former spoilers of this city of cities.
After opening the coffins of the emperors which are in the
Heroüm, erected near the magnificent church of the disciples of
Jesus Christ, they pillaged them all during the night; and, in
violation of the laws of equity, they took away all the ornaments
in gold, pearls, and precious transparent stones, which had
so long remained untouched in that sacred place.</p>

<p>Having found, likewise, the body of the emperor Justinian,
still perfect and undecomposed, after the lapse of so many years,
this spectacle struck them with admiration; but they paid no
more respect, on that account, to the ornaments with which the
body had been buried.</p>

<p>It may be affirmed that the Occidentals spared neither the
living nor the dead, and beginning with God and his servants,
they made all, indifferently, sensible to the effects of their
impiety. A short time after, they bore away from the great
church that veil which was valued at many thousand silver minæ,
and which was ornamented with thick golden embroidery. But
as even all these riches could not satisfy the boundless cupidity
of these barbarians, they cast their eyes upon the bronze statues,
and consigned them to the flames. The Juno of bronze, which
stood in the Square of Constantine, was taken to pieces and sent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[436]</a></span>
to the melting-house, to be transformed into <i>staters</i>;<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> so large
was this statue that the head was as much as four pairs of oxen
could draw to the palace.</p>

<p>After the Juno, they took down from its base a group of Paris
and Venus; the shepherd offering the goddess the golden apple
of discord.</p>

<p>Whoever beheld without admiration that square obelisk of
bronze, the height of which was almost equal to that of the
loftiest columns? Upon it were sculptured all the birds which,
in spring, make the air resound with their melodious concerts,
the labours of husbandmen, musical instruments, bleating sheep,
and bounding lambs. The sea there spread forth its waves, with
vast numbers of fish, part of which were taken alive, and the rest,
bursting through the nets, were plunging back into their watery
home. Naked cupids, sporting by twos and threes, pelting each
other with apples, and indulging in the wildest gambols. At
the top of this square obelisk, which terminated in a pyramidal
form, was placed a female figure, which turned with the least
breath of wind; whence she was called <i>Anemodoulos</i> (that is to
say, the slave of the winds). This work, of admirable beauty,
was likewise melted, as was a colossal statue, which stood in
the Place of Taurus, and represented a man on horseback in
heroic costume. This figure, whose base was a trapezium, was
said by some to be Joshua, because his hand was extended towards
the declining sun, and that he seemed to be commanding
it to stay its course. But most persons thought it was intended
for Bellerophon, the hero born and brought up in the Peloponnesus,
mounted upon Pegasus; for the horse had no bridle, and
it is thus Pegasus is represented, striking, at will, the plain with
his hoof, and, whether flying or running, disdaining to submit to
his rider. There was an ancient tradition, which was preserved
to our times, and known to everybody, that under the left forefoot
of this horse was concealed the figure of a man, representing,
according to some, a Venetian, and according to others,
some other enemy from the West, bearing a Roman name, or
else it was a Bulgarian. Efforts had often been made to render
this foot so firm and so solid that it might not be possible to
discover what was said to be hidden beneath it. When this
horse and his rider were taken to pieces to be melted, the figure
was really found concealed under the foot of the horse; it was
clothed in a mantle, much in appearance like one of wool; but
the Latins, troubling themselves very little about the predictions
concerning it, cast it also into the fire. Many other statues and
admirable works, standing in the Hippodrome, shared the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[437]</a></span>
fate, and were destroyed by these barbarians, who, incapable of
admiration for the beautiful, converted all these masterpieces
into coin, and annihilated monuments which had cost so much,
for the sake of such an inconsiderable amount of money. They
broke to pieces a Hercules, reclining upon an osier-basket (or
mattress), covered by a lion’s skin, the head of which had, even
in the bronze, so terrible an aspect, that it appeared about to
roar, and spread terror among the idle multitude who stopped
to look at it. The hero was seated, without quiver, bow, or
club; his right arm and leg were stretched out to their full
length, whilst his left leg was bent; placing his left elbow on his
knee, he raised his fore-arm, and with an air of sadness, reposed
his head upon the palm of his hand. He appeared to deplore
his destiny, and to be thinking over with indignation the troubles
to which Eurystheus constrained him, from jealousy, and not
from necessity. His chest and shoulders were broad, his hair
curly, his thighs large, his arms muscular, and his height was
such as Lysimachus might, upon conjecture, have assigned to
the true Hercules. This bronze Hercules was his first and last
work: it was so large that the cord which went round his thumb
was long enough for a common man’s girdle, and that with
which his leg was measured was equal in length to the height of
a man. They did not, however, fail to annihilate such a Hercules;
these men who had separated courage from the virtues
allied to it, who attributed it to themselves particularly, and
professed to esteem it above everything! They took away the
ass with his pack-saddle, walking and braying, with the ass-driver
following him, which Cæsar Augustus had caused to be
placed at Actium or Nicopolis, in Greece, to perpetuate the
remembrance of his having gone out one night to observe the
army of Antony, and having met with this man, of whom he
asked who he was, and whither he was going, the man answered
his name was Nico, and that of his ass Nicander, and that he
was going to Cæsar’s army. Neither could they keep their
hands from the hyena, and the wolf which suckled Remus and
Romulus;&mdash;they melted this precious monument of the Roman
nation for the sake of some paltry pieces of copper coin. They
destroyed, in the same manner, the man contending with a lion;
an hippopotamus of the Nile, the body of which ended in a tail
covered with scales; the elephant shaking his trunk; the
sphynxes, whose upper parts were those of women of rare
beauty, but who, below, resembled fearful and horrid animals;
these sphynxes were the more admirable from appearing to be
able to walk, and at the same time to fly, and to dispute the palm
of swiftness with the largest birds. A horse without a bridle,
pricking up his ears and neighing; a tamed bull, walking with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[438]</a></span>
slow, heavy steps; and Scylla, that ancient monster, a woman to
the waist, with her long neck, her large breasts, and an air full
of cruelty; her inferior parts divided, to form those animals
which attacked the vessels of Ulysses, and devoured several of
his companions.</p>

<p>There was, likewise, in the Hippodrome, a bronze eagle, a
wonderful monument of the magic art of Apollonius of Tyana.
Being at Byzantium, he was implored to put an end to the
trouble the inhabitants endured from the bites of serpents.
Having recourse to his criminal arts, in which he had been
instructed by demons and men initiated in their wicked mysteries,
he placed upon a column an eagle which could not be
looked upon without pleasure, and which drew passers-by to
stop and contemplate it, as the songs of the Syrens fascinated
those who listened to them. His wings were extended as if
he were about to fly; but the folds of a serpent, which he held
in his talons, impeded his efforts. The reptile stretched out
its head as if to reach the wings of the bird; but its efforts
were in vain; for, pierced by the claws of the eagle, its ardour
relaxed, so that it appeared rather to be about to sleep or die
than to fasten on the wings of the eagle. Thus the serpent
was breathing its last sigh, and its venom was exhaling with it;
whilst the eagle, with a haughty glance, and actually appearing
to utter cries of victory, endeavoured to raise the serpent, and
bear it away into the heavens with him; all which was expressed
by the eagle’s superb look, and the death of the serpent. It
might almost be said, in seeing the serpent thus forced to slacken
its flexible folds, and forego its venomous bites, that it drove
away, by its example, other serpents from Byzantium, and exhorted
them to conceal themselves in their holes. And this was
not all that rendered the figure of this eagle admirable; for it
indicated, very correctly to the eye of an instructed spectator,
the twelve hours of the day, by twelve lines traced upon its
wings, when the rays of the sun were not veiled by clouds.</p>

<p>What shall I say of the Helen, with arms whiter than
snow, with small delicate feet, and a bosom of alabaster? Of
Helen, who brought all Greece together against Troy, who
occasioned the ruin of that city, who from the Trojan shores,
passed to those of the Nile, and thence at length returned to
Lacedæmon? Was she able to subdue these inexorable men, and
soften these hearts of iron? She had not the power; she, whose
beauty charmed every spectator, whose robing was magnificent,
who, although of bronze, was full of delicious languor, and who,
even to her tunic, her veil, her diadem, and her elegantly
arranged hair, appeared to respire the very spirit of voluptuousness.
Her tunic was of a fabric more delicate than the tissues<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[439]</a></span>
of Arachne; her veil was of the most admirable workmanship;
the diadem which encircled her brow, glittered with the brilliancy
of gold and precious stones; and her floating tresses,
agitated by the wind, were gathered together behind, and
descended to her legs. Her lips, slightly separated, like the cup
of a rose, appeared ready to breathe soft and pleasant words,
whilst her inexpressibly sweet smile seemed, in a manner, to
meet the spectator, and fill him with delicious emotion. But
language cannot describe or transmit to posterity the charm of
her look, the arch so exquisitely marked of her eyebrows, or the
graces which adorned her person. But thou, Helen, daughter
of Tyndarus, lovely with natural beauty, work of the Loves,
object of the cares of Venus, the most admirable gift of
nature, the prize of victory proposed to Greeks and Trojans,
where is the Nepenthe, that remedy against sadness, which the
wife of Thoas remitted to thee? Where are those philters
which none can resist? Why didst thou not employ them as
formerly? But I see how it was. Thy inevitable destiny was
to become the prey of the flames, thou, whose image alone had
power to kindle the flames of love in the hearts of all who
beheld thee. Perhaps I may say, that these descendants of
Æneas condemned thee to the fire, to avenge in thy own person
Ilium, consumed by the fires which thy loves had created. But
the fury of gold which possessed the Latins, and led them to
annihilate in every spot the most beautiful masterpieces of art,
is beyond my power of imagining or describing. But I may
venture to say this; they separate themselves from their wives,
and yield them to the embraces of others for a few oboles; they
are incessantly occupied in plunder, or in games of chance; they
put on armour, and fight with each other, with a senseless and
furious ardour, and not with a prudent, regulated valour; expose
all they possess as the prize for victory, without excepting
the young brides who have given them the pleasures of paternity,
or even their own lives, a treasure so dear and valuable to
all other men, and for the preservation of which there is nothing
they will not undertake.&mdash;Barbarians even, without letters,
know and repeat these verses upon thee, Helen:&mdash;“It is just
that both Greeks and Trojans should undergo long misfortunes
for the woman whose beauty equals that of immortal goddesses.”</p>

<p>There stood upon a column another woman of singular beauty,
apparently in the period of brilliant youth, whose hair descended
in tresses on each side of her face, and was fastened behind; she
occupied a situation but slightly elevated, so that she could be
touched by the hand. In the right hand, although the arm had
no support, this statue bore a horseman, whose horse she held by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[440]</a></span>
one foot, and that apparently as easily as a cup of wine is carried.
This horseman, of a manly, noble bearing, clothed in his
cuirass, and with booted legs, seemed actually to breathe war.
The horse’s ears were raised as if he heard the sound of the
trumpet, his head elevated, his look fiery, and the ardour
painted in his eyes denoted his impatience for the course; his
feet, prancing in the air, seemed springing forward with a warlike
bound.</p>

<p>After this statue, next to the eastern boundary of the Quadriges,
called of the yellow faction, were placed statues of charioteers,
examples and models of the art of skilfully driving a
chariot. They appeared almost, by the disposition of their
hands, to warn charioteers, not to loosen the reins on approaching
the boundary; but to hold the horses with a tight hand
whilst turning, and to make a sharp and continual use of the
whip, so as to keep as close to the boundary as possible, and
leave the unskilful rival charioteer, to make too wide a sweep,
and lose the advantage, even with the best horses.</p>

<p>I will only add one particularity, for I have not undertaken to
describe everything. That which excited remarkable pleasure
and admiration, was a stone basis, upon which was placed an
animal in bronze, which might have been taken for an ox, but
that its tail was too small; like the oxen of Egypt, it had
not long dewlaps, and its hoofs were not cloven. It crushed
within its jaws, almost to the point of stifling it, another animal,
whose body was bristling with scales, so pointed, that although
of bronze, they would wound those who ventured to touch
them: this animal was supposed to be a basilisk, and the creature
it had seized, an aspick; but by others one was said to be
an ox from the banks of the Nile, and the other a crocodile. For
my part, I will not undertake to reconcile these opinions; I will
content myself with saying that they were engaged in a most
astonishing contest, and inflicted serious wounds upon each
other; for sometimes the more strong, sometimes the mere
weak, they were at the same time conquerors and conquered.
The animal, which many supposed to be a basilisk, was all swollen
from head to feet, and the poison circulating throughout its
body, and flowing through all its members, gave it a colour
greener than that of frogs,&mdash;a colour of death. It was upon its
knees, with languishing eyes, and appeared to have lost all
strength and vigour. It might have been believed even, that it
had long been dead, had not its hind legs, at least, still stood
firmly under it. The other animal which it held in its jaws, still
waved its tail a little, and opened its long mouth under the pressure
of the teeth which held and stifled it. It appeared to use
its utmost efforts to escape from the teeth and jaws which held<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[441]</a></span>
it so tenaciously, but could not succeed; for its body was fast
between the jaws, and transpierced by the teeth of its enemy
from the shoulders and the fore-feet to the part next to the tail.
It was thus they died, the one by the other; the combat was
mutual, the vengeance reciprocal, the victory equal, and the
death common.<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> For my part, I believe I may remark on this
subject, that it is not only in effigy, or among fierce and strong
animals, that beings wicked and fatal to man thus inflict a
mutual death upon each other; but that we often see nations,
which bring war to the Romans, destroy each other; which is an
effect of the power of Christ, who disperses nations that are
friends to war, who holds blood in horror, and shows the just
marching against the aspick and the basilisk, and trampling
under foot the lion and the dragon.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 28.</i></p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>Letter to M. Michaud upon the Crusade of Children of 1212, by
M. Am. Jourdain.</i></p>

<p class="p1">The expedition beyond the seas, undertaken about 1212, and
composed entirely of children, if not one of the most striking
events of the crusades, certainly appears to me to be not one of
the least extraordinary. That institutions dictated by the spirit
of religion, and destined either to propagate our religion, or to
elevate its splendour, have not always found in their object a
preservative against the corruption attached to human beings, is
a truth established by numberless examples; but that fanaticism
or the genius of evil, should be sufficiently powerful to extinguish
in childhood the natural sentiment of its weakness, and draw it
away from its natural supports, to inspire it with this train of
ideas, this perseverance in resolutions, this accordance required
by every enterprise formed by a numerous concourse of individuals,
is what we can scarcely believe, although the memory of
the fact is preserved by several historians. Whoever is acquainted
with the taste of the middle ages for the marvellous,
and has only read the incomplete account of the modern
historians of the crusades, is at first tempted to range this expedition
among fabulous adventures; and to procure it any credit,
it is necessary to produce evidences worthy of our confidence.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[442]</a></span></p>

<p>In my first incredulity, I employed myself in collecting these
evidences; I offer them to you in this letter, monsieur, in order
to furnish, if possible, one trait more for the varied picture of
the errors of the human mind.</p>

<p>We must distinguish various circumstances in this strange
event; its date, the means which prepared it, the places that
witnessed it, and its issue. Although criticism has not sufficient
data to determine each of these points with precision, nevertheless
the chronicles of the middle ages furnish us with documents
sufficiently extensive to satisfy a prudent curiosity.</p>

<p>With regard to the date, contemporary historians all place
this crusade under the year 1212,<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> or 1213 at the latest.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> It is
only by an error very easy to be reconciled, that others advance
it twelve years,<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> or put it back ten.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p>

<p>As to the places that witnessed the birth and growth of such
an enterprise, it appears that the Crusaders belonged to two
nations, and formed two troops, which followed different routes:
one, leaving Germany, traversed Saxony and the Alps, and
arrived on the shores of the Adriatic Sea;<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> France furnished
the others, who, after collecting in the environs of Paris,
crossed Burgundy, and arrived at Marseilles, the place of
embarkation.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p>

<p>Prestiges, fanaticism, the announcement of prodigies, were all
employed to rouse the youth of these countries, and put them
in motion. It was reported, according to Vincent de Beauvais
that the Old Man of the Mountain, who was accustomed to
educate <i>arsacides</i> from the tenderest age, detained two clerks
captives, and would only grant them their liberty upon condition
that they brought him back some young boys from France. The
opinion then was, that these children, deceived by false visions,
and seduced by the promises of these two clerks, marked themselves
with the sign of the cross.</p>

<p>The promoter of the crusade in Germany was a certain Nicolas,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[443]</a></span>
a German by nation.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> “This multitude of children,” says
Bezarre, “were persuaded, by the help of a false revelation, that
the drought would be so great that year, that the abysses of the
sea would be dry; and they went to Genoa, with the intention
of passing over to Jerusalem, across the arid bed of the Mediterranean.”</p>

<p>The composition of these troops corresponded with the means
employed to seduce them. There were children of all ages and
conditions, and of both sexes; some of them were not more
than twelve years old; they set out from villages and towns,
without leaders, without guides, without provisions, and with
empty purses. It was in vain their parents or friends thought
to dissuade them by showing them the folly of such an expedition:
the captivity to which they condemned them redoubled
their ardour; breaking through doors, or opening themselves
passages through walls, they succeeded in escaping, and went to
rejoin their respective bands. If they were questioned upon the
object of their voyage, they answered that they were going to
visit the holy places. Although a pilgrimage commenced under
such auspices, and stained with all sorts of excesses, must have
been an object of scandal rather than of edification, there were
people senseless enough to see in it an act of the all-powerful
God; men and women quitted their houses and their lands to
join these vagabond troops, believing they pursued the way of
salvation: others furnished them with money and food, thinking
they aided souls inspired by God, and guided by sentiments of
divine piety. The pope, when informed of their proceedings,
exclaimed, with a groan: “These children reproach us with
being buried in sleep, whilst they are flying to the defence of
the Holy Land.”<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> If some few of the clergy, endowed with a
little foresight, openly blamed this expedition, their censures
were at once attributed to motives of avarice and incredulity;
and, in order to avoid public contempt,<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> wisdom and prudence
were condemned to silence.</p>

<p>The event, however, proved that all which man undertakes
without employing the balance of reason and earnest reflection,
does not come to a fortunate issue; “for soon,” says Bishop
Sicard, “this multitude entirely disappeared:&mdash;<i>quasi evanuit
universa</i>.”</p>

<p>But we must carefully distinguish between the fate of the
German and that of the French Crusaders, although a part of
the latter directed their course towards Italy.</p>

<p>It required nothing beyond wearing the cross to be admitted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[444]</a></span>
into the crusade; if the watchful care of princes and prelates in
expeditions directed by ecclesiastical and secular power could not
succeed in excluding from them men of bad morals, what sort of
people must have been mixed with a host got together without
the least care, and under the eye of no superior intelligence, the
greater part of whom fled, like the prodigal son, from the paternal
dwelling, in order to give themselves up, without restraint,
to their vicious inclinations? The account of Godfrey the Monk,
therefore, does not at all astonish us when he says that thieves
insinuated themselves among the German pilgrims, and disappeared
after having plundered them of their baggage and the
gifts the faithful had bestowed upon them. One of these thieves
being recognised at Cologne, ended his days on the rack. To
this first misfortune a crowd of evils quickly succeeded, the
necessary result of the want of foresight of the Crusaders. The
fatigue of a long journey, heat, disease, and want, swept away a
great number of them. Of those who arrived in Italy, some,
dispersing themselves over the country, and plundered by the
inhabitants, were reduced to servitude; others, to the amount of
seven thousand, presented themselves before Genoa. At first
the senate gave them permission to remain six or seven days in
the city; but reflecting afterwards upon the folly of the expedition,
fearing that such a multitude would produce famine, and,
above all, apprehending that Frederick, who was then in a state
of rebellion against the Holy See and at war with Genoa, might
take advantage of the circumstance to excite a tumult, they
ordered the Crusaders to depart from the city. Nevertheless, it
was a received opinion in the time of Bizarre, that the republic
granted the rights of citizenship to several of the young Germans
of this formidable body, who were distinguished by birth;
they acquired afterwards so much consideration, that they were
admitted into the order of patricians; “and it is from them,”
adds the same historian, “that several of the great families of
the present day derive their origin; among whom may be remarked
that of the Vivaldi.” The others, finding their error,
turned back towards their own country again; and these Crusaders,
who had been seen advancing in numerous troops, and
singing animating songs, returned singly, robbed of everything,
walking barefooted, undergoing the pangs of hunger, and subjected
to the scoffs and derision of the population of the cities
and countries they passed through: it is not to be wondered at,
that in such circumstances many young girls lost the chastity
which had been their ornament in their homes.</p>

<p>The Crusaders from France experienced a nearly similar fate:
a very slender portion of them returned: the rest either perished
in the waves or became an object of speculation for two Marseilles<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[445]</a></span>
merchants. Hugh Ferrers and William Porcus, so were
they named, carried on a trade with the Saracens, of which the
asle of young boys formed a considerable branch. No opportunity
for an advantageous speculation could be more favourable;
they offered to transport to the East all the pilgrims who arrived
at Marseilles, without any kind of charge for the voyage; assigning
piety as the motive for this act of generosity. This proposition
was joyfully accepted; and seven vessels, laden with these
pilgrims, set sail for the coast of Syria. At the end of two days,
when the ships were off the isle of St. Peter, near the rock of
the Recluse, a violent tempest arose, and the sea swallowed up
two of them, with all the passengers on board. The other five
arrived at Bugia and Alexandria, and the young Crusaders were
all sold to the Saracens or to slave-merchants.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> The caliph
bought forty of them, all of whom were in orders, and caused
them to be brought up with great care in a place set apart for
the purpose: twelve of the others perished as martyrs, being
unwilling to renounce their religion. None of the clerks purchased
by the caliph, according to the account of one of them
who afterwards obtained his liberty, embraced the worship of
Mahomet: all faithful to the religion of their fathers, practised
it constantly in tears and slavery. Hugh and William having at
a later period formed the project of assassinating Frederick,
were discovered, and perished in an ignominious manner, with
three Saracens, their accomplices, receiving, in this miserable
end, the wages due to their treachery.</p>

<p>Pope Gregory IX. afterwards caused a church to be built in
the island of St. Peter, in honour of those who were shipwrecked,
and instituted twelve canonships to provide for the duties of it.
In the time of Alberic the spot was still pointed out where the
bodies cast up by the waves were buried.</p>

<p>As for the Crusaders who survived so many calamities, and
remained in Europe, with the exception of some old and infirm
persons, the pope would not release them from their vows; they
were obliged either to perform the pilgrimage at a maturer age,
or to redeem it by alms.</p>

<p>Such was the issue of this crusade, so justly designated by two
chronicles, <i>expeditio nugatoria, expeditio derisoria</i>.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p>

<p>Two facts strike us as extraordinary in this account: the condition
attached by the Old Man of the Mountain to the liberty
of the clerk of whom Vincent of Beauvais speaks, and the trade
in children carried on by the merchants of Marseilles.</p>

<p>Upon the first point we can offer nothing but the opinion received<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[446]</a></span>
among the nations of the West. It was generally believed
in the thirteenth century, that the Old Man of the Mountain
kept up a connection with Christian Europe; several princes
were even accused of having had recourse to the daggers of his
assassins to get rid of their enemies. Frederick received ambassadors
from him in Sicily.<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> Roger Bacon complains bitterly
of the fascinations secretly employed by the Saracens to seduce
the young servants of Christ;<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> the name of <i>Assassins</i> had already
passed into the vulgar tongue in the thirteenth century, and was
the object of general terror. In spite, then, of the opinion of
some critics, a more extended examination than comes within the
scope of this letter is necessary, before we reject the account of
Vincent of Bauvais.</p>

<p>As to the trade in young boys, that is not at all a new fact;
many traces of it are to be found much anterior to this period.
The Greeks and Venetians practised it openly enough. Pope
Zacharias repurchased, in 748, many Christian slaves, who had
been taken away from Rome by Venetian merchants; the people
of Verdun, as witnessed by Lilprand, were about to sell to the
Arabs of Spain some young boys they had mutilated, and who
were to serve as guards to the women of seraglios.<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> Besides,
the fate of the young Crusaders who embarked at Marseilles,
and found degradation and slavery instead of the sacred soil
promised to their blind zeal, is attested by two contemporary
writers, worthy of perfect confidence: these are the illustrious
Thomas de Champré<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> and Roger Bacon.<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> I do not then perceive
any reasonable doubt that can be raised against this fact,
but I find in it a fresh example of human cupidity, which sacrifices,
in order to satisfy its cravings, that which nature and
religion hold most sacred.&mdash;Receive, Monsieur, &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[447]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 29.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>A Letter from Pope Innocent III.</i><a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Now that motives more pressing than ever call Christians to
the assistance of the Holy Land, and that we have reason to
expect, from the present aid, more fortunate results than have
been hitherto obtained, we again raise our voice, and make you
to hear our cries in the name of Him who, when dying, cried
with a loud voice from the cross, and who carried obedience
towards God, his father, so far as to die upon the cross, crying
in order to drag us from the torments of an eternal death;
who cried also by himself, and said: “If any one desires to
come with me, let him entirely renounce himself, let him take
up his cross, and follow me.” This is as if he said in a
more manifest manner, Let him who desires to follow me to the
crown, follow me also to the fight, which is now proposed to
all to serve as a trial. There is no doubt that the Omnipotent
God was able, if it had been his will, to prevent this land falling
into the hands of the enemies; he is able even now, if it
were his will, to wrest it from them easily; since nothing
can resist his will. But as iniquity was carried almost to its
height, and as the zeal of charity was chilled in most, to arouse
his faithful servants from the sleep of death, and to recall to
them the desire of life, he offers this conflict to them, in order
to prove their faith, like gold in the crucible; offering to them
in this, an opportunity, nay more, an assured pledge of obtaining
salvation. For this, they who shall have fought valiantly for
him, shall obtain of him a crown of happiness; but they who,
in such a pressing necessity, shall have drawn back from the service
they owed to the glory of the Lord, will deserve to hear, at
the great day of judgment, their just condemnation pronounced.
What happy effects will this holy enterprise produce! How
many, turning towards penitence, will range themselves under
the standard of the cross, and will merit, by their efforts, a
crown of glory, who perhaps would have perished in their
iniquity, after having passed a life entirely consecrated to carnal
voluptuousness and to the frivolities of this world. This is an
old artifice of Jesus Christ, which he has deigned to repeat in
our days for the salvation of his faithful servants. In fact, if
any earthly monarch were driven by his enemies from his states,
would not, when he should have recovered them, such of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[448]</a></span>
vassals be condemned as infidels, and destined to all the punishments
which the greatly guilty deserve, as had not exposed for
his sake, not only their lives but their persons? In the same
manner the King of Kings, our Lord Jesus Christ, who has given
you a body and a soul, and all the other blessings you enjoy, will
condemn you as guilty of black ingratitude, and of the crime of
infidelity, if you fail to march to his succour at a time when he
is in a manner driven from the kingdom he has acquired by his
blood. Let whoever then shall refuse, in this pressing necessity,
to hasten to the help of his Redeemer, know that he will exhibit
a criminal hardness, and that he will be grievously guilty. If any
one should be unjustly deprived of a portion, however small, of
the heritage of his fathers, soon, according to the usages of the
world, he would labour with all his strength to have this injustice
repaired, and to repel this violence; and would spare neither
his person nor his property, until he had succeeded in regaining
all that he had lost. What excuse, then, can he bring who shall
have declined some trifling labours to punish offences committed
against his Redeemer, and avenge the outrages he has received;
and who, by sparing his person and his goods, prevents the
recovery of the places which witnessed the passion and the
resurrection of our Lord, in which God, our king, deigned, some
centuries ago, to operate, upon the earth, the salvation of men?
How, also, according to the divine precept, can he love his
neighbour as himself (as it is written), who knows that his brethren,
Christians in belief and in name, are groaning in the prisons
of the perfidious Saracens, and are suffering all the horrors
of the hardest captivity, and shall refuse to labour in an effective
manner for their deliverance, transgressing by this, this precept
of the natural law, which God has made known in his Gospel:
“Do unto other men that which you wish they should do unto
you.” Are you ignorant, that among these people, many thousands
of Christians groan in slavery and in chains, and are constantly
subject to the most cruel tortures? All the provinces
now in the power of the Saracens were inhabited by Christian
nations till after the time of St. Gregory; but towards that
period, there arose a child of perdition, a false prophet, named
Mahomet, who, by the attractions of the joys of this world, and
by the bait of carnal voluptuousness, found means to seduce a
great number and turn them aside from the path of truth. Although
his perfidy may have triumphed up to the present day,
we place, nevertheless, our confidence in the Lord, who has
hitherto so well inspired us, and we hope that we shall soon see
the end of this beast, of which, according to the Apocalypse of
St. John, “the number is included in six hundred and sixty-six.”
He will soon end by the operation of the Holy Ghost, who will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[449]</a></span>
revive, with the fire of charity, the chilled hearts of the faithful;
and of these years, nearly six hundred have already passed away.
In addition to the other grave and considerable insults that the
perfidious Saracens have inflicted on our Redeemer on account
of our sins, lately, upon Mount Tabor, where he revealed to his
disciples the image of future glory, these same perfidious Saracens
have erected a fortress for the confusion of the Christian
name. They hope, by means of this fortress, easily to obtain
possession of the city of Acre, which is near to it, and afterwards
invade, without the least obstacle, the rest of the Holy Land,
almost entirely destitute of strength and means of defence. For
this, then, my dear children in Christ, change into sentiments of
peace and love your brotherly dissensions and discords, and let
every one of you hasten to range himself under the standard of
the cross, without hesitating to expose his person and his wealth
for Him who offered up his soul for you, and shed his blood for
you. March with security, upon this holy expedition, certain
that if you are truly repentant, this short and transient labour
will be for you a certain means of obtaining life eternal. For
us, depositaries of the Divine mercy, and to whom has been
transmitted the authority of the blessed St. Peter and St. Paul,
according to the power which, although we were unworthy of it,
God has given us to bind and unbind, we grant, to all who shall
undertake in person and at their own expense this meritorious
labour, the absolute pardon of their sins, after they shall heartily
have repented of them, and shall have confessed them by word of
mouth, and we give them the certain hope, by this means, of obtaining
more easily life everlasting. As for those who, without assisting
in person in the expedition, shall contribute to it by sending,
according to their rank and their means, men fit for the purpose,
in the same manner to those who shall go in person, although at
the expense of others, we grant to all pardon for their sins.
We grant the same pardon, in proportion with the extent of their
sacrifices and the fervour of their devotion, to those who shall
deprive themselves of a part of their worldly goods to provide
for the expenses of the enterprise. We equally take under the
protection of Saint Peter and of ourselves, the persons and the
property of the faithful, from the moment they shall receive the
sign of the cross; we place them under that of the archbishops
and bishops, and all the prelates of the Church; and we declare
that no infringement shall be made upon the possessions of the
absent, until certain intelligence be obtained of their death or of
their return. If any one shall make an attempt to do so, he
shall be cited before the prelates of the Church, and shall be
subjected to ecclesiastical censure. If it should happen, moreover,
that any one of those who are disposed to set out for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[450]</a></span>
Holy Land, should be obliged, by oath to pay any usurious
amounts, we enjoin the prelates of the Church, to employ the
same means to force their creditors to liberate them from their
oath, and to desist from their usurious demands; and if it
should happen that any one of these creditors should undertake
to force his debtor to the payment of the usuries, let him incur
the same censure, and be forced to make restitution. As for the
Jews, we order that they be forced, by the secular power, to
make remission of all usury to them who are going to the Holy
Land; and, until they have made that remission, they shall be
deprived, by means of excommunication, of all kinds of commerce
with Christians. But in order that the succour furnished
to the Holy Land should become less burdensome and more
easy, from being levied upon a greater number, we beg all the
faithful in general, and every one individually, in the name of
the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, the only true, the only
Eternal God, demanding in the name of Jesus Christ and for
Jesus Christ, of all archbishops, bishops, abbots, and priors; of
all chapters of churches, whether cathedral or conventual; of all
clerks, as well as of all cities, towns, and villages, to furnish each,
according to their faculties, the required number of warriors,
with everything necessary for their support for three years. If,
for this purpose, each individual contribution should appear insufficient,
several should be joined together; for we entertain
no doubt that enough persons will present themselves, if the
means be not wanting. We particularly request kings, princes,
counts, barons, and other wealthy men who do not assist in the
expedition in person, to contribute their part according to their
means. As to maritime cities, we require of them the assistance
of vessels. And for fear that we should appear to impose heavy
and serious burdens upon others, which we are unwilling to put
our hand to ourselves, we declare in our conscience, and before
God, that all which we require of others we will eagerly do ourselves.
We have thought it our duty to state, with respect to
the clerks who shall form part of the expedition, that, all contestation
ceasing, they may, to that effect, pledge the revenues of
their benefices for three years. But as the succour which the
Holy Land requires may meet with many obstacles and delays,
if, before conferring the cross upon every one, it were necessary
to stop to examine if he were capable of performing personally
all the obligations imposed by such a vow, we consent that, regulars
excepted, all who desire it shall take the cross; and that, if
reasons of a pressing necessity, or of an evident utility require
it, their vow may be, in virtue of an apostolic mandatory letter,
changed, redeemed, or deferred; and, for the same reason, we
revoke the pardons and indulgences granted by us, up to this day,
to those who offered to march against the Moors in Spain, or against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[451]</a></span>
the heretics of Provence; particularly as they were granted to
them for a time which is now entirely passed away, and for reasons
which, in a great degree, have ceased to exist. For, with the grace
of God, these affairs have so progressed, that they no longer
require active measures; and if, by chance, they should again
require them, we should take care quickly to turn our attention
towards them. We grant, however, that the Provençals and
Spaniards should still enjoy these indulgences. Moreover, as
corsairs and pirates greatly impede the measures taken for the
succour of the Holy Land, by seizing and plundering those who
are going thither, we excommunicate them, as well as their
principal accomplices and abettors; forbidding under pain of
anathema, any person, wittingly, to treat with them for any sale
or any purchase, and enjoining the governors of cities and places
which they inhabit, to reclaim them from this trade of iniquity,
and put an end to their brigandages. Besides, as not being willing
to trouble the wicked is nothing else but encouraging them;
and as this is not foreign to the manœuvres of a secret society
which neglects to oppose these manifest crimes, we cannot
refrain from employing ecclesiastical severity against the persons
and the property of those who shall be in this condition; because
they would become no less dangerous to the Christian name
than the Saracens themselves. Moreover, we renew the sentence
of excommunication, passed in the Council of the Lateran,
against those who supply the Saracens with armour and weapons,
or serve as pilots to the corsairs of those nations; we declare
also that they shall be deprived of all they possess, and shall
remain in slavery, if they chance to fall into it. We order
that this sentence be published in all maritime cities, every Sunday
and festival. But as we have much more to look for from
divine clemency than from human power, we must, in such a
conjuncture, contend less with corporeal arms than with spiritual
arms; therefore we order and decree, that once in every month
there shall be made, separately, a general procession of men, and
in the same manner separately, as much as possible, one of
women, during which, with minds filled with the spirit of humility,
all will ask, with fervent prayers, that it may please the
divine mercy to remove from us opprobrium and confusion, by
delivering from the hands of pagans, that land upon which all
the mysteries of our redemption were effected, and by restoring
it, for the glory of the Omnipotent, to the Christian people.
Care must always be taken, in these processions, to make a fervent
exhortation to the people, and to repeat to them the name
of the sign of our salvation. To prayer must be added fasting
and charity, in order that they may be like wings to prayer, and
carry it more easily and more promptly to the pious ears of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[452]</a></span>
Eternal, who will listen to us with kindness in his own good time.
Every day, likewise, at the solemn mass, after the kiss of peace,
at the moment in which the salutary host, offered for the sins of
the world, is upon the point of being consumed, all present, men
as well as women, shall prostrate themselves humbly to the earth,
and the clerks shall sing with a loud voice, the psalm, <i>Deus
venerunt gentes in hæreditatem tuam</i>; to which they shall add:
<i>Exurgat Deus et dissipentur inimici ejus; et fugiant à facie
ejus qui oderunt eum</i>. Then the officiating priest shall sing with
a loud voice upon the altar, the prayer, <i>Deus qui admirabile,
&amp;c.</i> In churches in which the general procession shall assemble,
care shall be taken to place a <i>tronc</i>, which shall be fastened with
three keys, one of which shall remain in the hands of an honest
priest, another in those of a devout layman, and the third in
those of a monk, that they may be faithfully taken care of. It
is in these troncs that clerks, laymen, men, and women shall
deposit the alms destined for the aid of the Holy Land, according
to the dispositions of those to whom these cares shall have
been confided. As to the departure and the voyage, which
should be made with modesty and order, we will, as yet, state
nothing regarding them until the army of the Lord shall have
taken the cross. But as all the circumstances are now prepared
for, we will make all the arrangements which may appear necessary,
aided by the counsels of wise and prudent men. To this
effect, we have chosen our beloved son De Sales, the late abbots
of Novo Castro, C. dean of Spire, and the guardian of the
Augustines, all men of probity and known fidelity, who, after
having associated themselves with other worthy and honest men,
shall regulate and dispose, in our name, all that they shall deem
necessary for the success of this enterprise, causing their orders
to be faithfully and carefully executed by men fit for the business
and specially appointed to it. This, therefore, is why we
pray you all, we supplicate and conjure you, in the name of the
Lord, command you by this present apostolic letters, and enjoin
you by the authority of the Holy Ghost, to take care to prove,
on every occasion, to these legates of Jesus Christ, by your
eagerness to furnish them with all things necessary, that they
will find, by you and in you, the means of attaining the so much
desired end.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 30.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Poetry of the Troubadours for the Crusades.</i></p>

<p class="p1">See how great is the folly of him who remains here! Does
not Jesus command his apostles to follow him, and that he who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[453]</a></span>
should follow him should leave his friends and his wealthy
abode? The time is come to obey this order: he who dies beyond
the seas is more happy than if he lived; and he who lives
on this side of them is more unfortunate than if he died. What
is a cowardly, shameful life worth? Ah! he who dies generously
triumphs over death itself, and lives again in felicity.</p>

<p class="pls1">*******</p>

<p>Let him cease to boast of being brave, the knight who does not
arm to succour both the cross and the sacred tomb! Yes, with
rich equipments, with valour, with courtesy, and with all that is
fair and irreproachable, we cannot obtain glory and happiness in
paradise. What more could counts and kings require, if, by
honourable deeds, they could redeem themselves from hell and
from fire eternal, in which so many wretches would live tormented
for ever?</p>

<p>Whoever is forced by old age or sickness to remain at home,
let him give his money to those who are willing to take arms: it
is a good deed to send another in your place; particularly when
you are not kept back by cowardice. Ah! at the day of judgment,
what will they answer who have remained at home? God
will appear, and will say: “False men! men full of cowardice!
for your sakes I died, for your sakes I was scourged.” Then,
the just man himself, will he be without fear?&mdash;(Pons de Capducil:
<i>Er nos sia</i>.)</p>

<p>I would that the king of France and the king of England
were at peace! Certes, God would greatly honour him of the
two who should consent the first, and would never forget his
merits. Yes, that king would be crowned in heaven. Ah! why
are the king of Apulia and the emperor not friends and brothers,
until the holy tomb be recovered? Are they ignorant that the
pardon they grant here, they themselves shall obtain at the day
of the great judgment?&mdash;(Pons de Capducil: <i>En honor</i>.)</p>

<p>What mourning! what despair! what tears! when God shall
say, “Go, wretches, go into hell, where you shall be tormented
for ever in tortures, in agonies. This is your punishment for
not having believed that I underwent a cruel passion: I died for
you, and you have forgotten it.” But they who, in the crusade,
shall meet with death, will be able to say, “And we, Lord, we
died for thee.”&mdash;(Folquet de Romans: <i>Quan lo dous</i>.)</p>

<p>To-day will the brave, the gallant, and the courageous show
themselves; it will be their audacity and their bravery that
will distinguish them: this is the moment to display skill and
valour. God calls, he himself calls, he chooses true knights, he
who knows them, and he rejects the base who are wanting in
courage and faith: it is the valiant alone whom his mercy will
distinguish.&mdash;(Pierre d’Auvergne: <i>Lo Senhor</i>.)</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[454]</a></span></p>

<p>The time is come, the day is arrived, in which it will be put
to the test who are the men worthy of serving the Eternal: he
calls, but he only calls upon the gallant and the brave. They
shall be ever his, who, knowing faithfully how to suffer, devote
themselves, and fight, shall be full of frankness, generosity,
courtesy, and loyalty. Let the cowardly and the avaricious
remain where they are; God only wants the good: he is willing
that they should save themselves by their own high deeds.
What a worthy and glorious salvation!</p>

<p>If ever William Malespine appeared brave among us, he has
now furnished God himself with the proof of it; he took the
cross the first, he took the cross voluntarily, to deliver the holy
sepulchre and the sacred heritage. What shame! how wrong
it is of the kings and the emperor that they do not deign to
conclude treaties and truces with one another, in order to be
able to succour the kingdom of the law, the holy light, and the
tomb and the cross which the Turks have so long retained. The
repetition alone of this disaster overwhelms us with profound
sadness&mdash;(Aimerie de Peguilhan: <i>Evas pana</i>.)</p>

<p class="p2">It will soon be known what gallant men entertain the noble
ambition of meriting the glory of this world and the glory of
God. Yes, they may obtain the one and the other, they who
devote themselves to the pious pilgrimage to deliver the holy
tomb. Great God, what grief! the Turks have assailed and
profaned it! Let us be sensible, even to the depths of our hearts,
of this mortal disgrace; let us clothe ourselves with the sign of
the Crusaders, let us pass over the seas; we have a safe and
courageous guide, the sovereign pontiff Innocent himself.</p>

<p>Yes, every one is invited thither, every one is required; let
every one march forward and cross himself in the name of that
God who was crucified between two thieves, when he was so
unjustly condemned by the Jews. If we still set a value on
loyalty and bravery, we must fear the opprobrium of leaving
Christ thus disinherited; but we love, we wish for that which
is evil, and despise that which would be good and useful. But
what! life, in our countries, is for us, nothing but a continual
danger; and death, in the Holy Land, is for us eternal happiness.</p>

<p>Ah! ought we to hesitate to suffer death in the service of
God, of that God who deigned to suffer for our deliverance!
Yes, they shall be saved with St. Andrew, they who shall march
towards Mount Tabor: let no one feel dread in the passage of
this fleshly death. That which is to be feared is spiritual death,
which delivers us up to the place where there shall be weeping
and gnashing of teeth, as St. Matthew shows and assures us.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[455]</a></span></p>

<p class="ppn6 p1">Signor, saciez-tu or ne s’en ira<br />
En cele terre u diex fu mors et vis,<br />
Et ki la crois d’outre mer ne prendra<br />
A paines mais ira en Paradis:<br />
Ki a en soi pitié et ramembrance<br />
Au haut Seignor, doit guerre sa vengeance,<br />
Et delivrer sa terre et son pays....<br />
Or s’en iront cil vaillant bacheler<br />
Ki aiment Dieu et l’oneur de cest mont<br />
Ki sagement voilent à Dieu aler,<br />
Et li morveux, li cendreus demourront:<br />
Avugle sunt, de ce ne dont je mie,<br />
Ki au secours ne font Dieu en sa vie<br />
Et por si poc pert la gloire del mont.<br />
Diex se laissa per nos en crois pener;<br />
Et nous dira au jour où tuit venront:<br />
“Vos, ki ma crois m’aidâtes à porfer,<br />
Vos en irez là où li angele sont;<br />
Là me verrez, et ma Mère Marie;<br />
Et vos, par qui je n’oi onques aie,<br />
Descendez tuit en enfer le parfont.”<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></p>

<p class="p1">&mdash;Thibault, king of Navarre. He took the cross in 1236; he set out
from Marseilles in the month of August, 1238 or 1239.</p>


<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 31.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Upon the Funeral Ceremonies of the Prussians.</i></p>

<p class="p1">When a man, particularly a noble, died, he was placed upon
a seat in the midst of his family and his friends, who said to
him, “Hilloa! hadst thou not a comfortable house and a handsome
wife, why didst thou die? Hadst thou not large flocks,
horses of speed, and dogs of sure scent? What has driven thee
from the world?” They then spread out the riches of the dead
man, asking him the same questions; and as he made them no
answer, those who were present charged him with messages to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[456]</a></span>
their deceased friends and relations.<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> They made the defunct
funeral presents: for the men, this was a sword, to defend them
against their enemies; for the women, it was a needle and thread,
with which they might mend their clothes during their long
voyage. The poor were buried, the rich were consumed upon a
funeral pile.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> The relations accompanied the convoy on horseback,
sword in hand, uttering cries to drive away evil spirits.
When arrived at the place of the ceremony, the cortège went
three times round the pile, repeating these words: “Hilloa!
why hast thou quitted life?” With the dead they burnt household
goods, horses, dogs, falcons, everything which had ministered
to the wants or pleasures of the deceased upon earth;
sometimes even the wives, and the slaves who were attached to
him, were cast into the lighted pile. Panegyrists, whom they
called <i>talissons</i><a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> and <i>ligastons</i>, pronounced the eulogy of the
dead; and whilst the flames ascended towards the heavens, they
fancied they beheld him in the clouds, mounted upon a white
horse, clad in brilliant armour, holding three stars in the right
hand, a falcon on the left hand, and advancing towards another
world in all the splendour of power and glory.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 32.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Letter from the Count of Artois upon the taking of Damietta.</i></p>

<p class="p1">To his very excellent and very dear mother, Blanche, by the
grace of God, illustrious queen of France, Robert, Count
d’Artois, her devoted son, salutation, filial piety, and a will
always obedient to hers. As you take much interest in our
prosperity, in that of ours and of the Christian people, when you
shall learn them with certainty, your excellence will no doubt
rejoice to know that the lord, our brother and king, the queen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[457]</a></span>
and her sister, and ourselves also, are enjoying, thanks to God,
perfect health. We ardently desire that you may be in the
enjoyment of the like. Our dear brother, the Count of Anjou,
is still afflicted with his quartan fever, but it is less violent than
it was. The lord, our brother, with the barons and pilgrims who
passed the winter in the isle of Cyprus, assembled on board their
vessels, at the port of Limisso, on the evening of the Ascension,
in order to proceed against the enemies of the Christian faith.
After much labour, and much opposition on the part of the winds,
they arrived, under the guardianship of God, on the Friday after
Trinity, and towards mid-day, upon the coast, where, having cast
anchor, they assembled in the king’s vessel, to deliberate upon
what was to be done. As they saw before them Damietta, and
the port guarded by a great multitude of barbarians, on horseback
as well as on foot, and the mouth of the river covered with a
great number of armed vessels, it was resolved that on the following
day, all should land with our lord the king.</p>

<p>On the morrow, the Christian army, leaving the large vessels,
descended into the galleys and small boats. Full of confidence
in the mercy of God, and in the succour of the holy cross, which
the legate carried near the king, they directed their course
towards the shore and against the enemy, who launched a great
number of arrows against them. Nevertheless, as the small
boats, on account of the too great depth of the sea, could not
gain the shore, the Christian army, leaving their boats to the
care of Providence, threw themselves into the sea, and gained
land, although loaded with their armour. Although a multitude
of Turks defended the shores against the Christians, nevertheless,
thanks to our Lord Jesus Christ, the latter made themselves
masters of it without loss, and killed a great number of
the horse and foot soldiers, and some, as we hear, of great name.
The Saracens retreated into the city, which was well fortified by
the river, its walls and strong towers; but the All-Powerful Lord
gave it up, on the next day, which was the octave of the Trinity,
to the Christian army; the Saracens flying away, after having
abandoned it. This was done by the favour of God alone.
Know that these same Saracens have left the city full of provisions
of all kinds, and of machines of war. The Christian
army, after having fully supplied itself, left half for the provisioning
of the city. The king, our lord, has sojourned there
with his army, and, during his sojourn, has caused to be brought
from the vessels all he requires. We have thought it best to
remain here till the retreat of the waters of the Nile, which will,
as we hear, inundate the country, and would cause great losses
in the Christian army.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[458]</a></span></p>

<p>The countess of Anjou was confined in the isle of Cyprus, of
a fine well-made boy, whom she has left at nurse there. Given
at the camp of <i>Jamas</i>, in the year of our Lord 1249, in the
month of June, and on the eve of St. John the Baptist.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 33.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Letter of St. Louis upon his Captivity and Deliverance.</i></p>

<p class="p1">Louis, by the grace of God, king of the French, to his
beloved and faithful prelates, barons, warriors, citizens, burgesses,
and all the other inhabitants of his kingdom, to whom
these present letters may come, salutation!</p>

<p>For the honour and glory of the name of God, desiring, with
all our soul, to pursue the enterprise of the crusade, we have
thought proper to inform you all that after the taking of Damietta,
which our Lord Jesus Christ, by his ineffable mercy, as by
miracle, gave up to the power of the Christians, as you have no
doubt learnt, by the advice of our council, we set out from that
city the 20th day of the month of November last. Our armies of
land and sea were united; we marched against that of the
Saracens, which was gathered together, and encamped in a
place vulgarly called Mansourah. During our march, we sustained
the attack of the enemy, who constantly experienced considerable
loss. Upon one day among others, many men belonging
to the Egyptian army, who came to attack ours, were
killed. We learnt by the way that the Sultan of Cairo had just
terminated his unhappy life; that before dying he sent for his
son, who was in the eastern provinces, and made all the officers
of his army take the oath of fidelity to this prince; and that he
had left the command of all his troops to one of his emirs,
named Fakr-eddin. Upon our arrival at the spot I have named,
we found the news true. It was on the Thursday before the
festival of Christmas that we arrived there; but we were not
able to approach the Saracens, on account of a stream of water,
which was between the two armies, called the river Thanis, a
stream which separates itself at this spot from the great river of
the Nile. We placed our camp between these two rivers, and
it extended from the greater to the lesser one. We had there
some engagements with the Saracens, who had many of their
men killed by the swords of ours, but a great number of them
were drowned in the waters. As the Thanis was not fordable, on
account of the deepness of its waters, and the height of its
banks, we began to throw a causeway across it, in order to open
a passage for the Christian army; we worked at it for many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[459]</a></span>
days with great labour, dangers, and expense. The Saracens
opposed all the efforts of our toil: they built machines to act
against our machines; and they broke to pieces with stones, and
burned with their Greek fire the towers and timbers which we
placed upon the causeway. We had almost lost all hope of passing
over by means of the causeway, when a Saracen fugitive informed
us of a ford by which the Christian army might cross the
river. Having called together our barons, and the principal
leaders of the army, on the Monday before Ash-Wednesday, it
was resolved that on the following day, that is to say, the day of
Carême penant (three days before Lent), we should repair early
in the morning to the place pointed out for crossing the river,
leaving a small part of the army to guard the camp. The next
day, having ranged our troops in order of battle, we proceeded
to the ford, and crossed the river, not without incurring great
dangers; for the ford was deeper and more difficult than it had
been represented to us. Our horses were obliged to swim, and
it was not easy to get out of the river, on account of the elevation
of the banks, which were besides very muddy. When
we had crossed the river, we arrived at the place where the
Saracens had raised machines in face of our causeway. Our
vanguard, attacking the enemy, killed a vast many people, and
spared neither sex nor age. Among the number, the Saracens
lost a general and several emirs. Our troops having afterwards
dispersed themselves over the country, some of our soldiers
passed through the camp of the enemy, and arrived at the village
named Mansourah, killing all they met with; but the
Saracens perceiving the imprudence of our men, resumed their
courage, and fell upon them, surrounding them on all sides, and
overwhelming them with numbers. A great carnage ensued of
our barons and warriors, ecclesiastics as well as others, whom we
have with reason deplored, and whose loss we still continue to
deplore. There we lost also our brave and illustrious brother,
the count d’Artois, worthy of eternal remembrance. It is with
bitterness of heart we recall the memory of that painful loss,
although we ought to rejoice at it; for we believe and hope that
having received the crown of martyrdom, he is gone into the
heavenly country, and that he there enjoys the reward accorded
to holy martyrs. On that day the Saracens pouring down upon
us from all parts, and piercing our troops with showers of
arrows, we withstood their fierce assaults till the ninth hour,
although we were entirely without the assistance of our cross-bowmen.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>
In the end, after having a great number of our warriors<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[460]</a></span>
and horses killed and wounded, with the help of our Lord,
we preserved our position, and having rallied, we went that same
day and pitched our tents close to the machines of the Saracens.
We remained there with a small number of our people, and made
a bridge of boats, that those who were on the other side of the
river might come to us. The next day many of them crossed,
and encamped near us. Then the machines of the Saracens
being destroyed, our soldiers were able to go and come freely,
and safely, from one army to the other, over the bridge of
boats. On the following Friday, the children of perdition
having collected their forces from all parts, with the intention of
exterminating the Christian army, came to attack our lines, with
much audacity, and with infinite numbers. The shock was so
terrible on both sides, that it is said never was such a one beheld
on these shores. With the help of God, we stood our ground on
all sides; we repulsed the enemy, and made a great number of
them fall beneath our blows. At the end of a few days, the son
of the late Sultan, returning from the eastern provinces, arrived
at Mansourah. The Egyptians received him as their master,
and with transports of joy. His arrival redoubled their courage;
but from that moment, we know not by what judgment of God,
everything on our side went contrary to our desires. A contagious
disease broke out in our army, and carried off men and
animals, in such a manner that there were very few who had not to
regret companions or attend upon the sick. The Christian army
was, in a very short time, much diminished. There was such a
scarcity of food, that many died of want and hunger; for the
boats of Damietta could not bring to the army the provisions
embarked upon the river, because the vessels of pirates and of
the enemy cut off the passage. They even captured many of our
boats, and afterwards took, successively, two caravans, which were
bringing us provisions, and killed a great number of sailors and
others who formed part of it. The extreme scarcity of food and
forage spread desolation and terror throughout the army, and
with the losses we had experienced, forced us to quit our position,
and to return to Damietta, if it were the will of God; but
<i>as the ways of man are not within himself, but in Him who
directs his steps, and disposes all things according to his will</i>,
whilst we were on the road, that is to say, the 5th of the month
of April, the Saracens, having got together all their forces,
attacked the Christian army, and by the permission of God, and
on account of our sins, we fell into the power of the enemy. We
and our dear brothers, the counts of Anjou and Poictiers, and
the others who were returning with us by land, were all taken
prisoners. The greater part of those who were returning by the
river were, in the same manner, either taken prisoners or killed.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[461]</a></span>
The vessels on which they were aboard were mostly burnt with
the sick who were in them. Some days after our captivity, the
sultan proposed a truce to us; he demanded earnestly, but
without threats, that Damietta and all that it contained should
be given up to him without delay; and that he should be indemnified
for all the losses and all the expenses he had incurred up
to that day, from the moment the Christians entered Damietta.
After many conferences, we concluded a truce with him for ten
years, on the following conditions:&mdash;</p>

<p>The sultan will deliver from prison, and allow to go whither
we will, ourselves and all that have been made prisoners since
our arrival in Egypt, and all other Christians, of whatever
country they may be, who have been made prisoners since the
sultan Kamel, grandfather of the present sultan, made a truce
with the emperor; the Christians retaining in peace all the lands
they possessed in the kingdom of Jerusalem, at the time of our
arrival. On our part, we consent to give up Damietta, with
eight hundred thousand Saracen byzants, for the liberty of the
prisoners, and for the losses and expenses of which we have just
spoken (we have already paid four hundred), and to deliver
all Saracen prisoners which the Christians have made since we
have been in Egypt, as well as those who had been made captives
in the kingdom of Jerusalem, since the truce concluded
between the aforesaid sultan and the aforesaid emperor. All
our household goods, and those of all others who were at
Damietta, shall be, after our departure, placed under the care of
the sultan, and be transported into the country of the Christians
when an opportunity shall offer itself. All the Christian sick,
and those who shall remain at Damietta to sell what they possess
there, shall be in equal safety, and shall depart either
by land or by sea, when they shall please, without obstacle or
molestation.&mdash;The sultan was bound to give safe conduct to the
countries of the Christians to those who should wish to depart
by land.</p>

<p>This truce, concluded with the sultan, had just been sworn to
on both sides, and the sultan had already set forward on his
march to go with his army to Damietta, and fulfil the conditions
which had been stipulated, when, by a judgment of God, some
Saracen warriors, doubtless with the connivance of the greater
part of the army, rushed upon the sultan at the moment he was
rising from table, and wounded him severely. The sultan, in
spite of this, came out of his tent, hoping to be able to escape by
flight; but he was killed by sword-cuts, in presence of almost all
the emirs, and of a multitude of other Saracens. After this
many Saracens, in the first moments of their fury, came with
arms in their hands to our tent, as if they wished, and as many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[462]</a></span>
among us feared, to slay both us and the other Christians; but
divine clemency having calmed their fury, they pressed us to
execute the conditions of the truce. Their words and their requests
were, however, mingled with terrible threats: at last, by
the will of God, who is the father of mercies, the consoler of the
afflicted, and who listens to the lamentations of his servants, we
confirmed by a new oath the truce which we had made with the
sultan. We received from all, and from each one in particular
of them, a similar oath, sworn according to their law, to observe
the conditions of the truce. The time was fixed for the giving up
of the prisoners and the city of Damietta. It had not been without
difficulty that we agreed with the sultan for the giving up of
that place; it was not without difficulty again that we agreed
afresh with the emirs. As we could have no hopes of holding
it, after what we were told by those who came back from
Damietta, and who knew the true state of things; by the advice
of the barons of France, and of many others, we judged it would
be better for Christendom, that we and the other prisoners
should be delivered by means of a truce, than to retain that city
with the remains of the Christians that were in it, ourselves and
the others remaining prisoners, exposed to all the dangers of
such a captivity. For this reason, on the day fixed, the emirs
received the city of Damietta, after which they set us at liberty,
ourselves, our brothers, the counts of Flanders, Brittany, and
Soissons, and many other barons and warriors of the kingdoms
of France, Jerusalem, and Cyprus. We had then a firm hope
that they would render up and deliver all the other Christians,
and that, according to the tenor of the treaty, they would keep
their oaths.</p>

<p>This done, we quitted Egypt; after having left the persons
charged to receive the prisoners from the hands of the Saracens,
and to take care of the things we could not bring away, for want
of vessels to convey them in. Upon our arrival here, we sent
vessels and commissaries into Egypt, to bring away the prisoners;
for the deliverance of these prisoners is the object of all our
solicitude; and the other things which we had left behind, such
as the machines, arms, tents, a certain number of horses, and
several other articles; but the emirs detained our commissaries
a long time at Cairo, to whom they have, at length, only delivered
four hundred prisoners out of twelve thousand that there are in
Egypt. Some of these were only liberated upon the payment of
money. As to the other things, the emirs would restore nothing;
but what is most odious, after the truce concluded and sworn to,
according to the account of our commissaries and captives worthy
of credit, who have returned from that country, they have chosen
from among their prisoners some young men, whom they have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[463]</a></span>
forced, the sword held over their heads, to abjure the Catholic
faith, and embrace the law of Mahomet, which many have had
the weakness to do; but others, like courageous athletes, rooted
in their faith, and constantly persisting in their firm resolution,
have not been moved by either the threats or the blows of the
enemies, and have received the crown of martyrdom. Their blood,
we do not doubt, cries to the Lord for the Christian people;
they will be, in the heavenly court, our advocates before the
Sovereign Judge; and they will be more useful to us in that
country than if we had been able to keep them upon earth. The
Mussulmans likewise slaughtered many Christians who were left
sick in Damietta. Although we should have observed the conditions
of the treaty that we have made with them, and were
always ready to observe them, we had no certainty of seeing the
Christian prisoners delivered, or of having that restored which
belonged to us. When the truce was concluded, and our
deliverance had taken place, we had a firm confidence that the
country beyond the sea, occupied by the Christians, would remain
in a state of peace until the expiration of the truce; and we
had both the desire and the intention to return to France. We
were already making preparations for our passage; but when we
clearly perceived, by that which we have just related, that the
emirs were openly violating the truce, and, in contempt of their
oath, did not fear to make a sport of us and Christendom, we
assembled the barons of France, the prelates, the knights of the
Temple, of the Hospital, of the Teutonic order, and the barons
of the kingdom of Jerusalem, and we consulted with them upon
what was best to be done. The greater number were of opinion
that if we were to return at this moment, and abandon this
country, which we were upon the point of losing, it would be
exposing it entirely to the attacks of the Saracens, particularly
in the state of misery and weakness to which it was reduced,
and we might consider the deliverance of the Christian prisoners
now in the power of the enemy, as lost and hopeless. If, on the
contrary, we remained, we had hopes that time would bring
about something favourable, such as the deliverance of the captives,
the preservation of the castles, and the fortresses of the
kingdom of Jerusalem, and other advantages for Christendom;
particularly as discord had sprung up between the sultan of
Aleppo and those who governed at Cairo. The sultan has
already, after gathering together his armies, got possession of
Damascus, and some castles belonging to the sovereign of Cairo.
It is said he is about to come into Egypt, to avenge the death of
the sultan, whom the emirs killed, and to make himself master,
if he can, of all the country. In consequence of these considerations
and compassionating the miseries and degradation of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[464]</a></span>
Holy Land, we who came to succour it, pitying the captivity
and the sorrows of our prisoners, although many dissuade us
from remaining longer beyond the seas, we have preferred putting
off our passage, and continuing still some time in Syria, to
abandoning entirely the cause of Christ, and leaving our
prisoners exposed to so many and such great dangers. But we
have determined upon sending back into France our dear
brothers, the counts of Poictiers and Anjou, for the consolation
of our dear lady and mother, and of the whole kingdom. As all
those who bear the name of Christian ought to be filled with
zeal for the enterprise we have formed, and you in particular,
who are descended from the blood of those whom the Lord chose
as a privileged people, for the conquest of the Holy Land, which
you ought to look upon as your property, we invite you all to
serve Him who served you upon the cross, shedding his blood
for your salvation; for this criminal nation, in addition to the
blasphemies they vomited in the presence of Christian people
against the Creator, beat the cross with rods, spat upon it, and
trampled it under-foot, in hatred of the Christian faith.</p>

<p>Courage, then, soldiers of Christ! arm, and be ready to avenge
these outrages and these affronts. Take example of your ancestors,
who distinguished themselves among all nations by their
devotion, by the sincerity of their faith, and filled the universe
with the fame of their noble actions. We have gone before you
in the service of God. Come and join us. Although you arrive
late, you will receive from the Lord the recompense which the
father of the family, in the Gospel, accorded without distinction
to the labourers who came to labour in the vineyard at the end
of the day, as to the labourers who came at the beginning of it.
They who shall come, or who shall send succour whilst we are
here, will obtain, in addition to the indulgences promised to
Crusaders, the favour of God and of man. Make, then, your
preparations, and let them whom the virtue of the Most High
shall inspire to either come themselves or send assistance, be
ready by the month of April or of May next. As for such as
cannot be prepared for the first passage, let them at least be in
a situation to make that which will take place about the festival
of St. John. The nature of the enterprise requires promptness,
and every delay must produce fatal consequences. For you,
prelates and others, faithful servants of Christ, help our cause
with the Most High by the fervour of your prayers; order it so
that this be done in all places under your direction, so that they
may obtain for us from divine clemency the blessings of which
our sins render us unworthy.</p>

<p><i>Done at Acre, the year of our Lord 1250, in the month of
August</i></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[465]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 34.</i></p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>A List of the Great Officers or Knights who followed St. Louis to Tunis,
according to Agreements entered into between them and the King, in the
year 1269, as set forth in the Manuscript from which this List is taken;
which Manuscript was inherited by M. Malet de Graville, formerly
Admiral, and was printed at the end of the Preface to the</i> History of St.
Louis, <i>by Joinville, edition of the Louvre</i>.</p>

<p class="p1">Monseigneur de Valery is to go himself, and thirty knights,
and the king is to give him eight thousand livres Tournois, and
he is to have food for his horses of the king during the passage;
but they shall not be fed at court (<i>n’auront pas bouche à court</i>),
and shall remain a year, he and his people, which year shall
commence as soon as they shall have arrived on dry land; and
if it should so happen that by agreement or by the accidents of
the sea they should sojourn in some island with the king, by
which they should remain with the sea behind them, the year
shall commence with their sojourn, and the knights must be paid
half of their dues when the year begins, and the other half when
the first half shall have passed away; and if it be required to
know what shall be allowed to each banneret, it is to be two
horses; and to each knight not a banneret, one horse; and the
horses to carry the groom who shall take care of them; so that
grooms have six horses each in charge.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> The constable shall go
likewise, he and fifteen knights, upon the same condition as the
sieur de Valery, but he shall only receive four thousand livres
Tournois of the king.</p>

<p>Monseigneur Florent de Varannes, the admiral, shall go also
upon the same conditions, himself and twelve knights, and shall
receive of the king three thousand two hundred livres Tournois.</p>

<p>Monsieur Raoul d’Estrées, the marshal, shall go also on the
same conditions, himself and six knights, and shall receive
sixteen hundred livres Tournois.</p>

<p>Monseigneur Launcelot de St. Marc, marshal, shall go on the
same conditions, himself and five knights, and shall have fourteen
hundred livres Tournois.</p>

<p>Monsieur Pierre de Moleines shall go, himself and five
knights, on the same conditions, except that he and his companions
shall eat at court, and shall receive of the king fourteen
hundred livres Tournois, and four hundred livres as a gift.</p>

<p>Monsieur Collart de Moleines, his brother, shall go on the
same conditions, and in the same manner as Monsieur Pierre,
his brother.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[466]</a></span></p>

<p>Monsieur Gilles de la Tournerelle shall go, himself and four
knights, on the same conditions, and shall eat at court.</p>

<p>Monsieur Malry de Roie shall go, himself and eight knights,
on these same conditions, and shall eat at court, and shall have two
thousand livres, and two hundred livres separately for himself.</p>

<p>Monsieur Gerard de Mortroise shall go, himself and ten
knights, to receive three thousand livres Tournois.</p>

<p>Monsieur Raoul de Neele, himself and fifteen knights, to
receive four thousand livres Tournois, and shall eat at their own
expense (<i>à son hostel</i>).</p>

<p>Monseigneur Almaury de Meulane, himself and fifteen
knights, four thousand livres Tournois, and shall eat at their
own expense.</p>

<p>Monsieur Ausoat d’Offemont, himself and ten knights, twenty-six
hundred livres Tournois, and shall eat at the expense of the
king (<i>en l’hostel du roy</i>).</p>

<p>Raoul de Flamant, six knights; Baldwin de Longueval, four
knights; Louis de Beangen, ten knights; Jean de Ville, four
knights; Malry de Tournelle, four knights; William de Courtenay,
ten knights; William de Patay, himself and his brother,
with many others, all receiving pay in proportion to the number
of their knights, and all eating at the king’s expense (<i>en l’hostel
du roy</i>).</p>

<p>The archbishop of Rheims to receive 1,111 m. l.</p>

<p>The bishop of Lengres to receive 1,111 m. l., with a vessel for
his thirty-two knights.</p>

<p>Monsieur Robert de Bois-Gencelin, quite alone, one hundred
and sixty livres, to eat at the king’s expense. Pierre de Sanz,
Etienne Gauche, Macy Delene, all the same, that is, quite alone,
one hundred and sixty livres, or, as the text is, eight twenty
livres each, and eat at the king’s expense.</p>

<p>Monsieur Gilles de Mailley, himself and ten knights, three
thousand livres, and passage and return for his horses; eat at
court.</p>

<p>Monsieur Ytien de Morignac, himself and five knights, twelve
hundred livres, and passage and return for his horses; eat at
court.</p>

<p>The Fourrier de Vernail, for himself and four knights, twelve
hundred livres, and eat at the king’s expense.</p>

<p>Monsieur Guillaume de Fresne, ten knights, twenty-six hundred
livres, and eat at the king’s expense. The count de Guynes,
exactly the same.</p>

<p>The count de St. Pol, himself and thirty knights, for passage
and return of horses, for eating and for all other things, twelve
thousand livres, and two thousand private gift.</p>

<p>Monsieur Lambert des Limons, himself and ten knights in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[467]</a></span>
the pay of the king, that is to say, to each, ten sols Tournois per
diem, and shall not eat at court,&mdash;amounts to eighteen hundred
and twenty-five livres.</p>

<p>Monsieur Gerard de Campandu, himself and fifteen knights in
the king’s pay, shall not eat at court, as with M. Lambert, two
thousand seven hundred and thirty-seven livres ten sols Tournois.</p>

<p>Monsieur Raymond Alan, himself and five knights, at the
king’s pay, amounts to nine hundred and twelve livres ten sols
Tournois.</p>

<p>Monsieur Jehan de Debeines, himself and ten knights, three
thousand livres, and passage and return for six horses, shall eat
at court.</p>

<p>The mareschal de Champagne shall go, with ten knights, and
shall receive nothing of the king.</p>

<p>Monsieur Gaillard Darle, himself and five, in the king’s pay,
nine hundred and twelve livres ten sols.</p>

<p>Monsieur Guillame de Flandres, himself and twenty knights,
six thousand livres, and passage and return for his horses, and
shall eat at court.</p>

<p>Monsieur Aubert de Longueval, himself and five knights,
eleven hundred livres, passage and return for horses, and eat
at court.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 35.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Instructions of St. Louis, addressed, on his Death-bed, to Philip-le-Hardi.</i><a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a></p>

<p class="p1">Dear Son,&mdash;As it is the most earnest desire of my heart that
thou shouldst be well informed on all subjects, I think thou
mayest derive much instruction from this writing; often having
heard thee say that thou retainest better that which proceeds
from me than from any other person.</p>

<p>Dear Son, my first instruction to thee is, that thou shouldst
love God with all thy heart and with all thy power, for without
that all that thou doest is nothing worth: thou shouldst avoid
all things that thou thinkest may displease him, and which are
within thy power, and particularly thou shouldst have so strong
a resolution that thou wouldst not commit a mortal sin for anything
that could happen to thee, and that thou wouldst suffer
all thy members to be hacked off, and thy life taken away by
the most cruel martyrdom, rather than knowingly commit a
mortal sin.</p>

<p>If our Lord should afflict thee with any persecution, malady,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[468]</a></span>
or other thing, thou shouldst suffer cheerfully, and thank him
for it and be pleased; for thou must think that he hath done it
for thy good, and thou must further think that thou hast merited
it, and more still if it be his will; because thou hast but too little
served him, or too little loved him, and because thou hast done
many things against his will.</p>

<p>If our Lord shall please to send thee any prosperity, health of
body, or other thing, thou shouldst thank him humbly, and
shouldst take great care not debase thyself by pride, or any
other offence; for it is a great sin to wage war against the Lord
with his own gifts.</p>

<p>Dear Son, I advise thee to confess frequently, and always to
choose a confessor of holy life and sufficient knowledge, by
whom thou mayest be instructed upon the things thou shouldst
shun and upon the things thou shouldst do; and bear thyself in
such a manner that thy confessors and friends may dare boldly
to instruct and reprove thee.</p>

<p>Dear Son, I advise thee to hear willingly the service of the
Holy Church, and when thou art in the chapel, beware of
daring to utter vain words. Repeat thy orisons with earnest
attention, either by mouth or by thought, and be particularly
observant when the body of our Lord shall be present at the
mass.</p>

<p><i>Dear Son, have a compassionate heart for the poor, and for
those whom thou thinkest are enduring sufferings of either heart
or body, and according to thy power comfort them willingly with
consolation or with alms.</i> If thou art sick at heart, tell it to thy
confessor, or any other person whom thou thinkest to be loyal
and can keep thy secret: <i>in order that thou mayest be ever at
peace, never do anything that thou canst not tell of</i>.</p>

<p>Dear Son, entertain willingly the company of good men, whether
religious or secular, but eschew the company of the wicked;
hold willingly good conversation (parlements) with the good,
and willingly hear our Lord spoken of in sermons; and in
private seek earnestly for pardon. Love good in others, and
hate evil, and never suffer words to be spoken in thy presence
that may lead people to sin, never hear willingly others spoken
ill of, or any words that may disparage our Lord, or our Lady,
or the saints. Never suffer any such speech without reproving
it; and if it should proceed from a clerk, or so great a person
that thou canst not punish him, cause it to be told to him who
can inflict justice for it.</p>

<p>Dear Son, take care that thou beest so good in everything,
that it may appear thou art grateful for the blessings and
honours that God has heaped upon thee, so that if it please our
Lord that thou shouldst come to the honour of governing the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[469]</a></span>
kingdom, thou mayest be worthy to receive the holy unction
with which the kings of France are consecrated.</p>

<p>Dear Son, if thou shouldst attain the kingdom, take care to
possess the qualities which belong to kings; that is to say, be so
just as never to swerve from justice, whatever may happen to
thee. <i>If a quarrel should arise between a poor man and a rich
man, take the part of the poor man against the rich man, until
thou shalt ascertain the truth, and when thou shalt know it, do
justice.</i> If it should so happen that thou shouldst have a dispute
with another person, maintain the cause of the stranger before
thy council: do not appear to be too forward in thy quarrel,
until thou shalt be certain of the truth; for those of thy council
might fear to speak against thee, which thou oughtest not to
desire.</p>

<p>Dear Son, if thou learnest that thou art possessed of anything
wrongfully, either in thy own time or in that of thy ancestors,
immediately restore it, however great the matter may be, in
land, money, or other property. If the affair be obscure, so
that thou canst not arrive at the truth, make such peace, according
to the advice of worthy men, that thy soul or that of thy
ancestors may be entirely freed from it: and if ever thou hearest
that thy ancestors have made any restitution, take great pains
to learn whether nothing still remains to be restored; and if thou
findest there is, make restitution instantly, for the good of thy
soul and that of thy ancestors. Be diligent to protect in thy
territories all kinds of people, particularly persons belonging to
the holy Church; defend them from injury both in their persons
and their property, and I hereupon remind thee of a saying of
King Philip, one of my ancestors, as one of his council has told
me he heard him speak it. The king was one day with his privy
council, and some of his counsellors said that the clerks did
him great wrong, and they wondered that he suffered it. He
replied: “I believe that they do me great wrong; but when I
think of the honours our Lord has conferred on me, I by far
prefer suffering my loss or injury, to doing anything which
might create a misunderstanding between me and the holy
Church.” I repeat this to thee, that thou mayest not lightly believe
those who speak against persons connected with the holy
Church. In such a way honour and protect them, that they
may be able to perform the service of our Lord in peace. I
teach thee this, in order that thou mayest principally love
religious people, and mayest succour them in their wants; and
those by whom thou shalt think our Lord is best honoured and
served, such love better than others.</p>

<p>Dear Son, I desire that thou shouldst love and honour thy
mother, and that thou shouldst willingly receive and observe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[470]</a></span>
her good instructions, and be inclined to place faith in her good
counsels; love thy brothers, and always watch over their good
and their advancement; be to them in the place of a father, to
lead them to all that which is good; but take care, that for the
love of any one, thou dost not fall off from acting rightly, or do
anything that ought not to be done.</p>

<p>Dear Son, I advise thee, that all the benefices of the holy
Church which thou shalt have to bestow shall be given to
persons judged worthy by the great council of <i>prud’hommes</i>;
and it appears better to me that thou shouldst give to them who
have nothing, and will employ thy gifts well, if thou searchest
for them diligently.</p>

<p>Dear Son, I advise thee to avoid, as much as it shall be possible,
to enter into war with any Christian; and, if any one do
thee wrong, try by every means to learn if there be no way of
maintaining thy right without going to war, observing that this
is to avoid the sins that are committed in war. And if it should
happen that it be proper for thee to make it, or that any one of
thy men fail in his duty, or commit wrong against any church,
or any poor person whatever, and will not make amends, for
which, or for any reasonable cause, it be proper for thee to make
war, carefully <i>give orders that the poor people, who have committed
neither crime nor offence, be protected, let no injury fall
upon them either by fire or other means</i>; for it will be much
better for thee to contend with the evil-doer, and take his castles
by storm or siege: but be sure to be well advised before thou
movest in any war; be sure that the cause be perfectly just,
that thou hast summoned the evil-doer, and hast waited as long
as thy duty will permit.</p>

<p>Dear Son, I advise thee, that when wars shall arise in thy
dominions among thy men, that thou shouldst take all possible
pains to appease them; for that is a thing which is pleasing to
our Lord; and Messire Saint Martin has given a very great example
of it, for he went to restore concord among the clerks who
were in the archbishop’s palace, although at the time he knew
from our Lord that he must die; and it appeared to him that by
doing so he ended his life worthily.</p>

<p>Dear Son, be sure that thou hast good judges and provosts in
thy dominions, and frequently examine whether they are doing
justice, and whether they are doing wrong to nobody, and are
acting as they ought; in the same manner be sure that they
who live in thy court (<i>ton hostel</i>), commit no injustice; for however
thou mayest hate doing ill to others, thou oughtest still
more to hate the ill which should come from those who receive
the power from thee, and shouldst take great heed that this
never should happen.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[471]</a></span></p>

<p>Dear Son, I advise thee to be always devoted to the Church of
Rome, and to our holy father the pope, and to pay him the
respect and honour due to thy spiritual father.</p>

<p>Dear Son, confer power freely upon well-intentioned people
who know how to employ it properly, and take great pains to
remove all sins from thy territories,&mdash;that is to say, profane swearing
and everything that may be said or done in contempt of
God, our Lady, or the saints; carnal sins, gaming with dice,
tavern-drinking and other vices. Suppress, in thy dominions,
wisely and prudently, all rebels and traitors against thy power;
drive them and all ill-disposed persons from the land, until it be
quite purged of them. When, by the sage counsel of worthy
people, thou shalt hear of any good thing to be done, forward
it by every means in thy power, giving proofs that thou acknowledgest
the blessings our Lord has bestowed upon thee, and that
thou art willing to return him thanks for them.</p>

<p>Dear Son, I advise thee to take great care that the money thou
shalt spend shall be properly expended, and, moreover, that it be
justly levied: this is a thing of which I should wish thee to be
particularly heedful; that is to say, avoid extravagant expenses
and unjust extortion, let thy money be justly received and well
employed; and this may our Lord teach thee, with everything
that may be profitable and suitable to thee!</p>

<p>Dear Son, I pray thee, if it shall please our Lord that I should
quit this life before thee, that thou wilt help me with masses and
prayers, and that thou wilt send to the congregations of the kingdom
of France, to make them put up prayers for my soul, and that
thou wilt desire that our Lord may give me part in all the good
deeds thou shalt perform.</p>

<p>Dear Son, I give thee every blessing that a father can and ought
to give to a son, and I pray our Lord Jesus Christ, that by his
great mercy, and by the prayers and the merits of his blessed
mother the Virgin Mary, and of the angels and archangels, and
of all the male and female saints, that he will keep and defend
thee from committing anything that may be against his will, and
that he will give thee grace to perform his will, and that he may
be served and honoured by thee: and may he grant to thee and
to me, by his unbounded generosity, that after this mortal life,
we may come to him for life everlasting, there where we may
see him, may love him, and may praise him without end. Amen.</p>

<p>To him be all glory, honour, and praise, who is one God with
the Father and the Holy Ghost, without beginning and without
end. Amen.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[472]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 36.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Edward I., King of England.</i></p>

<p class="p1">As our author has said but little to show English readers what
part this, one of their greatest kings, played in the holy wars,
we offer an extract from the chronicler Walter Hemingford,
canon of Gisseburne, of whom Michaud speaks highly.</p>

<p>Edward, son of Henry III., took part in the crusade of
Louis IX. He set out, about the feast of St. Michael, to
Aigues-Mortes, where he embarked, and at the end of ten days,
landed at Carthage, and was received with much joy by the
Christian princes who were then there; that is to say, Philip of
France, who had just succeeded Louis IX., his father; Charles
king of Sicily, and the king of Navarre. Walter relates that
Edward was disgusted with the treaty made between the Christian
kings and the king of Tunis, and would take no part in it.
The English prince went to Acre with a thousand picked men,
and reposed for a month, in order to refresh his troops, and become
acquainted with the country. At the end of the month, many
Christians joined him, and leaving Acre, at the head of seven
thousand men, he marched to a distance of twenty leagues from
that city, took Nazareth, and killed a great number of Saracens.
The army then returned towards Acre, but were followed by the
enemy, who hoped to surprise them in some valley, or confined
place. The Christians, upon becoming aware of their intentions,
faced about, killed many, and put the others to flight.</p>

<p>Towards the feast of St. John, Edward, learning that the
Saracens were within fifteen miles of Acre, marched out, fell
upon them, at break of day, killed about a thousand of them,
and put the rest to flight. The name of Edward was soon spread
among the enemies of Christ, and beginning to dread him, they
devised means to get rid of him. The great emir of Jaffa, feigning
a wish to be converted to the Christian faith, sent to him
several times a slave, bearing letters, but charged secretly with
the commission of assassinating the king, which the slave
executed. But fortunately Edward escaped the consequences
by the assistance of skilful leeches. As soon as he was cured,
he concluded a truce for ten years, and returned to Europe with
his Crusaders.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[473]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 37.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>The Openings of the Troncs.</i></p>

<p class="p1">M. Michaud has given a very long account of the openings of
the troncs, of which we only think it necessary to offer our
readers a small portion, to show them the nature of the thing.
The continued repetition of the names of French towns, &amp;c.,
with the amount of money found in the troncs, can be interesting
to nobody.</p>

<p class="ph p1">On Low Sunday, the 19th day of April, in the year 1517,
between the hours of eight and nine after mid-day, was raised
and carried away the tronc of the metropolitan church of St.
Stephen of Thoulouse, closed and fastened with three keys,
and sealed with two seals, and placed in the archiepiscopal
house of the said Thoulouse, by the said commissary, treasurer,
or receiver and comptroller, in the presence of Messire
Jehan de Verramino, canon and chancellor of the said church;
Thomas le Franc, rector of the said church; Domengo Vaussenet,
burgess, and several others; and on the next day, in the
presence of as above, the said commissary, receiver, and comptroller
opened the said tronc, where they took and found for
the confessionals the sum of six hundred and fifty-one livres,
six sols, six deniers in full, for one thousand one hundred
and fifteen confessions, which have been distributed; for
this</p>
<p class="pr2">6c. 51 liv. 6s. 4d. (sic)</p>

<p class="ph p1">Of other money found in the said tronc on the day and year
aforesaid, arising from the pardons and jubilee of the crusade,
the sum of four hundred and ninety-nine livres, fifteen sols,
four deniers Tournois</p>
<p class="pr2">ci. 499 liv. 15s. 4d.</p>

<p class="ph p1">From another opening of the trone of Thoulouse, at the
feast of the following Christmas, in the said year 1517, the
sum of twenty-seven livres, three sols, nine denier Tournois.</p>
<p class="pr2">27 liv. 3s. 9d.</p>

<p class="ph p1">From another opening of the said trone of Thoulouse, made the
first day of May, 1518, which is the second of the year 1518,
in which there was found, as well for money for the jubilee as
for confessionals, the sum of two hundred and five livres, ten
sols, six deniers Tournois; for this</p>
<p class="pr2">205 liv. 10s. 6d.</p>

<p class="ph p1">From another opening made the 7th day of June, of the said
year, there was found, as well for jubilee as for confessionals,
the sum of one hundred and twenty-seven livres, two sols
Tournois; for this</p>
<p class="pr2">127 liv. 2s.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[474]</a></span></p>

<p class="ph p1">From an opening of the tronc of Castannet, in the diocese of
Thoulouse, there was found, as well for confessionals as for the
jubilee, the sum of fourteen livres, one sol, five deniers
Tournois; for this</p>
<p class="pr2">14 liv. 1s. 5d.</p>
<p>&amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

<p class="ph p1">From the opening of the various troncs in the diocese of
Thoulouse, within and without the city, in the years 1517 and
1518, many being opened several times, they collected an
amount which stands thus at the end: <span class="smcap">Summa Totalis</span> <i>receptœ
presentis computi</i></p>
<p class="pr2">3,700 liv. 18s. 6d.</p>

<p class="p1">The expenditure of this money is detailed equally minutely;
of which we will offer a few examples.</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid">EXPENDITURE</p>

<p class="pc">OF THIS PRESENT ACCOUNT,</p>

<p class="pc reduct">AND, IN THE FIRST PLACE,</p>

<p class="pc reduct"><i>Moneys paid to People who are to account for them</i>.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Master Jehan Grossier, notary and secretary of the king
our lord, and by him commissioned to keep the account, and
receive the moneys for the crusade granted by our holy
father the pope to the king our lord, in his kingdom and
other lands and lordships owing allegiance to him, the sum of
fifteen hundred and thirty-two livres, seventeen sols, four
deniers Tournois, which the present receiver owes on account
of the said receipt which he has made of the moneys for the
said crusade to the said city of Thoulouse, which sum has
been paid to the said Grossier, in virtue of the letters missive
of our lord the king, given at Amboise, the 25th day of
January, there rendered, as by his quittance, signed by his
hand, the 26th day of February, in the year 1517, thus so
rendered, as appears; and for this</p>
<p class="pr2">1,532 liv. 17s. 4d.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To the said Master Jehan Grossier, by his written quittance, the
10th day of June, in the year one thousand five hundred and
eighteen, the sum of two hundred and forty-eight livres, three
sols Tournois, which the said receiver ought, upon receiving the
said receipt, pay him, by virtue of the letters missive of the
king our lord, given at Amboise, the last day of April, as by
said quittance, here rendered, as appears; for this</p>
<p class="pr2">248 liv. 3s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To the same Master Jehan Grossier, for another written quittance
on the 20th day of May, 1520, the sum of six hundred
and twenty-five livres, fourteen sols, five deniers Tournois,
which the said receiver ought to pay him, as by his said quittance,
here rendered, as appears; for this</p>
<p class="pr2">625 liv. 14s. 5d.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[475]</a></span></p>

<p class="ph p1"><i>Other Expenses made by the said Master Jehan Clucher, by the order of
Messire Josse de la Garde, Doctor of Theology, Vicar-General of the Very
Reverend Father in God, Monseigneur the Archbishop of Thoulouse,
Commissary, ordered by the King our Lord, on the matter of the Crusade,
and according to the Letters Missive and Instructions signed by the hand
of the King, transcribed and rendered at the commencement of this
Account.</i></p>

<p class="ph p1">For the expenses of the commissaries, receiver, comptroller, and
notary, for having been, with seven horses, setting out on the
22nd day of April, in the year 1517, through the diocese of the
archbishopric of Thoulouse, to collect the troncs and boxes,
in which they were engaged for the space of thirteen days,
the sum of twenty livres, nine sols, five deniers Tournois,
which has been paid by the present receiver by order of the
said commissary, as appears by the papers signed and certified
by his hand, and by Monsieur Raymond Raffin, canon in the
metropolitan church of Thoulouse, comptroller, deputed by
our lord the king to assist in collecting the money for the
said crusade,<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> containing the expense of this account rendered,
and containing likewise a certification of the payment of all
the said expense, instead of quittance (receipt); for this the
sum of</p>

<p class="pr2">20 liv. 9s. 5d.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Pierre Langiere, the sum of sixteen sols Tournois, for having
pasted up four hundred articles, and for having placed and
fixed about two hundred of them at the doors and cross-ways
of the said Thoulouse, for the feast of Easter; for this</p>
<p class="pr2">16s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Messire Pierre Ferrestiere, Anthoine Chassantre, and Durant
Veissiere, priests, for having carried the said articles, at the
said time, to Montastruc, Versveil, and Carmaing, the sum of
sixty sols Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">60s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Georges Ruveres, for having made two tin cases to put over
the tronc, the sum of ten sols Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">10s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Thomas Noel, for having made the tronc for the said crusade,
at Thoulouse, the sum of sixty-three sols, four deniers Tournois;
this</p>
<p class="pr2">63s. 4d.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Jehan Dernent, for having bound about with iron the coffer
of the said tronc, and made the padlock for the same, the sum
of eleven livres, T.; this</p>
<p class="pr2">11 liv.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Master Stephen Fabry and Jehan Galmart, for having carried
the said articles into several places, and for writing-paper
and packthread to tie up the packets, the sum of four livres,
two sols, nine deniers Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">4 liv. 2s. 9d.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[476]</a></span></p>

<p class="ph p1">To William Perolle, for having carried some confessionals to
Cluriac, the sum of twelve sols Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">12s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Lion de Veausclera, for four padlocks for the said tronc, the
sum of forty sols Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">40s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To the bell-ringers of St. Stephen of Thoulouse, for what may
be due to them for having rung the Pardon, at the late festival
of Easter, the sum of sixty sols Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">60s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To la Roussignolle, for twelve cloth bags to put the money into,
the sum of eight sols, six deniers Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">8s. 6d.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Master Jehan Galmar, for having been to fix the troncs in
various places, and having furnished nails for the padlocks,
the sum of twenty-seven sols, six deniers</p>
<p class="pr2">27s. 6d.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Bertrand Beix, for having served, or waited at, the tronc of
St. Stephen of Thoulouse, for the space of fifteen days, the
sum of seventeen sols, six deniers Tournois</p>
<p class="pr2">17s. 6d.</p>

<p class="ph p1">For the dinner<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> which was made for those who were present to
see the money counted from the tronc of the said St. Stephen
of Thoulouse, and for the cook, the sum of seventy-two sols
Tournois</p>
<p class="pr2">72s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To the preachers of Thoulouse, for having preached the said
pardons, the sum of eighteen livres Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">18 liv.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Master Jehan Bourlier, notary,<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> for having attended the
placing and removing of the said troncs, in the said diocese
of Thoulouse, for the space of fifteen days, at the period of
Easter, the sum of fifteen livres Tournois</p>
<p class="pr2">15 liv.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Master Jehan Terrein, of Thoulouse, the sum of a hundred
sols Tournois, for having superintended the giving out of the
letters, and obtaining the names and surnames of those who
took them to the church of Thoulouse, at Easter, this</p>
<p class="pr2">100s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To the bell-ringers of the said St. Stephen, for ringing the bells
and cleaning the church, the sum of forty sols Tournois;
this</p>
<p class="pr2">40s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To those who sealed the confessionals of the said crusade and
jubilee, the sum of six livres Tournois, this</p>
<p class="pr2">6 liv.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Messire Jehan Bonissent, secretary of Monseigneur de
Thoulouse, for having made eight mandatory letters on parchment,
and having signed four hundred articles to be posted
upon the doors of churches, the sum of six livres Tournois,
this</p>
<p class="pr2">6 liv.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Jehan Grant, printer, for having printed a thousand small
articles, and a hundred confessionals, on parchment, the sum
of one hundred and ten livres Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">110 liv.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[477]</a></span></p>

<p class="ph p1">To Jehan Bodret, apothecary, of Thoulouse, for thirty-one pounds
of red wax, and also for four quires of paper, the sum of ten
livres, seventeen sols, six deniers Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">1O liv. 17s. 6d.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Master Guillaume de Villano, notary, for having signed and
filled up the confessionals and commissions, and having made
the other acts of the said crusade, the sum of ten livres Tournois;
this</p>
<p class="pr2">10 liv.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To the Receiver of the said crusade, for having been to place
the troncs and collect the money, for the attendance of thirteen
days, the sum of twenty-eight livres Tournois</p>
<p class="pr2">28 liv.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Monsieur the Comptroller of the said crusade, for the same
cause, the sum of twenty-eight livres Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">28 liv.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Monsieur the Commissary of the said crusade, with three
horses, for the same cause, the sum of forty livres Tournois;
this</p>
<p class="pr2">40 liv.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Master Jehan Bourlier, for having made two duplicates of
the receipt and expense of the said crusade, the sum of thirty
sols Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">30s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To Raymond de Vlino, for having made three hundred and fifty
coats of arms, at twelve deniers Tournois each, amounting to
the sum of seventeen livres, ten sols Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">17 liv. 10s.</p>

<p class="ph p1">To those who sealed the said confessionals, both on parchment
and on paper, and for having folded them, the sum of four
livres Tournois</p>
<p class="pr2">4 liv.</p>

<p class="p1">Then follows a list of amounts paid to preachers of the crusade,
which is far too long for insertion, but all tending to prove that
the task was not performed gratuitously. We have extracted
the above articles from the interminable account to show our
readers something of the nature of the charges made by various
classes for work done early in the sixteenth century, but more
particularly to point out, after the money had been extorted from
the pious or the charitable, how many hands were dipped into
the troncs before their contents were applied to their destined
purpose. <i>The preachers, as appears by the following items and
many others of the account, took a fifth part of what was found
in the troncs at the time of opening them.</i></p>

<p class="ph p1">To the preachers who have preached in the city of Thoulouse,
for the fifth part of four hundred and nine livres, sixteen sols,
eight deniers Tournois, which have been found in the said
tronc, opened at several festivals, has been paid over the sum
of eighty-one livres, nineteen sols, four deniers Tournois;
this</p>
<p class="pr2">81 liv. 19s. 4d.<br /></p>

<p class="ph p1">To the preacher of Lisle en Jourdain, for HIS fifth part of one
hundred and ninety-eight livres, three sols, seven deniers
Tournois; this</p>
<p class="pr2">39 liv. 3s. 7d.<br /></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[478]</a></span></p>

<p class="p1">Nobody seems to have touched the tronc without benefit;
thus there are sixty sols to Jehan Turein for taking charge of
the tronc, at Easter; and fifteen sols to a child who <i>cried</i> at the
tronc. The high officials took each one hundred livres per
annum whilst the crusade was being preached, and their underlings
did nothing without remuneration.</p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 38.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Memoir of Leibnitz, addressed to Louis XIV.</i></p>

<p class="p1">After the example of M. Michaud, we do not hesitate to lay
before our readers the following paper, although it bears little
relation to our history. A document passing between two such
men as Leibnitz and Louis XIV., upon a speculative, yet an
important question, cannot be without interest; besides which,
there is very little doubt that it fell into the hands of Buonaparte
before he undertook his expedition to Egypt. It is generally
believed that this Memoir of Leibnitz, upon the expedition
to Egypt, was preserved, up to the period of the revolution, in
the archives of Versailles, and that this historical document
disappeared during the political troubles of France. An extract
from it was published in an English pamphlet in 1805; and
another extract was made in a book entitled <i>Voyage en Hanovre</i>,
published in 1805. M. Michaud has made more use of the English
pamphlet than of the latter publication. M. Mangourit, the
author of the Voyage, saw in the library of Hanover a copy of
the Memoir addressed to Louis XIV., written by the hand of
Leibnitz; it had for title, <i>De Expeditione Egyptiatica, Epistola
ad Regem Franciæ scripta</i>. M. Mangourit informs us that
Marshal Mortier ordered a copy to be made of it, to be sent to
Paris, where it was placed in the library of the king. It appears
that the Memoir was sent a short time before the famous passage
of the Rhine and the war against Holland. M. Mangourit is
persuaded that Leibnitz, whom he represents as the instrument
of some cabinet, had no other motive in persuading Louis to
invade Egypt but to divert him from his threatened attack upon
the Batavian republic. M. Michaud says that this opinion
appears improbable, and that the author gives no satisfactory
proof of it. We think some of our readers, at least, will incline
to the opinion of M. Mangourit.</p>

<p>Leibnitz commences his Memoir by declaring that the fame of
his majesty’s wisdom has induced him to present to him some
reflections upon a subject familiar to preceding ages, but recently
neglected and forgotten; it concerns an enterprise, “the greatest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[479]</a></span>
that can be attempted, and at the same time the most easy of
such as are considered great. I venture to add,” continues he,
“that it is the most holy, the most just (<i>addere audeo, sanctissimum
justissimumque</i>), and that it is not accompanied by any
danger, even should it be attempted in vain. It agrees likewise
so well with the kind of preparations already made, that it would
appear to have been a long time in contemplation, and would
thus increase the admiration of those who justly call the conceptions
of your majesty <i>the miracle of secrecy</i>. It would do
more harm to Holland than could be hoped for from the most
brilliant success of an open war, without leaving them the power
of opposing any obstacle to it. It would accomplish the object
of the present armament, by procuring for France the empire
of the seas and of commerce. In short, all hatreds and all
jealousies being thus extinguished at a single blow, your majesty
would find yourself raised by it, with general assent, to the rank
of supreme arbiter of Christendom&mdash;the highest possible to be
conceived, and it would cover your name with an immortal glory,
for having cleared, whether for yourself or your descendants,
the route for exploits similar to those of Alexander.”</p>

<p>After having made it plain that the present moment was exceedingly
favourable, that there was no sovereign more powerful
than the king of France, or one more beloved by his subjects;
“I am persuaded,” says he, “that there is not in the known
world any country the conquest of which deserves so much to
be attempted, or which would be so likely to give supremacy, as
the Egypt which I delight in calling the Holland of the East, as
I call France the China of the West.”</p>

<p>“The marriage between this prince and this country, that is
to say, between the king of France and Egypt, appears to me
to interest equally the human race and the Christian religion.”</p>

<p>Leibnitz afterwards says, that upon examining the motives
which determined Louis IX. to attempt the conquest of Egypt
rather than that of Jerusalem, he had become convinced that
they merit the greatest attention.</p>

<p>“After the death of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, Philip,
surnamed Augustus, and Richard, king of England, besieged
and took St. Jean d’Acre. There was among the prisoners an
Arabian named Caracous, whom history represents as a prophet.
This man, hearing Philip frequently speak of the aim the Christian
powers proposed to themselves in this war, declared that they
could never retain Jerusalem and the Christian sovereignty in
Asia, unless the Egyptian monarchy were overthrown; and for
that purpose it was of the greatest importance to get possession
of Damietta. From this arose a dissension between Philip and
Richard, &amp;c. Richard himself, after having failed in Palestine,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[480]</a></span>
wished to undertake an expedition against Egypt, but death
prevented him.</p>

<p>“The Christian powers at length became aware of their error,
and Pope Innocent III. promoted an expedition against Egypt,
the issue of which was unfortunate. Then came the expedition
of St. Louis, which failed from the imprudence and want of skill
in the leaders. Louis exposed his army in the interior of the
country, between two branches of the Nile, with his rear and
the course of the river in the power of the enemy. Instead of
getting possession of the coasts and securing the Nile for his
fleet, the only means of establishing his conquest, provisioning
his army, and making himself safe from all attacks, he allowed
himself to be surrounded; the Saracens intercepted his supplies,
and finished by destroying the Christian army.</p>

<p>“Afterwards, the wars between France and England, as well as
those which broke out between France and the house of Austria,
put an end to all idea of invading Egypt, till the time of Ximenes,
who was the author of a league, formed for the conquest of this
country, by Ferdinand of Castile, Emanuel of Portugal, and
Henry VIII. of England.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> Three princes,” says Leibnitz,
“of whom it may, with reason, be said, that each of them laid
the foundation of the power and commerce of their respective
people; and that it is which France now expects from Louis
XIV.</p>

<p>“This project was defeated by the death of Ferdinand, which
caused the crown of Spain to pass to the house of Austria.”</p>

<p>Leibnitz then gives a sketch of the revolutions of Egypt,
from the earliest ages to the time it was subdued by the Turks;
to show the importance that has always been attached to the
possession of Egypt, and to prove that it has never opposed
much resistance to a skilful and powerful conqueror.</p>

<p>“Egypt, now become a province of the Turkish empire, will be,
on that account, more easily subdued; not only from the difficulty
the Port will have in throwing in succours, and the inclination
the inhabitants always have for revolt, but still more from its
being no longer the seat of an empire.”</p>

<p>After this preamble, Leibnitz, developing his plan, argues that
the conquest of Egypt is the most certain road to supremacy in
Europe; or, in other terms, that it will strengthen the best
interests of France,&mdash;that, considering the magnitude of the
object, the enterprise is very easy;&mdash;that there is no risk;&mdash;that
it is in accordance with sound policy;&mdash;that it should not be
delayed;&mdash;in short, that it is great, just, and pious.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[481]</a></span></p>

<p>“This supremacy, which it is so important for France to obtain,
consists in the possession of as much power as can be reasonably
hoped for; for it cannot look to a universal monarchy, but only
the general direction or arbitration of affairs. Universal monarchy
is an absurdity; the history of Europe proves it. By
making war upon Christian states, weak aggrandisements can
alone be obtained, and a small accession of territory acquired.
Such means are not suitable for a most Christian king, or a great
monarch:&mdash;marriages, elections, and successions produce more.</p>

<p>“War should alone be directed against barbarous nations; and
among these, it is incontestable that by a single fortunate blow
(and the French are particularly formed to strike such), empires
may be in an instant overthrown and founded. In such wars
are found the elements of high power, and of an exalted glory.</p>

<p>“It is certain that the power of France must increase with the
peace of Europe, and that it must be weakened by ill-timed
wars. Let it then be employed against the barbarians, and for
the restoration of Egypt. In America, the Spaniards, the English,
and the Dutch would render every enterprise impossible;
but, directed towards Turkey, no one would dare to oppose it;
Egypt being once invaded, the war that we should then make
would be rendered sacred by universal approbation; and instead
of the deserted countries of Palestine, only celebrated by its
ruins, we should have, as the rewards of our efforts, <i>that eye of
countries, that mother of grain, that seat of commerce. (Non,
deserta illa, ruinis tantùm nobilis Palæstina, sed oculus regionum,
mater frugum, sedes commerciorum acquiretur.)</i></p>

<p>“Of all the regions of the earth, Egypt ought to be considered,
after China, as the first. It possesses so many advantages, that
the imagination can add nothing to them. It is the principal
isthmus of the globe, the seas of which it divides in such a manner,
as to create the necessity for passing round Africa. It is
at the same time the barrier and the passage between Africa
and Asia. It is the point of communication, and the general
entrepôt of the commerce, on one side, of India, and on the other,
of Europe. It is in some sort the eye of the adjacent countries,
rich by the fertility of its soil, and by its great population, amidst
the deserts which surround it. It unites the wonders of nature
and of art, which, after so many ages, ever appear to furnish
subjects for fresh admiration.”</p>

<p>After having supported his opinions by numerous quotations
upon the resources Egypt possesses, Leibnitz continues thus:&mdash;</p>

<p>“Suppose Egypt should be occupied by an army of the most
Christian king, we shall see how much this event must contribute
to political supremacy. (<i>Pars melior Franciæ cedet; hæc
maris Mediterranei domina, imperium Orientalis resuscitabit.</i>)</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[482]</a></span></p>

<p>“It is evident that the Turkish empire might be overthrown by
the attacks of the Germans and the Poles, if the germs of rebellion,
which are there now forming, were developed generally;
and there is no doubt that Muscovy and Persia would take advantage
of that circumstance. Then, the most valuable portion
of that monarchy would fall to France; which, becoming thus
mistress of the Mediterranean, would reëstablish the Eastern
empire. From Egypt it would extend its empire over the ocean,
and would take, without difficulty, possession of the Red Sea,
and the isles near Madagascar. It would not be long in gaining
the Sea of Ethiopia, the Persian Gulf, and the isle of Ormuz,
which commands it.</p>

<p>“The conquest of Egypt would likewise be followed by great
and important changes in Europe. The king of France could
then, by incontestable right, and with the consent of the pope,
assume the title of emperor of the East; he could add to his
title of eldest son, that of patron (<i>advocatus</i>) of the Church,
and by the great advantages procured to the Holy See, hold the
pontiffs much more in his power than if they resided at Avignon.
Italy and Germany would be definitively delivered from the fear
of the Turks, and Spain from that of the Moors. The commerce
of the world would be shared between France and the
house of Austria; at length, the reconciliation between the most
powerful families would be cemented to the satisfaction of both,
France having for its share the East, and Spain the West.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> And
if they should wish to be united by the indissoluble tie of their
common interest, they would gain the object which the wisest of
ministers have endeavoured to attain in the conferences of the
Pyrenees; they would become the arbitrators between other
powers; they would prepare the happiness of the human race,
and they would create an everlasting reverence for the memory
of the great king, to whom so many miracles were due.</p>

<p>“With Egypt, the Dutch might easily be deprived of the commerce
of India, upon which great part of their power depends,
and they would by that be more directly and necessarily injured
than by the most brilliant success in an open war. The Christian
religion would again flourish in Asia; the world would obey
the same laws, and the whole human race would be united by
the same ties; so <i>that, with the exception of the philosopher’s
stone, I know nothing that can be imagined of more importance
than the conquest of Egypt</i>.”</p>

<p>When discussing the facility of the execution, Leibnitz considers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[483]</a></span>
siders&mdash;“The forces to be employed&mdash;the means of transporting
the troops&mdash;the climate of the country&mdash;its fortifications and
military strength&mdash;the manner of making war there&mdash;the interior
troubles of Egypt&mdash;the dispositions of the neighbouring nations&mdash;and
the allies and auxiliaries, as well of the aggressors as of
the invaded country.”</p>

<p>With respect to the forces of France, Leibnitz refers to
Louis, who must be better acquainted with their numbers than
he; he however believes that there is in fact already more
strength than would be required.</p>

<p>Francis, duke of Urbino, demanded 50,000 men to overturn
the Ottoman empire. For the conquest of Egypt, thirty thousand
picked men would be sufficient. Emanuel the Wise, king
of Portugal, flattered himself that he could succeed with a much
smaller number. “There is no doubt,” adds Leibnitz, “that our
numbers would prodigiously increase in a short time, by the
accession of Arabs and Numidians, whilst the Turkish forces in
that province must be very inconsiderable.</p>

<p>“But suppose,” continues Leibnitz, “we were compelled to
embark 50,000 men; that is a force which France would easily
provide. For, although I am persuaded that 20,000 would
amply suffice to occupy and guard the coast of Egypt, it would
be prudent to draw advantage from the forces now assembled,
and to effect by one stroke, by one vigorous operation, the conquest
of the whole of Egypt.” Leibnitz further advises that the
troops should be encouraged by speeches, indulgences, rewards,
honours, &amp;c. &amp;c.; thinks it of much less importance to employ
a great number of troops than it is to select them well.</p>

<p>“Some persons are averse to the transporting of large armies
by sea; but wiser persons are of a contrary opinion, and think
that the trifling inconveniences of this mode of transport are
more than compensated by very great advantages. The first
inconveniences to which they are subject on board, are neither
dangerous nor of long duration; they may be considered even
as evacuations favourable to health. Scorbutic affections appear
only in long voyages, and acute diseases are occasioned by
intemperance, which discipline may prevent, or by a change of
climate, which cannot be experienced in the Mediterranean. No
mutiny need be apprehended, because the soldiers are in some
sort in the power of the sailors.”</p>

<p>The memorial of Leibnitz here presents an historical summary
of the armies embarked at different periods, from the
Punic wars to the last conquests made in Asia and America, by
the Spaniards, the Portuguese, the English, &amp;c.; and whilst recommending
that the vessels should not be too heavily laden as
regards troops, he remarks that the navigation of the Mediterranean<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">[484]</a></span>
has, for a long time, become familiar to French sailors,
and that there could be no danger, if proper attention were paid
to seasons. French and Venetian vessels constantly visit Candia,
and from that island to Egypt the passage is not difficult. Let
us add, that the isle of Malta is a secure station for the fleet, that
isle being united to France by an infinite number of ties, since
the major part of the knights and the grand master of the order
are French.</p>

<p>“After the port of Alexandria shall have been taken by a
coup-de-main (which cannot fail of succeeding), the coasts of
Syria, as well as the isles of Cyprus and Candia, will necessarily
fall, provided that the Turks are not able to undertake anything
by sea to oppose it.”</p>

<p>The memorial of Leibnitz then rejects all fear of the insalubrity
of the climate of Egypt; he expatiates upon the healthy
qualities of the waters of the Nile, gives dietic rules, recommends
abstinence from wine, and points out the variations in
the weather in the different months of the year.</p>

<p>Then he speaks of the saltpetre which Egypt produces in such
abundance, and continues: “The means of the natural defences
of Egypt are the deserts and seas that surround it, and the
Nile; its artificial means are its castles and its cities. The sea
and the Nile, far from injuring, facilitate the employment of
naval forces, and the deserts will interrupt communications with
the other parts of the Ottoman empire, and will prevent the
Turks from throwing imposing succours into the Egyptian territory.
The strong places are either upon the Red Sea or upon
the Mediterranean.” Here Leibnitz describes Alexandria, Rosetta,
and Damietta, with the Bozag, pointing out the weakness
of these places. “The coast of the Red Sea is still more neglected,
and would fall quickly into the power of a Portuguese
fleet, acting in concert with a French force from Madagascar;”
for Leibnitz supposes that the Portuguese would be more disposed
to second the views of the French than to oppose them.</p>

<p>The memorial describes very minutely the Arabian Gulf and
the Strait of Bab-el-Mandel; he affirms that all places on the
coast want fortifications; he speaks particularly of Suez, Cossier,
Souakem, and at length of Cairo, which would not offer,
any more than the rest, a strong resistance.</p>

<p>“Could the resistance of Cairo,” says Leibnitz, “alone prevent
France from raising itself above all glory past or present? It
would be disgraceful for so powerful a nation, when engaged in
such a mighty enterprise, to entertain a moment’s doubt of final
success in presence of this last obstacle. For France would
not be fighting then for either Dunkirk or Gravelines, or for
Maëstricht; but for the dominion of the seas, for the empire of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[485]</a></span>
the East, for the overthrow of the Port, and for universal supremacy;&mdash;all
results from the conquest of Egypt.”</p>

<p>Then follow some geographical details upon the coast of
Syria, and the ports and cities of that country; that is to say,
El-Aresch, Byblos, Tripoli, Alexandretta, Aleppo, and Damascus.</p>

<p>“Alexandretta commands the defiles of Cilicia. By the possession
of this place, an army marching from Asia Minor upon
Palestine could be forced to make a long and painful circuit,
across a country half desert, and across portions of Cilicia,
Armenia, and Mesopotamia.</p>

<p>“Aleppo and Damascus are the only cities capable of resisting
for a moment our ulterior operations after the reduction of
Cairo. Although they are distant from the sea, they must be
secured, since then we shall command all the country on this
side of Mount Amanus.</p>

<p>“The Turks may, it is true, if they are warned, place reinforcements
in Egypt, and even fortify Alexandria and render Egypt
nearly inaccessible. It will therefore be essential to preserve
the most profound secrecy upon the project, and accelerate the
departure of the armament for its destination. When the expedition
shall be once made, it will be no longer in the power of
the Turks to place an obstacle in the way of its success, since
the departure of so formidable a fleet will give alarm for the
seat of government itself. Under this point of view it will be
even useful to spread a report that it is in fact destined against
Constantinople, in order that the Port should unite and concentrate,
for the protection of the capital, its divided forces, and thus
render the distant provinces the weaker. The French army
being thus suddenly thrown into Egypt, it would require six
months for the Turks to assemble an equal force, or even a
much longer time, if Turkey were at the same time engaged in
a Polish or Hungarian war. Moreover, as soon as the expedition
should have succeeded, Persia, which cannot declare itself
upon our promises alone, will not fail to rise likewise. And if
the expedition took place in that season of the year which,
according to the opinion of experienced persons, would appear
the most suitable, it would be absolutely impossible for the
Turks to arrive in any useful time, if even they had 100,000
disposable forces; because Egypt would be then inundated with
the waters of the Nile, in which our fleet would dominate; and
because the Turkish army could not set out on its march before
the following winter, &amp;c.</p>

<p>“Suppose now that Egypt should be in our power, and, which
is not at all improbable, the Turks should find themselves at
peace with all their neighbours, that there should be no trouble
among themselves, and that they should be in a condition to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[486]</a></span>
advance with 100,000 effective men; suppose, on the other side,
that we were only able to oppose this force with 30,000 men,
since we must leave 20,000 behind, to maintain our position in
Egypt, and reduce the places not yet subdued: I affirm that
these 30,000 men would be sufficient to repulse the Turks: let
us add, that if measures be well taken, there is no doubt that
considerable reinforcements might arrive from Europe, and that
the Christian subjects of the Port, as well as the natives, would
flock eagerly to range themselves under our Banners. But suppose
our force did not exceed 30,000 men, this troop would
be perfectly in a state to resist the Turks by two different
manœuvres, whether by waiting for them in the plains of Egypt,
between Suez and Cairo; or whether in marching forward to
meet them in Arabia Petræa, between Gaza and the mountains,
or in Syria between Alexandretta and Mount Amanus, called
now the mount of Scanderoun, or El Lucan.</p>

<p>“There are in Arabia Petræa three narrow defiles, through
which the caravans pass on their way from Egypt into Asia.
One of these defiles is on the right, when we are coming from
Egypt, and leads to the eastern shores of the Red Sea; another
passage is on the left, on the shores of the Mediterranean,&mdash;it
leads into Palestine and Syria; the third, situated between the
two preceding ones, comes out at Mount Horeb, and at the
monastery of St. Catherine. The two first passages lead into
Arabia, where no army could penetrate without great difficulty.
There only remains then the third route, which goes from Egypt
into Palestine, across Idumea. But this passage is so narrowed
on one side by the Mediterranean Sea, and on the other by the
foot of the mountains of Arabia Petræa, that the sultan of Egypt
would easily have expelled the army of Selim from his country,
if he had taken care to secure the passage between Syria and
Cilicia: it was by neglecting this precaution that Darius very
much facilitated the conquest of Asia by Alexander. If the
sultan of the Mamelukes, abandoning Palestine, had taken up a
position in the narrow strait near Gaza, or near Sihor (called in
Scripture the river of Egypt), which is a species of hollow ravine,
running from the mountains to the sea, and if he had there
awaited his enemy, it is certain that in that position, 30,000
men would have been able to resist hundreds of thousands.</p>

<p>“Suppose the Turks were able to force not only the passage
of Alexandretta, but likewise that of Gaza, they yet could not
recover Egypt; for, in this case, our army would keep in its
rear the Nile and a very fertile country, whilst the enemy
would have nothing in their rear but the deserts of Arabia. And
if, in this position, we were to avoid a pitched battle, which
would be easy from the nature of the country, the Turkish<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">[487]</a></span>
army would necessarily waste away, and would be forced, by
want of provisions, to retire into Syria, and leave us in the
tranquil enjoyment of our conquests.”</p>

<p>Leibnitz brings several historical facts to the support of his
opinion; he proves that the Turks are much less formidable,
less warlike, less numerous than they formerly were; he enters
into details upon the seraglio, the revenues, and the military and
maritime establishments of the Ottoman empire.</p>

<p>The author assigns reasons for hoping that, after the first news
of the success of Louis XIV., there would ensue partial revolts,
and then a general insurrection of the pachas, the civil functionaries,
the soldiers, the Christians, and finally of the whole
people. “I venture to affirm,” says he, “that all the subjects of
the Ottoman empire are unhappy, discontented, anxious for
change, and that at this moment they are only restrained by the
disheartening remembrance of their former attempts to throw off
the yoke.</p>

<p>“A French author, very well acquainted with the affairs of
Turkey, and who is surprised that an empire so constituted subsists
so long, forms the conjecture that God, who does everything
for the best, had raised and sustained this powerful nation
for the good of his Church, and to punish Christians for their
sins and vices;’ but I,” continues Leibnitz,&mdash;“I am convinced that
the time approaches in which the Omnipotent will visit his
people, in which the fury of barbarians will be at an end, in
which a far happier epoch will open on the Christian world.
Much might be said with regard to prophecies; upon periods in
human affairs; upon the inevitable catastrophes of empires;
even upon the traditions of the Turks themselves, which make
them look for their destruction from a country between two
seas. This prediction has been commonly applied to Constantinople,
and sometimes to the Morea; but no one has hitherto
thought of Egypt.</p>

<p>“Let us, however, without presuming to penetrate the secrets
of destiny, draw our conclusions from the ordinary course of
affairs. It is notorious that the Sultan has entirely lost, in the
opinion of his subjects, his character of inviolability, and this
circumstance must necessarily facilitate his defeat.”</p>

<p>All that follows this is but a picture of the disorder which
reigns in the political organization of the Turkish empire.
Therefore, Leibnitz thinks that the conquest of Egypt would
shake the Port to its foundation. He adds: “<i>Audaciter dico,
flagrabit Turcia seditionibus, si volumus</i>; and if the Port were
at the same time engaged in a war with Poland or Hungary,
<i>jam ruina ipsa</i>,” says he, “<i>et totius corporis paralysis universalis
indubitata est</i>.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">[488]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 39.</i></p>

<p class="pc1 reduct"><i>Capitulations between France and the Ottoman Port.</i></p>

<p class="p1">Francis I. was the first of our kings who made treaties with
the Port. He obtained in 1535, from Soliman the Canonist, the
first capitulations in favour of commerce and of the Catholic
religion, in the states of the Grand Seignor; in 1604, Henry IV.
obtained from the Sultan Ahmid I. the renewal of them with
some additions; in 1675 they were renewed and augmented
under the reign of the Sultan Mehemed IV., at the demand of
Louis XIV.; in 1740, Louis XV. obtained from the Sultan
Mahmoud the renewal of the ancient treaties, with considerable
additions.</p>

<p>France has had since that period other negotiations with the
Port; but these negotiations have not produced any treaty, the
dispositions of which are either new or important. The documents
necessary for the history of the relations of France with
the Ottoman empire have always been carefully preserved in the
chancery of the French embassy at Constantinople. It is there
we must search for exact notices to add to that which we have
been able to advance upon this question.</p>

<p>We will give, from these capitulations, as much as particularly
concerns the subject of our history, or which may throw a light
upon the Ottoman policy.</p>

<p>“The Emperor Sultan Mahmoud, son of Sultan Moustapha,
ever victorious.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p>

<p>“Here is that which ordains this glorious and imperial signature,
conqueror of the world, this noble and sublime mark,
whose efficacy proceeds from divine aid.</p>

<p>“I, who by the excellence of the favours of the Most High, and
by the eminence of the miracles filled with blessings from the
chief of the prophets (to whom be the most ample salutations, as
well as to his family and his companions), am the Sultan of
glorious sultans, the emperor of puissant emperors, the distributor
of crowns to the Cosroes, who are seated on thrones, the
shadow of God upon earth, the servant of the two illustrious
cities of Mecca and Medina, august and holy places, to which
Mussulmans address their vows; the protector and master of the
holy Jerusalem; the sovereign of the three great cities of Constantinople,
Adrianople, and Broussa, as well as of Damascus,
the odour of Paradise; of Tripoli, of Syria, of Egypt, the wonder<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">[489]</a></span>
of ages, and renowned for its delights; of all Arabia; of Africa,
of Cairovan, of Aleppo, of Irak, Arab, and Adgen; of Bassora,
of Lahra, of Dilem, and particularly of Bagdad, capital of the
caliphs; of Rakka, of Mossoul, of Chehregour, of Diarbeker, of
Zulkadric, of Ergerum the Delightful; of Sebarta, of Adana, of
Caramenia, of Kars, of Ichidder, of Van, of the isles of the
Morea, of Candia, of Cyprus, Chio, and Rhodes; of Barbary, of
Ethiopia; of the places of war, Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis; of
the isles and the coasts of the White Sea and of the Black Sea;
of the countries of Natolia, and the kingdom of Romelia; of all
Kurdestan, of Greece, of Turkomania, of Tartary, of Circassia,
of Cabarta, and of Georgia; of the noble tribes of the Tartars,
and of all the hordes which depend upon them; of Caffa, and
other surrounding places; of all Bosnia and its dependencies; of
the fortress of Belgrade, a place of war; of Servia, as well as of
the fortresses and castles existing in it; of the countries of
Albania, of all Wallachia, of Moldavia, and of the forts and holds
which are in these cantons; possessor besides of a number of
cities and fortresses, of which it is superfluous to repeat or
boast the names. I, who am emperor, asylum of justice and
king of kings, the centre of victory, Sultan, son of the Sultan,
Emperor Mahmoud the conqueror, son of Sultan Mustafa, son of
Sultan Muhammed: I, who by my power, the origin of
facility, am adorned with the title of emperor of the two lands,
and as a crowning grandeur to my caliphate, am illustrated by
the title of emperor of the two seas.</p>

<p>“The glory of the great princes of the faith of Jesus, the elect
of the great and the magnificent of the religion of the Messiah,
the arbitrator and mediator in the affairs of Christian nations,
clothed with true marks of dignity and honour, filled with grandeur,
with glory and majesty, the emperor of France, and of
other vast kingdoms which depend upon it, our very magnificent,
very honoured, sincere, and ancient friend, Louis XV., to whom
God grant all success and felicity, having sent to our august
court, which is the seat of the caliphate, a letter containing
evidences of the most perfect sincerity, and of the most particular
affection, candour, and uprightness, and the same letter
being destined for our Sublime Port of felicity, which, by the
infinite goodness of the incontestably majestic Supreme Being,
is the abode of sultans the most magnificent, of emperors the
most respectable; the model of Christian nobles, skilful, prudent,
esteemed, and honoured minister, Louis Sauveur, marquis
de Villeneuve, your present counsellor of state, and your ambassador
to our Port of felicity (may the end of which be crowned
with good fortune), having demanded permission to present and
remit the said letter, which has been granted to him by our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">[490]</a></span>
imperial consent, conformably with the ancient usages of our
court; and consequently the said ambassador having been
admitted to the foot of our imperial throne, surrounded with the
light of glory, he has there delivered the said letter, and has
been the representative of your majesty, in participating our imperial
grace and favour; the translation of its friendly tenor was
afterwards presented and reported, according to the ancient
customs of the Ottomans, at the foot of our sublime throne, by
the channel of the very honoured Elhadjy Mehemed Pacha, our
first minister, the absolute interpreter of our ordinances, the
ornament of the world, the support of the good order of nations,
the orderer of the grades of our empire, the instrument of the
glory of our crown, the channel for the favours of royal majesty,
the very virtuous Grand Vizier, my venerable and fortunate
minister and lieutenant-general, of whose power and prosperity
may God perpetuate the triumph!</p>

<p>“And as the expressions of this friendly letter make known the
desire and eagerness of your majesty to preserve, as heretofore,
all the honours and ancient friendship, hitherto maintained from
time immemorial between our glorious ancestors (may the light
of God be upon them), and the very magnificent emperors of
France; and as in the said letter there is question, in consideration
of the sincere friendship and the particular attachment that
France has always evinced towards our imperial house, again to
renew, during the happy period of our glorious reign, and to
strengthen and enlighten, by the addition of some articles, the
imperial capitulations, already renewed in the year of the
Hegyra 1084, under the reign of the late Sultan Mehemed, our
august grandfather, noble and generous during his life, and
happy in his death; which capitulations had for object, <i>that the
ambassadors, consuls, interpreters, merchants, and other subjects
of France, should be protected and maintained in all peace and
tranquillity</i>,<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> and it has at length arrived at our imperial knowledge
that these points have been conferred upon by the said
ambassador and the minister of the Sublime Port: the foundations
of the friendship which, from time immemorial, has subsisted
with firmness between the court of France and our Sublime
Port, and the convincing proofs which your majesty has
given of it, particularly during our glorious reign, giving reason
to hope that the ties of such a friendship can only be drawn
closer, and become stronger from day to day; these motives
have inspired us with sentiments conformable with your desires;
and wishing to procure activity in commerce, and security to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">[491]</a></span>
goers and comers, which are the fruits such a friendship ought to
produce; we not only confirm by these presents in their full extent,
the ancient and renewed capitulations, as well as the articles
concerted at the above date, but to procure more ease for our
merchants and greater vigour in commerce, we have granted
them exemption from the right of <i>Mezeterie</i>, which they have
paid at all times, as well as several other points concerning commerce,
and the safety of comers and goers, which have been
discussed, treated of, and regulated, in good and due form, in
the divers conferences which have been held upon the subject,
between the said ambassador, furnished with sufficient power,
and the persons deputed on the part of our Sublime Port.
After the entire conclusion of all, my supreme and absolute
Grand Vizier, having rendered an account of it to our imperial
Stirrup, and it being our will to show specially on this occasion
the value and esteem that we entertain for the ancient and constant
friendship of the emperor of France, who has just given us
fresh and particular marks of the sincerity of his heart, we have
granted our sign imperial for the execution of the articles newly
concluded, and consequently of the ancient and renewed capitulations;
having been transcribed and reported exactly, word
for word from the commencement, and followed by the articles
newly regulated and granted; these present imperial capitulations
have been placed and consigned, in the above-said order,
in the hands of the aforesaid ambassador.”</p>

<p>Articles 32, 33, 34, 35, and 36 of the capitulations contain
what follows:&mdash;“As inimical nations, who have no positive ambassadors
at my Port of felicity, formerly went and came in our
states, under the banner of the emperor of France, whether for
commerce, whether for pilgrimage, according to the imperial
permission they had had for it under the reigns of our ancestors
of glorious memory, as likewise it was granted by the ancient
capitulations accorded to the French: and as afterwards, for certain
reasons, the entrance to our states was positively prohibited
to these same nations, and they were even withdrawn from the
said capitulations; nevertheless, the emperor of France having
evinced by the letter he has sent to our Port of felicity, that he
should wish that the inimical nations, to whom trading in our
states has been forbidden, might have liberty to come and go to
Jerusalem, in the same manner as they were accustomed to go
and come, without being in any way interrupted; and that if
consequently it were permitted them to come and traffic in our
states, it should be under the banner of France, as formerly, the
demand of the emperor of France has been complied with, in
consideration of the ancient friendship, which from the times of
my glorious ancestors has subsisted, from father to son, between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">[492]</a></span>
your majesty and the Sublime Port, and we have issued an imperial
edict, of which the following is the tenor:&mdash;That the Christian
and inimical nations which are at peace with the emperor of
France, and who shall desire to visit Jerusalem, may go thither
and return, within the boundaries of their state, in the customary
manner, and in full liberty and security, without any person
causing them trouble or impediment; and if it should afterwards
prove convenient to grant to the said nations the liberty of
trading in our states, they will then go and come under the
banner of the emperor of France as formerly, without being
allowed to go and come under any other banner.</p>

<p>“The ancient imperial capitulations, which have been in the
hands of the French since the reigns of my magnificent ancestors
to the present day, and which have just been reported in detail
above, having been now renewed with an addition of some new
articles, conformably with the imperial order, issued in virtue of
my khatt-cherif; the first of these articles declares, that the
bishops dependent upon France, and the other ecclesiastics who
profess the French religion, of whatever nation or race they may
be, as long as they shall keep within the limits of their state,
shall not be troubled in the exercise of their functions in those
parts of our empire where they have been long settled.</p>

<p>“The French ecclesiastics who, according to ancient custom,
are established within and without the city of Jerusalem, in the
church of the Holy Sepulchre called Kamama, shall not be
disturbed in the places of visitation which they inhabit, and
which are in their hands, which shall remain still in their hands
as formerly, without being disturbed in that respect, or by the
imposition of tributes; and should any dispute arise, which
cannot be decided on the spot, it shall be sent to my Sublime
Port.</p>

<p>“The French, or those who depend upon them, of whatever
nation or quality they may be, who desire to go to Jerusalem,
shall not be molested either in going or returning.</p>

<p>“The two religious orders which are at Galata, that is to say,
the Jesuits and the Capuchins, having two churches there, which
have been in their hands <i>ab antiquo</i>, they shall remain in their
hands, and they shall retain the possession and the advantages
of them: and as one of these churches has been burnt, it shall
be rebuilt as justice requires, and it shall remain, as formerly, in
the hands of the Capuchins, without molestation or disturbance.
There shall be no uneasiness entertained with regard to the
churches the French have at Smyrna, Seyda, Alexandria, and
other <i>Echelles</i>; and no money shall be required of them under
any pretence.</p>

<p>“The French shall not be disturbed, when, within the bounds<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">[493]</a></span>
of their own quarter, they read the Gospel in their hospital of
Galata.”</p>

<p>Several of these dispositions not having been strictly executed,
the Port renewed them in 1740; this is the renewal, as it is expressed
in article 82.</p>

<p>“When the places, of which the ecclesiastics dependent upon
France have possession at Jerusalem, as has been mentioned in
the articles solemnly granted and now renewed, shall be in want
of repair, to prevent the ruin to which they would be exposed
by the course of time, it shall be permitted to grant, at the
request of the ambassador of France, residing at my Port of
felicity, orders for their being repaired in a way conformable to
justice; and the cadis, commandants, and other officers, shall
not be allowed to throw any impediment in the way of the
things granted by order; and as it has happened that our officers,
under pretext of having made secret repairs in the said places,
made many visits in the course of the year, and extorted money
from the ecclesiastics, we command that, on the part of the
cadis, commandants, and other officers who may be there, there
shall be only one visit made in the year to the church of the
place that is called the Sepulchre of Jesus; and the same in the
other churches and places of visitation. The bishop and ecclesiastics
dependent upon the emperor of France, who are in my
empire, shall be protected as long as they confine themselves to
the limits of their own state, and nobody shall prevent them
from performing their rites according to their own customs, in
the churches which are in their hands, as well as in the other
places in which they dwell: and when our tributary subjects
and the French shall go and come among one another, for the
purpose of buying, selling, or other affairs, they shall not be
molested, against the same laws, on account of this intercourse;
and as it is decreed in the preceding stipulated articles that they
shall be allowed to read the Scriptures in the hospital of Galata,
and this has, nevertheless, not been done, we order, that in
whatever place that hospital may for the future be, in a juridical
form, they may be allowed to read the Scripture there, as is their
duty, without any inquietude upon the subject.”</p>

<p>The capitulations or treaties with the Port are too extensive
to allow us to give them entirely here. The articles, which
amount to eighty-five, regulate the rights of persons and the
commercial privileges of which the Port has granted the enjoyment
to all the French established or travelling in the countries
of its domination; they regulate also the diplomatic relations
between the two powers, and the prerogatives of the ambassadors
of the king of France.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">[494]</a></span></p>

<p class="pc1">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>

<p class="pc1 lmid"><i>No. 40.</i></p>

<p class="ph1 p1"><i>Note by M. Raynouard upon the Work by M. Hammer, entitled</i> Mysterium
Baphometi Revelatum, <i>&amp;c.</i></p>

<p class="p1">Since the proscription of the knights of the Temple and the
abolition of the order, five hundred years had passed away,
when accusations, evidences, and judgments, were again submitted
to the revision of history;&mdash;the renown of the order and
the memory of the knights are again reëstablished in the opinion
of impartial persons.</p>

<p>A new adversary of the Templars presented himself, and
setting aside the accusations which contemporary persecutors
had imagined, invented other crimes. In spite of the interval
of time, he boasted of being able to produce material proofs:
“There is no need of words,” says M. Hammer, “when stones
serve as witnesses.”</p>

<p>What are these monuments with which the persons who prepared
and achieved the ruin of the Templars were unacquainted,
or which they neglected? How did they escape the industrious
perquisitions of the envy, hatred, and sagacity of the inquisitors?
Why did not the divers apostates, who, from ambition or fear,
gave evidence against the order, point out monuments which
then would have been more numerous and more striking, and
whose existence might have justified their shameful desertion?
And when the churches and houses of the Templars were occupied
by successors who had so much interest in procuring pardon
for the rigour of the spoliation, how was it that none of these
successors discovered these material proofs, which, according to
M. Hammer, proclaim to the present day the apostasy of the
Templars?</p>

<p>The work of this scholar is entitled, <i>Le Mystère du Baphomet
révélé; or, the Brothers of the Military Order of the Temple
convicted, by their own Memorials, of sharing the Apostasy,
Idolatry, and Impiety of the Gnostics, and even of the Ophianites</i>.</p>

<p>The following contains the exposition, the analysis, and the
recapitulation of M. Hammer.</p>

<p>“We read, in the procedure undertaken against the order of
the Temple, that the knights worshipped an idol of <i>Bafomet
form&mdash;in figuram Bafometi</i>.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> The decomposition of this word<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">[495]</a></span>
furnishes <i>bafo</i> and <i>meti</i>. <i>Bafo</i>, in Greek, signifies <i>dyeing</i>, or
<i>dipping</i>, and, by extension, <i>baptism</i>; <i>meti</i>, signifies <i>spirit</i>.
The <i>Bafomet</i> of the Templars was then <i>the baptism of the spirit&mdash;the
Gnostic baptism</i>, which was not performed by the waters
of redemption, but which was a spiritual lustration by fire.
<i>Bafomet</i> signifies, then, <i>the illumination of the spirit</i>.</p>

<p>“As the Gnostics had furnished the Templars with Bafometic
ideas and images, the word <i>meti</i> (<i>metis</i>) became venerated
among the Templars: “I shall, therefore,” adds M. Hammer,
“furnish proofs of this decisive circumstance.</p>

<p>“The Gnostics were accused of infamous vices. The <i>metis</i>
was represented under symbolical forms, principally under that
of serpents, and of a truncated cross in the shape of <i>Tau&mdash;T</i>.</p>

<p>“The Gnostics,” continues M. Hammer, “did not always
employ the word <i>meti</i> in their monuments; they likewise made
use of the word <i>gnosis</i>, which is synonymous, and is found
among the Templars.”</p>

<p>Developing his system of accusation, M. Hammer constantly
maintains that it is proved by the proceedings instituted against
the Templars, that they adored Bafometic figures; he produces
medals which bear these pretended Bafometic figures, and particularly
some medals upon which may be read, <i>meti</i>, with a
truncated cross,<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> and others which represent a temple, with the
legend, <i>Sanctissima Quinosis</i>, that is to say, <i>Gnosis</i>. He indicates
likewise Gnostic vases and chalices; and attributing them
to the Templars, advances, that the romance of the <i>Saint Graal</i>,
or holy cup, is a symbolic romance, which at the same time
conceals and proves the apostasy of the knights; and believes
that he recognises in churches which formerly belonged to the
Templars, or which he pretends to have belonged to them, Bafometic
figures, and Gnostic and ophitic symbols.</p>

<p>M. Hammer expends much erudition in describing the various<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">[496]</a></span>
and numerous systems which preceded and produced the sect of
the Gnostics; at length he comes to the Bafometic figures; he
produces twenty-four of them, which appear to him to bear the
characters of the <i>Bafomet</i>; they are covered with astrological
signs; many are encircled by a serpent, and hold this cross by a
handle, which was called <i>key of the Nile</i> by the Egyptians, and
which has been considered the symbol of fecundity; they bear
inscriptions, some in Latin, some in Greek, which denote nothing
but proper names; and others in Arabic would be unintelligible,
if we had not the means of comparing them with those upon the
vases. The principal vase bears an Arabic inscription, which refers
to the worship of a divinity named <i>Mété</i>; it has the title of
<i>Teala</i>&mdash;all-powerful, and of <i>Nasch</i>&mdash;producer. M. Hammer pretends
that the <i>Mété</i> was the same as the <i>Sophia</i> and <i>Achamet</i> of
the various sects of Gnostics.</p>

<p>But no relation presents itself, either near or remote, with the
Templars.</p>

<p>It was M. Nicolaï who, in a German work, entitled, <i>An Essay
upon the Secret of the Templars</i>, first employed this word <i>Bafomet</i>,
and who attached to it the idea of the image of the supreme
God, in the state of quietude attributed to him by the Manichean
Gnostics; it was this learned man who first supposed that
the Templars had a secret doctrine and initiations of several
grades; and he pretends that the Saracens had communicated
this doctrine to them.</p>

<p>In order to destroy all these systems, it is sufficient to prove
that it is impossible to prove that the word <i>Bafometi</i>, which is
reported in the proceedings against the Templars, signified anything
but <i>Mahomet</i>.</p>

<p>M. le Baron Sylvestre de Sacy had already condemned this
explanation of M. Hammer; and if the latter persisted in not
recognising in <i>Bafomet</i> the name of <i>Mahomet</i>, it would be easy
to prove to him that authors of the middle ages often wrote
Bafomet for Mahomet;&mdash;authorities are not wanting.</p>

<p>If the word even of the Bafometic or Gnostic sect does not
exist, if it never has existed, the entire system is without a basis.</p>

<p>But even if it could be proved that a Bafometic sect had
existed, if we were in possession of certain details upon its
opinions and mysteries, how could M. Hammer prove that the
Templars belonged to this sect?</p>

<p>M. Hammer has collected and caused to be engraved as many
as a hundred medals and other monuments which he attributes
to the Templars, because he fancies he finds upon them the <i>Mete</i>
and the <i>Tau</i> of the Gnostics.</p>

<p>The medals he produces are not even proofs of the existence
of a sect of Gnostics; and even if this existence could be demonstrated,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">[497]</a></span>
these medals and these monuments being entirely foreign
to the Templars, why should they be applied to them?<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></p>

<p>To give an idea of the manner in which M. Hammer tries to
prove, by the medals, that the Templars were Gnostics, I will
cite only these upon which this savant fancies he reads the word
<i>Quinosis</i> or <i>Gnosis</i>.</p>

<p>In the coin 80, we see, according to M. Hammer, the temple
of Jerusalem with four towers; the inscription is: + S. S.
SIMOONJU[prostrate d]A; but reading it the reverse way, and beginning,
not by the final A, but by the prostrate d, which M. Hammer
has taken for a Q, whilst other savants, who have quoted this
medal, have thought it a D, he reads SSTA QUINOMIS, although
there is no T in the inscription; and considering the M
as a sigma reversed, M. Hammer has found <span class="smcap">Quinosis</span>; then
<span class="smcap">Qui</span> into G, and only making a single O of the two, he obtains
<span class="smcap">Gnosis</span>; which, according to his account, reveals and proves the
secret of the Gnostic Templars.</p>

<p>M. Hammer not only reads it backwards, but he begins by
the penultimate letter, and leaves the A, after which is a +
which separates the beginning of the inscription from its end.
He adds a T, and supposes a Greek letter mixed with the Latin
inscription; and yet, after all these changes, he cannot produce
the word <span class="smcap">Gnosis</span>.</p>

<p>And what prevented him from seeing in this inscription what
it really is, SS. SIMON JUDA?</p>

<p>In the medal 99 we read in the same manner, <span class="smcap">S. Simon Vel
Juda</span>; in the 93rd, <span class="smcap">S. Simon Juda</span>, &amp;c. Nothing was more
common in the middle ages than coins which, on one side bear
the name of a saint, and on the other side the name of a city
or prince.</p>

<p>Two of the coins upon which, instead of <span class="smcap">St. Simon</span> and <span class="smcap">St.
Jude</span>, M. Hammer records <span class="smcap">Saint Gnostic</span>, bear also the name
of <i>Otto</i>, or <i>Otto</i> <span class="smcap">Marchio</span>. This circumstance is embarrassing
for M. Hammer; he explains it by saying that this Marquis
Otho was a Gnostic, a protector of the Templars, and initiated
into their secret doctrines.</p>

<p>Seelander only reads St. Simon and St. Jude upon these coins;
he believes that this Otho might be Otho II., marquis of Brandenburg,
who lived about the year 1200. If the opinion of
Seelander will not induce M. Hammer to adopt this simple,
natural, and evident explanation, he may find in Otto Sperlingius
the explanation of a similar coin, with the inscription of St.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">[498]</a></span>
Simon and St. Jude. The heads of the two saints are close
together, under the same crown. A. Mellen thought that this
coin was struck at Goslar, and Sperlengius adopts his opinion.</p>

<p>But even if it were allowed that these coins belonged to a sect
of Gnostics, I should continue to assert that M. Hammer does
not at all prove that the Templars made use of them. The
reasoning of this savant is reduced almost to this:&mdash;“These
monuments are Gnostic, therefore they relate to the Templars;”
and to this:&mdash;“These monuments relate to the Templars, therefore
they are Gnostic.”</p>

<p>But let me be permitted to say once more, if the Templars
had had amongst them such Gnostic signs, how was it that these
signs were not made known and denounced when the question
was to destroy the order? How is it that they are never found
anywhere but in Germany?</p>

<p>I should obtain the same result if I were to examine in this
manner in detail all that relates to the cups and chalices in which
M. Hammer believes he sees Gnostic emblems; not only is
there nothing upon them concerning the Templars, but M. Hammer
has only collected them in places and upon monuments quite
foreign to the order of the Templars.</p>

<p>As to the Gnostic sculptures which M. Hammer persists in
seeing in some churches, is it not well known that we find in the
churches of the middle ages sculptures and monuments which it
is very difficult to explain, either on account of the moral and
religious ideas which the artists of the time expressed under very
unsuitable images; or on account of the pious allegories, the
tradition of which is not come down to us?</p>

<p>The relievos of the capitals of the church of St. Germaine
des Prés have embarrassed antiquaries, and if M. Hammer had
found such in a church of the Templars, he would not have failed
to magnify by them his act of accusation.</p>

<p>He cites seven churches in Germany, in which he pretends to
recognise Gnostic emblems: but he offers no proof that these
churches belonged to the Templars; and, even if the Order had
built them, is it to be conceived, that if there existed a secret
doctrine among them, the leaders would have exposed the symbols
of it in public in their churches? And how is it that they
selected seven German churches to receive these irreligious
signs, whilst they did nothing of the same kind in the three
thousand churches they possessed in Christendom?</p>

<p>M. Hammer is not more fortunate when he seeks in romances,
which speak of the <span class="smcap">Saint Graal</span>, the emblematic history, or the
symbol of the order of the Temple.</p>

<p>These romances present nothing contrary to religion; the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">[499]</a></span>
knights, who are the personages, promise fidelity to God and the
ladies; they arm and fight for religion and beauty. Can we
then be astounded that at the period when these romances were
composed, the search for the St. Graal, or holy cup, was considered
an exploit worthy of chivalry?</p>

<p>M. Hammer fancies he finds something very favourable to
him in the following passage:&mdash;“As the St. Graal came to
Tramelet on the day of Pentecost,”&mdash;he remarks that the festival
of St. Graal was not celebrated on Christmas-day, but at
Pentecost; “if by this cup,” says he, “had been meant, as some
people suppose, the Lord’s cup, the festival would have been
celebrated either on Christmas-day or Holy Thursday, and not
on the day of Pentecost, which the Gnostics regarded as very
holy, as the day of the Holy Ghost, which was for the Gnostics
Sophia, and for the Templars <span class="smcap">Mete</span>.”</p>

<p>The reply to this is very easy:&mdash;1st. King Artus held his
plenary court on the great festivals of the year; it is not, then,
surprising that the St. Graal should arrive at Pentecost. 2nd.
The author of the romance could not choose the day of Christmas-day,
which festival was not appointed in the time of King
Artus. 3rd. It is even probable that the romance in question
was composed before the institution of that festival by Urban IV.,
in 1264.</p>

<p>M. Hammer has been sensible that it was strange to form,
after a lapse of five centuries, an accusation against the Templars
quite different from that which served as a pretext for the
contemporary oppressors. Therefore he advances that the pope,
by the sentence which was pronounced against the Templars,
was willing to conceal the knowledge of their true crimes; but
he maintains, that when the archives of Rome shall come to
light, as everything does sooner or later, we shall there find the
proof of the crimes he now denounces.</p>

<p>How is it possible to be believed, that if the knights had been
guilty of the crimes M. Hammer attributes to them, the pope
and kings would have preferred the absurd system of accusation
which they employed, to a system such as that which M. Hammer
puts forth?</p>

<p>But, besides, it is very certain that <span class="smcap">ALL</span> the pieces which the
archives of Rome contained are now known: they are <span class="smcap">ALL</span>
marked with their numbers in the notice of the unpublished
pieces which have assisted in the composition of <i>Les Monuments
Historiques relatifs à la Condemnation des Chavaliers du Temple,
etc.</i> M. Hammer has nothing, therefore, to hope from the
archives of the Vatican.</p>

<p>This distinguished savant will some day acknowledge that he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">[500]</a></span>
ought not to have yielded to the desire of putting forth a new
system of denunciation against the order and the knights of the
Temple. Their terrible and celebrated catastrophe imposes the
obligation of being very circumspect and very severe in the
choice of the means by which we may allow ourselves to endeavour
to deprive them of the just pity which posterity has not
refused to their fate.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">[501]</a></span></p>

<div class="chapter">

<h2 class="p4">INDEX.</h2>

<div class="figcenter">
     <img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:joseph-michaud-history-of-the-crusades-v3-dec2.jpgdec2.jpg" width="150" height="41"
         alt=""
         title="" />
</div>

<p class="pnli">A.</p>

<p class="pni">Abaga, khan of the Tartars, sends ambassadors to Rome, <a href="#Page_26">iii. 26</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Abassides persecute the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_8"> i. 8</a>. Decline of their empire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_13"> i. 13</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aboubeker, his interview with Richard I. of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_498"> i. 498</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Abou-bekr, founder of one of the Mohammedan sects, <a href="#Page_413">iii. 413</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Accien, sovereign of Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_129"> i. 129</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Achard de Montmerle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_83"> i. 83</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Adel, the son of Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"> ii. 3</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Adhémar de Monteil, bishop of Puy, engages in the first crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_87"> i. 87</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His enthusiastic bravery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_170"> i. 170</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_173"> i. 173</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Adonis, the river, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_306"> i. 306</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Adrianople, besieged by the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_166"> ii. 166</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Battle of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_167"> ii. 167</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Siege raised, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_168"> ii. 168</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Æneas Sylvius, bishop of Sienna, preaches a crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_163">iii. 163</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Elected pope, under the title of Pius II., <a href="#Page_170">iii. 170</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Pius_II"><i>Pius II.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">Afdhal, son of Saladin, and commander of the Mussulman forces of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_238"> i. 238</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His extensive empire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"> ii. 3</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Civil contests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_4"> ii. 4</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Oath taken by the emirs of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"> ii. 3</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Rebellion against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_4"> ii. 4</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Africa invaded by the Christian forces, <a href="#Page_117">iii. 117</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Agriculture, products of, introduced into Europe during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_329">iii. 329</a>, <a href="#Page_330">iii. 330</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aibek, assassinated, <a href="#Page_3">iii. 3</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His son raised to the throne of Egypt, <a href="#Page_4">iii. 4</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and dethroned, <a href="#Page_5">iii. 5</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alaziz, sultan of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_2"> ii. 2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"> ii. 3</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Takes arms against his brother, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_4"> ii. 4</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Albéric, son of Hugh de Grandménil, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_83"> i. 83</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alberon, archdeacon of Metz, slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_131"> i. 131</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Albert, count of Blandras, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Albigeois, religious principles of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_196"> ii. 196</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_197"> ii. 197</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Papal crusades and cruel wars against the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_199"> ii. 199</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_267"> ii. 267</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_310"> ii. 310</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alemar of Selingar engages in the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_465"> ii. 465</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aleppo, states of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_127"> i. 127</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alexander of Macedon, amount of his forces, and his victories, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_255"> i. 255</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_257"> i. 257</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alexandretta taken possession of by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_119"> i. 119</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">[502]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Alexandria captured and burnt by the Crusaders, <a href="#Page_116">iii. 116</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alexius Comnenus I., emperor of Constantinople, seeks the assistance of the Latins against the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_44"> i. 44</a> and n., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_45"> i. 45</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Alarmed at the vast number of Crusaders from the West, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_88"> i. 88</a>.(*)</p>
<p class="pniii">(*) The name in this and a few of the following pages is printed “Alexis”.</p>
<p class="pnii">His character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_89"> i. 89</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His treatment of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_90"> i. 90</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His alliance with Godfrey de Bouillon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_92"> i. 92</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His reception of the French chiefs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_93"> i. 93</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_94"> i. 94</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His suspicious treatment of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_104"> i. 104</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He perfidiously takes possession of Nice, in opposition to the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_104"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">His insidious policy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_105"> i. 105</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_168"> i. 168</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_282"> i. 282</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He sends an embassy to the Crusaders at Archas, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_194"> i. 194</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Opposes the second body of them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_250"> i. 250</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The limits of his empire extended by the victories of the Crusaders, and Constantinople rendered safe from the attacks of the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_260"> i. 260</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; Angelus, emperor of Constantinople, dethrones his brother Isaac, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_62"> ii. 62</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_75"> ii. 75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_158"> ii. 158</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Expelled by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_93"> ii. 93</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_158"> ii. 158</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, nephew of Alexius Angelus, and son of Isaac, the dethroned emperor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_62"> ii. 62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_69"> ii. 69</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Aided by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_75"> ii. 75</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His military operations and conquests, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_79"> ii. 79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_80"> ii. 80</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enters Constantinople in triumph with the besieging Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_95"> ii. 95</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Crowned as joint emperor with his father, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_97"> ii. 97</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His peculiar position, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_101"> ii. 101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_113"> ii. 113</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His proposals to the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_102"> ii. 102</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His contentions with the Bulgarians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_105"> ii. 105</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_107"> ii. 107</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_118"> ii. 118</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His dethronement and violent death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_118"> ii. 118</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ali, founder of one of the Mohammedan sects, <a href="#Page_413">iii. 413</a>, <a href="#Page_414">iii. 414</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alides, party of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_8"> i. 8</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alise, of Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_311"> i. 311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Al-Mahadia, city of, captured and burnt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_40"> i. 40</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Almamon, caliph of Bagdad, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_9"> i. 9</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Almoadam elected to the throne of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_417"> ii. 417</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enters into a treaty for the ransom of Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_438"> ii. 438</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Revolt of the Mamelukes against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_439"> ii. 439</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_440"> ii. 440</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His assassination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_441"> ii. 441</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">with whom terminated the Ayoubite dynasty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_445"> ii. 445</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alp-Arsland, reign of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_32"> i. 32</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alphonse, count, of Poictiers, engages in the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_393"> ii. 393</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_395"> ii. 395</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrives at Damietta, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_396"> ii. 396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Alphonso, prince of Burgundy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_375"> i. 375</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; II., of the house of Arragon, <a href="#Page_193">iii. 193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">iii. 194</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Altamont castle, the seat of the “Old Man of the Mountain”, <a href="#Page_416">iii. 416</a>, <a href="#Page_417">iii. 417</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Amadeus, duke of Turin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_338"> i. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Amalfi, city of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_85"> i. 85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_86"> i. 86</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Amaury, count of Jaffa, elected king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_386"> i. 386</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His expedition to Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_388"> i. 388</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He allies himself with the Egyptians to resist the Syrians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_390"> i. 390</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Egyptians agree to pay him an annual tribute, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_391"> i. 391</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Marries the daughter of the emperor Manuel, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_392"> i. 392</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and makes war on Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_394"> i. 394</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">His projects against Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_399"> i. 399</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_399"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; II., king of Jerusalem, death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_190"> ii. 190</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Amurath, the Turkish sultan, <a href="#Page_123">iii. 123</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He enters into a treaty of peace with the Crusaders, <a href="#Page_138">iii. 138</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">[503]</a></span></p><p class="pniii">and afterwards defeats them with great slaughter, <a href="#Page_142">iii. 142</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Anaclet, the anti-pope, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_76"> i. 76</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ancona, the Crusaders under Pius II. collected at, <a href="#Page_178">iii. 178</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ancyra, city of, taken by assault, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_251"> i. 251</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Battle of, between Tamerlane and Bajazet, <a href="#Page_133">iii. 133</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">André de Brienne, slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_461"> i. 461</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Andrew, Brother, of Antioch, his strange address to Philip of France, <a href="#Page_110">iii. 110</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; II., king of Hungary, engages in the sixth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_217"> ii. 217</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_224"> ii. 224</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He arrives in Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_225"> ii. 225</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_230"> ii. 230</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Andronicus, emperor of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_122">iii. 122</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, the “Nero of the Greeks,” dethroned, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_446"> i. 446</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Angelli, Peter, author of a poem on the first crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_171"> i. 171</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Angelram, death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_190"> i. 190</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Anjou, duke of, his heroism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_413"> ii. 413</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Anselm, archbishop of Milan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Anselme de Ribemont, death and character of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_190"> i. 190</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Antioch captured by Nicephorus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_13"> i. 13</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Renaud de Chatillon raised by marriage to the throne of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_103"> i. 103</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders arrive at the city of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_127"> i. 127</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its ancient celebrity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_128"> i. 128</a>. Described, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_128"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Protracted siege of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_129"> i. 129</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Betrayed by Phirous, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_147"> i. 147</a>, et seq.;</p>
<p class="pniii">and captured, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_155"> i. 155-157</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sufferings of the Crusaders at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_159"> i. 159</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_160"> i. 160</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They march out of, and defeat the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_170"> i. 170-174</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Miraculous prodigies seen at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_173"> i. 173</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_183"> i. 183</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fatal epidemic at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_178"> i. 178</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_179"> i. 179</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders take their departure from, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_187"> i. 187</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_188"> i. 188</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Distresses of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_285"> i. 285</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Flourishing state of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_306"> i. 306</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Disputes respecting the sovereignty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_311"> i. 311</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Raymond of Poictiers appointed governor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_312"> i. 312</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis VII. arrives at, with a portion of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_360"> i. 360</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His splendid retinue, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_360"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Bohemond III. governor of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_8"> ii. 8</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">At war with Armenia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_9"> ii. 9</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Territory of, ravaged by the Turcomans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_372"> ii. 372</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured and destroyed by the sultan of Cairo, and all the inhabitants slaughtered or led into captivity, <a href="#Page_17">iii. 17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">iii. 18</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Antiochetta, capital of Pisidia, the Crusaders arrive at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_114"> i. 114</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Antoninus, St., of Plaisance, voyage of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_7"> i. 7</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Apostoliques, their religious principles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_197"> ii. 197</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Arabians, their conquests, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_10"> i. 10</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their knowledge of medicine, <a href="#Page_336">iii. 336</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Archambaud de Bourbon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_359"> i. 359</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Archas, city of, described, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_187"> i. 187</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_188"> i. 188</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Siege of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_189"> i. 189</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Architecture, progress of, during the crusades, <a href="#Page_330">iii. 330-332</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Arculphus, St., pilgrimage of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_7"> i. 7</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Argun, the Tartar chief, <a href="#Page_94">iii. 94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">iii. 95</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aristocracy, on the origin of, <a href="#Page_280">iii. 280</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Aristotle, philosophy of, introduced into Europe, <a href="#Page_338">iii. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Armenians, slaughter of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_169"> ii. 169</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Arms of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_99"> i. 99</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Arnold, a priest, elected pastor of the Church of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_236"> i. 236</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; a Flemish preacher, his account of the siege of Lisbon noticed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_375"> i. 375</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Rohés, chaplain to the duke of Normandy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_191"> i. 191</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His incredulity in prodigies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_192"> i. 192</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His address to the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_214"> i. 214</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">[504]</a></span></p><p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Bressia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_332"> i. 332</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Arpin, count de Berri, dies in slavery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_254"> i. 254</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Arsouf, city of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_244"> i. 244</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged and captured by the Mamelukes, <a href="#Page_11">iii. 11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">iii. 12</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Arsur, rebellion and siege of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_267"> i. 267</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_268"> i. 268</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_277"> i. 277</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Battle of, fought between Richard I. and Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_487"> i. 487</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Art, works of, destroyed at Constantinople by the Latins, <a href="#Page_438">iii. 438-440</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Artesia captured by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_127"> i. 127</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Artois, count de, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_396"> ii. 396</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His rash bravery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_403"> ii. 403</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_408"> ii. 408</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His letter on the taking of Damietta, <a href="#Page_456">iii. 456</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Arts, emulation in Europe for their cultivation, <a href="#Page_229">iii. 229</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Progress of during the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_251">iii. 251</a>, <a href="#Page_328">iii. 328</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Ascalon, great battle on the plain of, between the Egyptians and the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_240"> i. 240-242</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Siege of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_244"> i. 244</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Saracens defeated on the plains of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_297"> i. 297</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_298"> i. 298</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_402"> i. 402</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destroyed by fire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_490"> i. 490</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Rebuilt by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_490"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Surrendered to Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_426"> i. 426</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Siege and capture of by Baldwin III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_384"> i. 384</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aschmoum, canal of, military operations on the banks of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_399"> ii. 399</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Asia subdued by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_32"> i. 32</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Assassins” of Syria, origin and history of the, <a href="#Page_413">iii. 413</a>, <a href="#Page_420">iii. 420</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Ismaelians"><i>Ishmaëlites</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Assizes of Jerusalem,” collected by John d’Ibelin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_271"> i. 271</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Laws and spirit of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_272"> i. 272</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_273"> i. 273</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_488"> i. 488</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Atabecks, dynasty of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_306"> i. 306</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Decline of the empire of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_399"> i. 399</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Atheling, Edgar, commander of the English, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_205"> i. 205</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Attalia, the Crusaders arrive at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_357"> i. 357</a>;</p>
<p class="pnii">and suffer great hardships, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_358"> i. 358</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aubusson, grand master of the knights of St. John, <a href="#Page_188">iii. 188</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Augsburg, diet at, <a href="#Page_200">iii. 200</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Augustines, their quarrels with the Dominicans, <a href="#Page_210">iii. 210</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Avignon, assembly of Christian sovereigns at, to promote a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_113">iii. 113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">iii. 114</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ayoub, the father of Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_369"> i. 369</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ayoubites, princely race of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"> ii. 3</a>, and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their empire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Decline of their empire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_237"> ii. 237</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Discord among the family, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_376"> ii. 376</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Extinction of the dynasty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_445"> ii. 445</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Aymeristes, religious principles of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_197"> ii. 197</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">B.</p>

<p class="pni">Bacon, Chancellor, his dialogue “de Bello Sacro,” <a href="#Page_246">iii. 246</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bagdad, the seat of the arts and sciences, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_9"> i. 9</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Degeneracy of the caliphs of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_12"> i. 12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_13"> i. 13</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The caliphs of, the chiefs of Islamism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_383"> i. 383</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by the Mogul Tartars, <a href="#Page_4">iii. 4</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Baghisian, the sovereign of Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_129"> i. 129</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bajazet I., the Turkish sultan, <a href="#Page_125">iii. 125</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Christian forces, <a href="#Page_127">iii. 127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">iii. 128</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His speech to the duke de Nevers, <a href="#Page_129">iii. 129</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Raises the siege of Constantinople, and being defeated at Ancyra by Tamerlane, is taken prisoner, <a href="#Page_133">iii. 133</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; II. succeeds Mahomet II., <a href="#Page_191">iii. 191</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Declares war against Venice, <a href="#Page_197">iii. 197</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[505]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Dethroned, and succeeded by Selim, <a href="#Page_201">iii. 201</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Balac, the emir, slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_302"> i. 302</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Baldoukh, the emir, defeated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_123"> i. 123</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Baldwin, brother of Godfrey de Bouillon, engages in the first crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_78"> i. 78</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His dissensions with the leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_116"> i. 116</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_117"> i. 117</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Massacres the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_118"> i. 118</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Joined by corsairs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_118"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">His hostile encounter with Tancred, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_119"> i. 119</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His successes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_121"> i. 121</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_122"> i. 122</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Founds the principality of Edessa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_124"> i. 124</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sends magnificent presents to the leaders of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_146"> i. 146</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Visits Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_269"> i. 269</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Elected king of Jerusalem on the death of Godfrey, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_275"> i. 275</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_275"> i. 275</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_276"> i. 276</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrel with Tancred, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_276"> i. 276</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_277"> i. 277</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Carries on vigorous hostilities against the infidels of Palestine, Egypt, &amp;c., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_277"> i. 277</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Anecdote of his humanity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_279"> i. 279</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His singular preservation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_280"> i. 280</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Lamentations for his supposed death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_280"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrels with the patriarch of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_285"> i. 285</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_286"> i. 286</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captures Ptolemaïs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_286"> i. 286</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His hostilities against Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_293"> i. 293</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_294"> i. 294</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His funeral, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_295"> i. 295</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Bourg, cousin of Godfrey de Bouillon, engages in the first crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_78"> i. 78</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated and taken prisoner, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_283"> i. 283</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His release, and great poverty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_285"> i. 285</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Elected king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_296"> i. 296</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Made prisoner by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_296"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Released, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_302"> i. 302</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_310"> i. 310</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_311"> i. 311</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; III., king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_316"> i. 316</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Form of his coronation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_317"> i. 317</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Urges on the war against the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_363"> i. 363</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His military character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_384"> i. 384</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, by poison, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_384"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; IV., king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_401"> i. 401</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His wars with Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_402"> i. 402</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_412"> i. 412</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; V., crowned king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_407"> i. 407</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_412"> i. 412</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Flanders, engages in the fifth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_47"> ii. 47</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Elected emperor of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_148"> ii. 148</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quarrels with Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_150"> ii. 150-161</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His letter to the pope, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_152"> ii. 152</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated, and taken prisoner by the Bulgarians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_168"> ii. 168</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Romantic incidents of his life, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_171"> ii. 171</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His mysterious death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_172"> ii. 172</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, son-in-law of John of Brienne, successor to the throne of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_289"> ii. 289</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His expulsion and great poverty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_289"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; II., emperor of Constantinople, his distressing situation, <a href="#Page_9">iii. 9</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Driven from his throne by Michael Palæologus, <a href="#Page_10">iii. 10</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count de Hainault, engages in the first crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_78"> i. 78</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Perishes in Asia Minor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_177"> i. 177</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Archbishop, preaches the crusade in England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_441"> i. 441</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His journey into Wales, <a href="#Page_408">iii. 408</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Baleau d’Ibelin defends Jerusalem against Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_427"> i. 427</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bar, count de, refuses the command of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_54"> ii. 54</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Barbarossa, Frederick, engages in the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_444"> i. 444</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">His victorious career, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_448"> i. 448</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_449"> i. 449</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Barbary invaded by the Christian forces, <a href="#Page_117">iii. 117</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The states of, taken under the protection of the Ottoman Porte, <a href="#Page_220">iii. 220</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Barland, Adrian, his notices of Peter the Hermit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_41"> i. 41</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Barons of England, contests of the, with their sovereigns, <a href="#Page_257">iii. 257</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Barthélemi, Peter, a priest, pretended revelation of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_165"> i. 165</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fanaticism of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_191"> i. 191</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_192"> i. 192</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Submits to the ordeal of fire, and loses his life, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_193"> i. 193</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Sieur, anecdote of, <a href="#Page_68">iii. 68</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">[506]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Becomes a Mohammedan renegade, <a href="#Page_69">iii. 69</a>, <a href="#Page_84">iii. 84</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bathenians, a title given to the Ishmaëlites, <a href="#Page_419">iii. 419</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Battle, wager of, during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_312">iii. 312</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bavaria, diet convoked in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_338"> i. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Baysy, the birth-place of Godfrey de Bouillon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_76"> i. 76</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Beard, pledging and redeeming of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_285"> i. 285</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">“Bearers of the cross,” title assumed by the first Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_52"> i. 52</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Bedouin Arabs, their bravery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_391"> ii. 391</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bela IV., king of Hungary, his fear of the Tartars, <a href="#Page_6">iii. 6</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Belgrade besieged by the Turks, <a href="#Page_166">iii. 166</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Turks defeated, <a href="#Page_167">iii. 167</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Taken by the Turks, <a href="#Page_213">iii. 213</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Belial, children of”. i. 65.</p>

<p class="pni">Belinas, in Syria, pillaged by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_475"> ii. 475</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bellerophon, statue of, at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_138"> ii. 138</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Berengaria of Navarre, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_475"> i. 475</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Married to Richard I. of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_476"> i. 476</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Berenger II., count of Barcelona, penitential pilgrimage of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_27"> i. 27</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bernard, count of Carinthia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_338"> i. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bernard. See <a href="#St_Bernard"><i>St. Bernard</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bernicles, punishment of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_434"> ii. 434</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bertrand, son of Raymond de St. Gilles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_287"> i. 287</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Berytus, plain of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_198"> i. 198</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Wealth and importance of the city of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_18"> ii. 18</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_18"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Captured and destroyed by the Saracens, <a href="#Page_89">iii. 89</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bethlehem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders take possession of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_201"> i. 201</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bethonopolis, city of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_492"> i. 492</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bibars Bendocdar, the Mameluke chief, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_404"> ii. 404</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Slays Almoadam, the sultan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_440"> ii. 440</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Assassinates Koutouz, <a href="#Page_7">iii. 7</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is proclaimed sultan of Egypt, <a href="#Page_8">iii. 8</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Declares war against the Christians of Palestine, <a href="#Page_8"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">His continued victories over them, <a href="#Page_11">iii. 11</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_63">iii. 63</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death and character, <a href="#Page_64">iii. 64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">iii. 65</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Biblies taken by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_288"> i. 288</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bilbeis, city of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_388"> i. 388</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged and captured by the king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_394"> i. 394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bissarion, Cardinal, speech of, <a href="#Page_172">iii. 172</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bithynia, hostilities in, between the Crusaders and the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_99"> i. 99</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Blanche, queen-regent of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_350"> ii. 350</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Accompanies her son, Louis IX., on the outset of his crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_368"> ii. 368</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, and grief of Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_475"> ii. 475</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Blois, count of, obtains possession of Bithynia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_162"> ii. 162</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_167"> ii. 167</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Anecdote of his devoted heroism, <a href="#Page_298">iii. 298</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Blondel, the minstrel, emancipates Richard I. from imprisonment, <a href="#Page_406">iii. 406</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Bohemond, prince of Tarentum, one of the leaders of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_84"> i. 84</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_85"> i. 85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_86"> i. 86</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Embarks for Greece, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_86"> i. 86</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reception of, by Alexius of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_93"> i. 93</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Turks in Phrygia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_108"> i. 108-111</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His barbarous treatment of the Turkish spies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_137"> i. 137</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His ambitious views, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_147"> i. 147</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His defence of Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_163"> i. 163</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Made prince of the city and territory, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_186"> i. 186</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Visits Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_269"> i. 269</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Surprised and captured in an expedition against the infidels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_275"> i. 275</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Regains his liberty, and at Antioch resists the aggressions of Alexius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_282"> i. 282</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">[507]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Defeated at Charan, and escapes to Italy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_282"> i. 282</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_283"> i. 283</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arouses Europe against the infidels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_283"> i. 283</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_284"> i. 284</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Embarks with a large army against the Emperor Alexius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_284"> i. 284</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to Tarentum, where he dies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_284"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Letter from him and others detailing their victory over the infidels, <a href="#Page_360">iii. 360</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Bohemond, prince of Antioch and Tripoli, a descendant of the prince of Tarentum, treacherously taken prisoner by the Armenians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_8"> ii. 8</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_190"> ii. 190</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Tripoli, enters into a treaty with Bibars, <a href="#Page_17">iii. 17</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Bibars’s insulting letter to, on the capture of Antioch, <a href="#Page_17"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">His city of Tripoli captured, <a href="#Page_69">iii. 69</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, elected commander of the fifth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_55"> ii. 55</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captures Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_131"> ii. 131</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Elected sovereign of Thessalonica, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_150"> ii. 150</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Shares the spoils of the Greek empire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_152"> ii. 152</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quarrels with Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_159"> ii. 159-161</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invades Greece, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_162"> ii. 162</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_163"> ii. 163</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_173"> ii. 173</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bosnia conquered by Mahomet II., <a href="#Page_174">iii. 174</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bosra, city of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_317"> i. 317</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Expedition against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_318"> i. 318</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Disastrous retreat from, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_319"> i. 319</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bourbons, Archambault de, death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_371"> ii. 371</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bordeaux, itinerary from, to Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_351">iii. 351</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Notices of, <a href="#Page_351"><i>ib.</i></a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Bouvines, battle of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_210"> ii. 210</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Brienne, John of, city of Damietta assigned to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_251"> ii. 251</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His speech against the invasion of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_254"> ii. 254</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Revisits Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_264"> ii. 264</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Called to the throne of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_288"> ii. 288</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_289"> ii. 289</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Brittany, duke of, his bravery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_408"> ii. 408</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Brothers of Mercy,” origin of the, <a href="#Page_303">iii. 303</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Bulgarians, notices of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_62"> i. 62</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Oppose the progress of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_63"> i. 63</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their victories over the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_166"> ii. 166-171</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Burbotte, a fish of the Nile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_418"> ii. 418</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Burgundy, duke of, his death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_501"> i. 501</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Byzantium. See <a href="#Constantinople"><i>Constantinople</i></a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">C.</p>

<p class="pni">Cæsarea besieged and captured by Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_277"> i. 277</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_278"> i. 278</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capitulation of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_316"> i. 316</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by the Egyptians, <a href="#Page_11">iii. 11</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cairo, caliph of, treats the Christians as allies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_16"> i. 16</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Maintains relations with the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_194"> i. 194</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His object, <i>ib.</i></p>
<p class="pnii">His propositions rejected, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_195"> i. 195</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_196"> i. 196</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sultan of, carries on war against the sultan of Damascus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_468"> ii. 468</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_473"> ii. 473</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Treaty of peace between, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_474"> ii. 474</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Egypt"><i>Egypt</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Caliphs, degeneracy of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_12"> i. 12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_13"> i. 13</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Calixtus III., endeavours to stir up a crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_165">iii. 165</a>, <a href="#Page_169">iii. 169</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Camlets, manufacture of, during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_328">iii. 328</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Candia capitulates to the Turks, <a href="#Page_235">iii. 235</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cannon of enormous size used against Constantinople, <a href="#Page_148">iii. 148</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">[508]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Cantacuzenes, emperor of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_123">iii. 123</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Capistran, John, preaches a crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_163">iii. 163</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="#Page_167">iii. 167</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Carac, heroic defence of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_453"> i. 453</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Caraffa, Cardinal, commands a crusading fleet, <a href="#Page_183">iii. 183</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cardinals first clothed in scarlet at the council of Lyons, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_343"> ii. 343</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Carismia captured by Gengiskhan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_320"> ii. 320</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The warriors of, commit extensive ravages in Syria, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_325"> ii. 325</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat the Christian and Mussulman united forces, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_326"> ii. 326</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Join the sultan of Egypt, and capture Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_326"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Capture Damascus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_332"> ii. 332</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">but rebelling against the sultan of Cairo, are defeated and dispersed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_332"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">Carlowitz, treaty of, <a href="#Page_236">iii. 236</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cassia brought from Asia, <a href="#Page_336">iii. 336</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cassin, Mount, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cassius, his dispute with Dolabella, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_117"> i. 117</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Cazan, the Mogul prince, conquests of, <a href="#Page_95">iii. 95</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sends ambassadors to the pope, <a href="#Page_95"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="#Page_97">iii. 97</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Celestine III., Pope, instigates Christendom to undertake the fourth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_11"> ii. 11</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; IV., Pope, short reign of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_296"> ii. 296</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cemetery for the pilgrims at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_10"> i. 10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_11"> i. 11</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cenis, Mount, hospital of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_22"> i. 22</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Centius, prefect of Rome, pilgrimage of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_25"> i. 25</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chages, a Mussulman sect, their fanatical devotion, <a href="#Page_79">iii. 79</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chalcis captured by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_127"> i. 127</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chalil elected sultan of Cairo, <a href="#Page_76">iii. 76</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieges Ptolemaïs, <a href="#Page_77">iii. 77</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captures it, <a href="#Page_85">iii. 85</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and takes several other Christian cities, <a href="#Page_89">iii. 89</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charan, Christians defeated at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_283"> i. 283</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charlemagne, magnificent court of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_8"> i. 8</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His amicable relations with Aroun al Raschid, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_9"> i. 9</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Promulgates religion by the sword, <a href="#Page_15">iii. 15</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Attempts to destroy the feudal system, <a href="#Page_275">iii. 275</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Portraiture of, <a href="#Page_358">iii. 358</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Charles IV., emperor of Germany, projects a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_115">iii. 115</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; V., his violence to the pope, <a href="#Page_216">iii. 216</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Policy of, <a href="#Page_219">iii. 219</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; VIII., of Naples, engages in a crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_193">iii. 193</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Receives the crown of Naples, <a href="#Page_195">iii. 195</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His army disbanded, <a href="#Page_196">iii. 196</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Anjou, crowned by the pope as king of Sicily, <a href="#Page_21">iii. 21</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats his rival Conraddin, <a href="#Page_31">iii. 31</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Lands at Tunis, <a href="#Page_46">iii. 46</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and takes the command of the Crusaders, <a href="#Page_48">iii. 48-52</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charles-le-Bel, of France, <a href="#Page_102">iii. 102</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="#Page_103">iii. 103</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Charters, use of, adopted, <a href="#Page_320">iii. 320</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Charts, geographical, imperfect state of, during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_335">iii. 335</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Châtelain de Coucy, chivalry of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_500"> i. 500</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Chaver, vizier of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_387"> i. 387</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Resists the military preparations against Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_390"> i. 390</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Chegger-Eddour, beauty and genius of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_397"> ii. 397</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Incites the Mamelukes to revolt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_439"> ii. 439</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Elected sultana of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_445"> ii. 445</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Marries Ezz-Eddin, and yields her regal authority, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_459"> ii. 459</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Assassinates her husband, <a href="#Page_3">iii. 3</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is sacrificed by her slaves, <a href="#Page_4">iii. 4</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Children, Jourdain’s letter on the crusade of, in 1212, <a href="#Page_441">iii. 441</a> (App.).</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">[509]</a></span></p><p class="pni">China conquered by Gengiskhan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_319"> ii. 319</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chio captured by the Turks, <a href="#Page_232">iii. 232</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chirkou, the emir, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_387"> i. 387</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invades Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_389"> i. 389</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_397"> i. 397</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chirkoùh, family of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"> ii. 3</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chivalry, spirit of, in favour of the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_55"> i. 55</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Origin and history of, <a href="#Page_294">iii. 294</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">“Christ lives!” &amp;c., the war-cry of the Christian soldiers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_281"> i. 281</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Christendom, distracted state of, <a href="#Page_201">iii. 201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">iii. 202</a>, <a href="#Page_217">iii. 217</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fears of, allayed by the victory of Lepanto over the Turks, <a href="#Page_226">iii. 226</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Improving position of, <a href="#Page_230">iii. 230</a>, <a href="#Page_245">iii. 245</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Christian army at Jerusalem, pious fervour of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_226"> i. 226</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_227"> i. 227</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enthusiasm and valour of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_36"> ii. 36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_37"> ii. 37</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; religion, its tendency to soften the manners of the Eastern conquerors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_38"> i. 38</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Influence of, on the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_56"> i. 56</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Christianity, power of the popes augmented by the progress of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_39"> i. 39</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">On the sanguinary wars in support of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_310"> ii. 310</a>; <a href="#Page_15">iii. 15</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Overthrown at Constantinople by the Turks, <a href="#Page_158">iii. 158</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Extended to China, <a href="#Page_304">iii. 304</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its superiority over Mohammedanism, <a href="#Page_346">iii. 346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">iii. 347</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Christians of the East respected by the northern barbarians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_3"> i. 3</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Persecuted by the Mussulmans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_7"> i. 7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_8"> i. 8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_16"> i. 16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_17"> i. 17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_19"> i. 19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_32"> i. 32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_33"> i. 33</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat the Mussulmans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_15"> i. 15</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Favoured by the caliphs of Cairo, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_16"> i. 16</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Driven from Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_19"> i. 19</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their rejoicings at the conquest of Jerusalem by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_236"> i. 236</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quit Jerusalem on its capture by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_431"> i. 431</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their great sufferings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_433"> i. 433</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_7"> ii. 7</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">War declared against, by the sultan of Egypt, and Palestine ravaged, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_11"> ii. 11</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of the West, their early attention directed to the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_3"> i. 3</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Excited to resistance by Archbishop Gerbert, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_17"> i. 17</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their various pilgrimages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_20"> i. 20</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Welcomed everywhere, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_22"> i. 22</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Crusades"><i>Crusades</i></a> and <a href="#Crusades"><i>Crusaders</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chronicle of Tours, extract from, <a href="#Page_359">iii. 359</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chronicles, ancient, what is fabulous and what not, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xxiii"> i. xxiii</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Of the middle ages, <a href="#Page_339">iii. 339-342</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Chronicon Anglicanum,” by Ralph of Coggershall, <a href="#Page_395">iii. 395</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Churches, building of, during the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_331">iii. 331</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Chütes, sect of the, <a href="#Page_413">iii. 413</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cities abandoned by the infidels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_201"> i. 201</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enfranchisement of, in Europe during the crusades, <a href="#Page_284">iii. 284-287</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Civilization weakens the spirit of fanaticism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xxi"> i. xxi</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Increasing spread of, in Europe, <a href="#Page_229">iii. 229</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Progress of, during and after the crusades, <a href="#Page_251">iii. 251</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Clement IV. supports the second crusade undertaken by Louis IX., <a href="#Page_26">iii. 26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">iii. 27</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="#Page_36">iii. 36</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; V., Pope, proclaims a crusade at the council of Vienna, <a href="#Page_97">iii. 97</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; VII., his abortive attempts to arouse Christendom against the Turks, <a href="#Page_215">iii. 215</a>, <a href="#Page_218">iii. 218</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Imprisoned by Charles V., <a href="#Page_216">iii. 216</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Clergy assume arms in the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_55"> i. 55</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Oppose the levying of contributions to the second crusade of Louis IX., <a href="#Page_27">iii. 27</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Ascendancy and wealth of, during the age of the crusades, <a href="#Page_301">iii. 301</a>, <a href="#Page_302">iii. 302</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their influence in the administration of justice during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_315">iii. 315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">iii. 316</a> and n.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">[510]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Clermont, council at, held by Urban II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_44"> i. 44</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Cœur, Jacques, biographical notices of, <a href="#Page_184">iii. 184</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Colonna, Mark Antony, his triumphal entry into Rome after the battle of Lepanto, <a href="#Page_227">iii. 227</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Comans defeat the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_166"> ii. 166</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The barbarous hordes of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_333"> ii. 333</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Comet, alarm caused by the sight of one, <a href="#Page_166">iii. 166</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Commerce of the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_11"> i. 11</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of, and progress during the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_326">iii. 326</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Comnena, Anna, the historian, and daughter of Alexius Comnenus of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_41"> i. 41</a> n., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_73"> i. 73</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_75"> i. 75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_85"> i. 85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_88"> i. 88</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_89"> i. 89</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_147"> i. 147</a> et passim.</p>

<p class="pni">Comnenus, John, emperor of Constantinople, attacks Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_312"> i. 312</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Manuel, his hypocritical policy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_347"> i. 347</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Michael-Angelus, gains the kingdom of Epirus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_156"> ii. 156</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Conon de Bethune, his speech in reply to the Emperor Alexius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_84"> ii. 84</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Conrad III., emperor of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_337"> i. 337</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Determines on the second crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_338"> i. 338</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Leaves Germany at the head of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_346"> i. 346</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrives at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_348"> i. 348</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_351"> i. 351</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_352"> i. 352</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_353"> i. 353</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrives at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_363"> i. 363</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His heroism before Damascus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_366"> i. 366</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, son of the marquis of Montferrat, and marquis of Tyre, engages in the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_451"> i. 451</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defends Tyre, and repulses Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_452"> i. 452</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fits out a fleet for the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_457"> i. 457</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His pretensions to the throne of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_470"> i. 470</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Ill-treated by Richard I. of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_491"> i. 491</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Insidiously enters into an alliance with Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_493"> i. 493</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Assassination of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_494"> i. 494</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Bishop, leader of the German crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_21"> ii. 21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_22"> ii. 22</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Assassinated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_34"> ii. 34</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Conraddin disputes the crown of Sicily, <a href="#Page_22">iii. 22</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is defeated and executed, <a href="#Page_31">iii. 31</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, sultan of Damascus, death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_275"> ii. 275</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Constantine the Great, the promoter of Christian zeal, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_1"> i. 1</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, the Armenian prince, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_122"> i. 122</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Constantinople" id="Constantinople"><span class="smcap">Constantinople</span></a> besieged by the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_9"> i. 9</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Popular traditions of its future liberation by the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_9"> i. 9</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Eleven of its emperors put to death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_35"> i. 35</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The emperor, Alexius Comnenus, seeks the assistance of the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_44"> i. 44</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders arrive at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_67"> i. 67</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Excesses committed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_73"> i. 73</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reception of the French leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_92"> i. 92-95</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Seductions of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_95"> i. 95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_96"> i. 96</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of, at the time of the second crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_347"> i. 347</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Isaac Angelus the emperor of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_445"> i. 445</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Contentions between the Greeks and the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_446"> i. 446</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_114"> ii. 114-125</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The emperor dethroned, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_62"> ii. 62</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Description of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_81"> ii. 81</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_82"> ii. 82</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_93"> ii. 93</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conflagration in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_105"> ii. 105</a>, 106.</p>
<p class="pnii">Mourzouffle dethroned, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_129"> ii. 129</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Lascaris chosen emperor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_130"> ii. 130</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured and plundered by the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_131"> ii. 131-133</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destruction of its works of art, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_137"> ii. 137-140</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Relics sought for, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_141"> ii. 141-143</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Amount of plunder obtained, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_144"> ii. 144</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_145"> ii. 145</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Baldwin, count of Flanders, elected emperor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_148"> ii. 148</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Decline of the Latin empire in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_288"> ii. 288</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">John of Brienne called to the throne of, <i>ib.</i></p>
<p class="pnii">Wrested from the Latins by the Greek troops of Michael Palæologus, <a href="#Page_10">iii. 10</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Insurrectionary spirit in, <a href="#Page_111">iii. 111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">iii. 113</a>, <a href="#Page_116">iii. 116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">iii. 117</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Tottering state of, when menaced by the Turks, <a href="#Page_123">iii. 123</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by Mahomet II., <a href="#Page_145">iii. 145</a>, <a href="#Page_148">iii. 148</a> et seq.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">[511]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Sanguinary conflicts, <a href="#Page_154">iii. 154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">iii. 155</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture of, <a href="#Page_156">iii. 156</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destruction of the empire of, <a href="#Page_158">iii. 158</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The stores of ancient learning and philosophy brought from, <a href="#Page_338">iii. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Constantinople, treaty between the Crusaders for dividing the city and empire of, <a href="#Page_431">iii. 431</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">Statues of, destroyed by the Crusaders, as related by Nicetas Choniates, <a href="#Page_435">iii. 435</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Corfu surrenders to the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_77"> ii. 77</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fertility of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_78"> ii. 78</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Corsairs, a band of, join the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_118"> i. 118</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; Flemish, released from imprisonment, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_188"> i. 188</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Cosroës, king of Persia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_3"> i. 3</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Coucy, Sieur de, death of, <a href="#Page_129">iii. 129</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Courçon, Cardinal de, preaches the sixth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_206"> ii. 206</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_207"> ii. 207</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Accusations against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_208"> ii. 208</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_240"> ii. 240</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Courtenay, Peter of, assassinated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_288"> ii. 288</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Robert of, his losses and death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_288"> ii. 288</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, family of. See <a href="#Josselin"><i>Josselin</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Courts of Justice established in Europe during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_317">iii. 317</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Coxon and Marash, or “mountain of the devil,” <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_126"> i. 126</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Creton, Reimbault, origin of the noble family of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_222"> i. 222</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Cross, the badge of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_52"> i. 52</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Christ found at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_230"> i. 230</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Crusades" id="Crusades"></a><span class="smcap">Crusades, and Crusaders.</span> Introduction to the history of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xix"> i. xix</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">No spectacle more imposing in the history of the middle age, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xix"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Disasters of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xx"> i. xx</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xxi"> i. xxi</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">“A right regal history”, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xxii"> i. xxii</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">On the justice of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xxiii"> i. xxiii</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Causes of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xxiii"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Their effects, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xxiv"> i. xxiv</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their early history, from <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> 300 to 1095, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_1"> i. 1</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">The First Crusade, a.d. 1095.</span>&mdash;The numerous pilgrimages of the eleventh century the forerunner of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_24"> i. 24-30</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Instigated by Peter the Hermit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_42"> i. 42</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Determined on, and the name first assumed, at the council of Clermont, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_52"> i. 52</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enthusiasm inspired thereby, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_53"> i. 53</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Miracles and supernatural wonders alleged to be manifested, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_57"> i. 57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_81"> i. 81</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Large armies collected, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_61"> i. 61</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their departure, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_61"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Opposed by the Hungarians and Bulgarians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_63"> i. 63</a> et seq., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_71"> i. 71</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_72"> i. 72</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Progress of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_65"> i. 65</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders assail Nissa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_65"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Their disastrous defeat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_66"> i. 66</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enter Thrace, and reach Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_67"> i. 67</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Elect Gotschalk, a priest, as their general, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_68"> i. 68</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their progress, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_69"> i. 69</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Rapacity and cruelties perpetrated by the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_70"> i. 70</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Signal defeats and general slaughter of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_72"> i. 72</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fresh armies sent from various parts of Europe, and the names of their most distinguished leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_76"> i. 76-88</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Wage war against the Greeks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_90"> i. 90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_91"> i. 91</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Wretched situation of the remains of Peter’s army in Bithynia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_96"> i. 96</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Opposed by the Seljoucide Turks in Bithynia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_97"> i. 97</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their various contests, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_99"> i. 99</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their arms and accoutrements, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_99"> i. 99</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They besiege and capture Nice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_100"> i. 100-105</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They enter Phrygia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_106"> i. 106</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and defeat the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_107"> i. 107-111</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their sufferings in “burning Phrygia”, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_113"> i. 113</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_114"> i. 114</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They arrive at Antiochetta, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_114"> i. 114</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">[512]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Dissensions among the leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_116"> i. 116-118</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_191"> i. 191</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They reach Mesopotamia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_121"> i. 121</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and are everywhere triumphant, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_126"> i. 126</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their sufferings in Mount Taurus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_126"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">They enter Syria, and capture Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_127"> i. 127</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their sufferings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_133"> i. 133</a> et seq., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_159"> i. 159-161</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their vices and debaucheries, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_136"> i. 136</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their valorous deeds, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_140"> i. 140-142</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The sultan of Persia sends an immense army against them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_158"> i. 158</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They are besieged, and exposed to famine and desertion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_159"> i. 159-164</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They march out of Antioch, and defeat the invading Saracens with great slaughter, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_170"> i. 170-174</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Disputes among the leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_179"> i. 179</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their conquests in Syria, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_183"> i. 183-186</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their departure for the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_187"> i. 187</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_188"> i. 188</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They besiege Archas, Tortosa &amp;c., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_189"> i. 189</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their reliance on prodigies and visions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_191"> i. 191</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_192"> i. 192</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their march through Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_196"> i. 196</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The immense losses sustained, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_197"> i. 197</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their enthusiasm on the first view of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_202"> i. 202</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besiege the city, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_205"> i. 205</a> et seq.;</p>
<p class="pniii">and take it by storm, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_221"> i. 221-225</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Godfrey de Bouillon elected king, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_234"> i. 234</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Great victory over the Egyptian forces on the plain of Ascalon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_240"> i. 240-242</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Many of the leaders return to Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_246"> i. 246</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_247"> i. 247</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fresh bodies of Crusaders leave Europe for the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_250"> i. 250</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_251"> i. 251</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Take the city of Ancyra, <i>ib.</i></p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated with great slaughter by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_252"> i. 252</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_253"> i. 253</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reflections on their heroism and exploits, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_257"> i. 257</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Kingdom founded by their victories, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_265"> i. 265</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of their great leader, Godfrey de Bouillon, king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_274"> i. 274</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His brother Baldwin elected as his successor, on whose family the sovereignty devolves, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_275"> i. 275</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Hostilities carried on against the infidels of Palestine and Egypt, with alternate success and defeat, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_277"> i. 277</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their conquests and high state of prosperity under Baldwin du Bourg, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_306"> i. 306</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their military orders of knighthood, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_307"> i. 307-309</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their calamitous defeat at Edessa by the armies of Zengui and Noureddin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_321"> i. 321-327</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their consternation and despair, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_328"> i. 328</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">The Second Crusade, a.d. 1142-1148.</span>&mdash;The Christian colonies of the East being threatened by the Mussulmans, call upon the princes of Europe to assist them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_329"> i. 329</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">All Christendom aroused by St. Bernard to the impending dangers of the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_139"> i. 139</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis VII., king of France, and Pope Eugenius III., determine on a second crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_331"> i. 331</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The multitudes assembled for the occasion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_342"> i. 342</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_343"> i. 343</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The cities of Metz and Ratisbon the general rendezvous, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_344"> i. 344</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Measures for raising money to defray the expenses, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_345"> i. 345</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The crusaders depart from Europe, headed by Louis VII. and the Emperor Conrad, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_346"> i. 346</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrive at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_348"> i. 348</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_349"> i. 349</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Treacherous policy of the Greeks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_348"> i. 348</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The German Crusaders defeated near Nice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_351"> i. 351</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_382"> i. 382</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The French Crusaders march through Phrygia, and are defeated by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_355"> i. 355</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_356"> i. 356</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their distress and sufferings, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_357"> i. 357</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_359"> i. 359</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besiege Damascus, and are defeated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_365"> i. 365</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Insufficient means of defence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_372"> i. 372</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">General characteristics of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_373"> i. 373</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Other Crusaders pursue their operations in Spain and Portugal, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_374"> i. 374</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_375"> i. 375</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reproaches against St. Bernard for the misfortunes of the Crusaders of the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_376"> i. 376</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_377"> i. 377</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">The Third Crusade, a.d. 1148-1188.</span>&mdash;Causes of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_382"> i. 382</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Christian army marches against Egypt, and commences vigorous hostilities, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_389"> i. 389</a> et seq.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">[513]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">The Sicilian Crusaders lay siege to Alexandria, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_400"> i. 400</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The calamitous war of the Crusaders with Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_402"> i. 402</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_417"> i. 417</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Discord amongst them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_409"> i. 409</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">They send deputies to the kings of France and England to solicit aid, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_411"> i. 411</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They are defeated by Saladin with immense slaughter, and the king of Jerusalem made prisoner, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_418"> i. 418-423</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The holy city delivered up to Saladin, after being eighty years in possession of the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_429"> i. 429</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">William, archbishop of Tyre, incites the courts of France and England to renew the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_436"> i. 436</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Richard I. of England, Philip of France, Frederick Barbarossa, and other illustrious potentates and knights, engage in the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_441"> i. 441</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The victorious career and death of Barbarossa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_448"> i. 448</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_449"> i. 449</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders invade Ptolemaïs under Guy de Lusignan, and are opposed by Saladin in numerous conflicts, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_454"> i. 454</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrival of Richard I. of England, Philip of France, and other illustrious personages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_476"> i. 476</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Discord in the camp, and quarrels between the two potentates, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_476"> i. 476</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_477"> i. 477</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Anecdotes of heroic bravery before the walls of Ptolemaïs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_478"> i. 478-480</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Ptolemaïs taken by the Christians, and numbers slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_481"> i. 481</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Manners and characteristics of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_483"> i. 483</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_484"> i. 484</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Richard I. defeats Saladin at the battle of Arsur, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_487"> i. 487</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_488"> i. 488</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and takes possession of Jaffa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_489"> i. 489</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders march upon Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_492"> i. 492</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Civil dissensions among, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_493"> i. 493</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_498"> i. 498</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They ratify a treaty of peace with Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_500"> i. 500</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_501"> i. 501</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Immense losses sustained, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_501"> i. 501</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">General reflections, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_502"> i. 502</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Advantages to Europe and civilization, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_506"> i. 506</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">The Fourth Crusade, a.d. 1195-1198.</span>&mdash;Retrospective view, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_1"> ii. 1</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Civil commotions of Palestine among the successors of Saladin at the time of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_4"> ii. 4-7</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Instigated by the exhortations of Pope Celestine III. and Henry IV. of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_11"> ii. 11</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The illustrious men who engage in it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_14"> ii. 14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_15"> ii. 15</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The archbishop of Mayence and Valeran de Valeran take the command, and arrive in Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_15"> ii. 15</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Engage in hostilities with the Mussulmans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_16"> ii. 16</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Signal defeat of the Saracens before Berytus, and its important consequences, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_19"> ii. 19</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Progress of the German Crusaders under Henry IV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_20"> ii. 20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_21"> ii. 21</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dissensions among the leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_28"> ii. 28-30</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their departure from Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_31"> ii. 31</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">A truce concluded between the duke de Montfort and the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_32"> ii. 32</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Causes of the failure of this crusade, and its mischievous consequences, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_33"> ii. 33-35</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">The Fifth Crusade, a.d. 1198-1204.</span>&mdash;General remarks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_36"> ii. 36</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Causes which led to it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_38"> ii. 38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_39"> ii. 39</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Instigated by Pope Innocent III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_39"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Preaching of Foulkes in its favour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_42"> ii. 42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_43"> ii. 43</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The illustrious leaders engaged in it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_45"> ii. 45-47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_58"> ii. 58</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Aided by Venice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_50"> ii. 50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_53"> ii. 53</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, elected the commander, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_55"> ii. 55</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quarrels between the Venetians and the French, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_64"> ii. 64</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besiege and capture Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_82"> ii. 82-93</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_112"> ii. 112</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Contests between the Greeks and the Crusaders at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_114"> ii. 114</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders capture and plunder the city, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_131"> ii. 131</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their veneration for relics and images, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_141"> ii. 141</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Baldwin, count of Flanders, elected emperor of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_148"> ii. 148</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The conquered lands of the Greek empire distributed among the leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_149"> ii. 149</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_150"> ii. 150</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Greeks, Bulgarians, &amp;c. take arms against and almost annihilate them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_165"> ii. 165-173</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">[514]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Reflections on the consequences of the fifth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_179"> ii. 179</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">The Sixth Crusade, a.d. 1200-1215.</span>&mdash;Innocent III. stimulates the Western world to the deliverance of the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_191"> ii. 191</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Hostilities with the Saracens renewed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_195"> ii. 195</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">50,000 children engage in the crusade, and perish, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_202"> ii. 202</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The pope assembles the council of Lateran, and issues decrees for supporting the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_210"> ii. 210</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_211"> ii. 211</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_214"> ii. 214</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His successor, Honorius III., urges the crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_216"> ii. 216</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Indifference of the kings of France and England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_216"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Enthusiasm of the German states in its favour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_217"> ii. 217</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Andrew II., king of Hungary, engages in the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_217"> ii. 217</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_224"> ii. 224</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders arrive in Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_225"> ii. 225</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_231"> ii. 231</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">March into Egypt, and capture the city of Damietta, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_232"> ii. 232-235</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Numbers return to Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_237"> ii. 237</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Names of illustrious warriors engaged, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_238"> ii. 238</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Skirmishes on the banks of the Nile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_243"> ii. 243</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture of Damietta, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_249"> ii. 249</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fresh Crusaders arrive from Germany, Milan, Genoa &amp;c., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_253"> ii. 253</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">March against the capital of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_256"> ii. 256</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their fleet burnt on the Nile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_258"> ii. 258</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capitulate with the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_260"> ii. 260</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Distresses of the Christian army, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_261"> ii. 261</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Surrender of Damietta, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_260"> ii. 260</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Preparations of Frederick II., emperor of Germany, to aid the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_264"> ii. 264</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_267"> ii. 267</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_269"> ii. 269</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He arrives at Ptolemaïs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_275"> ii. 275</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and concludes a treaty with the sultan of Cairo, by which he is confirmed in the sovereignty of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_278"> ii. 278</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Gregory IX. determines to renew the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_283"> ii. 283</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Council of Tours for promoting the cause of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_287"> ii. 287</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Thibault V., king of Navarre, engages in the crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_290"> ii. 290</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The pope prohibits his departure, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_291"> ii. 291</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Agitated state of Palestine, and weakness of the Christian power in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_293"> ii. 293</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_294"> ii. 294</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Richard, duke of Cornwall, joins the Crusaders at Ptolemaïs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_295"> ii. 295</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">but soon returns to Italy, and leaves the Christians of Palestine to themselves, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_296"> ii. 296</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reflections on the ill success of this crusade, and the causes which led to it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_297"> ii. 297</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">The Seventh Crusade, a.d. 1242-1245.</span>&mdash;The Tartars of the middle ages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_312"> ii. 312</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_326"> ii. 326</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Jerusalem captured by the Carismian hordes, and the Christians slaughtered, <i>ib.</i></p>
<p class="pnii">The united Mussulman and Christian forces defeated by the Carismians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_330"> ii. 330</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Distress of the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_334"> ii. 334</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Innocent IV., at the council of Lyons, determines on a new crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_338"> ii. 338</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis IX. engages to assist, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_345"> ii. 345-347</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The distinguished individuals of France who enter into it, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_347"> ii. 347</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_348"> ii. 348</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Preparations of Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_358"> ii. 358</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">He arrives at Cyprus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_369"> ii. 369</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Lands at Damietta, and defeats the Mohammedan forces, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_385"> ii. 385</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Advances on Cairo, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_399"> ii. 399</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Egyptians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_403"> ii. 403</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His sanguinary contests with the Mamelukes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_405"> ii. 405</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Slaughter of the Christians at Mansourah, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_408"> ii. 408</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sanguinary contests with the Mussulmans, and their severe losses, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_413"> ii. 413-416</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Exposed to disease, pestilence, and famine, ii.et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis IX. captured, and his army destroyed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_428"> ii. 428</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">30,000 Crusaders massacred, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_430"> ii. 430</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and numbers taken into slavery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_435"> ii. 435</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis enters into an abject treaty with the sultan of Cairo, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_438"> ii. 438</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_447"> ii. 447</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Christian forces evacuate Damietta, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_448"> ii. 448</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Heavy ransom paid for the liberation of Louis IX., who quits Egypt for Syria, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_450"> ii. 450</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">A fresh crusade preached in Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_464"> ii. 464</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Numbers of Christians in Syria and Egypt embrace the Mohammedan religion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_469"> ii. 469</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Hostilities resumed in Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_474"> ii. 474</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">[515]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Louis quits Palestine, and arrives at Paris in 1254, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_478"> ii. 478</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_480"> ii. 480</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">General reflections on the crusade, and its unhappy termination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_481"> ii. 481</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Desolating crusades against the idolaters of Lithuania, Prussia, &amp;c., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_493"> ii. 493</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">The Eighth Crusade, a.d. 1255-1270.</span>&mdash;Dangerous position of the Christians of Palestine, <a href="#Page_7">iii. 7</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">War declared against, <a href="#Page_8">iii. 8</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Coolness of Pope Alexander IV. and Clement IV., <a href="#Page_8">iii. 8</a>, <a href="#Page_20">iii. 20</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The crusade supported only by a few French knights under Eudes, son of the duke of Burgundy, <a href="#Page_9">iii. 9</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Latin Crusaders lose Constantinople, <a href="#Page_10">iii. 10</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Misfortunes of the Christians in Palestine, <a href="#Page_11">iii. 11</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis IX. of France undertakes another crusade to the Holy Land, and after extensive preparations he sails with a powerful armament, and lands at Tunis, <a href="#Page_23">iii. 23-37</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">England, Scotland, Spain, Portugal, &amp;c. engage to assist, <a href="#Page_29">iii. 29</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Great mortality at Tunis, <a href="#Page_41">iii. 41</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of Louis IX., <a href="#Page_46">iii. 46</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders conclude a ten years’ truce with the king of Tunis, <a href="#Page_49">iii. 49</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their fleet is nearly destroyed by a tempest, <a href="#Page_51">iii. 51</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The ancient spirit of the Crusaders suspended, <a href="#Page_57">iii. 57</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Prince Edward of England arrives in Palestine, <i>ib.</i>;</p>
<p class="pniii">but soon returns, <a href="#Page_58">iii. 58</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Causes of the failure of this crusade, <a href="#Page_58">iii. 58</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Gregory X. convokes the council of Lyons, and endeavours, but in vain, to revive a new crusade, <a href="#Page_59">iii. 59</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Severe losses and sanguinary contests of the Christians of Palestine with the Saracens, <a href="#Page_69">iii. 69</a>, <a href="#Page_80">iii. 80</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The slaughter of, at the capture of Ptolemaïs, <a href="#Page_85">iii. 85</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Abandoned by their leaders, <a href="#Page_87">iii. 87</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture and destruction of all the Christian cities along the coast of Syria, <a href="#Page_89">iii. 89</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Indifference of the Western world to the melancholy fate of the Christian inhabitants, <a href="#Page_90">iii. 90</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">Attempted Crusades against the Turks, a.d. 1291-1396.</span>&mdash;Pope Nicholas IV. directs his attention to the preaching of another crusade, <a href="#Page_93">iii. 93</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The hopes of the West revived by the successes of the Tartars against the Mussulmans, <a href="#Page_94">iii. 94</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Proclaimed by Clement V. at the council of Vienna, <a href="#Page_97">iii. 97</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Philip, king of France, Edward III. of England, and other illustrious personages, prepare for a formidable crusade, which is checked by the death of Pope John XXI., <a href="#Page_107">iii. 107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">iii. 108</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Persecutions of the Christians of the East in consequence of these attempts, <a href="#Page_109">iii. 109</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Benedict XI. endeavours to stir up a crusade, <a href="#Page_110">iii. 110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">iii. 111</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Assembly of sovereigns and nobles at Avignon, <a href="#Page_113">iii. 113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">iii. 114</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They capture and burn Alexandria, <a href="#Page_116">iii. 116</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invade the coast of Barbary, <a href="#Page_117">iii. 117</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Miraculous interpositions related, <a href="#Page_118">iii. 118</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Treaty with the sultan of Egypt, <a href="#Page_119">iii. 119</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">A crusade against the Turks determined on, <a href="#Page_125">iii. 125</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its illustrious leaders, <a href="#Page_126">iii. 126</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their fatal contests with Bajazet, <a href="#Page_127">iii. 127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">iii. 128</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Pope Eugenius exhorts to a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_135">iii. 135</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and large armies are collected, <a href="#Page_137">iii. 137</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Christians enter into a treaty with Amurath, which they violate, <a href="#Page_138">iii. 138</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and undertaking another crusade are defeated and annihilated, <a href="#Page_142">iii. 142</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders full of bravery but deficient in qualities, <a href="#Page_143">iii. 143</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">European crusades terminate with the capture of Constantinople, and the destruction of the Greek empire by the Ottoman forces, in 1453, <a href="#Page_156">iii. 156</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">Defensive Crusades against the Turks, a.d. 1453-1481</span>, <a href="#Page_159">iii. 159</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">[516]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Meeting of Philip of Burgundy, John Capistran, Æneas Sylvius, Frederick III. of Germany, Pope Nicholas V., Calixtus III., and others, to endeavour to stir up a crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_159">iii. 159-166</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The crusade preached in France, England, Germany, Spain, and Portugal, <a href="#Page_168">iii. 168</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">General assembly at Mantua, convoked by Pius II., <a href="#Page_172">iii. 172</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His holiness endeavours to arouse the Christian states against the victorious career of the Turks, <a href="#Page_174">iii. 174</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Accompanies the crusade, and dies at Ancona, <a href="#Page_178">iii. 178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">iii. 179</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Paul II. and Sextus V. preach the crusade, <a href="#Page_179">iii. 179</a>, <a href="#Page_182">iii. 182</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Partial successes of the Crusaders, and the discord attending them, <a href="#Page_183">iii. 183</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Christians lose all their previous conquests, except Cyprus and Rhodes, <a href="#Page_184">iii. 184</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Charles VIII. of Naples engages in a pretended crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_192">iii. 192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">iii. 193</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Pope Alexander VI. endeavours in vain to stir up the crusade, <a href="#Page_197">iii. 197</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The crusading spirit becomes enfeebled, <a href="#Page_197">iii. 197</a>, <a href="#Page_201">iii. 201</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Exertions of Leo X. for its revival, <a href="#Page_202">iii. 202</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Great preparations for, <a href="#Page_206">iii. 206</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Curious historical documents respecting, <a href="#Page_207">iii. 207</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Clement VII. renounces all further hopes, <a href="#Page_218">iii. 218</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Career of the Turks checked by their signal defeat in the Gulf of Lepanto, <a href="#Page_227">iii. 227</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and before the walls of Vienna, <a href="#Page_235">iii. 235</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">General review of the holy wars, <a href="#Page_228">iii. 228</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their influence on the various classes of society in Europe, as regards the progress of the arts and of general knowledge, <a href="#Page_251">iii. 251</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Concluding remarks, <a href="#Page_345">iii. 345-348</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <span class="smcap">Appendix.</span>&mdash;Bull of Pope Eugenius in favour of the second crusade, <a href="#Page_370">iii. 370</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Bull of Gregory VIII., <a href="#Page_380">iii. 380</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Ralph of Coggershall’s account of the crusade under Richard I., <a href="#Page_395">iii. 395</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Treaty among the Crusaders for dividing the city and empire of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_431">iii. 431</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Jourdain’s letter on the crusade of children in 1212, <a href="#Page_441">iii. 441</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter of Innocent III. exhorting the Christians to a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_447">iii. 447</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">List of the great officers who followed St. Louis in his crusade to Tunis, <a href="#Page_465">iii. 465</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Receipts of the troncs in France for the expenses of the crusades, <a href="#Page_473">iii. 473</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and their expenditure, <a href="#Page_474">iii. 474</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Cydnus, the river, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_449"> i. 449</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Cyprus, captured by Richard I. of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_475"> i. 475</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Disputes respecting the sovereignty of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_177"> ii. 177</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrival of Louis IX. at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_369"> ii. 369</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Intemperance of the Crusaders at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_370"> ii. 370</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_371"> ii. 371</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Political distractions of, <a href="#Page_184">iii. 184</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Subjected to the Mussulmans, <a href="#Page_185">iii. 185</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Taken possession of by the Venetians, <a href="#Page_185"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by the Turks, <a href="#Page_225">iii. 225</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, king of, flies from Ptolemaïs, <a href="#Page_79">iii. 79</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Peter de Lusignan, king of, engages in a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_313">iii. 313</a> et seq.</p>


<p class="pnli">D.</p>

<p class="pni">Daimbert, archbishop of Pisa, appointed patriarch of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_269"> i. 269</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His disputes with Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_285"> i. 285</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_286"> i. 286</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Letters from him and others detailing their victories over the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_362"> i. 362-364</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Daïs, a class of Ishmaëlians, <a href="#Page_421">iii. 421</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Damascus, principality of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_127"> i. 127</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The sultan of, attacks the principality of Tancred, and is defeated by Godfrey, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_273"> i. 273</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He defeats the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_290"> i. 290</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_291"> i. 291</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Description and history of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_364"> i. 364</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_365"> i. 365</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by the Crusaders, who are defeated through treachery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_366"> i. 366</a> et seq.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">[517]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Captured by the Carismians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_332"> ii. 332</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sultan of, carries on war against the Egyptians, ii.468, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_473"> ii. 473</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Treaty of peace between, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_474"> ii. 474</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Damietta, city of, described, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_231"> ii. 231</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_232"> ii. 232</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Tower of, taken by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_232"> ii. 232-235</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sanguinary conflicts before the walls of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_243"> ii. 243</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by the Christians, the inhabitants having perished by famine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_249"> ii. 249</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_250"> ii. 250</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Great wealth of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_250"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Surrendered to the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_260"> ii. 260</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged and captured by the Crusaders under Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_380"> ii. 380-385</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Delivered up to the Mussulmans by treaty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_448"> ii. 448</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Mussulman rejoicings at, and Arab poem on, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_451"> ii. 451</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destroyed by the Mussulmans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_485"> ii. 485</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter from the count of Artois on the taking of, <a href="#Page_456">iii. 456</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter from St. Louis respecting, <a href="#Page_461">iii. 461</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Dandolo, the doge of Venice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_49"> ii. 49</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Engages to assist the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_50"> ii. 50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_51"> ii. 51</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His address to the Venetians in favour of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_61"> ii. 61</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Virtues of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_146"> ii. 146</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_172"> ii. 172</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His treaty with the Crusaders for dividing Constantinople and the empire, <a href="#Page_431">iii. 431</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Daphnusia, expedition against, <a href="#Page_9">iii. 9</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Darcum, castle of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_495"> i. 495</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dardanelles, castle of, built by Selim II., <a href="#Page_226">iii. 226</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dargan, vizier of Egypt, defeated and slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_387"> i. 387</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Despotism, the most fragile of human institutions, <a href="#Page_120">iii. 120</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dicet, Ralph, extract from his history, <a href="#Page_394">iii. 394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dipsada, serpents so called, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_199"> i. 199</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Dogs, a river in “burning Phrygia” discovered by the sagacity of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_114"> i. 114</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Dol, archbishop of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_56"> i. 56</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Dolabella, his dispute with Cassius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_117"> i. 117</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Dorylæum, plain of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_106"> i. 106</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ducas, Michael, excites the Christians to take arms against the infidels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_38"> i. 38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_39"> i. 39</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Duelling, origin of, in the middle ages, <a href="#Page_313">iii. 313</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Durazzo, siege of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_284"> i. 284</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">E.</p>

<p class="pni">Earthquake visits Palestine, and destroys several cities, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_291"> i. 291</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_292"> i. 292</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">In Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_188"> ii. 188</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">East, anarchy of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Subject to the invasions of the wild hordes of Tartary, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_31"> i. 31</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Subdued by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_32"> i. 32</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Empire of, approaching to its fall, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_36"> i. 36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_37"> i. 37</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of, at the time of the third crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_382"> i. 382</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ecalthai, the Tartar prince, sends an embassy to Louis IX. at Cyprus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_373"> ii. 373</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Eccelino de Romano, papal crusade against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_422"> ii. 422</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_493"> ii. 493</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Eclipses, alarm caused by, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_201"> i. 201</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_351"> i. 351</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Edessa, occupied by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_121"> i. 121</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Governed by Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_124"> i. 124</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The principal bulwark of the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_125"> i. 125</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Flourishing state of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_306"> i. 306</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured and destroyed by the infidels, and the Christians slaughtered, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_321"> i. 321-327</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Matthew of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_101"> i. 101</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Edma, daughter of Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_302"> i. 302</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">[518]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Edward I. of England, his expedition to the Holy Land, and defeat of the Saracens, <a href="#Page_472">iii. 472</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Edward, Prince, of England, engages in the crusade to the Holy Land, <a href="#Page_29">iii. 29</a>, <a href="#Page_32">iii. 32</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrives in Syria, and captures Nazareth, <a href="#Page_57">iii. 57</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to England, <a href="#Page_58">iii. 58</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Egypt" id="Egypt">Egypt</a>, ambassadors from, received at the camp of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_138"> i. 138</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their offers rejected, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_139"> i. 139</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Mussulman forces from, under Afdhal, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_237"> i. 237-242</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The armies of, defeated by Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_278"> i. 278</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_286"> i. 286</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_287"> i. 287</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_293"> i. 293</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Several of her cities captured, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_303"> i. 303</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Distracted state of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_386"> i. 386</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Warlike preparations against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_389"> i. 389</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Deposition and death of the caliph, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_396"> i. 396</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Possessed by Malek-Adel, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_509"> i. 509</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Famine and plague in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_186"> ii. 186</a>,<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_187"> ii. 187</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Terrible earthquake in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_188"> ii. 188</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The sultan of, joined by the warriors of Carismia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_326"> ii. 326</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Malek-Saleh Negmeddin, the sultan of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_376"> ii. 376</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Military and political state of, when invaded by Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_377"> ii. 377</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_378"> ii. 378</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_379"> ii. 379</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Saracens defeated by Louis, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_403"> ii. 403</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Christian forces, in their turn, defeated with great slaughter, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_408"> ii. 408</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_428"> ii. 428</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Almoadam raised to the throne of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_417"> ii. 417</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis IX. taken prisoner in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_428"> ii. 428</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Civil commotions in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_459"> ii. 459</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sultan of, negotiates a treaty of alliance with Venice, <a href="#Page_199">iii. 199</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Undertakes an expedition against the Portuguese, <a href="#Page_199"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Memoir of Leibnitz, addressed to Louis XIV., on the conquest of, <a href="#Page_478">iii. 478-493</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Eleanor_of" id="Eleanor_of"></a>Eleanor of Guienne, the queen of Louis VII., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_343"> i. 343</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_346"> i. 346</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Accomplishments of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_360"> i. 360</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Her irregular conduct, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_361"> i. 361</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_362"> i. 362</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Repudiated by her husband, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_362"> i. 362</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Results of her divorce, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_378"> i. 378</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_472"> i. 472</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Eleuctra, river, venomous serpents of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_198"> i. 198</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Elevein, province of, in Wales, <a href="#Page_409">iii. 409</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Elidore, miraculous adventure of, <a href="#Page_411">iii. 411</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Eloi, St., at the court of Dagobert, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_10"> i. 10</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Emad-eddin, his conspiracy for dethroning the sultan of Cairo, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_242"> ii. 242</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Emaüs, captured by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_427"> i. 427</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Emicio, Count, instigates the Crusaders to the greatest cruelties, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_70"> i. 70</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Emirs of Egypt, power of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_444"> ii. 444</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Emmaüs, the Crusaders arrive at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_201"> i. 201</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">England, her resistance to the pretensions of the popes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_303"> ii. 303</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_341"> ii. 341</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Increase of liberty in, <a href="#Page_285">iii. 285</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of, and changes in, during the age of the crusades, <a href="#Page_256">iii. 256</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Erard de Severy, his heroic death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_410"> ii. 410</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Eude, duke of Burgundy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Killed in battle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_254"> i. 254</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; III., death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_55"> ii. 55</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Eugenius III., Pope, warmly urges on the second crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_331"> i. 331</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His bull in its favour, <a href="#Page_370">iii. 370</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; IV. receives the submission of the Greek Church, <a href="#Page_135">iii. 135</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Exhorts the Christian states to a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_135">iii. 135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">iii. 136</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Euphrosyne, wife of the Emperor Alexius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_94"> ii. 94</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Europe, aspect of, changed by advancing civilization, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xxi"> i. xxi</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Political and religious distractions of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_195"> ii. 195</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_196"> ii. 196</a>; <a href="#Page_131">iii. 131</a>, <a href="#Page_217">iii. 217</a>, <a href="#Page_220">iii. 220</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">General state of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_304"> ii. 304</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_305"> ii. 305</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Great preparations for undertaking a crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_206">iii. 206</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Curious historical documents respecting, <a href="#Page_207">iii. 207</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Divisions among the powers of, <a href="#Page_214">iii. 214</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Policy of the sovereigns of, <a href="#Page_219">iii. 219</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">General emulation in, for the cultivation of the arts, <a href="#Page_229">iii. 229</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Eutychians, sect of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[519]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Everard de Puysaie, bravery of, at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_224"> i. 224</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Evrard des Barres, grand master of the Templars, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_356"> i. 356</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ezeroum, kingdom of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_97"> i. 97</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ezz-Eddin Aybek, surnamed <i>Turcoman</i>, made governor of Egypt under Chegger-Eddour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_445"> ii. 445</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Marries Chegger-Eddour, and becomes sultan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_459"> ii. 459</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is assassinated by his wife, <a href="#Page_3">iii. 3</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">F.</p>

<p class="pni">Fair held on Mount Calvary, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_11"> i. 11</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fakr-eddin, Imaum, anecdote of, <a href="#Page_426">iii. 426</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fak-reddin, the leader of the Egyptian army, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_381"> ii. 381</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_385"> ii. 385</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Takes the command of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_397"> ii. 397</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His letter to the Mussulmans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_398"> ii. 398</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is slain in battle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_403"> ii. 403</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Falcandus, the Sicilian historian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_20"> ii. 20</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Famine in Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_56"> ii. 56</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">In Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_56"> ii. 56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_112"> ii. 112</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its frightful effects, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_186"> ii. 186</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_187"> ii. 187</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fanaticism, spirit of, weakened by civilization, i. xxi.</p>
<p class="pnii">Rage of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_481"> i. 481</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_482"> i. 482</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fatimite caliphs recapture Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_16"> i. 16</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fatimites, dynasty of the, extinguished, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_396"> i. 396</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fayel, lady de, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_503"> i. 503</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fedaïs, a sect of assassins in Syria, <a href="#Page_421">iii. 421</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Curious anecdote of one, <a href="#Page_426">iii. 426</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Fergant, the Breton, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_183"> i. 183</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Feristha, the historian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_31"> i. 31</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Feudalism established at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_271"> i. 271-273</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its yoke first shaken off in Lombardy and Italy, <a href="#Page_284">iii. 284</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Evils of, <a href="#Page_275">iii. 275</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its fall, <a href="#Page_292">iii. 292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">iii. 293</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Flanders, nobility of, engage in the fifth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_47"> ii. 47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_83"> ii. 83</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Bravery of the soldiers of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_415"> ii. 415</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of, his speech to the Christian army at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_230"> i. 230</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Florence rejoices at the defeat of the French Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_453"> ii. 453</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Florine, daughter of Eude I., slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_134"> i. 134</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Foulke, a French knight, and his beautiful wife, fate of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_181"> i. 181</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Anjou, and son of Foulque le Rechin, engages in the holy wars, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_310"> i. 310</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Marries the daughter of Baldwin du Bourg, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_310"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Crowned king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_311"> i. 311</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_316"> i. 316</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Foulque-Nerra, count of Anjou, penitential pilgrimages of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_25"> i. 25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_26"> i. 26</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_26"> i. 26</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Miraculous incident relative to, <a href="#Page_355">iii. 355</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Foulkes, curé of Neuilly, preaches in favour of the fifth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_42"> ii. 42-45</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_57"> ii. 57</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Tomb of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_57"><i>ib.</i></a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">“Fountain of the Clerks,” London, <a href="#Page_384">iii. 384</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="France" id="France"></a>France, enthusiasm of, for the Christian crusades against the infidels of Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_53"> i. 53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_79"> i. 79</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders of, and their most distinguished leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_87"> i. 87</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_88"> i. 88</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis IX. engages in the second crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_337"> i. 337</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Ruled by the minister Suger, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_376"> i. 376</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Lamentations of, for the fate of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_376"> i. 376</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_377"> i. 377</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, placed under the papal interdict, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_42"> ii. 42</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Political contentions in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_195"> ii. 195</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_208"> ii. 208</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Engages in the sixth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_207"> ii. 207</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Louis IX. and several distinguished personages engage in the seventh crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_347"> ii. 347</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_348"> ii. 348</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The nobles of, form a league to resist the exactions of the pope, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_358"> ii. 358</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">[520]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Enthusiasm of, for the seventh crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_362"> ii. 362</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_363"> ii. 363</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_365"> ii. 365</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Improved state of society in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_364"> ii. 364</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Innocent IV. takes charge of the kingdom during the absence of Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_368"> ii. 368</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of her navy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_369"> ii. 369</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Consternation of, on receiving the news of the defeat and capture of Louis IX. by the Egyptians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_452"> ii. 452</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">France undertakes a second crusade under Louis IX., assisted by various powers, <a href="#Page_24">iii. 24</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invades the coast of Barbary, where Louis dies, <a href="#Page_117">iii. 117</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Her troops take possession of Rome, <a href="#Page_194">iii. 194</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Political troubles of, <a href="#Page_112">iii. 112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">iii. 113</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders of, defeated and slaughtered by Bajazet, <a href="#Page_128">iii. 128</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Consternation of the French, <a href="#Page_128"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Important changes in, during the age of the crusades, <a href="#Page_254">iii. 254</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Extension of liberty in, <a href="#Page_285">iii. 285</a>, <a href="#Page_291">iii. 291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">iii. 292</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Receipts of the troncs for the expenses of the crusades, <a href="#Page_473">iii. 473</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and their expenditure, <a href="#Page_474">iii. 474</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">Her treaties with the Ottoman Port, <a href="#Page_488">iii. 488</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Francis I. of France, his letters respecting the crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_207">iii. 207</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His injunctions, <a href="#Page_209">iii. 209</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Made prisoner at the battle of Pavia, <a href="#Page_214">iii. 214</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Policy of, <a href="#Page_219">iii. 219</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Francis of Assise, or St. Francis, piety of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_244"> ii. 244</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His address to Melik-Kamel, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_245"> ii. 245</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Founds the religious order of Cordeliers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_246"> ii. 246</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Franks, military valour of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_37"> i. 37</a>; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_87"> ii. 87</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Carry on their hostilities against the infidels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_282"> i. 282</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Attack Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_87"> ii. 87</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Character of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_174"> ii. 174</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#France"><i>France</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Frederick II., emperor of Germany, enters into vows to fight against the infidels of Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_263"> ii. 263</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His extensive preparations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_265"> ii. 265</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sets sail, and returns to Otranto, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_270"> ii. 270</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His marriage at Rome with the heiress of the king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_266"> ii. 266</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Acknowledged to be the sovereign of the holy city, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_267"> ii. 267</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrel with the pope, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_270"> ii. 270</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Opposed by the clergy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_280"> ii. 280</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quits Palestine for Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_281"> ii. 281</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His victories in Lombardy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_281"> ii. 281</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Excommunicated by Gregory IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_281"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Treaty with his holiness, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_282"> ii. 282</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Renewed rupture with the pope, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_292"> ii. 292</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Excommunicated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_292"> ii. 292</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_341"> ii. 341</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His indignation, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_344"> ii. 344</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is deposed by the pope, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_353"> ii. 353</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His protracted contests with, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_354"> ii. 354</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enters into negotiations with Melik-Kamel, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_273"> ii. 273</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_276"> ii. 276</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrives at Ptolemaïs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_275"> ii. 275</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Concludes a treaty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_278"> ii. 278</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_461"> ii. 461</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_490"> ii. 490</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; III. of Germany endeavours to stir up a crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_164">iii. 164</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, duke of Swabia, joins the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_468"> i. 468</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_470"> i. 470</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, king of the Romans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_209"> ii. 209</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_217"> ii. 217</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">G.</p>

<p class="pni">Galata, fortress of, captured by the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_87"> ii. 87</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gargan, Mount, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Garnier, count de Grai, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_78"> i. 78</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gaston de Béarn, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_88"> i. 88</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_212"> i. 212</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dies in Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_247"> i. 247</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Ordinances of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_262"> i. 262</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Gaucher de Chatillon, his heroic death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_427"> ii. 427</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gauthier de Brienne lays claim to the kingdom of Sicily, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_53"> ii. 53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_178"> ii. 178</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Engages in the holy wars, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_78"> ii. 78</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[521]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Captured and put to death by the Carismians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_331"> ii. 331</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_332"> ii. 332</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gaza, capture of, by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_426"> i. 426</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders surprised and cut to pieces at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_295"> ii. 295</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gecko, the serpent of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_199"> i. 199</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Gelaleddin, sultan of Carismia, death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_326"> ii. 326</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gemaleddin, the historian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_175"> i. 175</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Gengiskhan, the Tartar chief, historical notices and conquests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_317"> ii. 317</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_321"> ii. 321</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Genoese, their fleets and victories, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_40"> i. 40</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They relieve and assist the Crusaders at Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_145"> i. 145</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">at Jaffa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_211"> i. 211</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and at Arsur, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_277"> i. 277</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their contests with the Venetians, <a href="#Page_2">iii. 2</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They lose the colony of Caffa, <a href="#Page_184">iii. 184</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Geoffrey de la Tour, anecdote of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_180"> i. 180</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Lusignan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_413"> i. 413</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated and made prisoner by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_422"> i. 422</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Rançon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_354"> i. 354</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Commits a fatal blunder, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_355"> i. 355</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Geography, progress of, during the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_333">iii. 333-335</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Georgians, a warlike people, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_265"> ii. 265</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gerard of Avesnes, heroic death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_268"> i. 268</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Géraud, St., Baron d’Aurillac, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_19"> i. 19</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Gerbert, Archbishop, excites resistance to the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_17"> i. 17</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Germany, state of, at the time of the second crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_337"> i. 337</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enthusiasm of, in its favour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_339"> i. 339</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders of, defeated by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_353"> i. 353</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The fourth crusade preached and undertaken by, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_14"> ii. 14-16</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders return from Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_31"> ii. 31</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Political and religious contentions in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_209"> ii. 209</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_353"> ii. 353</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Changes in, during the age of the crusades, <a href="#Page_258">iii. 258-260</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Extension of liberty in, <a href="#Page_284">iii. 284</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gertrude, wife of Andrew II. of Hungary, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_217"> ii. 217</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gervais, count of Tiberias, taken prisoner and put to death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_290"> i. 290</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ghibellines, faction of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_269"> ii. 269</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gibel, besieged by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_189"> i. 189</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Gilbert, a leader of the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_356"> i. 356</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Giraffe, its first introduction into Europe, <a href="#Page_330">iii. 330</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Giselbert, prophetic vision of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_234"> i. 234</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gisors, assembly convoked at, by the kings of France and England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_436"> i. 436</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Glaber the monk, chronicle of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_19"> i. 19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_20"> i. 20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_23"> i. 23</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Glass, manufacture of, during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_329">iii. 329</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gnostics, sect of the, <a href="#Page_495">iii. 495</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Godfrey de Bouillon, duke of Lorraine, the distinguished leader of the first crusade, i. xx., xxi., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_76"> i. 76</a> and n., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_77"> i. 77-79</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Wages war against the Greeks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_90"> i. 90</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His alliance with Alexis of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_92"> i. 92</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Turks in Phrygia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_110"> i. 110</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_111"> i. 111</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dangerously wounded by a bear, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_115"> i. 115</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrel with Bohemond, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_146"> i. 146</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_147"> i. 147</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His heroic bravery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_172"> i. 172</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Forms an alliance with the emir of Hezas, and defeats the sultan of Aleppo, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_182"> i. 182</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Takes Jerusalem by storm, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_221"> i. 221</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Elected king, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_234"> i. 234</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Egyptian forces on the plain of Ascalon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_240"> i. 240-242</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrel with Raymond, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_244"> i. 244</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Political measures and conquests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_267"> i. 267</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieges Arsur, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_268"> i. 268</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Extraordinary prowess of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_269"> i. 269</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He concedes political power to the patriarch of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_269"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Divides the conquered lands among the companions of his victories, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_270"> i. 270</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His legislative code, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_271"> i. 271-273</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_274"> i. 274</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">[522]</a></span></p><p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; abbot of Clairvaux, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_329"> i. 329</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Godfrey, bishop of Langres, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_331"> i. 331</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gorgoni, valley of, in Phrygia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_106"> i. 106</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Battle of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_107"> i. 107-111</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Goths, monarchy of the, overturned, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gotschalk, a priest, elected general of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_68"> i. 68</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His progress, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_69"> i. 69</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Greece, invaded by Boniface, king of Thessalonica, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_162"> ii. 162</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_163"> ii. 163</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">By the Turks, <a href="#Page_122">iii. 122</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Humiliated condition of, <a href="#Page_134">iii. 134</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conquered by Mahomet II., <a href="#Page_171">iii. 171</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Her want of energy to resist the Turkish domination, <a href="#Page_243">iii. 243</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Her probable emancipation, <a href="#Page_245">iii. 245</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Greek, knowledge of, diffused and cultivated in the West, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_181"> ii. 181</a> and n., <a href="#Page_204">iii. 204</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Brought from Constantinople, <a href="#Page_338">iii. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Greek Church submits to papal authority, <a href="#Page_135">iii. 135</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Greek empire, its weakened condition, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The conquered lands of, distributed among the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_149"> ii. 149</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_150"> ii. 150</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its approaching fall, <a href="#Page_144">iii. 144</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture of its capital by Mahomet II., <a href="#Page_156">iii. 156</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destruction of the, <a href="#Page_156">iii. 156-158</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Greek fire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destructive properties and terrific appearance of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_14"> ii. 14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_401"> ii. 401</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Use of, <a href="#Page_29">iii. 29</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Note upon, by Renaudot, <a href="#Page_387">iii. 387</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Greeks, on the rising energies of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_13"> i. 13</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The cool indifference of their prelates, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_13"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">They are defeated by the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_14"> i. 14</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Zimisces, their emperor, gains a signal victory, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_15"> i. 15</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Opposed to the formidable tyranny of the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_34"> i. 34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_35"> i. 35</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their moral condition and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_35"> i. 35-37</a>; ii. 100 et seq., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_174"> ii. 174</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their contests with the Crusaders, and hostility to the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_90"> i. 90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_91"> i. 91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_93"> i. 93</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_446"> i. 446</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_447"> i. 447</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their perfidious policy to the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_348"> i. 348</a> et seq., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_356"> i. 356</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Are defeated by Barbarossa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_448"> i. 448</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their contentions with the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_103"> ii. 103</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_113"> ii. 113-115</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their reverence for relics and images, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_141"> ii. 141</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Rebel against the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_165"> ii. 165</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat and massacre them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_168"> ii. 168</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_169"> ii. 169</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their different historians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_175"> ii. 175</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dispossess the Latins of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_10">iii. 10</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Constantinople"><i>Constantinople</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Green Knight,” distinguished bravery of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_452"> i. 452</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gregory VII., Pope, his character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_39"> i. 39</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; VIII., bull of, in favour of a crusade against Saladin, <a href="#Page_380">iii. 380</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; IX., Pope, character of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_269"> ii. 269</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His rage against Frederick II. of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_270"> ii. 270</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_271"> ii. 271</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Hostilities with, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_272"> ii. 272</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_281"> ii. 281</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Treaty with, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_282"> ii. 282</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Determines to renew the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_283"> ii. 283</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quarrels with and excommunicates Frederick, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_292"> ii. 292</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_296"> ii. 296</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; X. convokes a council at Lyons for reviving a new crusade, <a href="#Page_59">iii. 59</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="#Page_66">iii. 66</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Cardinal, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_52"> iii. 52</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; St., of Nyssen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_2"> i. 2</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Grenier, Eustache, regent of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_297"> i. 297</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guelphs, faction of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_269"> ii. 269</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guibert, Abbé, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_56"> i. 56</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Guichenon, the historian of the house of Savoy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_250"> i. 250</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Guicher, a French knight, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_180"> i. 180</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guienne. See <a href="#Eleanor_of"><i>Eleanor of</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guillebard, St., pilgrimage of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_24"> i. 24</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Guis de Trusselle, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_83"> i. 83</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[523]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Guiscard, Robert, the Norman, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_84"> i. 84</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gundechilde, wife of Pancratius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_120"> i. 120</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Gunther, the monk, his history of the Greeks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_175"> ii. 175</a>, 176.</p>

<p class="pni">Guy, abbot of Vaux de Cernay, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_64"> ii. 64</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;<a name="de_Lusignan" id="de_Lusignan">de Lusignan</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_403"> i. 403</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His rebellion against Baldwin IV., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_407"> i. 407</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Selected by Sibylla, his wife, as the sovereign of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_413"> i. 413</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His contentions with Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_417"> i. 417</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated and made prisoner, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_422"> i. 422</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Released from captivity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_453"> i. 453</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieges Ptolemaïs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_454"> i. 454</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His conflicts with Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_458"> i. 458</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Obtains the sovereignty of Cyprus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_501"> i. 501</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Malvoisin, bravery of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_408"> ii. 408</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_415"> ii. 415</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; du Châtel, slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_426"> ii. 426</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Chatillon, slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_481"> ii. 481</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Tremouille, death of, <a href="#Page_129">iii. 129</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Guymer, the corsair chief, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_118"> i. 118</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">H.</p>

<p class="pni">Haco, king of Norway, engages in the seventh crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_361"> ii. 361</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His political motives, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_361"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">Hafiz, the Persian poet, his description of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_202"> i. 202</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hakim, Caliph, fanatical excesses of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_16"> i. 16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_17"> i. 17</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Inconstancy of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_20"> i. 20</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Halys, defeat of the Crusaders on the banks of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_252"> i. 252</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Haman Eddin, secretary of Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_397"> i. 397</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hammer, M. Raynouard’s notes on his “Mysterium Baphometi Revelatum”, <a href="#Page_494">iii. 494-500</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hapsburg, family of, their origin, <a href="#Page_260">iii. 260</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Harem, city of, taken by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_140"> i. 140</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Haroun al Raschid, glorious reign of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_8"> i. 8</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His amicable relations with Charlemagne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_9"> i. 9</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hassan, founder of the Ismaëlians, his origin and history, <a href="#Page_415">iii. 415</a> et seq. (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Hegira, first age of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Helen, statue of, at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_140"> ii. 140</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Helena, St., her piety, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_2"> i. 2</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Pious pilgrimage of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_27"> i. 27</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Helian, his speech against the Venetians, <a href="#Page_200">iii. 200</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hemingford, Walter, the chronicler, <a href="#Page_472">iii. 472</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Henry II., king of England, urged to join the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_411"> i. 411</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Determines on renewing the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_438"> i. 438</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrels with the king of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_440"> i. 440</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His convocation at the Fountain of the Clerks, London, <a href="#Page_394">iii. 394</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; III., ascends the throne of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_216"> ii. 216</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Refuses to assist the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_352"> ii. 352</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His opposition to the pope and his barons, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_394"> ii. 394</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; VI. of Germany engages in the fourth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_13"> ii. 13</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conquers Naples and Sicily, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_20"> ii. 20</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Progress of his armies in Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_22"> ii. 22</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_31"> ii. 31</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_34"> ii. 34</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; VIII. of England, policy of, <a href="#Page_219">iii. 219</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; count of Champagne, Palestine ceded to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_501"> i. 501</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Accidental death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_17"> ii. 17</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, landgrave of Thuringia, crowned emperor of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_353"> ii. 353</a></p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Hainault, his bravery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_169"> ii. 169</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_170"> ii. 170</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[524]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Heracle, count de Polignac, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_88"> i. 88</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Heraclius captures Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His interview with Henry II., king of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_411"> i. 411</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hercules, statue of, at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_130"> ii. 130</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Heresies of the thirteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_198"> ii. 198</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Papal crusade against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_199"> ii. 199</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hezas, emir of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_181"> i. 181</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Allies himself with the Crusaders, and defeats the sultan of Aleppo, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_182"> i. 182</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hezelon de Kintzveiler, prophetic vision of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_234"> i. 234</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hildebrand, Pope, pretensions of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_39"> i. 39</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">History, writers of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xxii"> i. xxii</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Difficulties of reconciling, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xxiii"> i. xxiii</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Progress of, during the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_341">iii. 341</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Holy Land, pilgrimages to the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_1"> i. 1-3</a>; <a href="#Page_248">iii. 248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">iii. 249</a>, <a href="#Page_349">iii. 349</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter of Innocent III. exhorting Christians to the aid of, <a href="#Page_447">iii. 447</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Palestine"><i>Palestine</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; See, political contentions with the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_208"> ii. 208</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_209"> ii. 209</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its quarrels with Frederick, emperor of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_270"> ii. 270</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_281"> ii. 281</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_292"> ii. 292</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Popes"><i>Popes</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; <a name="Sepulchre" id="Sepulchre"></a>Sepulchre, veneration for the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_1"> i. 1</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Melancholy spectacle of its ruins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_20"> i. 20</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Pilgrimages to the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Knights of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_308"> i. 308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Honorius III., Pope, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_215"> ii. 215</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Urges the sixth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_216"> ii. 216</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_269"> ii. 269</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Horses, four, of bronze, carried to Venice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_182"> ii. 182</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hospitals for pilgrims of the Latin Church, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_10"> i. 10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_16"> i. 16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_22"> i. 22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_23"> i. 23</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hospitallers, possessions and power of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_9"> ii. 9</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their quarrels with the Templars, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_9"> ii. 9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_10"> ii. 10</a>; <a href="#Page_2">iii. 2</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their exploits, <a href="#Page_98">iii. 98</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Anecdote of the, <a href="#Page_299">iii. 299</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hugh of Lusignan, king of Cyprus, <a href="#Page_111">iii. 111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">iii. 112</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Jaffa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_313"> i. 313</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_315"> i. 315</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Humbert II., count of Savoy, departs for the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Historical notices of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_250"> i. 250</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; II., dauphin of Viennois, takes the cross for the holy war, <a href="#Page_111">iii. 111</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Romanis, curious document issued by, <a href="#Page_60">iii. 60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">iii. 61</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Humphrey de Thoron, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_413"> i. 413</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His pretensions to the throne of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_470"> i. 470</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hungarians, their origin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_62"> i. 62</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Oppose the progress of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_65"> i. 65</a> et seq., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_68"> i. 68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_71"> i. 71</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conquered by the Tartars, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_323"> ii. 323</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Hungary, political state of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_230"> ii. 230</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders of, defeated by Bajazet, <a href="#Page_128">iii. 128</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invaded by the Turks, <a href="#Page_166"> iii. 166</a>, <a href="#Page_187"> iii. 187</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Turks defeated, <a href="#Page_187"> iii. 187</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invaded by Soliman, <a href="#Page_214"> iii. 214</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and the Hungarians defeated, <a href="#Page_215"> iii. 215</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Weakened condition of, <a href="#Page_218"> iii. 218</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enters into a treaty of peace with the Turks, <a href="#Page_218"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">Hunniades, the Hungarian, a leader of the Crusaders, <a href="#Page_137">iii. 137</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is defeated by Amurath, <a href="#Page_142"> iii. 142</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Valour of, <a href="#Page_166"> iii. 166</a>, <a href="#Page_167"> iii. 167</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="#Page_167"> iii. 167</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">I.</p>

<p class="pni">Ibu-Ferat, the Arabian historian, <a href="#Page_63">iii. 63</a>, 64 n.</p>

<p class="pni">Iconium, city of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_116"> i. 116</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Taken by Barbarossa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_448"> i. 448</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ida, countess of Hainault, heroic devotion of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_246"> i. 246</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, margravine of Austria, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[525]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Iftikhar-Eddanlah, governor of Jerusalem, his hostilities against the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_204"> i. 204</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Imamat, rights of the, <a href="#Page_414">iii. 414</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Imbert de Beaujeu, constable of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_402"> ii. 402</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Indulgences, sale of, <a href="#Page_210">iii. 210</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Industry, progress of, during the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_251">iii. 251</a>, <a href="#Page_328">iii. 328</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Infidels. See <a href="#Mohammedans"><i>Mohammedans</i></a>, <a href="#Saracens"><i>Saracens</i></a>, and <a href="#Turks"><i>Turks</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ingulfus, the monk, his account of the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_30"> i. 30</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Innocent III., the great instigator of the fifth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_38"> ii. 38</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrel with Philip of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_42"> ii. 42</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His reproaches against the Crusaders at Zara, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_73"> ii. 73</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His letter, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_153"> ii. 153</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His efforts to stimulate the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_191"> ii. 191</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_203"> ii. 203</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_213"> ii. 213</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His crusade against the Albigeois, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_199"> ii. 199</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His political domination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_208"> ii. 208</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_209"> ii. 209</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Assembles the council of Lateran, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_210"> ii. 210</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His sermon on the occasion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_211"> ii. 211</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_214"> ii. 214</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_215"> ii. 215</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter from, exhorting Christians to the aid of the Holy Laud, <a href="#Page_447">iii. 447</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; IV., disturbances under his reign, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_296"> ii. 296</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Convokes the council of Lyons, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_335"> ii. 335</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Determines on the seventh crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_338"> ii. 338</a>..</p>
<p class="pnii">Excommunicates Frederick, emperor of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_341"> ii. 341</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Deposes him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_353"> ii. 353</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Protracted contests between them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_354"> ii. 354</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Levies excessive contributions on Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_358"> ii. 358</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Encourages the preaching of a fresh crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_464"> ii. 464</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_490"> ii. 490</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_491"> ii. 491</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Inquisition established in Spain, <a href="#Page_267">iii. 267</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its power, <a href="#Page_271">iii. 271</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Isaac Angelus, the emperor of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_445"> i. 445</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Forms an alliance with Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_446"> i. 446</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Deposed by Alexius Angelus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_63"> ii. 63-65</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reinstated by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_93"> ii. 93</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His imbecility and bigotry, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_108"> ii. 108</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_119"> ii. 119</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; Comnenus, dispossessed of Cyprus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_475"> i. 475</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Isabella of Constantinople, death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_192"> ii. 192</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Isidorus, Cardinal, bravery of, <a href="#Page_154">iii. 154</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Islamism. See <i>Mohammedanism</i>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Ismaelians" id="Ismaelians"></a>Ismaëlians, the assassins of Syria and Persia, their dangerous character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_304"> i. 304-306</a>; <a href="#Page_425">iii. 425</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Account of their origin and history, <a href="#Page_414">iii. 414-431</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">Their possessions, <a href="#Page_424">iii. 424</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Various sects and classes of, <a href="#Page_420">iii. 420</a>, <a href="#Page_421">iii. 421</a>, <a href="#Page_428">iii. 428</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their religious dogmas, <a href="#Page_429">iii. 429</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Italy, zeal of, awakened in favour of the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_84"> i. 84</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">War of factions in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_269"> ii. 269</a>; <a href="#Page_190">iii. 190</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invaded by Frederick, emperor of Germany, and devastated by civil war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_293"> ii. 293</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_296"> ii. 296</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of, and changes during the age of the crusades, <a href="#Page_261">iii. 261</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Republics of, <a href="#Page_263">iii. 263</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The clergy and nobility lose their influence in the cities, <a href="#Page_284">iii. 284</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Her extensive commerce during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_327">iii. 327</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Progress of architecture in, <a href="#Page_332">iii. 332</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Literature of Greece introduced into, <a href="#Page_338">iii. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Itinerary” of the early pilgrims from Bordeaux to Jerusalem, composed <span class="smcap">A.D. 333</span>, <a href="#Page_351">iii. 351</a> et seq.</p>


<p class="pnli">J.</p>

<p class="pni">Jacob of Hungary instigates the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_462"> ii. 462</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is killed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_463"> ii. 463</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jacques d’Avesnes slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_487"> i. 487</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[526]</a></span></p><p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Maillé, his bravery and death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_415"> i. 415</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_416"> i. 416</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jaffa, entrance of the Genoese fleet into the port of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_211"> i. 211</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by Richard I., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_489"> i. 489</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Taken by the Mussulmans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_17"> ii. 17</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The garrison surprised and massacred by the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_31"> ii. 31</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by the sultan of Cairo, <a href="#Page_16">iii. 16</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Great expense of fortifying by Louis IX., <a href="#Page_16"><i>ib.</i></a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Battle of, <a href="#Page_396">iii. 396</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Jago, the patron saint of Galicia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">James, king of Arragon, engages in the holy war, <a href="#Page_29">iii. 29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">iii. 30</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Vitri preaches the sixth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_207"> ii. 207</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jane, queen of Sicily, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_475"> i. 475</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jebusees, Jerusalem the ancient capital of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_203"> i. 203</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jehoshaphat, valley of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jem-jem. See <a href="#Zizim"><i>Zizim</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jericho, palms of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><span class="smcap">Jerusalem</span>, taken by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xx"> i. xx</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Retaken by the infidels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xx"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Reverence for, by the early Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_2"> i. 2</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">A peaceful asylum for them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_3"> i. 3</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured and profaned by the Fire Worshippers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_3"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Recaptured by Heraclius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conquered by the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_6"> i. 6</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Christian cemetery at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_10"> i. 10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_11"> i. 11</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Retaken by the Fatimite caliphs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_16"> i. 16</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Christians driven from, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_19"> i. 19</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Pious pilgrimages to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_24"> i. 24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_29"> i. 29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_30"> i. 30</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Hospitals at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_23"> i. 23</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Possessed by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_32"> i. 32</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Christians commence their march towards, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_196"> i. 196</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Antiquity and early history of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_203"> i. 203</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Description of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_204"> i. 204</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The enthusiasm of the Crusaders on the first view of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_102"> i. 102</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_205"> i. 205</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Indignities heaped upon the Christian inhabitants of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_207"> i. 207</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Obstinate defence of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_218"> i. 218</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders take it by storm, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_221"> i. 221-225</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Great slaughter, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_224"> i. 224</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_225"> i. 225</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Pious fervour of the Christian army at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_226"> i. 226</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_227"> i. 227</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Wealth found in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_229"> i. 229</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Godfrey de Bouillon elected king, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_234"> i. 234</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Rejoicings of the Christians of the East, and despair of the Mussulmans at the conquest of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_236"> i. 236</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_237"> i. 237</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of the kingdom of, at the time of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_266"> i. 266</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The various authorities for compiling the history of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_267"> i. 267</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Visited by numerous pilgrims, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_269"> i. 269</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Legislative code for governing the kingdom of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_271"> i. 271-273</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of its king, Godfrey, and election of his brother Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_274"> i. 274</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quarrels between Baldwin and the patriarch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_285"> i. 285</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_294"> i. 294</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Baldwin du Bourg elected his successor, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_296"> i. 296</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of Baldwin du Bourg, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_310"> i. 310</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Foulque of Anjou crowned king, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_311"> i. 311</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_316"> i. 316</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Baldwin III. ascends the throne of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_316"> i. 316</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Threatened by Noureddin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_328"> i. 328</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sinister prognostics respecting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_328"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Christendom aroused to a second crusade by the impending danger of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_329"> i. 329</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Visited by numerous pilgrims, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_269"> i. 269</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of Baldwin III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_384"> i. 384</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Amaury, his brother, elected king, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_386"> i. 386</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_399"> i. 399</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Distracted state of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_407"> i. 407</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Deaths of Baldwin IV. and V., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_412"> i. 412</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Guy de Lusignan elected king, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_413"> i. 413</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Civil contests and tottering state of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_414"> i. 414</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The king made prisoner, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_422"> i. 422</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_426"> i. 426</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Surrender of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_429"> i. 429</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_432"> i. 432</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Prognostics of its fall, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_435"> i. 435</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Disputes respecting the sovereignty of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_470"> i. 470</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_476"> i. 476</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_477"> i. 477</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Treaty between Richard I. and Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_500"> i. 500</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; governed by the successors of Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"> ii. 3</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Political state of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_192"> ii. 192</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_193"> ii. 193</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Frederick, emperor of Germany, acknowledged to be king of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_267"> ii. 267</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_278"> ii. 278</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Agitations of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_279"> ii. 279</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_282"> ii. 282</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quarrels with the patriarch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_279"> ii. 279</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Religious worship suspended, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_280"> ii. 280</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[527]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Captured by the Carismian hordes, and the Christians slaughtered, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_326"> ii. 326</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_327"> ii. 327</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Possessed by the Egyptians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_331"> ii. 331</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jerusalem, three pretenders to the throne of, <a href="#Page_63">iii. 63</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Pilgrimages to, and various treaties for protecting the Christians of, <a href="#Page_249">iii. 249</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">A spirit of resignation takes the place of the enthusiasm of the Crusaders, <a href="#Page_250">iii. 250</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">“Itinerary” to, from Bordeaux, <a href="#Page_351">iii. 351</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">Massacres on the taking of, by the Christians, <a href="#Page_359">iii. 359</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Acts of the council of Naplouse for reforming the Christians of, <a href="#Page_367">iii. 367</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter from Saladin, detailing his conquest of, <a href="#Page_372">iii. 372</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sermon made at, by Mohammed Ben Zeky, <a href="#Page_376">iii. 376</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, “Assizes of,” <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_271"> i. 271-273</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Jerusalem delivered” of Tasso, more wonderful than that of the “Iliad”, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_258"> i. 258</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jesus Christ, pretended visions respecting, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_191"> i. 191</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Alleged miraculous communication to the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_164"> i. 164</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_165"> i. 165</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The “true cross” of, found at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_230"> i. 230</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jews, massacred and persecuted by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_19"> i. 19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_70"> i. 70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_341"> i. 341</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destruction of, at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_228"> i. 228</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Joannice, the Tartar leader, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_166"> ii. 166</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_167"> ii. 167</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_169"> ii. 169</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">John, king of England, engages in the sixth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_209"> ii. 209</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, king of France, taken captive at the battle of Poictiers, <a href="#Page_112">iii. 112</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Engages in a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_113">iii. 113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">iii. 114</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Austria defeats the Turks at the naval battle of Lepanto, <a href="#Page_226">iii. 226</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Brienne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_193"> ii. 193</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Accepts the young queen of Jerusalem in marriage, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_194"> ii. 194</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_195"> ii. 195</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Joinville, seneschal de, the historian of the seventh crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_371"> ii. 371</a>, et passim.</p>
<p class="pnii">Bravery of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_410"> ii. 410</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Taken prisoner, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_429"> ii. 429</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Excellence and style of his narration, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_481"> ii. 481</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Anecdote of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_483"> ii. 483</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Declines to join the second crusade undertaken by Louis IX., <a href="#Page_25">iii. 25</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jordan, waters of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Josselin" id="Josselin"></a>Josselin de Courtenay, family of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_282"> i. 282</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated and taken prisoner, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_283"> i. 283</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His release, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_285"> i. 285</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Notices of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_295"> i. 295</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_296"> i. 296</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">As count of Edessa he supports the election of Baldwin du Bourg to the kingdom of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_296"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Made prisoner by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_296"> i. 296</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His escape, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_297"> i. 297</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_320"> i. 320</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, son of the preceding, succeeds to the county of Edessa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_321"> i. 321</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Loses Edessa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_324"> i. 324</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dies a prisoner at Aleppo, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_379"> i. 379</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Montmorency slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_481"> i. 481</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Josseraut de Brançon, bravery of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_416"> ii. 416</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <i>ib.</i></p>

<p class="pni">Jourdain, M., his letter on the “Assassins” of Syria, <a href="#Page_413">iii. 413</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">On the crusade of children in 1212, <a href="#Page_441">iii. 441</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Judæa, the promised land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_1"> i. 1</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Palestine"><i>Palestine</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Judicial combat in the middle ages, <a href="#Page_313">iii. 313</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Julian, emperor, undertakes to rebuild the temple, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_2"> i. 2</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, cardinal, preaches in favour of a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_137">iii. 137</a>, <a href="#Page_139">iii. 139</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is slain, <a href="#Page_143">iii. 143</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Julius II., his speech at the council of Lateran, <a href="#Page_201">iii. 201</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Jurieu, the Reformer, considers the Turks as auxiliaries to the Protestants, <a href="#Page_246">iii. 246</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[528]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Justice, administration of, in Europe during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_311">iii. 311</a> et seq.</p>


<p class="pnli">K.</p>

<p class="pni">Karacoush, minister of Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_456"> i. 456</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Karaites, khan of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_318"> ii. 318</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Kelaoun, the sultan of Cairo, <a href="#Page_65">iii. 65</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Concludes a truce with the Christians of Ptolemaïs, <a href="#Page_66">iii. 66</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enters into treaties with European princes, <a href="#Page_67">iii. 67</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captures and destroys Tripoli, <a href="#Page_69">iii. 69</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="#Page_76">iii. 76</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Kerbogha" id="Kerbogha"></a>Kerbogha, sultan of Mossoul, his siege of Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_158"> i. 158</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">His haughty reply to the deputies of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_168"> i. 168</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_173"> i. 173</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_174"> i. 174</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His magnificent encampment, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_175"> i. 175</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_252"> i. 252</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_253"> i. 253</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ketboga, the Mogul chief, <a href="#Page_6">iii. 6</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Slain, <a href="#Page_7">iii. 7</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Khedhrewis, a class of Ismaëlians, <a href="#Page_428">iii. 428</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Khothbeh, a sermon made at Jerusalem after its capture by Saladin, <a href="#Page_376">iii. 376</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Kilidj-Arslan, the Turkish chief, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_97"> i. 97</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_100"> i. 100</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_106"> i. 106</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His bravery before Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_173"> i. 173</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_252"> i. 252</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_253"> i. 253</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Knighthood of learning conferred during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_339">iii. 339</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Knights in the army of Peter the Hermit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_64"> i. 64</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of chivalry engage in the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_55"> i. 55</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Called “The Champions of God and of Beauty,” <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_55"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Spirit and devotedness of the, <a href="#Page_295">iii. 295</a>, 296.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their deference to the fair sex, <a href="#Page_297">iii. 297</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Knowledge, state of, during the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_337">iii. 337</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Koran, doctrines of the, <a href="#Page_346">iii. 346</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Koutouz elected sultan of Egypt, <a href="#Page_5">iii. 5</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Assassinated by Bibars, <a href="#Page_7">iii. 7</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">L.</p>

<p class="pni">Ladislas, duke of Bohemia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_338"> i. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ladislaus, king of Poland and Hungary, engages in a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_137">iii. 137</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is defeated and slain by Amurath, <a href="#Page_142">iii. 142</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lance, sacred, which pierced the side of the Redeemer, pretended discovery of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_165"> i. 165</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_166"> i. 166</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Borne to battle by Raymond d’Agiles, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_169"> i. 169</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_170"> i. 170</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Doubts entertained of its miraculous influence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_176"> i. 176</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Offerings made to the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_192"> i. 192</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Langres, bishop of, his speech against the treachery of the Greeks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_349"> i. 349</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lascaris chosen emperor of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_130"> ii. 130</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His address to the Greeks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_130"> <i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Abandons the city, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_131"> ii. 131</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Proclaimed emperor at Nice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_156"> ii. 156</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lateran, council of, convoked by Julius II., <a href="#Page_201">iii. 201</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">By Leo X., <a href="#Page_202">iii. 202</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">By Pope Innocent III., <a href="#Page_210">iii. 210</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Latins of the West, their hostility to the Greeks, and their hatred of the emperor Alexius, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_89"> i. 89-92</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_194"> i. 194</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their violent disputes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_113"> ii. 113-115</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They capture Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_131"> ii. 131</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Greeks rebel against their domination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_165"> ii. 165</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_166"> ii. 166</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Decline of their empire in Greece, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_288"> ii. 288</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dispossessed of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_10">iii. 10</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <i>Constantinople</i> and <i>Crusaders</i>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[529]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Laws, the administration of, during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_311">iii. 311</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Lazar-houses, establishment of, <a href="#Page_336">iii. 336</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lazarus, St., order of, historical notices of, <a href="#Page_298">iii. 298</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Lebrun, Hugh, count of Angoulême, engages in the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_393"> ii. 393</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Leibnitz, his ideas in favour of the crusades, <a href="#Page_247">iii. 247</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Memoir of, addressed to Louis XIV. on the conquest of Egypt, <a href="#Page_478">iii. 478-493</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Leo X., his exertions for reviving a crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_202">iii. 202</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Allows the sale of indulgences, <a href="#Page_210">iii. 210</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">After the preaching of Luther, the crusades cease to engage his attention, <a href="#Page_213">iii. 213</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The distinguished age of, <a href="#Page_229">iii. 229</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; Sguerre, conquests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_156"> ii. 156</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Leopold, duke of Austria, his treatment by Richard I., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_484"> i. 484</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His caustic reply to Richard, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_490"> i. 490</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Detains him a prisoner in Austria, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_507"> i. 507</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lepanto, naval battle of, in which the Turks are signally defeated, <a href="#Page_225">iii. 225</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Great rejoicings throughout Christendom, <a href="#Page_226">iii. 226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">iii. 227</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Leprosy in the West, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_308"> ii. 308</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lethal, pilgrimage and fanaticism of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_28"> i. 28</a>, 29 and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Lewenstein, virgin of, miraculous vision of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_444"> i. 444</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Liberty, progress of, in England, <a href="#Page_256">iii. 256-258</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Increasing spirit of, in Europe, during the crusades, <a href="#Page_284">iii. 284-292</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lion, curious anecdote of its docility, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_180"> i. 180</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lisbon taken from the Moors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_375"> i. 375</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">L’Isle-Adam, grand master of the knights of St. John, <a href="#Page_213">iii. 213</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Litbert, bishop of Cambray, his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_29"> i. 29</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Literature, state of, during the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_333">iii. 333</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Litz, Martin, preaching of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_44"> ii. 44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_45"> ii. 45</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His possession of relics and images, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_141"> ii. 141</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_142"> ii. 142</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Livre Tournois, explanation of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_389"> ii. 389</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lombardy, confederacy in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_269"> ii. 269</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Louis II. of Hungary, slain by the Turks, <a href="#Page_215">iii. 215</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; VII. of France, resists the encroachments of the pope, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_330"> i. 330</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destroys Vitri, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_330"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Repents, and determines on a crusade against the infidels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_331"> i. 331</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His measures for raising money to defray the expenses of the war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_345"> i. 345</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His devotion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_346"> i. 346</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Leaves France at the head of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_346"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Arrives at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_349"> i. 349</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Marches through Phrygia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_353"> i. 353</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and defeats the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_353"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Is surprised and defeated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_355"> i. 355</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Report of his death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_355"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">His piety and determination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_357"> i. 357</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_358"> i. 358</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrives at Antioch, with a part of his army, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_360"> i. 360</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Repudiates his queen, Eleanor of Guienne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_362"> i. 362</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Leaves Antioch, and proceeds to Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_363"> i. 363</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His unsuccessful military operations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_366"> i. 366</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Leaves Palestine, and returns to Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_378"> i. 378</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The unfortunate results of his crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_378"> i. 378</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">He revokes his promise of revisiting the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_379"> i. 379</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; IX. (or St. Louis), his recovery from a dangerous malady, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_345"> ii. 345</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">He determines on prosecuting a seventh crusade against the infidels of the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_346"> ii. 346</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Makes extensive preparations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_358"> ii. 358</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quits France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_368"> ii. 368</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and arrives at Cyprus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_369"> ii. 369</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conciliates the Christian litigants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_371"> ii. 371</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_372"> ii. 372</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Receives an embassy from the Tartar prince Ecalthai, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_373"> ii. 373</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrives before Damietta, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_379"> ii. 379</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His address, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_380"> ii. 380</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His speech to the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_381"> ii. 381</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Mohammedan forces, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_382"> ii. 382</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captures Damietta, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_385"> ii. 385</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[530]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">His severe loss at the battle of Monsurah, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_408"> ii. 408</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His continued contests with the Egyptians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_413"> ii. 413</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The sufferings of his army, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_413"> ii. 413-422</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He attempts to regain Damietta, but is defeated, and surrenders as a prisoner, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_428"> ii. 428</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Religious resignation of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_433"> ii. 433</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enters into a treaty with Almoadan for his ransom, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_438"> ii. 438</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_447"> ii. 447</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Departs from Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_450"> ii. 450</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Consternation throughout France at his capture, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_452"> ii. 452</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His arrival at Ptolemaïs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_453"> ii. 453</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Deliberations and speeches of his knights respecting their future operations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_455"> ii. 455</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_456"> ii. 456</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His negotiations with the Mohammedans of Egypt and Damascus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_459"> ii. 459</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Singular message to, from the “Old Man of the Mountain”, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_467"> ii. 467</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He fortifies the cities of Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_470"> ii. 470</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_474"> ii. 474</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_476"> ii. 476</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Negotiates a treaty with the emirs of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_472"> ii. 472</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Treaty violated, and hostilities resumed against him, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_474"> ii. 474</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Anecdotes of his pious devotedness, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_476"> ii. 476</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_479"> ii. 479</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quits Palestine, and arrives at Paris, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_478"> ii. 478</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_480"> ii. 480</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reflections on his character and misfortunes, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_484"> ii. 484</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">He determines upon another crusade to the Holy Land, <a href="#Page_23">iii. 23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">iii. 24</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The illustrious names who take the cross in his support, <a href="#Page_25">iii. 25</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His extensive preparations, <a href="#Page_27">iii. 27</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">His expedition to the coast of Tunis, <a href="#Page_38">iii. 38</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His illness and fervent devotion, <a href="#Page_42">iii. 42-45</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="#Page_46">iii. 46</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His virtues and piety, <a href="#Page_54">iii. 54-56</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter of, on his captivity and deliverance, <a href="#Page_458">iii. 458</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">List of the great officers who followed him to Tunis, <a href="#Page_465">iii. 465</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death-bed instructions, <a href="#Page_467">iii. 467</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Louis XIV. joins a Christian confederation against the Turks, <a href="#Page_233">iii. 233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">iii. 234</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Memoir of Leibnitz, addressed to, on the conquest of Egypt, <a href="#Page_478">iii. 478-493</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Chartres, engages in the fifth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_45"> ii. 45</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Loyola, Ignatius, his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, <a href="#Page_248">iii. 248</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lulli, Raymond, preaches a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_103">iii. 103-106</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lusignan. See <a href="#de_Lusignan"><i>Guy de</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Luther, his preaching against indulgences and the crusades, <a href="#Page_211">iii. 211</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its important consequences, <a href="#Page_212">iii. 212</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He preaches against the Turks, 220; but denounces a Christian crusade, <a href="#Page_221">iii. 221-223</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Lyons, council of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_335"> ii. 335</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Determines on the seventh crusade, and excommunicates Frederick II. of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_338"> ii. 338</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_341"> ii. 341</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Council at, convoked by Gregory X., for reviving a new crusade, <a href="#Page_59">iii. 59</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">M.</p>

<p class="pni">Maarah, siege and capture of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_183"> i. 183-186</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Machines used at the siege of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_217"> i. 217-219</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Magi, worship of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Annihilated by Mohammedanism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Magicians among the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_220"> i. 220</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Magistracy in France during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_319">iii. 319</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mahomet, frenzy of his followers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xx"> i. xx</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Spread of his religion, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The empire of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_12"> i. 12</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">New sectaries of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_12"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Principles of the religion of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_382"> i. 382</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Mohammedans"><i>Mohammedans</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; II., his accession to the Ottoman throne, <a href="#Page_143">iii. 143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">iii. 144</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His powerful empire, <a href="#Page_144">iii. 144</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieges Constantinople, <a href="#Page_148">iii. 148</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">His fleet defeated, <a href="#Page_149">iii. 149</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His extraordinary land fleet, <a href="#Page_150">iii. 150</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captures the city, <a href="#Page_156">iii. 156</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated at Belgrade, <a href="#Page_167">iii. 167</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[531]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">His extended conquests, <a href="#Page_171">iii. 171</a>, <a href="#Page_174">iii. 174</a>, <a href="#Page_180">iii. 180</a>, <a href="#Page_184">iii. 184</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His negotiations with Pius II., <a href="#Page_174">iii. 174</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">He swears to annihilate Christianity, <a href="#Page_180">iii. 180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">iii. 181</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invades Hungary and different parts of Europe simultaneously, <a href="#Page_187">iii. 187-189</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by the Hungarians, <a href="#Page_187"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="#Page_191">iii. 191</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Divisions in his family, <a href="#Page_191"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">Mainfroy, of the house of Swabia, slain, <a href="#Page_21">iii. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Malek-Adel, brother of Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_491"> i. 491</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Takes possession of Egypt, &amp;c., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_509"> i. 509</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His ambitious policy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_5"> ii. 5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_71"> ii. 71</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Opposes the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_16"> ii. 16</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by the Christians before Berytus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_18"> ii. 18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_19"> ii. 19</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Renews hostilities, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_195"> ii. 195</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The throne of Syria abdicated by, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_226"> ii. 226</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_236"> ii. 236</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Malek Saleh Negmeddin, sultan of Egypt, extent of his conquests, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_376"> ii. 376</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_377"> ii. 377</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His preparations for resisting the Crusaders under Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_377"> ii. 377</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Malek-Scha, conquests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_32"> i. 32</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Court of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_34"> i. 34</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Malleville, assailed by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_64"> i. 64</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Malta, knights of St. John transferred to, <a href="#Page_214">iii. 214</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Heroic defence of, against the Turks, <a href="#Page_224">iii. 224</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mamelukes, first established by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_402"> i. 402</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their bravery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_459"> i. 459</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their treachery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_398"> ii. 398</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_405"> ii. 405</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Revolt against Almoadan, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_439"> ii. 439</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_440"> ii. 440</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Syrians refuse to acknowledge their authority, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_459"> ii. 459</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their rise and fall, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_486"> ii. 486</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They defeat and expel the Tartars from Palestine, <a href="#Page_8">iii. 8</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their victories against the Christians, <a href="#Page_11">iii. 11</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture Tripoli, <a href="#Page_69">iii. 69</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">Ptolemaïs, <a href="#Page_85">iii. 85</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and several other Christian cities, <a href="#Page_89">iii. 89</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mamouh, sultan of Persia, uncalculating policy of, in encouraging the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_31"> i. 31</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mansourah, sanguinary battle at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_404"> ii. 404</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">And death of many illustrious Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_408"> ii. 408</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mantua, general assembly at, to incite resistance to the Turks, <a href="#Page_172">iii. 172</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Manuel, emperor of Constantinople, visits France, <a href="#Page_130">iii. 130</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Manufactures, progress of, during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_328">iii. 328</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Marcel, treachery of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_428"> ii. 428</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Margarit, Admiral, sent to the defence of Tripoli, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_453"> i. 453</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Margat, fort of, captured by the Mussulmans, <a href="#Page_48">iii. 48</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Marguerite of Flanders, wife of Baldwin, death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_155"> ii. 155</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Provence, wife of Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_369"> ii. 369</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Her agonizing situation during the misfortunes of Louis, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_432"> ii. 432</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Market of the Franks” at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_11"> i. 11</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Markets of the Franks established, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_16"> i. 16</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Maronites, sect of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Martel, Charles, victories of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_6"> i. 6</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Matthew of Edessa, the historian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_14"> i. 14</a> n., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_147"> i. 147</a> n. et passim.</p>

<p class="pni">Matthias Corvinus, king of Hungary, <a href="#Page_187">iii. 187</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Maudoud, prince of Mossoul, assassinated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_292"> i. 292</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Maximilian, emperor of Germany, letters of, <a href="#Page_202">iii. 202</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mecca, temple of, destroyed and rebuilt, <a href="#Page_226">iii. 226</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[532]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Medicine, state of, and progress during the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_335">iii. 335</a>, <a href="#Page_336">iii. 336</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mehallah, canal of, fatal to the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_420"> ii. 420</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_425"> ii. 425</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Melik-Kamel, the sultan of Cairo, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_226"> ii. 226</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conspiracy against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_242"> ii. 242</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His speech respecting the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_260"> ii. 260</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Signs a treaty of peace, <i>ib.</i></p>
<p class="pnii">Enters into negotiations with Frederick II., emperor of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_273"> ii. 273</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_276"> ii. 276</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Concludes a treaty, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_278"> ii. 278</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_294"> ii. 294</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Political contests thence arising, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_294"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">Melisende, queen of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_313"> i. 313</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_315"> i. 315</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Memphis, solitude of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mercœur, duke of, defeats the Turks, <a href="#Page_231">iii. 231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">iii. 232</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mersbourg, assailed by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_70"> i. 70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_71"> i. 71</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Described, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_70"> i. 70</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Merwan II., cruelty of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_8"> i. 8</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mesopotamia, entered by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_121"> i. 121</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mezerai, the historian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_484"> ii. 484</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Michaud, M. Jourdain’s letters to, <a href="#Page_413">iii. 413</a>, <a href="#Page_441">iii. 441</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Middle Age, reflections on the state of society from 1571 to 1685, <a href="#Page_251">iii. 251</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Military orders of Christendom, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_307"> i. 307-309</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Minerva, statue of, at Constantinople, destroyed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_108"> ii. 108</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Minieh, town of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_427"> ii. 427</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Miracles, pretended, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_164"> i. 164</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_165"> i. 165</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Modhaffer Abyverdy, his elegy on the taking of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_236"> i. 236</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Moguls, sovereign of the, his conquests, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_317"> ii. 317</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Historical notices of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_487"> ii. 487</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They capture Bagdad, <a href="#Page_4">iii. 4</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their warlike operations against the Mussulmans, <a href="#Page_5">iii. 5</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Take the principal cities of Syria, <a href="#Page_5"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">General terror of the, <a href="#Page_6">iii. 6</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">History and conquests of, under Tamerlane, <a href="#Page_132">iii. 132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">iii. 133</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Tartars"><i>Tartars</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mohammedanism, victorious career of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_33"> i. 33</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Not a religion of the sword, <a href="#Page_15">iii. 15</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Triumph of, under Mahomet II., <a href="#Page_158">iii. 158</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its inferiority to Christianity, <a href="#Page_346">iii. 346</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The two leading sects of, <a href="#Page_413">iii. 413</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Evil principles of, <a href="#Page_241">iii. 241</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Mohammedans"  id="Mohammedans">Mohammedans</a>, conquests of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Contests with the Crusaders before Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_158"> i. 158</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Manners and characteristics of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_183"> i. 183</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The cities of Palestine abandoned by the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_209"> i. 209</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Number slain at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_228"> i. 228</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their despair on the conquest of Jerusalem by the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_236"> i. 236</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_237"> i. 237</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sustain various defeats by Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_277"> i. 277</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their continued hostilities with the Christians in Palestine, Egypt, &amp;c., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_278"> i. 278-328</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their prayers and exhortations against the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_474"> i. 474</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arouse themselves against the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_240"> ii. 240</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Panic amongst the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_242"> ii. 242</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Propose conditions of peace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_247"> ii. 247</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_257"> ii. 257</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their alarm, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_251"> ii. 251</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_252"> ii. 252</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They burn the fleet of the Crusaders on the Nile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_258"> ii. 258</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and compel them to capitulate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_260"> ii. 260</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by the Carismians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_330"> ii. 330</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Political quarrel among the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_376"> ii. 376</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Saracens"><i>Saracens</i></a> and <a href="#Turks"><i>Turks</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Tunis encounter the Crusaders, <a href="#Page_40">iii. 40</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mohyeddin Almoury, the imaum, <a href="#Page_63">iii. 63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">iii. 64</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Molahed, epithet of, explained, <a href="#Page_419">iii. 419</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Monasteries founded during the middle ages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_22"> i. 22</a>, <a href="#Page_303">iii. 303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">iii. 304</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montes Jovis, monastery of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_22"> i. 22</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Montferrat, marquis of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_338"> i. 338</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Visits the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_452"> i. 452</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[533]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Montfort, Philip de, pays the ransom for Louis IX., <a href="#Page_450">iii. 450</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Moors, expelled from Lisbon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_375"> i. 375</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their contests and defeats in Spain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_201"> ii. 201</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_268"> ii. 268</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their expulsion, <a href="#Page_243">iii. 243</a>, <a href="#Page_266">iii. 266</a>, <a href="#Page_375">iii. 375</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Morosini, Thomas, elected patriarch of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_151"> ii. 151</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Moslems. See <a href="#Turks"><i>Turks</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mossoul, sultan of, attacks and defeats the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_290"> i. 290</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_291"> i. 291</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Kerbogha"><i>Kerbogha</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mourzoufle, of Constantinople, stirs up insurrection against the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_111"> ii. 111</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_112"> ii. 112</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Insidious policy of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_118"> ii. 118</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destroys Alexius, and ascends the throne, <i>ib.</i></p>
<p class="pnii">Treachery of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_119"> ii. 119</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His contests with the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_119"> ii. 119-128</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dethroned, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_129"> ii. 129</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured and executed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_157"> ii. 157</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Music, rise of, in Italy, <a href="#Page_333">iii. 333</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mussulmans. See <a href="#Mohammedans"><i>Mohammedans</i></a>, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="pni">“Mysterium Baphometi Revelatum,” Raynouard’s notes upon, <a href="#Page_494">iii. 494-500</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Mythology during the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_342">iii. 342</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">N.</p>

<p class="pni">Naccaire, the name of a kettledrum, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_381"> ii. 381</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Naples, conquered by Henry VI., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_20"> ii. 20</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invaded by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_189"> ii. 189</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Agitations of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_192"> ii. 192</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_193"> ii. 193</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of, during the age of the crusades, <a href="#Page_263">iii. 263</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Naplouse, city of, pillaged, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_291"> i. 291</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Decrees of the council of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_311"> i. 311</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Acts of the council for reforming the Christians of Palestine, <a href="#Page_367">iii. 367</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nasr-allah, vizier of the sultan Afdhal, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_4"> ii. 4</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Natural history, knowledge of, increased during the crusades, <a href="#Page_330">iii. 330</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Navigation, progress of, during and after the period of the crusades, <a href="#Page_251">iii. 251</a>, <a href="#Page_321">iii. 321</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Codes of maritime rights established, <a href="#Page_324">iii. 324</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nazareth, bishop of, miracle imputed to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_319"> i. 319</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by the Crusaders, <a href="#Page_57">iii. 57</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Negmeddin, his negotiations with Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_388"> ii. 388</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_397"> ii. 397</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nestorians, sect of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Neufmontier, abbey of, founded by Peter the Hermit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_247"> i. 247</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Nevers, count de, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_341"> i. 341</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_342"> i. 342</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nezzarians, a sect of Ismaëlians, <a href="#Page_420">iii. 420</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nice, the capital of Bithynia, besieged, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_99"> i. 99-105</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sultan of, desolates the country, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_112"> i. 112</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nicea, possessed by the Mussulmans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_33"> i. 33</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The sultan of, defeats the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_75"> i. 75</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nicephoras Phocas heads the Greeks, and captures Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_13"> i. 13</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His assassination, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_14"> i. 14</a>,<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_36"> i. 36</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nicetas, his account of the sacking of Constantinople by the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_133"> ii. 133-137</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His history of the contests between the Greeks and the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_174"> ii. 174</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_175"> ii. 175</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fragment from, <a href="#Page_435">iii. 435</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nicholas IV., Pope, attempts to revive a fresh crusade against the East, <a href="#Page_93">iii. 93</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nicopolis, the modern name of Emmaüs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_201"> i. 201</a>.</p>
<p class="pni">Nile, battles on the banks of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_243"> ii. 243</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[534]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Mouth of, filled with heaps of stones, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_485"> ii. 485</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nissa assailed by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_65"> i. 65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_66"> i. 66</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nobility, historical notices of, <a href="#Page_278">iii. 278</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Normans join in the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_82"> i. 82</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Northampton, a council held at, for aiding the second crusade of Louis IX., <a href="#Page_29">iii. 29</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Nosaïris, sect of the, <a href="#Page_428">iii. 428</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Noureddin, son of Zenguis, and sultan of Aleppo and Damascus, defeats and slaughters the Christians of Edessa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_326"> i. 326</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_327"> i. 327</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Threatens Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_328"> i. 328</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Extensive power of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_361"> i. 361</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_396"> i. 396</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His conquests, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_379"> i. 379</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Heroic character and benevolent sentiments of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_383"> i. 383-385</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His warlike preparations against Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_389"> i. 389</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conquers Egypt, and deposes the caliph, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_396"> i. 396</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_399"> i. 399</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Novagero, his eulogies on Leo X., <a href="#Page_204">iii. 204</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">O.</p>

<p class="pni">Octaï, khan of the Tartars, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_321"> ii. 321</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His extensive conquests, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_322"> ii. 322</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, chief of the Mamelukes, anecdote of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_442"> ii. 442</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Oderic Vital, the chronicler, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_41"> i. 41</a> n., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_82"> i. 82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_250"> i. 250</a> n. et passim.</p>

<p class="pni">Odo, bishop of Bayeux, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_83"> i. 83</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Odoacer, marquis of Syria, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_338"> i. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“Old Man of the Mountain,” <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_304"> i. 304-306</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His singular message to Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_467"> ii. 467</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Visit to the court of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_468"> ii. 468</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Origin and history of his party, <a href="#Page_413">iii. 413</a> et seq. (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">Curious letter of, <a href="#Page_434">iii. 434</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Oleron, rolls of, established, <a href="#Page_324">iii. 324</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Olives, Mount of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_214"> i. 214</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Olivia, bishop of Paderborn, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_233"> ii. 233</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Omar, Caliph, captures Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_6"> i. 6</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Mosque of, wealth found in the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_224"> i. 224</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_229"> i. 229</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ommiades, dynasty of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_8"> i. 8</a>; <a href="#Page_414">iii. 414</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ordeal by fire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_193"> i. 193</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ordeals during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_312">iii. 312</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ores, explanation of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_404"> ii. 404</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Oriflamme, or royal standard, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_354"> i. 354</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Orpin, count of Bourges, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ortock, the Turkish general, conquests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_33"> i. 33</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Otho of Savoy, excommunicated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_209"> ii. 209</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Makes war against the pope, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_209"> ii. 209</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Otranto, captured by the Turks, <a href="#Page_189">iii. 189</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Abandoned, <a href="#Page_191">iii. 191</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Otto of Frisingen, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_352"> i. 352</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ottoman Port, her treaties with France, <a href="#Page_488">iii. 488</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ottoman empire, its origin and history, <a href="#Page_120">iii. 120</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Ottomans, defeated by Tamerlane the Tartar, <a href="#Page_132">iii. 132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">iii. 133</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reconquer the provinces overrun by Tamerlane, <a href="#Page_133">iii. 133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">iii. 134</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their power under Mahomet II., <a href="#Page_144">iii. 144</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture Constantinople, and overturn the Greek empire, <a href="#Page_156">iii. 156</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Turks"><i>Turks</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Oulagon, commander of the Moguls, <a href="#Page_4">iii. 4</a>, 6.</p>

<p class="pni">Outtreman, the Jesuit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_41"> i. 41</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Ozellis, valley of, in Phrygia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_106"> i. 106</a> and n.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[535]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Battle of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_107"> i. 107-111</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">P.</p>

<p class="pni">Paganism annihilated by Mohammedanism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of in the thirteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_219"> i. 219</a>; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_218"> ii. 218-223</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Paladins, the order of, <a href="#Page_294">iii. 294</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Palæologus, Michael, his troops recapture Constantinople, <a href="#Page_10">iii. 10</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, John, emperor of Constantinople, his vacillating policy, <a href="#Page_123">iii. 123</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Constantine, character of, <a href="#Page_144">iii. 144</a>, <a href="#Page_156">iii. 156</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Prepares for the defence of Constantinople, and appeals in vain to western Europe for aid, <a href="#Page_145">iii. 145</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His great efforts, <a href="#Page_151">iii. 151</a>, <a href="#Page_154">iii. 154</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="#Page_156">iii. 156</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Andrew, sells his claims to the empire of the East, <a href="#Page_194">iii. 194</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Palestine"  id="Palestine"><span class="smcap">Palestine</span></a>, visited by the early Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_2"> i. 2</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders march through the country of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_196"> i. 196</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of, at the period of the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_265"> i. 265</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_266"> i. 266</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Ravaged by the infidels, devastated by locusts, and visited by an earthquake, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_291"> i. 291</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Continued hostilities in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_292"> i. 292-328</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Victories of Saladin in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_425"> i. 425</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its capital, Jerusalem, taken from the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_429"> i. 429</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Ceded to Henry, count of Champagne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_501"> i. 501</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, governed by the successors of Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"> ii. 3</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Civil contests in, previous to the fourth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_4"> ii. 4-7</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Agitated and discordant state of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_4"> ii. 4-7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_189"> ii. 189</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_192"> ii. 192</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_194"> ii. 194</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_293"> ii. 293</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_294"> ii. 294</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Earthquake and famine in, 189.&nbsp; State of, at the time of the sixth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_225"> ii. 225</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Oppressions of the Christians of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_265"> ii. 265</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">No longer considered a place of blessedness, but of exile, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_300"> ii. 300</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_301"> ii. 301</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Subdued by the Carismians and Egyptians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_330"> ii. 330</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Distress of the Christians of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_334"> ii. 334</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Cities of, fortified by Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_470"> ii. 470</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_474"> ii. 474</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, on the Christian cities fortified by Louis IX., <a href="#Page_1">iii. 1</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quarrels among the Christians of, <a href="#Page_2">iii. 2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">iii. 3</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Among the Saracens, <a href="#Page_3">iii. 3</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Alarm of the Christians at the power of the Moguls, <a href="#Page_6">iii. 6</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Increasing difficulties of, <a href="#Page_11">iii. 11</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Christians defeated, and the country laid waste, <a href="#Page_11"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Divisions among the Christians, and conquests of the Mamelukes, <a href="#Page_69">iii. 69</a>, <a href="#Page_85">iii. 85</a>, <a href="#Page_89">iii. 89</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destruction of all the Christian cities along the coast of, <a href="#Page_89">iii. 89</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Renewed persecutions of the Christians, <a href="#Page_109">iii. 109</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Subjected to the absolute domination of the Turks, <a href="#Page_202">iii. 202</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Acts of the council of Naplouse, for reforming the Christians in, <a href="#Page_367">iii. 367</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Pancratius, an Armenian prince, joins the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_120"> i. 120</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Paphlagouin, the Crusaders pass through, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_251"> i. 251</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Papyrus Masson, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_250"> i. 250</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Paris, council of, held in 1188; decree of the, for providing Saladin tenths, <a href="#Page_384">iii. 384</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">“Pastors,” the name given to certain Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_462"> ii. 462</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Paul II., Pope, instigates the crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_179">iii. 179</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="#Page_182">iii. 182</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Paultre, M., memoir of, on the Forest of Saron, <a href="#Page_388">iii. 388</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Pelagius, Cardinal, instigates the prosecution of the sixth crusade, and proceeds to Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_239"> ii. 239</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His obstinacy in carrying on the war in Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_256"> ii. 256</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_257"> ii. 257</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Negotiates for peace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_259"> ii. 259</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Persia, empire of, torn by intestine wars, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sends an immense army against the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_157"> i. 157</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_158"> i. 158</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">which marches against the Turks, <a href="#Page_182">iii. 182</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and is destroyed, <a href="#Page_183">iii. 183</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[536]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Sends an embassy to the princes of the West, <a href="#Page_231">iii. 231</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Peter the Hermit, character of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_40"> i. 40</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His pilgrimage to Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_41"> i. 41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_42"> i. 42</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His different appellations, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_41"> i. 41</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His visit to Pope Urban II., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_42"> i. 42</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His interview with the patriarch of Jerusalem, and his enthusiasm, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_42"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Traverses all Europe to arouse the Christians against the infidels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_43"> i. 43</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Attends the council of Clermont, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_48"> i. 48</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His inciting speech, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_48"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Chosen general of the crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_61"> i. 61</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Introduced to Alexis Comnenus, at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_68"> i. 68</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Loses his authority, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_75"> i. 75</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Wretched situation of the remains of Peter’s army, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_96"> i. 96</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Deserts the camp of the Crusaders, and is retaken, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_135"> i. 135</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sent to treat with the Saracen leaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_165"> i. 165</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His speech, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_165"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Arouses the enthusiasm of the Christian army by his address, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_215"> i. 215</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to his own country after the conquest of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_247"> i. 247</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_247"><i>ib.</i></a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Lusignan, king of Cyprus, proposes a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_113">iii. 113</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Blois preaches the crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_442"> i. 442</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Salviac, notices of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_246"> i. 246</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Petrarch, an apostle of the holy war, <a href="#Page_110">iii. 110</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pharamia, captured by Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_293"> i. 293</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pharescour, insurrection of the Mamelukes at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_440"> ii. 440</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Philip I., king of France, excommunicated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_47"> i. 47</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of his kingdom, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_79"> i. 79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_80"> i. 80</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; Augustus, king of France, determines on renewing the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_438"> i. 438</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrels with the king of England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_440"> i. 440</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrives at Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_473"> i. 473</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quits Palestine, and returns to France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_485"> i. 485</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrel with Pope Innocent III., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_42"> ii. 42</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Largely contributes to the sixth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_207"> ii. 207</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_264"> ii. 264</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; III., son of Louis IX., <a href="#Page_42">iii. 42</a>, <a href="#Page_47">iii. 47</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to France, with the dead bodies of his father, wife, and brother, <a href="#Page_53">iii. 53</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; le Bel of France, takes the cross, <a href="#Page_100">iii. 100</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="#Page_100"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; le Long of France, <a href="#Page_100">iii. 100</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="#Page_102">iii. 102</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, duke of Burgundy, assembles his nobility at Lille, <a href="#Page_169">iii. 169</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Curious festival held, and the enthusiasm of his nobility in favour of a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_160">iii. 160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">iii. 161</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Swabia, his address to the French barons, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_68"> ii. 68</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Flanders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_402"> i. 402</a>. Slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_481"> i. 481</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Valois convokes an assembly at Paris for reviving a fresh crusade, <a href="#Page_107">iii. 107</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Compelled to renounce his intentions, <a href="#Page_110">iii. 110</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="#Page_112">iii. 112</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Philosophy of the ancients brought from Constantinople, <a href="#Page_338">iii. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Phirous betrays the city of Antioch to the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_147"> i. 147-157</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Murders his brother, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_153"> i. 153</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Phœnicia, the Crusaders pass through, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_196"> i. 196</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Richness of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_196"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">Phrygia, the country desolated by the sultan of Nice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_112"> i. 112</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Physicians, ignorance of, during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_336">iii. 336</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pierre de Dreux engages in the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_216"> ii. 216</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pigeons, letters conveyed by, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_182"> i. 182</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Pilgrimages, ardour for, to the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_1"> i. 1</a>, 2.</p>
<p class="pnii">Interrupted by the Goths, &amp;c., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_3"> i. 3</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Undertaken by St. Arculphus, St. Antoninus, and Peter the Hermit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_7"> i. 7</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">By St. Bernard, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_10"> i. 10</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">During the eleventh century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_20"> i. 20</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">They assume the character of an armed crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_54"> i. 54</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">[537]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Number of, on the termination of the crusades, <a href="#Page_248">iii. 248</a>, <a href="#Page_349">iii. 349</a> et seq. (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Pilgrimages of penance by distinguished personages to the Holy Land, &amp;c., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_24"> i. 24-31</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pilgrims, hospitals built for the reception of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_22"> i. 22</a>, 23.</p>
<p class="pnii">Kind treatment of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_23"> i. 23</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrival of, at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_269"> i. 269</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Buy off their vows, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_298"> ii. 298</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pisans, conquests of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_40"> i. 40</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Aid the Crusaders by their fleets, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_145"> i. 145</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_286"> i. 286</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name ="Pius_II" id="Pius_II">Pius II.</a>, Pope, exhorts the Christian states to a crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_172">iii. 172</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Convokes an assembly at Mantua, <a href="#Page_172"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">His negotiations with Mahomet II., <a href="#Page_173">iii. 173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">iii. 174</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His zealous endeavours to resist the advance of the Turks, <a href="#Page_174">iii. 174</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Engages in the crusade, <a href="#Page_178">iii. 178</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and dies at Ancona, <a href="#Page_179">iii. 179</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Plague in Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_187"> ii. 187</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Plaisance, papal council at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_44"> i. 44</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Poictiers, count of, his capture and release, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_415"> ii. 415</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_416"> ii. 416</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Poitevins, their severe conflicts with the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_415"> ii. 415</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_416"> ii. 416</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pons, abbot of Vézelai, preaches in favour of the second crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_335"> i. 335</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Balasu, death and character of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_190"> i. 190</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Popedom, contests for the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_84"> i. 84</a>; <a href="#Page_125">iii. 125</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Popelicains, religious principles of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_197"> ii. 197</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Popes" id="Popes"></a>Popes, increase of their power during the progress of Christianity, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_39"> i. 39</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their political pretensions and quarrels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_302"> ii. 302</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_303"> ii. 303</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_306"> ii. 306</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_342"> ii. 342</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_353"> ii. 353</a>; <a href="#Page_20">iii. 20</a>, <a href="#Page_268">iii. 268</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their domination during the age of the crusades, <a href="#Page_268">iii. 268</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Rome"><i>Rome</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Portugal submits to Alphonso, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_375"> i. 375</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The sultan of Egypt’s expedition against, <a href="#Page_199">iii. 199</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Pourcelet, Wm., his heroic self-sacrifice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_489"> i. 489</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Prester John, notices of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_318"> ii. 318</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Printing, instrumental in preserving the literary treasures of the East, <a href="#Page_338">iii. 338</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Prodigies, miraculous, seen at Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_173"> i. 173</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_183"> i. 183</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Provençalex, origin of the name, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_94"> i. 94</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Provisions, scarcity and dearness of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_134"> i. 134</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Prudhommes, maritime code drawn up by the, <a href="#Page_324">iii. 324</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Prussia, paganism of, in the thirteenth century, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_218"> ii. 218</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Manners and customs of the inhabitants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_219"> ii. 219</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_220"> ii. 220</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their religious belief, and festivals, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_221"> ii. 221</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_222"> ii. 222</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Subdued and converted by the Holy See, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_223"> ii. 223</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reflections on the papal crusade against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_309"> ii. 309</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Funeral ceremonies of, <a href="#Page_455">iii. 455</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Ptolemaïs, the Crusaders march through the country of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_199"> i. 199</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Deceit of the emir of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_200"> i. 200</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged and captured by Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_286"> i. 286</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_425"> i. 425</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Description of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_454"> i. 454</a>; <a href="#Page_70">iii. 70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">iii. 71</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by Guy de Lusignan, who is opposed by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_454"> i. 454</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Retaken by the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_481"> i. 481</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Hostilities at, commenced by the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_16"> ii. 16</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Possessed by John of Brienne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_196"> ii. 196</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Arrival of the sixth crusade at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_224"> ii. 224</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">of Frederick of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_275"> ii. 275</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The commercial capital of Palestine, <a href="#Page_1">iii. 1</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Discords between the Venetian and Genoese residents of, <a href="#Page_2">iii. 2</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Quarrels between the Mussulmans and the Christians of, <a href="#Page_73">iii. 73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">iii. 74</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by the sultan of Cairo, <a href="#Page_76">iii. 76</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dissensions among the citizens, <a href="#Page_80">iii. 80</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[538]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">After many sanguinary contests the city is captured and destroyed, <a href="#Page_85">iii. 85</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Puy, bishop of, named as the apostolic legate, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_53"> i. 53</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_179"> i. 179</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Puyset, castle of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_313"> i. 313</a> n.</p>


<p class="pnli">Q.</p>

<p class="pni">Quinze-Vingts, hospital of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_487"> ii. 487</a>.</p>



<p class="pnli">R.</p>

<p class="pni">Radnor, the lord of, anecdote of, <a href="#Page_408">iii. 408</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Ralph of Coggershall, his “Chronicon Anglicanum,” <a href="#Page_395">iii. 395</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ramla, city of, besieged and captured by the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_280"> i. 280</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Raoul de Caen, the historian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_86"> i. 86</a> n., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_163"> i. 163</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_192"> i. 192</a>, et passim.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Coucy, slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_408"> ii. 408</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Ravendel, capture of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_121"> i. 121</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Raymond, count of Thoulouse, engages in the first crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_52"> i. 52</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Marches at the head of 100,000 Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_88"> i. 88</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Turks in Phrygia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_111"> i. 111</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Miraculous recovery from illness, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_115"> i. 115</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enters Jerusalem by storm, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_223"> i. 223</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to Constantinople, and receives from the emperor the city of Laodicea, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_246"> i. 246</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Revisits Jerusalem as a pilgrim, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_269"> i. 269</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Appointed regent of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_407"> i. 407</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His speech against Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_417"> i. 417</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_418"> i. 418</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Suspected of treachery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_419"> i. 419</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_422"> i. 422</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_423"> i. 423</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, the last count of Thoulouse, character and death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_394"> ii. 394</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_395"> ii. 395</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count de St. Gilles, one of the leaders of the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_87"> i. 87</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_251"> i. 251</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_252"> i. 252</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrel with Godfrey, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_244"> i. 244</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Poictiers, appointed governor of Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_312"> i. 312</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His interest in the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_361"> i. 361</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_379"> i. 379</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; d’Agiles, the historian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_88"> i. 88</a> n., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_190"> i. 190</a>, et passim.</p>

<p class="pni">Raynouard, M., his notes on Hammer’s “Mysterium Baphometi Revelatum”, <a href="#Page_494">iii. 494-500</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Redemption, mystery of the, celebrated at Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_24"> i. 24</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Reformation, first dawnings of the, in Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_196"> ii. 196</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_197"> ii. 197</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Turkish hostilities favourable to its principles, <a href="#Page_246">iii. 246</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Relics, veneration for, among the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_141"> ii. 141</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_142"> ii. 142</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Religion, sanguinary wars in the name of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_310"> ii. 310</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Despotic principles of, noticed, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_111"> ii. 111</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_241"> ii. 241</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Mingled with the institutions of the middle age, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_111"> ii. 111</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_295"> ii. 295</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_299"> ii. 299</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Renaud de Chatillon, biographical notices of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_403"> i. 403</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Raised by marriage to the throne of Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_403"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Makes war on the emperor of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_404"> i. 404</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_404"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">His various military adventures, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_404"> i. 404-415</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Taken prisoner by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_422"> i. 422</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Put to death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_424"> i. 424</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Renaudot, M., his description of the Greek fire, <a href="#Page_387">iii. 387</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Rephraim, valley of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_213"> i. 213</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Reslans, family of the, <a href="#Page_428">iii. 428</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Resurrection, church of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_1"> i. 1</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rhamnus, the shrub, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_212"> i. 212</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rhodes, defended by the knights of St. John, <a href="#Page_185">iii. 185</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by the Turks, <a href="#Page_188">iii. 188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">iii. 189</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured, <a href="#Page_213">iii. 213</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><span class="smcap">Richard I.</span>, king of England, his quarrels with the king of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_440"> i. 440</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_441"> i. 441</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Prepares for the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_441"> i. 441</a> et seq.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[539]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Captures Cyprus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_475"> i. 475</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Married to Berengaria of Navarre, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_476"> i. 476</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His arrival before the walls of Ptolemaïs, and his quarrels with Philip of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_476"> i. 476</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_477"> i. 477</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats Saladin at Arsur, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_487"> i. 487</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_488"> i. 488</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Surprised by the Mussulmans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_489"> i. 489</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Rebuilds Ascalon, and negotiates with Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_491"> i. 491</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_499"> i. 499</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Marches on Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_492"> i. 492</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Retreats, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_497"> i. 497</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His personal exploits, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_498"> i. 498</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His interview with Aboubeker, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_498"> i. 498</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enters into a treaty of peace with Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_500"> i. 500</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_501"> i. 501</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Character of, 504; <a href="#Page_257">iii. 257</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Detained as a prisoner in Austria and Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_507"> i. 507</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to England, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_508"> i. 508</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_42"> ii. 42</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Anecdote of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_43"> ii. 43</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His adventures in the Holy Land, and his contests with Saladin, <a href="#Page_395">iii. 395</a> et seq. (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">Account of his imprisonment in Germany, <a href="#Page_405">iii. 405</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Richard, duke of Cornwall, joins the Crusaders at Ptolemaïs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_295"> ii. 295</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to Italy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_296"> ii. 296</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, prince of Salerno, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_86"> i. 86</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rinaldo, a leader of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_74"> i. 74</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Rion de Loheac, notices of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_245"> i. 245</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Robert, king of Scotland, pilgrimage of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, duke of Normandy, father of William the Conqueror, undertakes a penitential pilgrimage, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_27"> i. 27</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dies, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_28"> i. 28</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, son of William the Conqueror, a leader of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_82"> i. 82</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Turks in Phrygia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_111"> i. 111</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns home, and dies in prison, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_248"> i. 248</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Historical notices of, <a href="#Page_357">iii. 357</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Flanders, a leader of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_83"> i. 83</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Surnamed “The Lance and the Sword,” <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_83"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to his own country, and is killed by a fall from his horse, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_247"> i. 247</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Paris, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_83"> i. 83</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His reception by Alexius of Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_94"> i. 94</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Mortally wounded, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_108"> i. 108</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Vair, slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_408"> ii. 408</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Trils, death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_165"> ii. 165</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; le Frison, count of Flanders, penitential pilgrimage of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_27"> i. 27</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Anecdote of his son, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_56"> i. 56</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Robert the Monk, the chronicler, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_49"> i. 49</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Rodolphe, chancellor of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_328"> i. 328</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Rhenfield, duke of Swabia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_76"> i. 76</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Romances during the period of the middle ages, <a href="#Page_342">iii. 342-344</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Romanus-Diogenes, death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_36"> i. 36</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Rome" id="Rome"></a>Rome, early pilgrimages to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">A second time the capital of the world, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_39"> i. 39</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by Frederick II., emperor of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_293"> ii. 293</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Agitated state and desolation of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_296"> ii. 296</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its alarm at the threatened invasions of the Turks, <a href="#Page_189">iii. 189</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Possessed by the French, <a href="#Page_194">iii. 194</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Popes"><i>Popes</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rosnay, prior of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_409"> ii. 409</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rossi, his speech to the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_84"> ii. 84</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Rousseau, J. J., his remarks on the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_36"> ii. 36</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">S.</p>

<p class="pni">Saadi, the Persian poet, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_189"> ii. 189</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Sabeans, sect of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_4"> i. 4</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[540]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Sadoletus, his eloquent exhortation in favour of a crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_206">iii. 206</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Ambrose, pretended revelation of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_164"> i. 164</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="St_Bernard" id="St_Bernard"></a>St. Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux, incites the nations of Christendom to the second crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_329"> i. 329</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Miracles imputed to, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_339"> i. 339</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His great influence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_343"> i. 343</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reproaches against, for the misfortunes of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_376"> i. 376</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_377"> i. 377</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_380"> i. 380</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_381"> i. 381</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, monastery of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_22"> i. 22</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Clair, virgins of, self-mutilated and slaughtered, <a href="#Page_86">iii. 86</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Dominic, order of, its origin, <a href="#Page_304">iii. 304</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Eusebius, his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, <a href="#Page_350">iii. 350</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Francis, order of, its origin, <a href="#Page_304">iii. 304</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. George, his miraculous appearance to the Christian army, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_221"> i. 221</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Jerome, his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, <a href="#Page_350">iii. 350</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. John, knights of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_281"> i. 281</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_307"> i. 307</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Heroic devotion of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_308"> i. 308</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their noble reply to Mahomet II., <a href="#Page_186">iii. 186</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their bravery in the defence of Rhodes, <a href="#Page_188">iii. 188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">iii. 189</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Driven from Rhodes, 213. Transferred to Malta, <a href="#Page_214">iii. 214</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their brave defence of Malta, <a href="#Page_224">iii. 224</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Kenelmus, miracles attributed to, <a href="#Page_409">iii. 409</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Martin, the patron saint of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_31"> ii. 31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_32"> ii. 32</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Paulina, her pilgrimage to the Holy Land, <a href="#Page_350">iii. 350</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">St. Simeon, port of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_140"> i. 140</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><span class="smcap">Saladin</span>, genius and fortunes of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xx"> i. xx</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Account of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_397"> i. 397</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Appointed vizier of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_397"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">His character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_398"> i. 398</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His wars with the Christians of Syria, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_401"> i. 401</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_402"> i. 402</a> et seq., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_417"> i. 417</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Christians at Tiberias, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_418"> i. 418-423</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His barbarous executions of the Christian knights, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_424"> i. 424</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His further victories, and capture of numerous cities in Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_425"> i. 425</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieges and captures Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_426"> i. 426</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_429"> i. 429</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_432"> i. 432</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His victorious career, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_451"> i. 451</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats the Crusaders at Ptolemaïs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_460"> i. 460</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_466"> i. 466</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His conflicts with Richard I. and Philip of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_478"> i. 478</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Is defeated by Richard at Arsur, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_487"> i. 487</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_488"> i. 488</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Destroys Ascalon by fire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_490"> i. 490</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Negotiates with Richard, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_491"> i. 491</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_499"> i. 499</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enters into a treaty of peace, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_500"> i. 500</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_501"> i. 501</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Character of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_504"> i. 504</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_505"> i. 505</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_508"> i. 508</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dissolution of his empire, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_509"> i. 509</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His dominions divided among his successors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_2"> ii. 2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"> ii. 3</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">The civil wars thence arising, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_4"> ii. 4</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, letter of, detailing his conquest of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_372">iii. 372</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">Sermon made on the occasion, <a href="#Page_376">iii. 376</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His contests with Richard I., <a href="#Page_395">iii. 395</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_405">iii. 405</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; tenths, decree of the council of Paris for raising the, <a href="#Page_384">iii. 384</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Salisbury, earl of, engages in the seventh crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_360"> ii. 360</a>. Slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_408"> ii. 408</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, William of, joins Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_379"> ii. 379</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Samosata, city of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_123"> i. 123</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Saracens" id="Saracens"></a><span class="smcap">Saracens</span>, their fanaticism and bravery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their conquests, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_5"> i. 5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_6"> i. 6</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_6"> i. 6</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by Zimisces, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_15"> i. 15</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Hostile spirit against the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_17"> i. 17</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their contests with the Crusaders before Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_158"> i. 158</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Reply of their general to the deputies of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_168"> i. 168</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their order of battle before Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_170"> i. 170</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_173"> i. 173</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_174"> i. 174</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Insults to the Christian army before Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_214"> i. 214</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their preparations for resistance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_215"> i. 215</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_216"> i. 216</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Advance from Cairo, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_237"> i. 237</a>;</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[541]</a></span></p><p class="pniii">and are defeated with great slaughter on the plain of Ascalon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_240"> i. 240-242</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_291"> i. 291</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their dynasty almost annihilated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_382"> i. 382</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat the Christians at Tiberias with immense slaughter, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_418"> i. 418-423</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Saracens, defeated by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_18"> ii. 18</a>, 29.</p>
<p class="pnii">Attacked by Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_383"> ii. 383</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and defeated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_403"> ii. 403</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their severe conflicts with Louis, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_413"> ii. 413</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Everywhere victorious, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_424"> ii. 424</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture the king, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_428"> ii. 428</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and annihilate his army, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_429"> ii. 429</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, divisions among the, <a href="#Page_3">iii. 3</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter from Daimbert, archbishop of Pisa, and others, detailing their victories over them, <a href="#Page_362">iii. 362-364</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter from St. Louis respecting them, <a href="#Page_461">iii. 461</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by Edward I. of England, <a href="#Page_472">iii. 472</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Mohammedans"><i>Mohammedans</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Africa, invaded by the Christian forces, <a href="#Page_117">iii. 117</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sarepta, taken by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_288"> i. 288</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Saron, forest of, memoir on the, <a href="#Page_388">iii. 388</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Satalia, pillaged by the Christian forces, <a href="#Page_183">iii. 183</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sauria, in Phrygia, miseries of the Crusaders in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_113"> i. 113</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Scanderberg of Albania defeats the Turks, <a href="#Page_178">iii. 178</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="#Page_180">iii. 180</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Scharmesah, in Egypt, captured by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_397"> ii. 397</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sclaves, notices of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_374"> i. 374</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Scete, solitude of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Scurvy, disease of, among the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_418"> ii. 418</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Sefed, besieged and captured by the Mamelukes, <a href="#Page_13">iii. 13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">iii. 14</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The inhabitants slaughtered, <a href="#Page_15">iii. 15</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Seldjouc, Turkish dynasty of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_31"> i. 31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_32"> i. 32</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Tribes of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_34"> i. 34</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their military ardour, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_34"> i. 34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_35"> i. 35</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dynasty of, almost annihilated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_382"> i. 382</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Selim ascends the Ottoman throne, <a href="#Page_201">iii. 201</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His warlike disposition, <a href="#Page_202">iii. 202</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conquers the king of Persia and the sultan of Egypt, <a href="#Page_202"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Succeeded by Soliman, <a href="#Page_213">iii. 213</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Selim II. ascends the Ottoman throne, <a href="#Page_225">iii. 225</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Semlin, assailed by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_64"> i. 64</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Senna, brought from Asia, <a href="#Page_336">iii. 336</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sepulchre. See <a href="#Sepulchre"><i>Holy Sepulchre</i></a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Serfage, under the feudal system, <a href="#Page_283">iii. 283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">iii. 284</a>, <a href="#Page_289">iii. 289</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Sergines, bravery of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_426"> ii. 426</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Serpents of the river Eleuctra, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_198"> i. 198</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Various names of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_199"> i. 199</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Sextus IV. implores the aid of Christian Europe against the Turks, <a href="#Page_189">iii. 189</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sibila, city of, captured and burnt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_40"> i. 40</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Sibylla, daughter of King Amaury, and wife of Guy de Lusignan, ambition of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_413"> i. 413</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_470"> i. 470</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sicilian vespers, <a href="#Page_66">iii. 66</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sicily, conquered by Henry VI., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_20"> ii. 20</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Crown of, granted by the pope to Charles, count of Anjou, <a href="#Page_21">iii. 21</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Discontents and revolts in, <a href="#Page_66">iii. 66</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sidon surrenders to the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_289"> i. 289</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by the Mohammedans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_392"> ii. 392</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Surprised by the Turcomans, who slaughter the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_474"> ii. 474</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fortified by Louis IX., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_476"> ii. 476</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured and destroyed by the Saracens, <a href="#Page_66">iii. 66</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sigismund of Hungary, defeated by Bajazet, <a href="#Page_128">iii. 128</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[542]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Sigur, prince of Norway arrives at Jerusalem, with large forces to assist Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_289"> i. 289</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Silk of the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_11"> i. 11</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Manufacture of, during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_328">iii. 328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">iii. 329</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Siloë, fountain of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_10"> i. 10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_209"> i. 209</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Simeon, patriarch of Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_42"> i. 42</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sins to be expiated by visiting the Holy Land, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_191"> ii. 191</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sirvente, a poem of the Troubadours, <a href="#Page_19">iii. 19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">iii. 20</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Smyrna, pillaged by the Christian forces, <a href="#Page_103">iii. 103</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured and destroyed by Bajazet, <a href="#Page_133">iii. 133</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sobieski, king of Poland, defeats the Turks at Vienna, <a href="#Page_235">iii. 235</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Soliman, the Turkish chief, extensive conquests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_33"> i. 33</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, the Ottoman sultan, takes possession of Belgrade and Rhodes, <a href="#Page_213">iii. 213</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invades Hungary, and defeats the Hungarians, <a href="#Page_214">iii. 214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">iii. 215</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieges Vienna, <a href="#Page_217">iii. 217</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="#Page_224">iii. 224</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Soneidanis, a class of Ismaëlians, <a href="#Page_428">iii. 428</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sophronius, patriarch, death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_6"> i. 6</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sophia, victory of, <a href="#Page_137">iii. 137</a>, <a href="#Page_139">iii. 139</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Souliers, family of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_41"> i. 41</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Spain, crusades in, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_375"> i. 375</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">War with the Saracens and Moors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_201"> ii. 201</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_268"> ii. 268</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Emancipated from Moorish domination, <a href="#Page_243">iii. 243</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of, and changes in, during the age of the crusades, <a href="#Page_264">iii. 264</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Expels the Moors, <a href="#Page_266">iii. 266</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and establishes the Inquisition, <a href="#Page_267">iii. 267</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Increase of liberty in, <a href="#Page_285">iii. 285</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Spies, Turkish, barbarous treatment of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_137"> i. 137</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Statuary destroyed at Constantinople by the Latins, <a href="#Page_438">iii. 438-440</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Stellion, serpent so named, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_199"> i. 199</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Stephen, duke of Burgundy, slain at Ramla, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_282"> i. 282</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Blois, a leader of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_83"> i. 83</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_95"> i. 95</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Chartres, slain at Ramla, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_282"> i. 282</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Salviac, notices of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_246"> i. 246</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sugar, introduced into Europe during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_330">iii. 330</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Suger, prime minister of France, styled the “father of his country”, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_376"> i. 376</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_380"> i. 380</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_381"> i. 381</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, Abbot, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_330"> i. 330</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His advice to Louis VII., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_341"> i. 341</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sunnites, Mohammedan sect of the, <a href="#Page_413">iii. 413</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Surnames, on the origin of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_282"> ii. 282</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Swabia, royal family of, nearly extinct, <a href="#Page_21">iii. 21</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Sweno, king of Denmark, a leader of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_133"> i. 133</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Slain, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_154"> i. 154</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Syria, the cities and territories of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_126"> i. 126</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The Crusaders enter, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_127"> i. 127</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conquests in, by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_183"> i. 183</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invade Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_390"> i. 390</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Political state of, at the sixth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_226"> ii. 226</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Possessed by the Egyptians and Carismians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_331"> ii. 331</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">By the sultan of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_377"> ii. 377</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Principal cities captured by the Moguls, <a href="#Page_5">iii. 5</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Towns of, destroyed by the Crusaders, <a href="#Page_119">iii. 119</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Overrun by Tamerlane, <a href="#Page_132">iii. 132</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Geographical details respecting, <a href="#Page_485">iii. 485</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">See <a href="#Palestine"><i>Palestine</i></a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">T.</p>

<p class="pni">Tabor, Mount, churches built on, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_1"> i. 1</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Described, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_227"> ii. 227</a>.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[543]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Attacked by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_227"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">Tamerlane, history and extensive conquests of, <a href="#Page_132">iii. 132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">iii. 133</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeats Bajazet at Ancyra,&nbsp; <a href="#Page_133">iii. 133</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tancred “the Brave,” character of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_86"> i. 86</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_87"> i. 87</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His inflexible virtue, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_96"> i. 96</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Hostile encounter with Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_118"> i. 118</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_119"> i. 119</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">“Tower of”, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_217"> i. 217</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enters Jerusalem by storm, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_222"> i. 222</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Takes possession of Tiberias and various other cities, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_267"> i. 267</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Attacked by the sultan of Damascus, who is defeated by Godfrey, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_273"> i. 273</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His quarrel with Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_276"> i. 276</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_277"> i. 277</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_290"> i. 290</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tarenta, remedy for the bite of a, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_199"> i. 199</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Tarentum, principality of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_85"> i. 85</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tarsus, city of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_116"> i. 116</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Disputes among the leaders of the Crusaders at, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_117"> i. 117</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Taken possession of by Baldwin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_118"> i. 118</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Tartars" id="Tartars"></a>Tartars, invasions of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_255"> i. 255</a>; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_265"> ii. 265</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat the Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_166"> ii. 166</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_167"> ii. 167</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their manners and customs, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_313"> ii. 313</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">History and conquests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_316"> ii. 316</a> et seq., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_322"> ii. 322</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_487"> ii. 487</a>; <a href="#Page_8">iii. 8</a>, <a href="#Page_95">iii. 95</a>, <a href="#Page_132">iii. 132</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Government of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_321"> ii. 321</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture Bagdad, <a href="#Page_4">iii. 4</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their conquests in Syria, <a href="#Page_6">iii. 6</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Beaten and expelled by the Mamelukes, <a href="#Page_7">iii. 7</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The pope sends missionaries to them, <a href="#Page_94">iii. 94</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their contests with the Mussulmans revive the hopes of the Christians, <a href="#Page_94"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">They send ambassadors to the pope, <a href="#Page_95">iii. 95</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conquests of Tamerlane, their great leader, <a href="#Page_132">iii. 132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">iii. 133</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tasso, his “Jerusalem delivered”, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_202"> i. 202</a> n., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_205"> i. 205</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His account of the battle of Ascalon, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_243"> i. 243</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His heroes more wonderful than those of Homer, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_258"> i. 258</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Memoir of his enchanted forest, <a href="#Page_388">iii. 388</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Tatius quits the camp of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_135"> i. 135</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Taurus, Mount, sufferings of the Crusaders in passing, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_126"> i. 126</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Taxation, created on the fall of feudalism, <a href="#Page_293">iii. 293</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Temelicus, defeated by the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_14"> i. 14</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Temory, Paul, Archbishop of Colotza, is appointed commander against the Turks, and defeated, <a href="#Page_214">iii. 214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">iii. 215</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Templars, the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_307"> i. 307</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their devoted bravery, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_308"> i. 308</a>; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_414"> ii. 414</a>; <a href="#Page_88">iii. 88</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat and slaughter of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_415"> i. 415</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_416"> i. 416</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their grand master taken prisoner by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_422"> i. 422</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their conquests and possessions, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_9"> ii. 9</a>; <a href="#Page_98">iii. 98</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their quarrels with the Hospitallers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_9"> ii. 9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_10"> ii. 10</a>; <a href="#Page_2">iii. 2</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Accusations against, <a href="#Page_99">iii. 99</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Hammer’s notes on their apostasy, <a href="#Page_494">iii. 494-500</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Temugin, the Tartar chief, notices of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_317"> ii. 317</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_321"> ii. 321</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Thaher, governor of Aleppo, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3"> ii. 3</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Themal, bravery of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_13"> i. 13</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Theodore, governor of Edessa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_121"> i. 121</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Theodosius, column of, at Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_157"> ii. 157</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Theopolis, the ancient name of Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_128"> i. 128</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Theriaca, a medicine brought from Antioch, <a href="#Page_336">iii. 336</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Thessalonica, possessed by Boniface, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_150"> ii. 150</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">by Baldwin, <a href="#Page_160">iii. 160</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Thevet, André, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_41"> i. 41</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Thibault III., count of Champagne, engages in the second crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_330"> i. 330</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; IV., count of Champagne, engages in the fifth crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_45"> ii. 45</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death and character, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_54"> ii. 54</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; V., king of Navarre, engages in the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_286"> ii. 286</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_290"> ii. 290</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Thierri, count of Flanders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_359"> i. 359</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[544]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Thimariots of Turkey, <a href="#Page_240">iii. 240</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Thoron, castle of, besieged, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_23"> ii. 23-28</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Thrace entered by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_67"> i. 67</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tiberias, taken possession of by Tancred, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_267"> i. 267</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_407"> i. 407</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Battle of, disastrous to the Christians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_418"> i. 418-423</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter from Saladin, detailing the battle of, <a href="#Page_372">iii. 372</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Togrul-Beg, elected king of the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_31"> i. 31</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His victorious career, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_31"> i. 31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_32"> i. 32</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tolosa, victory of, over the Moors, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_201"> ii. 201</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tortosa, successful attack on by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_189"> i. 189</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_254"> i. 254</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Retaken by the Mussulmans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_453"> i. 453</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Toucy, Chevalier de, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_466"> ii. 466</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tournaments of the middle age, <a href="#Page_296">iii. 296</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tours, council of, for promoting the cause of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_287"> ii. 287</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Toutousch, the Turkish general, conquests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_33"> i. 33</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Traconite, the country of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_318"> i. 318</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tripoli, emir of, defeated by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_196"> i. 196</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The city of, captured by them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_287"> i. 287</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Riches of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_288"> i. 288</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Flourishing state of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_306"> i. 306</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_453"> i. 453</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Taken by storm, and the Christians slaughtered, <a href="#Page_69">iii. 69</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The city destroyed, <a href="#Page_70">iii. 70</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Recaptured and burnt by the Crusaders, <a href="#Page_119">iii. 119</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tristan, duke of Nevers, death of, <a href="#Page_42">iii. 42</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Troncs, receipts of, in France, for the expenses of the crusades, <a href="#Page_473">iii. 473</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and their expenditure, <a href="#Page_474">iii. 474</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">Troubadours, songs of, during the middle ages, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_306"> ii. 306</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_307"> ii. 307</a>; <a href="#Page_342">iii. 342</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their poetry for the crusades, <a href="#Page_452">iii. 452</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Trouvères during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_342">iii. 342</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">“True cross,” a piece of, placed in the church of Drontheim, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_289"> i. 289</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_422"> i. 422</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Fragment of it taken from Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_142"> ii. 142</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Tunis, the Crusaders under Louis IX. arrive at, <a href="#Page_37">iii. 37</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Historical notices of, <a href="#Page_37">iii. 37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">iii. 38</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured, <a href="#Page_39">iii. 39</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Great mortality among the Crusaders at., <a href="#Page_41">iii. 41</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Death of Louis IX. at, <a href="#Page_46">iii. 46</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">A truce concluded, <a href="#Page_50">iii. 50</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Turbessel, capture of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_121"> i. 121</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Turcoman, the surname of Ezz-Eddin Aybek, governor of Egypt, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_445"> ii. 445</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Turks" id="Turks"></a><span class="smcap">Turks</span>, or <span class="smcap">Turcomans</span>, their victorious and sanguinary career, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_31"> i. 31</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Embrace the Mussulman faith, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_31"> i. 31</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their social barbarism, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_37"> i. 37</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their power at the time of the first crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_97"> i. 97</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and the contests with them, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_100"> i. 100</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Cruel treatment of, by the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_137"> i. 137</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their defeat before Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_140"> i. 140</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_141"> i. 141</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_252"> i. 252</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_253"> i. 253</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Cause of their victories, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_255"> i. 255</a> n.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their incursions in Palestine, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_303"> i. 303</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat the Germans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_351"> i. 351</a>;</p>
<p class="pniii">and are beaten by the French, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_353"> i. 353</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dynasties of, almost annihilated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_382"> i. 382</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture Sidon, and slaughter the inhabitants, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_474"> ii. 474</a>.</p>
<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, renewal of the crusades against, attempted, <a href="#Page_93">iii. 93</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their conquest of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_113">iii. 113</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">The seat of their empire at Adrianople, <a href="#Page_113"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Their origin from the Tartars, <a href="#Page_120">iii. 120</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their history and conquests, <a href="#Page_121">iii. 121</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their invasion of Greece, <a href="#Page_122">iii. 122</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">A crusade against, determined on, <a href="#Page_125">iii. 125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">iii. 126</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Contests with, <a href="#Page_127">iii. 127</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by Tamerlane, <a href="#Page_132">iii. 132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">iii. 133</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their barbarities to the Christians, <a href="#Page_135">iii. 135</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besiege Constantinople under Mahomet II., <a href="#Page_148">iii. 148</a> et seq.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[545]</a></span></p><p class="pnii">Capture it, and annihilate the Greek empire, <a href="#Page_156">iii. 156</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Crusades against, undertaken, <span class="smcap">A. D.</span> 1438-1481, <a href="#Page_159">iii. 159</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">They penetrate into Hungary, <a href="#Page_166">iii. 166</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">And are defeated at Belgrade, <a href="#Page_167">iii. 167</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their extensive conquests, <a href="#Page_171">iii. 171</a>, <a href="#Page_174">iii. 174</a>, <a href="#Page_180">iii. 180</a>, <a href="#Page_225">iii. 225</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Invade Hungary and different parts of Europe simultaneously, <a href="#Page_187">iii. 187-189</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by the Hungarians, <a href="#Page_187">iii. 187</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besiege Rhodes, <a href="#Page_188">iii. 188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">iii. 189</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture Otranto, <i>ib.</i></p>
<p class="pnii">Complete the overthrow of all the rival powers of the East, <a href="#Page_203">iii. 203</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeat the Hungarians, <a href="#Page_215">iii. 215</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Capture Cyprus, <a href="#Page_225">iii. 225</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated at the naval battle of Lepanto, <a href="#Page_226">iii. 226</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Succours against implored by Pope Alexander VII., and a Christian confederation formed, <a href="#Page_233">iii. 233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">iii. 234</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their military power begins to decline, <a href="#Page_230">iii. 230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">iii. 231</a>, <a href="#Page_236">iii. 236</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">General review of their conquests, <a href="#Page_231">iii. 231</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conclude a peace with the Christian forces in Hungary, <a href="#Page_234">iii. 234</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by Sobieski at Vienna, <a href="#Page_235">iii. 235</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Causes and history of their decline, <a href="#Page_236">iii. 236</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their present political position, <a href="#Page_244">iii. 244</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni"><span class="smcap">Turks</span>, letter of Bohemond and others, detailing the defeat of the Turks, <a href="#Page_360">iii. 360</a> (App.).</p>
<p class="pnii">Letter to Pope Urban, detailing the victories of the Crusaders over them, <a href="#Page_365">iii. 365</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Tyre, commercial greatness of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_300"> i. 300</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Siege and capture of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_300"> i. 300</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_301"> i. 301</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by Saladin, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_451"> i. 451</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Its heroic defence, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_452"> i. 452</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Captured and destroyed by the Saracens, <a href="#Page_89">iii. 89</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">U.</p>

<p class="pni">Universities of Europe during the middle ages, <a href="#Page_337">iii. 337</a>, <a href="#Page_339">iii. 339</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Urban II., Pope, his interview with Peter the Hermit, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_42"> i. 42</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Receives the ambassadors of Alexis Comnenus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_44"> i. 44</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Convokes a council at Plaisance, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_45"> i. 45</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">At Clermont, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_46"> i. 46</a> et seq.</p>
<p class="pnii">His inciting speech in favour of the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_48"> i. 48-50</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; V. adopts the project of a new crusade, <a href="#Page_113">iii. 113</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">And convokes a meeting at Avignon, <a href="#Page_113">iii. 113-114</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">V.</p>

<p class="pni">Valeran, bishop of Berytus, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_334"> ii. 334</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Varangians, account of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_83"> ii. 83</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Vaudois, religious principles of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_197"> ii. 197</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Papal crusade against, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_199"> ii. 199</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">Venetians embark for the Holy Land, and destroy the fleet of the Saracens, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_298"> i. 298</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enter Jerusalem, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_299"> i. 299</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conquer Tyre, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_301"> i. 301</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Return to Italy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_302"> i. 302</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Refinement of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_182"> ii. 182</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Their contests with the Genoese, <a href="#Page_2">iii. 2</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Venice forbids intercourse with the Mussulmans, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_15"> i. 15</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Commercial greatness of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_48"> ii. 48</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dandolo, the doge, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_49"> ii. 49</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Engages to assist the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_50"> ii. 50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_51"> ii. 51</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Sums advanced by, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_53"> ii. 53</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Pecuniary exactions of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_59"> ii. 59</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Her wealth and greatness, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_183"> ii. 183</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_184"> ii. 184</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Her possessions captured by the Turks, <a href="#Page_184">iii. 184</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Bajazet II. declares war against, <a href="#Page_197">iii. 197</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Her active preparations for defence, <a href="#Page_198">iii. 198</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Her commercial ambition, <a href="#Page_200">iii. 200</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Hélian’s diatribe against, <a href="#Page_200"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<p class="pnii">Rejoicings at, after the victory of Lepanto, <a href="#Page_226">iii. 226</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">State of, during the age of the crusades, <a href="#Page_263">iii. 263</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[546]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Vermandois, Crusaders of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_81"> i. 81</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vermandois, count de, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_83"> i. 83</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Led a prisoner to Constantinople, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_89"> i. 89</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His treatment avenged, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_90"> i. 90</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His bravery before Antioch, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_170"> i. 170</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_174"> i. 174</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Returns to Europe, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_177"> i. 177</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Dies of his wounds, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_254"> i. 254</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vertot, abbé de, the historian, <a href="#Page_188">iii. 188</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Victor III., Pope, incites the Christians to take arms against the infidels, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_39"> i. 39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_40"> i. 40</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vida, the Italian poet, his enthusiasm for the crusades, <a href="#Page_203">iii. 203</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vienna, council of, convoked by Clement V. to promote a crusade, <a href="#Page_97">iii. 97</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieged by the Turks, <a href="#Page_217">iii. 217</a>, <a href="#Page_218">iii. 218</a>, <a href="#Page_235">iii. 235</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Relieved by Sobieski, king of Poland, <a href="#Page_235"><i>ib.</i></a></p>

<p class="pni">Villehardouin, Geoffrey, marshal of Champagne, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_46"> ii. 46</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His address to the Venetians, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_50"> ii. 50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_51"> ii. 51</a> and n.</p>
<p class="pnii">His history of the contests between the Greeks and Latins, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_175"> ii. 175</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, William of, prince of Achaia, engages in the seventh crusade, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_379"> ii. 379</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Visions and prodigies, reliance of the Crusaders on, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_192"> i. 192</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Vitri destroyed by Louis VII. of France, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_330"> i. 330</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Volkmar, a priest, instigates the Crusaders to the greatest cruelties, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_70"> i. 70</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">W.</p>

<p class="pni">Walcknaer’s “Itinerary,” <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_3"> i. 3</a> n., <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_199"> i. 199</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Wales, journey through, relating the manners of the inhabitants in the twelfth century, <a href="#Page_408">iii. 408</a> (App.).</p>

<p class="pni">Walter the Penniless, general of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_62"> i. 62</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count of Cæsarea, his accusations against the count of Jaffa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_313"> i. 313</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Warna, battle of, <a href="#Page_143">iii. 143</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">West, Christians of the, aroused against the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_xix"> i. xix</a>.; <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_3"> i. 3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_20"> i. 20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_21"> i. 21</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Institutions of the, in their infancy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_36"> i. 36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_37"> i. 37</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Enthusiasm in favour of the crusades, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_54"> i. 54</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Agitated state of the, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_195"> ii. 195</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Alarm among the Christian nations, at the fall of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_159">iii. 159</a> et seq.</p>

<p class="pni">William, king of Sicily, engages in the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_453"> i. 453</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; IX., count of Poictiers, sets out for the East, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a> and n.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; Rufus, duke of Normandy, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_82"> i. 82</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, count de Nevers, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated by the Turks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_253"> i. 253</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, archbishop of Tyre, preaches in support of the holy war, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_436"> i. 436</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_444"> i. 444</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His speech, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_437"> i. 437</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_438"> i. 438</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash;, viscount de Melun, deserts the camp of the Crusaders, and is retaken, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_135"> i. 135</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; de Clermont, bravery of, <a href="#Page_80">iii. 80</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Slain, <a href="#Page_80">iii. 80</a>, <a href="#Page_87">iii. 87</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Malmesbury, the chronicler, <a href="#Page_356">iii. 356</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">&mdash;&mdash; of Tyre, the historian, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_17"> i. 17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_41"> i. 41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_54"> i. 54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_62"> i. 62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_65"> i. 65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_147"> i. 147</a> n. et passim.</p>

<p class="pni">Wine of Gaza, celebrated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_11"> i. 11</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Wolf IX., duke of Bavaria, a leader of the Crusaders, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_249"> i. 249</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Defeated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_253"> i. 253</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[547]</a></span></p><p class="pni">Worms, diet at, convoked by Henry VI. of Germany, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_13"> ii. 13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_14"> ii. 14</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">Y.</p>

<p class="pni">Yemen, a province of Arabia, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_3">ii. 3</a> n.</p>

<p class="pni">Yve, son of Hugh de Grandmenil, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_83"> i. 83</a>.</p>


<p class="pnli">Z.</p>

<p class="pni">Zara, city of, revolts against the domination of Venice, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_60"> ii. 60</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Siege of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49118/49118-h/49118-h.htm#Page_63"> ii. 63</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Zengui, prince of Mossoul, conquests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_306"> i. 306</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_320"> i. 320</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Attacks the Christian fortresses, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_315"> i. 315</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Besieges and captures Edessa, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_321"> i. 321-325</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Assassinated, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_326"> i. 326</a>.</p>

<p class="pni">Zimisces, emperor of the Greeks, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_14"> i. 14</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Conquests of, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_15"> i. 15</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His violent death, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/49104/49104-h/49104-h.htm#Page_36"> i. 36</a>.</p>

<p class="pni"><a name="Zizim" id="Zizim"></a>Zizim, disputes the Turkish empire with Bajazet, and visits Europe, <a href="#Page_191">iii. 191</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">Joins the Christian crusade against the Turks, <a href="#Page_195">iii. 195</a>.</p>
<p class="pnii">His death, <a href="#Page_195"><i>ib.</i></a></p>
<hr class="chap" />

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[548]</a><br /><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">[549]</a></span></p>

<div class="chapter">

<h2 class="p4">SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER.</h2>

<p class="p2"><span class="smcap">M. Michaud</span> has told the story of the crusades
with such fulness and accuracy that, so far as these
religious pilgrimages in arms are concerned, nothing
need be added. The movement of the West upon the
East is traced and described in minute detail, with
every accessory of personal incident and achievement,
and the work has been done so thoroughly that probably
no later historian will feel drawn to the same field.
It may be profitable, however, to supplement this
trustworthy and spirited narrative by a rapid survey
of the wide and fruitful changes which the crusades
directly and indirectly introduced into the social and
political life of Europe. It is one of the gains of time
that its lapse discloses those larger relations of great
events which are hidden from the observation of an
earlier age; and while the earlier historian has the advantage
of being near the historical movement which
he describes, and of collecting at first hand the fullest
information of its origin, direction, and personality,
the later writer is far more fully equipped for the work
of setting the movement in right relation to its social
and political environment. Thucydides must remain
preëminently the historian of the Peloponnesian War;
but Grote and Curtius, largely deriving their facts from
him, are able to discuss the decisive struggle between
Athens and Sparta with wider grasp of the elements
of Greek character and politics which brought about
the conflict, and to trace its influence in later Greek
history. This chapter will add no newly discovered
facts concerning the crusades; but, taking advantage
of later studies in this important field, it will indicate
some of the results of these expeditions as they have
disclosed themselves in the subsequent political development
of Europe.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">[550]</a></span></p>

<p>The Council of Clermont in 1095 found the feudal
system fully developed in Western Europe. The Holy
Roman Empire which, in the person of Charlemagne,
had given brief promise of a restoration of authority
to government, and of cohesion to society, had become
a mere shadow among the warring, aggressive factions
of feudalism. The tremendous energy of Charles was
potent enough to drive back the boundaries of barbarism,
and make for a little time a comparatively clear
field for efforts toward an organized and stable society;
but the task of subduing the social and political anarchy
about him was too great even for a ruler of his
genius. The time was not ripe, and when the laboriously
gathered lines of power fell from the strong
hand, there was no successor to grasp them. Anarchy
became well-nigh universal. The royal authority was
everywhere, with here and there a passing exception,
a vague and indefinite thing, hemmed in and jealously
watched by barons, more powerful than the king in
everything but name. Society was broken up into
small communities, with apparently no common direction
of movement or impulse of progress. Every castle
was a centre of power, which might be hostile to
every other authority about it. There were no common
ties binding races into the larger fellowship of
kindred aims and aspirations. Men of the same blood
were arrayed in more deadly hostility to each other
than were men of alien races.</p>

<p>No large enterprises were possible, because the community
of sentiment and the harmony of action which
made them possible, were alike absent. The principle
of individualism&mdash;the greatest contribution of the
northern races to the political development of Europe&mdash;had
reached its fullest growth, and everywhere asserted
itself in the most aggressive forms. Western Europe
had gone so far in this direction that no further progress
in the arts, industries, and institutions of civilization
was possible without the introduction of a new
element into the problem. What was needed was the
cohesive influence of some common purpose, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">[551]</a></span>
should give a new unity by disclosing to men the
larger possibilities of organized social and political
life. Organization is the necessary condition of progress,
and so long as Europe remained without the
conception of government with well-defined powers,
regularity of administration, and ability to suppress
opposition and impress its authority, in all sections of
its territory, with a firm and steady hand, no forward
movement was possible.</p>

<p>This spell of political and social impotence was
broken by the crusades. Peter the Hermit was a
voice crying in the wilderness, the forerunner of a
historical movement which was to be the salvation of
Europe. Returning from Syria with a heart hot with
indignation at the insults and persecutions which
beset the pilgrim to the Holy Sepulchre, his call to
arms had all the authority which a genuine religious
conviction could give it, and all the persuasive eloquence
of a call for which men had been longing and
waiting in silence and despair. No one will deny
the strength of the religious sentiment which, in answer
to that message, speedily marshalled the hosts of
the first crusade; but the restless life of oppressed and
burdened races found in the new enterprise an outlet
through which it poured itself like a rising tide. For
the first time in its history Western Europe had a
common purpose and united in a common undertaking.
In the farthest hamlet the overshadowing
power of the feudal lord became for the time being
tributary to the authority of the Church, summoning
Europe to fight its battles and protect its sacred places.
Europe awoke to the fact, unsuspected before, that it
was larger than its warring feudatories, that the possibilities
of its life were far more varied and rich than
men had dreamed under the iron pressure of the feudal
system, and thus the needed element of association
and coöperation asserted itself.</p>

<p>Like all great social and political changes, the transition
from feudal communities to national organization
was unconscious and undiscovered. In the minds<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">[552]</a></span>
of the crusaders and of the communities whose faith
they represented and whose impulse they carried into
action, no clearly defined ideal of national life answered
the call of Peter. That ideal grew slowly, but
its roots were planted in this movement. Spaniards,
Germans, Italians, Englishmen, and Frenchmen
found themselves acting in harmony for a common
purpose. They bore different banners, they marched
under different leaders, they took different roads; but
a common impulse sent them forth and a common
goal drew them on. Their community of sentiment
was often marred by mutual jealousies, and their unity
of action impaired by mutual antagonisms; but the
substantial harmony which underlay these disorders
and which secured the positive results of the earlier
crusades, gave Europe a conception of life which it
had thoroughly learned before the last crusaders returned
from their fruitless quest.</p>

<p>That which drew together various nationalities and
races, disclosing to them the religious and social aims
and tastes which they possessed in common, brought
about a similar result through the widely separated
ranks of society. European society had no homogeneity
when the first crusade was preached. It was
divided into ranks sharply discriminated from each
other, bound together by the pressure of external
force, rather than by the cohesive power of organic
structure. There was no mutuality of interest or
feeling. King, baron, burgher, and peasant were so
widely apart by virtue of the education of their circumstances
that they could not understand each other.
That common language of experience and aspiration,
which to-day finds a response among men of all social
ranks, would have been incomprehensible in the age of
the first crusade. Baron and peasant had indeed acted
together in feudal warfare; but only as the lower was
forced to serve the higher, the weaker to do the work
of the stronger. No common impulse had ever before
stirred the common humanity of all classes; no call
had ever before summoned them as individuals to a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">[553]</a></span>
service in which each stood in a spiritual equality with
every other. Men had moved in classes before, but
they moved as classes and not as men.</p>

<p>The Church had seen its early dream of an imperial
power with which it could keep itself in friendly and
influential alliance fade like a mist before the iron individualism
of feudalism, and had been compelled to
begin almost anew its conquest over the governing
powers of Europe. The work which a few skilful
ecclesiastics could have done at the courts of kings in
a few capital cities was relegated for centuries to an
army of priests attached to baronial households, and
conducting the sacred offices of their religion in the
chapels of castles over the vast territory of Western
Europe. The Church and feudalism were in radical
antagonism; they represented ideas which could not,
in the extremes in which each held them, be harmonized
in practical life. The Church had yielded to
feudalism, as in an earlier age she had yielded to the
barbarian conquest of Southern Europe, because surrender,
in form at least, was inevitable. But, in the
latter case, as in the former, the struggle was renewed
at once upon a new plan of action. The orderly campaign
by massing of forces at a few strategic points
was abandoned for incessant watchfulness and a perpetual
skirmish along an immensely extended frontier.
Every barony became a scene of action, every castle a
stronghold to be won by the most skilful devices of
the spiritual warfare. The Church was the only representative
of the idea of universal authority and
order, but as yet no occasion had arisen by which it
might profit to make that conception an active principle
in society. It was in deadly antagonism to the
system which broke society up into small, hostile communities;
but the time had not come when it could
bring to bear a force powerful enough to destroy its
antagonist, or to set at work an influence which would
inevitably result in the disintegration of the feudal
order.</p>

<p>The preaching of the first crusade was an opportunity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">[554]</a></span>
which the Church was quick to recognise and
to follow up with that persistent and consummate
ability which characterized all its earlier and much of
its later history. It was possible now to call not only
separate feudatories but all Europe to arms. Feudalism
would keep men divided into fixed classes, and
society broken up into permanent groups; the Church,
on the other hand, would prevent the oppression of
one class by another by binding all in a universal allegiance
to herself, and would impress upon society the
unity of a common service and a common faith.</p>

<p>The crusades sprang out of a feeling which was as
strong in the heart of the peasant as in that of the
noble. A great cause and a universal sentiment gave
the Church the opportunity for which it sought. A
solemn council made the preaching of Peter the Hermit
the voice of the Church herself. Feudal distinctions
were forgotten in the enthusiasm of a service
which transcended in its sanctions and its aims all
earthly duties, and in which earthly differences were
for the moment laid aside. The power of the feudal
nobility, hitherto the dominant authority in Western
Europe, became, for the time being, secondary to that
of the Church. Men were summoned no longer to the
service of their lords, but to the service of their Church.
The change was radical. It was the introduction of a
principle which is still struggling to assert itself in
practical legislation and political action. Its development
has been slow, but it has revolutionized society,
and what its ultimate outcome is to be no man can
predict. King, baron, burgher, and peasant found
themselves side by side in the same cause, one class
serving another, not by virtue of a feudal but of a
spiritual authority; comrades in arms in an enterprise
which addressed what was common and eternal in them
all rather than what was distinctive and conventional.
Not suddenly, but by the slow processes of growth
which belong to great moral changes, men forgot their
abasement and slavery under feudalism in the dawning
light of a liberty conferred by a superior and a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">[555]</a></span>
spiritual power. A conception of a higher authority
than that lodged in the hands of the feudal lord took
root in the mind of Europe and became fruitful of vast
change. In Syria the leaders of the crusades were not
able to keep their followers in subjection when they
attempted to follow their personal ambitions. The
commanding purpose which drew them thither overmastered
all private designs and made insubordination
a virtue. An influence more powerful than feudalism
entered into European life with the crusades, and was
perhaps the most far-reaching and potential effect
which they produced upon the world.</p>

<p>The crusades found Europe stationary and without
the power of progress. Society had crystallized into
forms so rigid and fixed that strong pressure from
without was essential to any movement toward liberation.
Not only were communities circumscribed and
reduced in numbers, and individuals held in their
places by a power against which it was hopeless to
strive; but the whole population was bound to the
soil by a system of servitude the most exacting and the
most pervasive known in history. Contiguous communities
spoke dialects differing so widely as to make
communication between men of the same race almost
as difficult as between men of widely separated nationalities.</p>

<p>There was almost no interchange of knowledge, no
commerce of ideas. Where men were born they spent
their lives, and were buried with no sense of any
larger relationships in life than those of the locality
which formed their little sphere of action. Feudalism,
in disintegrating society and reducing the individual
to an unimportant factor in a vast system, had paralyzed
the power of development, which comes only
through interchange and combination of energy. The
Chinese Empire of a century ago was hardly more
securely walled in from external influence and condemned
to absolute stagnation than were the countries
over which feudalism had spread its iron network.
Into this close, dense atmosphere the crusades sent a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">[556]</a></span>
vigorous current of new thought. The hopeless and
weary routine to which great populations were condemned
explains much of that enthusiasm with which
multitudes rushed into a dangerous and laborious service.
Men were stifled in an air which they and their
fathers before them had breathed without any possibility
of change. In the crusade epoch the religious
impulse was strong, but the impulse toward freedom
was doubtless the sentiment next in importance.</p>

<p>Between 1095 <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> and 1291 <span class="smcap">A.D.</span>, there was an
immense change. The first crusade found men of all
nationalities eager to follow its leaders, the preachers
of the last crusade appealed to deaf ears. Europe was
indifferent to the cause which for two centuries had
found orators as eloquent as Bernard of Clairvaux and
leaders as pure as Godfrey, as daring as Richard, as
devoted as St. Louis, and yet religious zeal was not
dead, nor had the sanctions of religion lost their
sacredness. The secret of the change in European sentiment
lay in the enlargement and liberation of European
life which the crusades had secured. There
was a comparatively free interchange between the
different sections. The incessant movements of the
crusading hosts, the intermingling of so many different
races had broken down many barriers and set
many unifying influences at work. The German knew
the Frenchman, and the Frenchman the Englishman,
and this mutual knowledge was fruitful in quickened
and stimulated life everywhere. Men began to better
their condition by a change of location. Emigration,
which in the earlier centuries of the Christian era had
changed the face of Europe and then had been checked
by feudalism, began once more in ways so small and
insignificant as to remain long unnoticed, but of immense
importance in the light of subsequent history.</p>

<p>The modification and disintegration of the feudal
system is unquestionably the greatest contribution of
the crusades to the development of humanity. This
result was brought about, as has been shown, by the
liberation of thought and life throughout Western<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">[557]</a></span>
Europe; but there were other and important elements
which entered into the solution of the problem of European
progress.</p>

<p>The expeditions to the East were, for that age, enormously
expensive. Very many of the great feudal
lords who fitted out expeditions were not able, out of
their ordinary resources, to meet the necessary outlay.
Money was raised by all kinds of expedients. Cities
took advantage of the needs of their feudal lords to
purchase their freedom, great estates that for centuries
had increased by continued accumulation and conquest
were encumbered or sold. There was an interchange
of landed property altogether unprecedented in European
history. Many great fiefs disappeared entirely
during the two centuries which saw the gathering of
the successive expeditions for the East. By purchase
and by escheat and confiscation, which the disorder of
the times made possible, the royal authority made immense
inroads into the territory of feudalism, and
when the last hopeless struggle in Syria was over, the
principle of centralization, represented everywhere by
the royal power, had gained vastly upon the extreme
individualism of feudalism.</p>

<p>The advance of the Church in influence and authority
was, however, the most immediate and marked result
of the crusades. Religious ideas, Guizot declares, had
experienced no change, but power had changed hands
no less than property. The Church, quick to profit by
every opportunity which the troubled age and the
vicissitudes of war afforded, had pushed steadily forward,
occupying every defenceless position and fortifying
every exposed point. The authority which Urban
had exercised at the Council of Clermont, in calling all
men to arms as subjects of the Church, was asserted
upon every occasion with that steadiness and universality
of policy which is one of the secrets of papal power.
A new principle of allegiance was substituted for feudal
subordination. Differences between great barons were
settled by the voice of the Church, and in the councils
of kings the pope spoke by his personal representatives.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">[558]</a></span>
Legates from Rome became familiar figures in every
capital, and the persistence with which they made
themselves heard in all public matters rapidly and
continually enlarged the popular conception of the
scope and weight of the authority of Rome.</p>

<p>In the East results of equal moment were brought
about by the campaigns of the crusaders. Communication
was reopened between the East and the West.
The rude hand of war threw open the doors, which
were never again to remain permanently closed.</p>

<p>The fierce struggles of the contending parties did
not blind them to the fact that each had much to learn
from the other. Oriental magnificence and culture
had charms even for the warriors whose mailed hands
were sworn to destroy the civilization under which they
were developed. The positive and immediate gain to
Western knowledge was doubtless less than was formerly
believed, but the ulterior gain is incalculable. If
the West is not indebted to the East for the art of
printing and the compass, it is indebted for a substantial
enrichment of thought, for a great enlargement of
mental horizon. The interchange of thought which
was set in motion by the crusades is still to work out
its richest results; and in contemporaneous history
there is no more impressive feature than the confluence
of these two ancient civilizations.</p>

<hr class="chap" />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">[559]</a></span></p>


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<p><span class="smcap">Dr. Milman</span> has won lasting popularity as a historian by his three
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<div class="chapter">

<h2 class="p4">FOOTNOTES:</h2>

<div class="footnotes">

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a></span>
We find copious details upon these disputes, and their origin, in
<i>Sanuti</i>, which we have thought it best to abridge.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a></span>
We have adopted the version of M. Deguignes as the most probable.
(See <i>History of the Huns</i>.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a></span>
One of the principal difficulties that an historian of this epoch experiences,
is, to preserve the connection in his narrative, from having to
speak at the same time of the West and of the East, of the Christians,
the Mamelukes, and the Tartars. Here a new people start up upon the
stage, there an old empire falls to decay: all the events are hurried and
confounded together, and the march of history is embarrassed among so
many ruins. We endeavour to be as clear as possible.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a></span>
Many chronicles say that Oulagon shut the caliph up in the midst of
all his treasures, and left him to die of hunger: this circumstance is not
at all probable, and has not been acknowledged by M. Deguignes.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a></span>
Most historians have taken their accounts of this war of the Moguls
from an esteemed work, entitled <i>Fragmentum de Statu Saracœnorum</i>;
it, however, contains many errors, and ought to be rectified in several places
by the study of the Oriental historians. Some valuable information
respecting this war of the Tartars may also be found in the Armenian
Hayton, and in Sanuti; but these authors must be read with precaution
and suspicion.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a></span>
Bela IV., king of Hungary, wrote to the pope, that if he were not
speedily succoured he should form an alliance with the Tartars. The
pope reproved him warmly. Alexander IV. wrote to all Christian
princes, prelates, and communities, to consult upon the means of resisting
the barbarians, as well in the East as in the West. In Raynaldi&mdash;the
year 1262, Nos. 29 and 30&mdash;his letter may be seen, in which he enters
into many details upon the levy of soldiers, and upon subsidies. This
letter has been preserved by Matthew Paris, who speaks of the councils
held on this subject; some facts relative to the invasion of the Tartars
may likewise be found in William of Nangis and Matthew of Westminster,
as well as in the <i>Collection of Councils</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a></span>
This singular fact is related by the Arabian historian Aboulfeda, and
repeated by M. Deguignes, vol. iv. p. 133.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a></span>
This circular is reported by Raynaldi, Nos. 68 and 69. The motives
alleged by the pope, in his letter, astonish the wise Fleuri, who observes
upon the spirit of contradiction which we have mentioned.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a></span>
These expeditions of Bibars are related with all their details in the
chronicles of Ibn-Ferat and in Makrizi. Although we have much
abridged our account, we fear we shall be accused of tediousness. We
have yielded to our inclination of filling up the deficiencies which exist in
all the chronicles of the West in their accounts of this period. The life
of Bibars has likewise been of great service to us.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a></span>
The Arabian chronicles describe this event in a very obscure and
equivocal manner; they scarcely mention the massacre of the prisoners,
and say but little of the capitulation; they accuse the Franks of having
taken Mussulman prisoners away with them, which is not very probable.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a></span>
We are afraid M. Michaud carries the partialities of Biography into
the pages of History: in the former, such are sometimes excusable; in
the latter, never. Our readers who look back to the taking of Jerusalem
or Ptolemaïs, will at once see how weak is the claim of the Christians to
a superiority over their adversaries in mercy. As to the religious portion
of the account, history teems with wholesale conversions of conquered
armies and nations. See Charlemagne and our own Alfred, for instance.
We thought that the idea of Mahometanism being <i>a religion of the
sword</i> was exploded. Gibbon positively denies it to be so, and asserts
that no precept or passage of the Koran inculcates it.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a></span>
Sanuti is almost the only Christian writer that affords information on
the taking of Sefed.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a></span>
“I cannot tell the amount,” says Joinville, “of what the king laid
out for the fortification of Jaffa, it was so great. He closed the canal
between the two seas, he built twenty-four towers, and cleansed the
ditches without and within. There were three gates, of which the legate
built one, and likewise part of the walls. And in order to show you
what the king must have expended, I will tell you what the legate said
when I asked him how much that gate and the wall had cost him. I had
reckoned that the first cost him five hundred livres, and the latter three
hundred livres; but he told me, as God might help him, that the gate
and the wall had cost him thirty thousand livres.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a></span>
This little incident is quite dramatic, and, in good hands, would not
look badly on canvass. Would it not assist art, if historians, when forcibly
struck by the scenes they describe, would suggest to painters, who
so frequently prove they are at a loss for subjects by their injudicious
choice, events, persons, and passions fit for the pencil?&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a></span>
This letter of Bibars, which was written by his secretary, the author
of the life we have of this sultan, does not only speak of the taking and the
destruction of Antioch, but of the ravages committed by the Mamelukes
in the territory of Tripoli. This letter is of great length, but we find in
it more declamatory sentences and Oriental figures than facts for the pen
of the historian.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a></span>
Sirvente is a kind of poem peculiar to the troubadours.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a></span>
This <i>sirvente</i>, which is attributed to a knight of the Temple, has been
translated by the Abbé Millot, who appears to have altered the sense of it.
It is printed in the fourth volume, p. 131, of the <i>Choix des Poésies
des Troubadours</i>, by M. Raynouard, perpetual secretary to the French
Academy. We make use of a literal translation that M. Raynouard has
kindly communicated to us.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a></span>
These details, as well as the most of those that precede them, concerning
the Mussulmans, are taken from the valuable chronicle of Ibn-Ferat.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a></span>
“He was of opinion,” says William de Nangis, “that the kingdom
of France had undergone great disgrace in the first pilgrimage.” Le père
Maimbourg expresses himself thus upon the king’s determination:&mdash;“St.
Louis, great saint as he was, could not help thinking that much
shame lay upon him for having succeeded so ill in Egypt.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a></span>
<i>Hist. de St. Louis</i>, by Filleau de la Chaise.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a></span>
See the letters of Clement, in Duchesne, epist. 269.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a></span>
Joinville, when present at the mass in the chapel, heard two knights
conferring; one said, that if the king took the cross, it would be one of
the most fatal days ever seen in France; for if we take the cross, we shall
ruin the king; and again, if we take the cross, we shall lose God’s grace,
because we do not take the cross for the sake of him.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a></span>
When our readers look back to the means employed in former crusades
to extort money from all classes, as well as from the clergy, we
think they will partake of our surprise at this assertion. The clergy had
been, in most cases, the recipients of the taxes upon the laity, and
according to our author himself, had not always proved trustworthy
collectors.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a></span>
All these details upon the tenths are of great importance for the history
of the crusades: for this negotiation the following authorities may be
consulted: Raynaldi, No. 59; the <i>Spicilège</i>, vol. xiii. p. 221; the <i>Supplement</i>
to Raynaldi, book lxix. No. 42; Fleury’s <i>Ecclesiastical History</i>,
and the <i>Acts</i> of Rymer.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a></span>
As historians, we should hesitate to assert this, and should advise
our readers to adopt it with much caution, and many limitations.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a></span>
This dissertation, which has been sent to us by the author, bears for
title, <i>An Historical Dissertation upon the Part the Spaniards took in
the Wars beyond the Seas, and upon the Influence of these Expeditions,
from the Eleventh to the Fifteenth Century</i>, by Don Fernandez de Crevarette.
This work, in which a learned criticism and a sound erudition
prevail, contains many valuable documents; we shall often have occasion
to quote it.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a></span>
Migeray thus describes the murder of Conradin:&mdash;“As Charles had
determined to go into Africa with the king, St. Louis, not knowing what
to do with Conradin and Frederick, whom it was dangerous to keep, and
still more to release, in a kingdom filled with faction and revolt, he
ordered them to be brought to trial before the syndics of the cities of the
kingdom.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a></span>
For the preparations for the voyage of Louis IX., William of Nangis,
Geoffrey de Beaulieu, the <i>Gestes</i> of St. Louis, the continuator of Matthew
Paris, and Joinville, may be consulted.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a></span>
“It is true that before the king Louis took the cross, he had had several
messages from the king of Tunis, and at divers times, and many had been
sent to him; these messages gave Louis to understand that the king of
Tunis was willing to become a Christian, and that he would the more
willingly change his faith if an opportunity should occur in which his own
honour and the welfare of his people would be secured. The good
Christian king believed that if he and his renowned hosts should come
to Tunis suddenly, scarcely could the king of Tunis refuse or excuse such
a reasonable opportunity for receiving holy baptism,” &amp;c.&mdash;<i>Annals of
the Reign of St. Louis</i>, by William of Nangis.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a></span>
Some classical authorities name it Tunetum; others, Tunes.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a></span>
Louis makes use of the expression: “Je vous dis le <i>ban</i>,” &amp;c.
which word cannot be used in this sense in English, but is very effective
in French, and was employed in many legal proclamations connected with
royal or seignorial rights,&mdash;as, for instance: <i>ban</i> is a proclamation by
which all who held lands of the crown of France were summoned to serve
the king in his wars.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a></span>
William of Nangis says on this subject:&mdash;“This was great treachery
on the part of the Saracens, and great simplicity on the part of the
Christians.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a></span>
Geoffrey de Beaulieu has given an account of these instructions in
Latin. They are in old French in Joinville and in the <i>Annals of the
Reign of St. Louis</i>. These three authors give them with remarkable
differences. Moreau, in the twentieth volume of his <i>Discours sur l’Histoire
de France</i>, gives another new version, which he declares to have
been copied from one of the registers of the Chamber of Accounts, in
which, probably, Philip le Hardi was desirous this monument should be
preserved. It is this version we have principally followed in the extract
we have here given.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a></span>
Details upon the death of St. Louis may be found in Geoffrey de
Beaulieu, William of Chartres, William of Nangis, and in a letter from
the bishop of Tunis, reported by Martenne; Joinville relates a few circumstances
of it; but it is very much to be regretted that the good
seneschal was not present at the last moments of St. Louis; how touching
would his relation have been! and how much better would it have been
than that which is given to us by eyewitnesses, who have written with
such unfeeling dryness and conciseness!</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a></span>
This letter, which has been translated into Latin, may be found in
the collection of Martenne. We will give an extract from it in our
Appendix.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a></span>
We read in the life of Bibars and in the chronicle of Ibn-Ferat, that
the sultan of Cairo was much dissatisfied with the conduct of the king of
Tunis. The peace which the latter made, left the Crusaders at liberty to
carry their arms into Egypt. Bibars would have wished the Christian
army to have been detained on the coast of Africa. He threatened to
dethrone his ally, and told the ambassadors of the king of Tunis, that
such a prince as he was not worthy to reign over Mussulmans.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a></span>
For the events that followed the death of St. Louis, see Duchesne,
and <i>le Spicilège</i>, vol. i.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a></span>
We hope our readers, while they peruse the latter part of this
otherwise good paragraph, will not forget that we are only translators.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a></span>
Among the numerous panegyrics of Louis IX. there are few that
have stood the test of time. Voltaire has drawn a fine portrait of the
good king. M. Dampmartin, in his work upon the kings of France, has
spoken of this great prince with ability and truth.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a></span>
Words of the <i>Bull of Canonization</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a></span>
The Arabian chroniclers have preserved several of these treaties: we
find in the extracts from Oriental manuscripts, a treaty between the
sultan of Cairo and the little city of Tortosa. When reading the titles
and the dependencies of the masters and the inhabitants of Tortosa, we
may fancy we read the lease of a bailiwick or a farm, made before a
notary.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a></span>
In Ibn-Ferat we may read the letter which the sultan of Cairo wrote
on the subject of the princess of Berouth, who had left her little principality
without the consent of the sultan. (See the extracts from Arabic
manuscripts.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a></span>
This account is much longer in Ibn-Ferat; whilst endeavouring to
preserve the tone and the Oriental colouring of it, we have felt it necessary
to abridge it. The chronicle of Ibn-Ferat, which is a collection of
many other chronicles, contains several different versions; this appears to
us the most probable, and, at the same time, the one best calculated to
show what were the resources of the nations of Asia against the excesses
of despotism.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a></span>
Many historians think that Charles’s preparations were intended to
be directed against Constantinople. Without contradicting this opinion,
we may believe that the king of Sicily thought likewise of the kingdom
of Jerusalem. Charles was always very secret in his political projects;
and very frequently the dissimulation of princes causes as much
embarrassment to historians as it could have done ill to the countries
exposed to its attempts.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a></span>
The text of this treaty may be read in the life of Kelaoun.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a></span>
M. de Sacy has translated a treaty concluded between the sultan of
Egypt and the kings of Sicily and Arragon. The following is one of the
clauses of this treaty:&mdash;“If the case should happen that the pope of
Rome, the kings of the Franks, of the Greeks, of the Tartars, or others,
should ask the king of Arragon or his brothers, or should cause to be
asked in the states of their dominions, auxiliary troops or any succour,
whether of cavalry, infantry, money, vessels, clothing, or arms, the said
princes would give no consent to it, either openly or in secret; they would
grant them no succour, and would consent to nothing of the kind. If
the king of Arragon should learn that one of the above-named kings
should have any intention of carrying war into the states of the sultan,
or to cause him any prejudice, he will send and advise the sultan of it,
and will inform him on what side his enemies propose to attack him, and
that with the shortest delay possible, before they shall be put in motion,
and he will conceal nothing concerning it from him.” This treaty is
very long, and provides against all difficulties. We may here make a
general remark, which is, that most of the treaties made between the
Orientals and the Christians surpass, in some sort, the sagacity of modern
diplomacy; so much mistrust gave foresight to the negotiators and the
contracting powers.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a></span>
We can find no document on this subject in the chronicles of the
West; our guide has been Ibn-Ferat.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a></span>
All these curious details upon Ptolemaïs, its morals, and the mode
of living of its inhabitants, are furnished by Herman Cornarius (Ekard’s
Collection). A more extensive extract will be found in our analysis of
the German authors.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a></span>
We find this fact in two Austrian chronicles, which have for title,
one, <i>Chronicon Anonymi Leobensis</i>; the other, <i>Thomœ Ebendorfeiri de
Haselbach Chronicon</i>. The first says that the legate called together the
people of Ptolemaïs, that he launched against them the anathemas of the
Church, and then embarked to return to Rome. This last circumstance
appears to us improbable, and we have, therefore, passed it over in
silence.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a></span>
This circumstance is related in the life of the sultan Kelaoun. (See
the extracts from Arabian manuscripts in our Appendix.)</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a></span>
For the siege of Ptolemaïs we have consulted Sanuti, Herman, and
a manuscript relation. This relation, written in the French of the time,
appears to have been drawn from a letter from John de Vile, marshal of
the hospital of St. John, who wrote to his brother, William de Vile, prior
of St. Gilles, in Provence. Either John de Vile was at Ptolemaïs, or he
wrote from the evidence of some Hospitallers who had escaped the swords
of the Mussulmans, and had retired to the isle of Cyprus. This manuscript
chronicle, which we often use, is divided into twenty-two chapters
It is in the King’s Library, No. 1290.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a></span>
This fact is related in the chronicle we have before quoted.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a></span>
A manuscript account of the siege and taking of Acre by the
Saracens.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a></span>
This extraordinary fact is related in a discourse addressed to Pope
Nicholas IV. by Brother Arsene, a Greek priest, who had been on a pilgrimage
to Jerusalem in the time of the siege of Ptolemaïs. This account
is found in Muratori; we have translated it entirely, as will be seen in
our Appendix.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a></span>
This fact is likewise attested by the chronicle of Herman Cornarius,
which we have already quoted.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a></span>
A German chronicle of Thomas Ebendorft relates the miraculous
stories that were circulated among the Saracens. According to this
chronicle, when a Christian expired, another issued from his mouth, <i>ex
ore</i>. There were two souls in every body; <i>in uno corpore duo fuerunt
hominis</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a></span>
The Arabian chronicles speak of the sieur de Télema or Barthélemi,
who never ceased to provoke the fury of the Saracens. The Western
chronicles say nothing of him; one of them merely says that a Frank,
banished from Ptolemaïs on account of murder, took refuge with the
sultan of Egypt, and pointed out to him the means of taking the city.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a></span>
Wadin, the author of a chronicle entitled <i>Annales Minorum</i>, tom. ii.
p. 585, quotes a circumstance which St. Antonine relates in the third
part of his <i>Somme Historique</i>. After having said that the greater part
of the French Cordeliers were killed by the Saracens, he adds these
words: “But not one of the virgins of St. Claire escaped.” The abbess
of this order, who possessed a masculine spirit, having learnt that the
enemy had entered the city, called all her sisters together by the sound of
the bell, and by the force of her words persuaded them to hold the
promise they had made to Jesus Christ, their spouse, to preserve their
chastity: “My dear daughters, my excellent sisters,” said she, “we
must, in this certain danger of life and modesty, show ourselves above
our sex. The enemies are near to us; not so much to our bodies as to
our souls; these barbarians, who, after having satisfied their brutal lusts
upon all they meet, slay them with their swords. In this crisis we cannot
hope to escape their fury by flight, but we can by a resolution, painful it
is true, but sure. Most men are seduced by the beauty of women; let
us deprive ourselves of this attraction, let us seek a preservative for our
modesty in that which serves as a cause for its violation. Let us destroy
our beauty to preserve our virginity pure. I will set you the example;
let those who desire to meet their heavenly spouse imitate their mistress.”
At these words she cut her nose off with a razor; the others did the same,
and boldly disfigured themselves, to present themselves more beautiful
before Jesus Christ. By these means they preserved their purity, for the
Saracens, on beholding their bleeding faces, conceived a disgust for them,
and killed them all, without sparing one.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a></span>
Quand il fut revenu au milieu de la cité, son dextrier fut molt las, et
lui-même aussi; le dextrier resista en contre les espérons, et s’arresta dans
la rue comme qui n’en peut plus. Les Sarrasins, à coups de flèches,
ruèrent à terre frère Guillaume; ainsi ce loyal champion de Jesus-Christ
rendit l’âme à son Créateur.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a></span>
Among the marvellous accounts to which the destruction of the
Christian colonies in Syria gave birth, history has preserved the following:&mdash;“In
the year 1291, the house of the holy Virgin at Nazareth,
in which she conceived the Son of God, was transported by angels to the
top of a little mountain in Dalmatia, on the shore of the Adriatic Sea:
three years afterwards it was transported to another shore of the same
sea, in a wood which belonged to a widow named Loretto. There have
been since built upon this spot a small city and a magnificent church,
which still preserve the name of this widow.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a></span>
We are not able to add anything to the learned researches of M.
Raynouard upon the condemnation of the Templars. We refer our
readers to his work, and to our Appendix.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a></span>
This article of the will of Charles-le-Bel is related by Ducange. It
has been remarked that it is dated the 24th of October, 1324, and that
Charles died in 1327: we may suppose that the date is incorrect, or that
Charles-le-Bel did not perform his vow.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a></span>
We have before us a will made at this period, in which a gentleman
of the name of Castellen, already illustrious in the times of the crusades,
gives a sum for the expenses of the holy war. We regret we are not able
to publish the text of this document, which has been communicated to us
by the family of the testator.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a></span>
A memoir on the part which the Spaniards took in the crusades, read
at the Academy of Madrid, describes the labours, the adventures, and
wanderings of Raymond Lulli. The <i>Histoire Ecclesiastique</i> of Fleury
may likewise be consulted.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a></span>
We have taken these particulars of Raymond Lulli from the Spanish
dissertations upon the crusades, which we have already quoted in the
preceding book.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a></span>
See what Sanuti himself relates in his book, from which we shall take
many extracts.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a></span>
It appears almost incomprehensible that our author should, in these
reflections, omit that which must strike every one else as the principal
cause of the change he affects to lament. In the days of Peter the
Hermit, a crusade was a golden day-dream, in which ambition and cupidity
indulged as strongly as piety or superstition. But experience had
not only proved it to be “a baseless fabric,” but a cruel and a bitter
scourge to all who had embarked in one. The first Crusaders were visionary&mdash;later
ones must have been mad.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a></span>
Et venoist à tous seigneurs moult grande plaisance, et spécialement
à ceux qui vouloient le temps dispenser en armes, et qui adonc ne le
tuvoient mie bien raisonnablement employer ailleurs.&mdash;<i>Froissart.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a></span>
The eternal production of the Holy Ghost, which proceeds from the
Father and the Son.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a></span>
Our readers will observe by this, that the crescent, which has generally,
but falsely, been taken as the standard of all Saracens, belongs to the
Ottomans: it has never been mentioned in this history before.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a></span>
The character of Constantine was worthy of being celebrated by the
epic muse. One of our most distinguished statesmen has undertaken
this glorious task.&mdash;See the poem of <i>The Last Constantine</i>, by M. de
Vaublanc. [We wonder our author is not here struck by the very palpable
reflection, that empires, kingdoms, and other institutions, which
have richly merited their fall, frequently expire under the immediate rule
of men who have not been instrumental in bringing about their ruin&mdash;they
are but the last step of a headlong declivity,&mdash;if they are of adamant
they must yield. The history of his own country and of ours might have
supplied him with hints for such a reflection.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span>]</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a></span>
For the siege of Constantinople, the very detailed account of Gibbon,
and the rapid but complete picture of M. Salabury, in his <i>History of the
Turkish Empire</i>, may be consulted.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a></span>
Olivier de la Marche, after giving a description of the festival and of
the divers spectacles offered to the eyes of the guests, adds: “Such were
the dainty mundane dishes of this festival, of which I will leave others to
speak, to give an account of a pitiable portion of it, which appears to me
of more consequence than the others,” &amp;c.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a></span>
Olivier de la Marche says, that the duke of Burgundy had already
undertaken, three years before, to make a crusade against the Turks, in
an assembly held at Mons.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a></span>
Some modern historians who have spoken of these vows of the
knights, have exaggerated the fantasticalness of them. I find, among
others, in one of these historians, this sentence: “In short, what gives the
best idea of the devotion of these new Crusaders is, that one vowed that
if, <i>up to the moment of his departure, he could not obtain the favours of
his mistress, he would marry the first demoiselle he should meet with
having twenty thousand crowns</i>.” We have found nothing like this in
either Montstrelet or Olivier de la Marche, who are the only authors of
the times who speak of this festival.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a></span>
We smile when reading this strange scene of safe and ignorant
boasting; but if a Grand Turk ever indulges in mirth, we should think
it would have excited the laughter of Mahomet, if he chanced to hear of
it.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a></span>
He should have reminded him of glorious old Henry Dandolo.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a></span>
Nothing can be more unaccountable than such reflections! What
did these wretched outcasts know or care about the dangers of Europe?
What they sought was relief from the destitution they suffered; and if
the Turks had been in Europe, they would have enlisted with them.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a></span>
Jacques Cœur was condemned to death, and his property was confiscated.
Charles VII. contented himself with banishing Jacques Cœur;
but his property was not restored for a long time. Sixty of the clerks of
Jacques Cœur subscribed together, and made up a sum of 60,000 crowns,
with which he retired to the isle of Cyprus and reëstablished his trade. He
founded an hospital for pilgrims there, and a Carmelite convent, in which
he was buried. Jacques Cœur built many houses at Marseilles, Montpellier,
and Bourges: among others, the beautiful house which is now the
municipality. It was Louis XI. who reinstated the memory of Jacques
Cœur. The inscription which is here mentioned must have been also in
the hospital for pilgrims at Cyprus.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a></span>
The saying of the Abbé de Vertot was but an expression of politeness
addressed to somebody who offered him documents, not in the interests of
truth, but in the interest of some families, who wished that their names
should be mentioned. In fact, if the documents they offered him concerned
the truth, they had nothing to do but to publish them; now, we
see nothing that has been published upon the siege of Rhodes that proves
that the Abbé de Vertot was mistaken, or forgot anything of importance.
It has not even been attempted to attack the authenticity of the facts he
relates by any criticism that has survived to our times. There only remains
the famous expression, <i>my siege is completed</i>, without any one having
sought to explain in what sense and upon what subject this expression was
made.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a></span>
Mahomet II. took Constantinople in 1453, and died in 1481.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a></span>
The reflections this passage gives birth to might fill pages; but
almost the most striking is, to observe how the operations of men’s minds
and industry, in their progress, obliterate that which is gone before, and
then again, after a season, which season has done its work in spreading
civilization and intelligence, return to old courses. Though science is
bringing us back to the old route to India, what wonders the discovery of
Vasco de Gama has effected for the progress of the <span class="smcap">Great Scheme</span>!&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a></span>
To what extent this sort of profanation is carried, even by so-called
civilized nations, may be seen by the story (we hope not a true one) of Sir
Sidney Smith and a party of English sailors, after the siege of Acre,
singing “God save the king,” in full chorus, in the great mosque of
Omar, at Jerusalem.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a></span>
This is the passage of the ordinance that relates to the banners that
were to be carried in procession:&mdash;“There shall be made, at the same
time, a handsome banner, upon which shall be painted our holy father the
pope, in his full pontificals, accompanied by several cardinals and other
prelates, being in pontificals, and mitred with white mitres; the pope
shall be on the dexter, the king on the sinister, armed completely in white
except his armour of state, which shall be borne by his squire, accompanied
by several princes and other lords, all armed; on the other side of
the said banner, histories and other pictures, full of Turks and other
Infidels.”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a></span>
All these documents are unpublished, and very voluminous; we will
give some extracts from them in our Appendix.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a></span>
Some writers have pretended, against the opinion of Bossuet and
David Hume, that Luther was not drawn into his opposition by a motive
of jealousy, and by a sentiment of self-love. In spite of their objections,
the fact is demonstrated. The learned Mosheim, in his history, has
not thought proper to justify Luther on this head; which is besides of
very little importance.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a></span>
The fruit became ripe in the age of Leo, and therefore he generally
has the merit of the cultivation. Nicholas V. promoted the growth of
intelligence and the arts quite as earnestly as Leo, and with more prudence
and less pretension. But this is a common error: no age was ever
more forgetful that all knowledge is progressive, than the present; we
enjoy much, and claim all the merit of it; but very unjustly.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a></span>
This question, we think, will admit of another decision. M. Michaud
confounds the aristocracy with the middle class. When a class becomes
raised, by any means, to an hereditary superiority, not purchased by individual
merit of any other kind, manners are too frequently set at defiance,
and morals become corrupt. What he says of the middle class is quite
correct. The whole history of the world cannot furnish such an instance
of stability and prosperity, as is now offered in England by the influence
of an intelligent, prudent, moral middle class.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a></span>
Will not much of this apply to all religions, all times, and all countries?
Success hallows everything&mdash;it makes rebellion, revolution; assassination,
patriotism; crimes, virtues. The Jesuits are said to be the
warmest religionists in the world. Could Mussulman priests have expressed
more delight in the advent and success of the strongest despotism
that Europe ever witnessed, than they have done recently?&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a></span>
I look for you six months hence on the shores of the Hellespont.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a></span>
The last capitulations are of the reign of Louis XV.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a></span>
This resignation is expressed in a very singular manner in an extract
from the manuscript of the library of Berne,&mdash;“Upon the cause why the
Saracens possess the Holy Land.”</p>
<p class="pfc4">Brother Vincent, in a sermon which he made, and which had for its
text, “Ecce ascendimus Hierosoleman,” gives three reasons for it:&mdash;“The
first,” said he, “is to excuse the Christians; the second is for the
confusion of the Saracens; and the third is for the conversion of the Jews.
As to the first reason, we ought all to know that there is no Christian,
however holy, who does not sin, and has not sinned, except Jesus and his
mother, the glorious Virgin Mary; and God is not willing that Christians
should sin in the land in which Jesus Christ, his son, suffered the passion
for the sins of men; and would account it a great offence. But He is not
thus offended by the Saracens; for they are dogs. It would displease the
king if his children or his knights should make water in his chamber; but
when a dog makes water there, he takes no account of it.”</p>
<p class="pfc4">See <i>Catalogus Codicum MSS. Bibliothecæ Bernensis</i>, &amp;c. tom. i.
p. 79.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a></span>
This account of the crusades at first appeared in the <i>Mercury</i>, and
was afterwards printed in a little volume. It is now merged in Voltaire’s
<i>Histoire Générale</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a></span>
Two memorials obtained prizes; one was by M. Hercen, the other
by M. Choisseul d’Aullecourt. Both are remarkable for erudition and
spirit of criticism; they marked out the way we have followed, and we
take pleasure in acknowledging all we owe them.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a></span>
When a person moderately read in French history remembers the
selfish, sensual, <i>wicked</i> characters here so unduly eulogized, he may forgive
himself for the smile with which he must read the “impotent conclusion.”&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a></span>
Say, rather&mdash;rendered so infamous by his cruelties.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a></span>
The chronicle of Tours tells us, with the greatest simplicity, that
Charlemagne was called the <i>Great</i> on account of his <i>great good luck</i>; thus
historians confounded, as the vulgar do, glory with fortune.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a></span>
These must be exceedingly remote times, indeed; such as we have no
account of. The oldest poems, the oldest histories, describe no such
state; the savage tribes of the forest and the desert have something of a
pride of ancestry, and are known as the sons of their fathers, as well as
Achilles was known as Pelides, or Gaul as the son of Morni.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a></span>
It does not become us, as translators, to enter into controversy with
our original, otherwise, much might be said in reply to this truly <i>conservative</i>
paragraph. But, as readers of history, we think we may be permitted
to observe, that <i>the advantages</i> pointed out in the first lines of it
do not appear in the history of Venice. She was never so great or so
prosperous as when purely mercantile. When territory was acquired, and
nobility arose, corruption and decay soon followed.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a></span>
And yet we cannot think that the custom of the Scotch <i>lairds</i>, who
assume the name of their estates, can be traced to this source, although
they do it in the same way. It seems probable that the French <i>de</i>, generally
admitted as a proof of gentility, at least, was adopted upon such an
occasion; but even this <i>de</i> is subject to doubt, as implying the lord <i>of</i> the
estate, country, or city, or the man who raised himself into note <i>from</i> the
country or city.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a></span>
How was it, then, that William of Normandy, on his conquest of
England, two centuries before, created so many of his knights, earls and
barons, giving them titles of the places and estates he at the same time
bestowed? Philip-le-Hardi, no doubt, gave the newly-created nobles
means to support their honours and nobility was connected with property,
as it had been.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a></span>
In this suggestive passage we are sorry to find the prejudices of our
original inducing him to give a false colouring to his picture. Monarchs
granted no immunities to the people out of love for either liberty or the
people, but to gain their assistance against their enemies, the great vassals
or barons&mdash;thence the consequences; the principle was carried so far,
that the monarch was elevated into the despot; and then another change
ensued; when his power was so complete that his old enemies looked upon
him as the source of all honours and riches, they united with him; both
joined in their endeavours to oppress and plunder the people; and then
came the last phase.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a></span>
And yet he lived under Richelieu, in the nominal reign of Louis XIII.,
and in the reign of Louis XIV.!&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a></span>
Most political economists call man’s labour <i>property</i>; M. Michaud
has shown that the bulk of the people, under the feudal system, paid
society <i>labour</i>, <i>life</i>, and <i>liberty</i>; and yet he calls these <i>nothing</i>!&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a></span>
I do not recollect this prediction; but I perfectly remember Montesquieu
foretells that <i>France will perish by the sword</i>.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a></span>
What can this mean? Taxation is as old as governments of any
kind.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a></span>
Servez Dieu, et il vous aidera: soyez doux et courtois à tout gentil-homme
en otant de vous tout orgueil; ne soyez flatteur ne rapporteur;
car telles manières de gens ne viennent pas à gran le perfection. Soyez
loyal en faits et en dits; tenez votre parole; soyez secourables à pauvres
et orphelins, et Dieu vous le guerdonnera.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a></span>
Le Père Hélyot, in his <i>Histoire des Ordres Monastiques</i>, vol. i.
p. 263, expresses himself thus, when speaking of the order of St. Lazarus:&mdash;“What
is very remarkable is, that they could only elect as grand-master,
a leprous knight of the hospital of Jerusalem, which lasted up to
the time of Innocent IV., that is to say, about the year 1253, when,
having been obliged to abandon Syria, they addressed the pontiff, and
represented to him, that always having had, from their foundation, a
leprous knight for grand-master, they found themselves in the impossibility
of electing one, because the infidels had killed all the leprous
knights of their hospital at Jerusalem. For this reason, they prayed the
pontiff to allow them to elect, for the future, as grand-master, a knight
who had not been attacked by leprosy, and who might be in good health;
and the pope referred them to the bishop of Trascate, that he might accord
them this permission, after having examined if that could be done according
to the will of God. This is reported by Pope Pius IV., in his bull of
the year 1565, so extended and so favourable to the order of St. Lazarus,
by which he renews all the privileges and all the gifts that his predecessors
had granted to it, and gives it fresh ones. Here is what he says of the
election these knights ought to make of a leprous grand-master:&mdash;Et
Innocentius IV., per eum accepto, quod licet de antiquâ approbatâ et
hactenùs pacificè observatâ consuetudine obtentum esset, ut miles leprosus
domûs Sancti-Lazari Hierosolymitani in ejus magistrum assumeretur;
verùm quia ferè omnes milites leprosi dictæ domûs ab inimicis fidei
miserabiliter interfecti fuerant, et hujusmodi consuetudo nequiebat commodè
observari: idcircò tunc episcopo Tusculano per quasdam commiserat,
ut, si sibi secundùm Deum visum foret expedire fratribus ipsis
licentiam, aliquem militem sanum et fratribus prædictæ domûs Sancti-Lazari
in ejus magistrum (non obstante consuetudine hujusmodi de
cætero eligendi) auctoritate apostolicâ concederet.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a></span>
For serfs this might be a blessing, but for free labour it was complained
of as an evil. La Fontaine’s Cobbler, when describing his state
to the Financier, says:&mdash;</p>
<p class="ppq8">“Chaque jour amène son pain,<br />
Tantôt plus, tantôt moins: le mal est que toujours<br />
(Et sans cela nos gains seraient assez honnêtes),<br />
Le mal est que dans l’an s’entremêlent des jours<br />
Qu’il faut chômer; on nous ruine en fêtes;<br />
L’une fait tort à l’autre; et monsieur le curé<br />
De quelque nouveau saint charge toujours son prôné.”</p>
<p class="pfc4">Every day brings its bread; sometimes more, sometimes less: the
worst is that always (and without that our gains would be very tolerable),
the evil is, that in the year so many days creep in in which we must be
idle&mdash;we are ruined in festivals; one treads upon the heels of another;
and master curate is always introducing some new saint into his sermon.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a></span>
We are constantly withheld, by the respect due from translators to
originals, from making remarks in opposition to our author, when he lays
down the historian’s pen to get into the philosopher’s chair. In the course
of this chapter, our readers must have observed much reflection that is
not deep, and some passages that are contradictory of others; but all has
one great merit&mdash;<i>it is extremely suggestive</i>.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a></span>
How could the clergy be said to pay for these wars? What became
of the vast sums raised by the sale of indulgences of all kinds? The
clergy had the collecting of the offerings of the faithful, which we have
seen was sometimes <i>profitable</i>. Besides, the barons and knights paid for
their own and their vassals’ equipments as long as they had a coin left;
then the king or leader, as Louis IX. did, sometimes helped them.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a></span>
This is one of innumerable instances in the course of the work, in
which the reader must regret that M. Michaud was not aware he was
writing for the world; his views, and, I am sorry to say, his biasses, are
exclusively French.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a></span>
Surely he should have added to these, the human passions and mundane
interests of these ignorant, independent tyrants.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a></span>
Is not there always some such dominant principle in society? Is
not <i>money</i> now as powerful as brute force or skill in arms were in the
middle ages?&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a></span>
Nothing has been better said upon the influence of the clergy and
religion, in the middle ages, than that which we read in a work entitled
<i>Des Intérêts et des Opinions</i>, by M. Fievée:&mdash;“At a time in which the
Church imposed public penitences, whilst the tribunals only ordered
judgments by arms, we cannot see how the high police could not have
fallen into the hands of the ecclesiastics; and it was because they alone
exercised it, that, in the civil wars, fortunate princes confided to the
monks the guarding of princes, from whom the fate of battle or treachery
took the rights they possessed to share the kingdom. It was necessary
that the void left by the laws should be filled up, or the state would
perish; and the priests alone enjoyed a moral authority sufficiently great
to supply the weakness of legislation;&mdash;exalted passions, more powerful
virtues, great crimes, great remorse; a proud independence, salutary
fears; an excess of force, and no regulations; courage in everything and
everywhere: such was, at this period, the state of society;&mdash;it is easy to
perceive that religion alone contended with barbarism.” We regret not
to be able to quote more than a fragment of a work filled with ingenious
perceptions and profound views, upon the march of civilization in the
middle ages.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a></span>
The author of <i>A Memoir to serve as a New History of Louis XII</i>.
carries the first appearance of judicial reform in France to the reign of
that monarch. He has prosecuted on this subject learned researches, and
his work has given us much information upon the spirit and the march of
our legislation in the middle ages. Although we do not always agree as
to the consequences of the principles he develops, particularly as to their
application to that which is passing at present, we take pleasure in rendering
justice to the rare sagacity with which he has cleared up questions
which have been scarcely perceived by our best historians.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a></span>
La Fontaine.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a></span>
And yet Marseilles had been a flourishing port for ages. In the
early crusades it did not belong to the French monarchy.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a></span>
“A skilful man, appointed to view and make a report of a thing,”
in this case; but it has several other meanings; as a man of worth,
probity, or even valour.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a></span>
Hotspur says to his lady&mdash;</p>
<p class="ppq8">“Swear me, Kate, like a lady, as thou art,<br />
A good mouth-filling oath!”</p>
<p class="pfc4">
The queen’s anathema upon Joinville, is, in the original, something of
this character.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a></span>
M. de Choiseul d’Aillecourt gives in his <i>Mémoire</i> a very extended
nomenclature of the inventions brought from the East into Europe by
the Crusaders.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a></span>
And has not this been the case with all rich and prosperous nations?
What invariably follows this high state of opulence, of the fine arts, and
their attendant sensuality, is a question for every great nation that is so
circumstanced to ask itself.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a></span>
We are not positive whether the small-pox was known in Europe
previously to the Crusaders. Its introduction amongst us is frequently
attributed to them; and we observe, in reading the history of Mahomet
and his successors, many persons were marked with the scars left by this
disease. We wonder Michaud does not mention it.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a></span>
The Moors of Spain may be adduced as an example against this
opinion. It is true that the Moors of Granada cultivated the arts and
sciences for a long time, and with much success; but what became of
them when they returned to the coast of Africa?</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a></span>
Lord Bolingbroke said: “After all, it is Nicholas V. to whom
Europe is obliged for its present state of learning” (Spence).&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a></span>
The best answer to this is, that the too widely extended Mussulman
power was as much split into sections by discord and ambition as Europe
was. At the time of the first crusade there was no dread of invasion
from the East; and the invasion of the Christians produced unanimity
in defence of Mahomedanism.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a></span>
It is somewhat remarkable, that in this very interesting summary,
Michaud makes no mention of the exact sciences. We are generally supposed
to be indebted to the Arabians for great improvement, if not for
entire knowledge of mathematics; and although that knowledge may have
come to us through Spain, we cannot think mention of the circumstance
would have been out of its place here.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a></span>
Although we cannot pretend to be perfectly acquainted with all the
saints of these ages, we think this may be the same Paulinus who had been
bishop of Nola, and who, if not the first inventor of bells, was the first
who applied them to sacred purposes.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a></span>
M. Michaud says, we must consider this Itinerary as the first account
of the voyage to the Holy Land that we are in possession of.</p>
<p class="pfc4">Bordeaux, at the time of the pilgrims’ departure, was one of the principal
cities of the Gauls. It is situated at the mouth of the Garonne, in
the Bay of Biscay, and is strongly associated with English history, as
having been for a long time the residence of the Black Prince, and the
birth-place of the unfortunate Richard II.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a></span>
Our readers will judge, by two or three humorous traits in this description,
that our monk of Malmesbury had no objection to a joke. The
national characteristics here mentioned are curious, as proving how long
our northern friends have been jeered at for their <i>scratching propensities</i>,
and that the love of drinking was peculiar to the Dane before it was
reprobated by Hamlet:&mdash;</p>
<p class="ppq8">“This heavy-headed revel, east and west,<br />
Makes us traduced, and taxed of other nations:<br />
They clepe us drunkards, and with swinish phrase<br />
Soil our addition,”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a></span>
This was St. Hugh, consecrated in the year 1081, by Pope Gregory
VII., the same who, a short time after, received St. Bruno and his
companions, and gave them the solitude of the Chartreuse, to found a new
order there. The church of Tours was then governed by Rodolph II.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a></span>
Saladin here speaks of the battle of Tiberias.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a></span>
The count of Tripoli.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a></span>
To understand this phrase, we must remember that the author of the
letter compares the fortifications of Jerusalem to a <i>necklace</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a></span>
This is a most extraordinary circumstance and proclaims to us not
only the fame of Saladin, the monarch of such a distant country, but likewise
the fear in which he was held in Europe. Notwithstanding his greater
proximity, we did not call our income-tax the <i>Buonaparte tax</i>, as we
might have done.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a></span>
Here is a little bit for the antiquaries of <i>Clerkenwell</i>, which is, no
doubt, meant by this.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a></span>
This is a valuable hint for poets, painters, and novelists.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a></span>
This may appear improbable; but there is no doubt Richard was a perfect
horseman; and we very well remember Mr. Goldham, of the London and
Westminster volunteer light-horse, performing the broad sword exercise
with a sword in each hand, and his horse at speed, before George III., in
Hyde Park.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a></span>
Although our chronicler does not tell us so, we may presume that when
one of Richard’s troop cut down a Turkish horseman, he did not leave his
saddle long empty, and that such accessions enabled the Christians to
make an effective pursuit.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a></span>
If any limner had the skill to paint Richard’s countenance at parting
with such a friend as his “good sword,” this would make a fine picture.
The feelings, which must have nearly suffocated his lion heart, would
furnish matter for a poem.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a></span>
We give a translation of this extract because it is very curious; but we
have no faith in it with respect to the date; it appears to us to be much
more modern, and some parts of the language inconsistent with others.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a></span>
But, as in most such cases, religion was rather the cloak than the basis
of ambition. The Mussulman empire, after the three first caliphs, became
too large and too complicated to be governed by a simple Arab; and the
miraculous conquests of the sect naturally made the generals who achieved
them ambitious of governing what they conquered. The religious feud
was but an excuse.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a></span>
This doctrine prevailed among the Ismaëlians of Persia during nearly
fifty years; but Djelah-ed Din, grandson of Hassan, reëstablished the
worship in its purity.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a></span>
Dai, an Arabian participle, signifies properly him who calls,&mdash;<i>advocans</i>;
and by extension it designates a person who preaches to men, and invites
them to embrace some doctrine. The title of <i>dai</i> was common in the first
century of Islamism. Every sect had its own.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a></span>
A passage of the historian Mirkhoud supports this account; he informs
us that Hassan, after getting possession of the castle of Altamont, caused
a canal to be dug, and brought water from a great distance to the foot of
his castle. Fruit-trees were planted round it, and he encouraged the
inhabitants to sow the land. It was thus that the air of this place, which
had been unwholesome, became pure and salubrious.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a></span>
M. Jourdain, who addressed this interesting letter to me, has published
a work entitled <i>La Perse, ou le Tableau de l’Histoire du Gouvernement,
de la Littérature, de cet Empire, des Mœurs et Coutumes des Habitants</i>.
This work, in five vols. in 18mo., contains many new notions and curious
details, and does honour to the talent as well as to the erudition of the
Orientalist.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a></span>
The original of this fragment is in the <i>Bibl. Græc.</i> of Fabricius, vol. vi,
p. 405, and in the first volume of the <i>Imperium Orientiale</i> of Bandière. It
is not in the editions of Nicetas.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a></span>
Coins worth two shillings and fourpence each.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a></span>
This is an extraordinary description of what must have been a surprising
work of art; but we cannot reconcile the idea we entertain of a
basilisk with that of the animal mentioned&mdash;we thought a basilisk was a
kind of serpent.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a></span>
Vincent Bellev. <i>Specul. Hist.</i> book xxx. chap. 5; Albert Stad. <i>Chron.</i>
fol. 202; Godefr. Monach. <i>Annal. ap. Frch. Collect. Alberici</i>, p. 489;
Sicard. <i>Chron. ap. Murat.</i> vol. vii. p. 623.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a></span>
Thomas de Cantipr. <i>De Apibus</i>.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a></span>
<i>Chron. Argent, ap. Urtii, Collect.</i> vol. i. p. 1.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a></span>
Jacob de Vorrag. <i>Chron. Januense, ap. Murat.</i> vol. ix. p. 46. What
proves the error of this date is, that Bizarre (<i>Hist. Genuens.</i>), who has
copied this chronicle, places the event under the year 1212. I do not know
by what authority John Massey places it in his chronicle in 1210.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a></span>
See the <i>Chron. Anon.</i> of Strasburg, Godfrey the Monk, James of
Varagine, and Bishop Sicard.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a></span>
Alberic enters into copious details; and though this historian generally
sins on the side of extravagant credulity, his evidence cannot, in this case,
be doubted.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a></span>
Jacques de Vorrag.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a></span>
Albert de Stadt.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a></span>
<i>Anonymous Chronicle</i> of Strasburg.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a></span>
This account is furnished by Alberic, and is confirmed by Thomas of
Champré and Roger Bacon.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a></span>
<i>Chron. Augus.</i>; <i>Chron. Argent.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a></span>
Godfrey the Monk.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a></span>
<i>Opus Majus</i>, p. 254, ed. in fol.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a></span>
See Marin, <i>Storia Civile e Politica del Commercia de’ Veneziani</i>, vol. i. p. 206; Do
Guignes, <i>Mémoires sur le Commerce des Francs dans le Levant</i>, &amp;c.; vol. xxxvii. of
<i>Les Mémoires de l’Acad. des Inscr.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a></span>
Videmus anno incarn. Di. 1213, infinitam puerorum multitudinem spiritu deceptionis
arreptos, cum signaculo crucis iter Hierosolymitanum agressos fuisse,
periisseque diversis in locis; et maximam ex eis multitudinem per malefices
quosdam Sarracenis in mari venditos extitisse.&mdash;<i>Lib. de Apibus.</i></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a></span>
Forsan vidistis aut audivistis pro certo quod pueri de regno Franciæ semel
occurrebant in infinitâ multitudine post quemdem malignum hominem, ita quod
nec à patribus, nec à matribus, nec ab amicis poterant detineri, et positi sunt in
navibus et Sarracenis venditi, et non sunt adhuc 64 annis.&mdash;<i>Opus Majus</i>, p. 254.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a></span>
We promised to give in the Appendix some letters and the Bull of
this pope relative to the crusade of 1197; but as the contents of these
pieces are all alike, with the exception of some trifling expressions, we shall
confine ourselves to this one.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a></span>
Lord, know that he who shall not go to that land where God was both
living and dead, and who shall not take the cross beyond the seas, shall
have no chance of going into Paradise: he who has pity and remembrance
of the Lord, ought from war and vengeance to deliver his land and his
country.... Now, every valiant bachelor will go who loves God and
honours the holy mountain; they who act wisely will go to God, the base
and the vile will stay behind: they are blind, as I think, who in their lives
offer no assistance to God, and lose the glory of the mount for such a trifle.
God suffered for us on the cross; and will say to us on the day to which all
will come:&mdash;“You who helped me to bear my cross, you shall go where
angels dwell, and shall there see both me and my mother Mary; and you
from whom I have received nothing, descend all into the depths of hell!”</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a></span>
Mrs. Hemans’ beautiful poem, <i>Messages to the Dead</i>, is upon this subject;
and in a note, quoted from Mr. Brunton’s <i>Discipline</i>, she says that
the custom was not uncommon in the Highlands.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a></span>
In the regulations which were made for the Prussian converts, the
popes particularly condemned the funeral customs of these people. “The
neophytes,” say these regulations, “promise not to burn their dead, and
not to bury with them men, or horses, arms, clothes, or valuable things.
They will no longer have those impostors called <i>ligastons</i>, who resemble
pagan priests, and who, at funerals, praise the dead for robberies, impieties,
and other sins,” &amp;c. These regulations enable us to become acquainted
with many of the ancient customs of the Prussians.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a></span>
This is a most remarkable resemblance to the word signifying bard
in Welsh, and to the name of the Welsh bard, <i>par excellence</i>.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a></span>
The reader may remember they were left in the camp with the duke at
Burgundy.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a></span>
This passage is very obscure.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a></span>
These instructions were inscribed in a register of the Chamber of
Accounts. To facilitate the reading of them to the public, some impressions
have been modernized.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a></span>
That is, the papers or accounts. We have given it exactly as it stands,
that our readers may the more plainly perceive the nature of these documents.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a></span>
By which we may perceive that <i>dining</i> at parish meetings is not a
custom confined to modern times.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a></span>
By which we learn that the charge of a notary was one livre per diem.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a></span>
This must be Henry VII. from the dates, the contemporary princes,
and the character given of the monarch.&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a></span>
How amusing, and, at the same time, wonderfully instructive it is, to
read these schemes of philosophers and statemen a hundred and fifty years
after they have occupied their thoughts by day and their visions by night!&mdash;<span class="smcap">Trans.</span></p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a></span>
Words intertwined with the letters of the cipher of the Grand Seignor.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a></span>
This passage being the basis of all the privileges of the French in
Turkey, it often serves as a motive in the requests of ambassadors, and as
a foundation for the firmans of the Grand Seignor.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a></span>
Much more is wanting to show that the informations received against
the Templars furnished either moral or legal proof of the existence of the
Bafometic figures. The act of accusation says not one word of it. There
is no mention of it in the great procedure instituted at Paris, or in the
numerous depositions of the witnesses whom the inquisitor and the commissaries
of the pope questioned. Of the six witnesses heard at Carcassonne,
who declared that an idol was presented to them, only two designated
it in <span class="smcap">Figuram Bafometi</span>. One, Gaucerand de Montpesat, when brought
to Paris, retracted all preceding confession; there only then remained one
single witness, of whose ulterior conduct and end nothing is known. It is
proved, that of the other four persons interrogated at Carcassonne, Jean
Cassauhas and Peter de Mossi retracted their first deposition, and Jean
Cassauhas was burnt in that city.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a></span>
The pretended truncated cross, which M. Hammer believed he recognised
upon the medals, which otherwise have nothing to do with the Templars,
is nothing but the effect of the superposition of a hand upon the upper
part of an ordinary cross; this hand, which holds the cross by the top, is
found upon many medals and coins which M. Hammer himself would not
dare to attribute to the Templars.</p>

<p class="pfn4"><span class="ln1"><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a></span>
Raimundus de Agiles says of the Mahometans: In ecclesiis autem
magnis Bafumarias faciebant ... habebant monticulum ubi duæ erant
Bafumariæ. The troubadours employ Baformaria for mosque, and Bafomet
for Mahomet.</p>

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