Brian Carnell's Wiki

This page is read only. You can view the source, but not change it. Ask your administrator if you think this is wrong.
<html>
<h1><small>THE</small><br /><br />

HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS</h1>

<p class="center space-above"><small>TRANSLATED FROM THE TEXT OF F. HULTSCH<br /><br />

<small>BY</small></small><br />

EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A.<br />

<small><small>LATE FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE</small></small></p>

<p class="center space-above"><small><small>IN TWO VOLUMES<br />

VOL. II</small></small></p>

<p class="center space-above"><small><span class="oldtype">London</span><br />

MACMILLAN AND CO.<br />

<small>AND NEW YORK</small><br />

1889</small></p>

<p class="center space-above"><small><i>All rights reserved</i></small></p>

</div>

<hr />

<h2>CONTENTS</h2>

<table width="100%" summary="CONTENTS">
<tr>
<td class="left">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="right"><span class="smcap">pages</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><span class="smcap">Books X to XXXIX</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a>-541</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><span class="smcap">Smaller Fragments</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_542">542</a>-559</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><span class="smcap">Appendices</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_560">560</a>-568</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><span class="smcap">Index</span></td>
<td class="right"><a href="#Page_569">569</a>-615</td>
</tr>
</table>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p>

<h2 style="font-size: 1.2em;">THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS</h2>

<hr />

<h2>BOOK X</h2>

<h3>THE HANNIBALIAN WAR&mdash;THE RECOVERY OF TARENTUM</h3>

<p><a name="b10_1" id="b10_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">The</span> distance from the strait and town of Rhegium to
Tarentum is more than two thousand stades;<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 209, Coss.
Q. Fabius Maximus
V. Q. Fulvius
Flaccus IV.</span>
and that portion of the shore of Italy is entirely
destitute of harbours, except those of
Tarentum: I mean the coast facing the Sicilian
sea, and verging towards Greece, which contains the most
populous barbarian tribes as well as the most famous of the
Greek cities. For the Bruttii, Lucani, some portions of the
Daunii, the Cabalii, and several others, occupy this quarter
of Italy. So again this coast is lined by the Greek cities of
Rhegium, Caulon, Locri, Croton, Metapontum, and Thurii: so
that voyagers from Sicily or from Greece to any one of these
cities are compelled to drop anchor in the harbours of
Tarentum; and the exchange and commerce with all who
occupy this coast of Italy take place in this city. One may
judge of the excellence of its situation from the prosperity
attained by the people of Croton; who, though only possessing
roadsteads suitable for the summer, and enjoying therefore
but a short season of mercantile activity, still have acquired
great wealth, entirely owing, it seems, to the favourable situation
of their town and harbour, which yet cannot be compared
with those of Tarentum. For, even at this day, Tarentum
is in a most convenient position in respect to the harbours of
the Adriatic, and was formerly still more so. Since, from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span>
Iapygian promontory as far as Sipontum, every one coming
from the other side and dropping anchor at Italy always crossed
to Tarentum, and used that city for his mercantile transactions
as an emporium; for the town of Brundisium had not yet
been founded in these times.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Therefore Fabius regarded
the recovery of it as of great importance, and, omitting everything
else, turned his whole thoughts to this....</p>

<h3>PUBLIUS CORNELIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS IN SPAIN, B.C. 210-206</h3>

<p><a name="b10_2" id="b10_2"><b>2.</b></a> Being about to narrate the exploits of Publius Scipio
in Iberia, and in fact all the achievements in
his life,<span class="sidenote">A common mistake
as to Scipio&#8217;s
character.</span> I think it necessary to direct my
readers&#8217; attention, to begin with, to his moral
and mental qualities. For as he is perhaps the most illustrious
man of any born before the present generation, everybody
seeks to know what kind of man he was, and what
advantages from natural ability or experience he enjoyed, to
account for a career so crowded with brilliant achievement;
and yet is compelled to remain in the dark, or to entertain false
opinions, because those who write about him have not kept to
the truth. The soundness of this assertion will be rendered
evident in the course of my narrative to all who are capable of
estimating the noblest and most gallant of his exploits. Now
all other writers represent him as a man favoured by fortune,
who succeeded in his undertakings contrary to rational expectation,
and by the mere force of circumstances. They
consider apparently such men to be, so to speak, more god-like
and worthy of admiration, than those who act in every
case by calculation. They do not seem to be aware of the
distinction between credit for good fortune and credit for
good conduct in the case of such men; and that the former
may be assigned to any one however commonplace, while the
latter belongs to those alone who act from prudent calculation
and clear intelligence: and it is these last whom we should
look upon as the most god-like and god-beloved.</p>

<p>Now it seems to me that in his character and views
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span>
Publius was very like Lycurgus the legislator of the Lacedaemonians.
For we must not suppose that it<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s use of
religion compared
with that of
Lycurgus.</span>
was from superstition that Lycurgus continually
consulted the Pythian priestess in the
establishment of the Lacedaemonian constitution;
nor that Publius depended on dreams and ominous
words for his success in securing empire for his country. But
as both saw that the majority of mankind cannot be got to
accept contentedly what is new and strange, nor to face dangers
with courage, without some hope of divine favour,&mdash;Lycurgus,
by always supporting his own schemes by an oracular response
from the Pythia, secured better acceptation and credit for his
ideas; and Publius, by always in like manner instilling into
the minds of the vulgar an opinion of his acting on some
divine suggestion in the formation of his designs, caused
those under his command to confront dangerous services with
greater courage and cheerfulness. But that he invariably
acted on calculation and with foresight, and that the successful
issue of his plans was always in harmony with rational expectation,
will be evident by what I am about to relate.</p>

<p><a name="b10_3" id="b10_3"><b>3.</b></a> For that he was beneficent and high-minded is acknowledged;
but that he was acute, sober-minded, and earnest in pursuit of his aims,<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s first
exploit,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218.</span>
no one will admit, except those who have lived with him, and contemplated his character, so to speak,
in broad daylight. Of such Gaius Laelius was one. He
took part in everything he did or said from boyhood to the
day of his death; and he it was who convinced me of this
truth: because what he said appeared to me to be likely
in itself, and in harmony with the achievements of that great
man. He told me that the first brilliant exploit of Publius
was when his father fought the cavalry engagement with
Hannibal near the Padus. He was then, as it seems, eighteen
years old and on his first campaign. His father had given
him a squadron of picked cavalry for his protection; but when
in the course of the battle he saw his father surrounded by
the enemy, with only two or three horsemen near him, and
dangerously wounded, he first tried to cheer on his own
squadron to go to his father&#8217;s assistance, but when he found<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span>
them considerably cowed by the numbers of the enemy
surrounding them, he appears to have plunged by himself
with reckless courage into the midst of the enemy: whereupon,
his comrades being forced to charge also, the enemy were
overawed and divided their ranks to let them pass; and
Publius the elder, being thus unexpectedly saved, was the first
to address his son as his preserver in the hearing of the whole
army.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> Having gained an acknowledged reputation for bravery
by this exploit, he ever afterwards freely exposed himself
to every sort of personal danger, whenever his country rested
its hope of safety on him. And this is not the conduct of a
general who trusts to luck, but of one who has a clear head.</p>

<p><a name="b10_4" id="b10_4"><b>4.</b></a> Subsequently, when his elder brother Lucius was a
candidate for the Aedileship, which is about the most honourable
office open to a &#8220;young&#8221; man at Rome: it being the
custom for two patricians to be appointed, and there being
many candidates, for some time he did not venture to stand
for the same office as his brother.<span class="sidenote">Elected aedile,
end of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</span>
But as the
day of election drew near, judging from the
demeanour of the people that his brother would
easily obtain the office, and observing that his own popularity
with the multitude was very great, he made up his mind that the
only hope of his brother&#8217;s success was that they should combine
their candidatures. He therefore resolved to act as follows:
His mother was going round to the temples and sacrificing
to the gods in behalf of his brother, and was altogether in a
state of eager expectation as to the result. She was the only
parent whose wishes he had to consult; for his father was
then on his voyage to Iberia, having been appointed to command
in the war there. He therefore said to her that he had seen
the same dream twice: for he thought that he was coming home
from the Forum after being elected Aedile with his brother,
and that she met them at the door and threw her arms round
them and kissed them. His mother with true womanly feeling
exclaimed, &#8220;Oh, that I might see that day!&#8221; He replied, &#8220;Do
you wish us to try?&#8221; Upon her assenting, under the idea
that he would not venture, but was only jesting on the spur
of the moment (for of course he was quite a young man), he
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span>begged her to prepare him at once a white toga, such as it is
the custom for candidates for office to wear.</p>

<p><a name="b10_5" id="b10_5"><b>5.</b></a> His mother thought no more about it: but Publius,
having obtained a white toga, went to the Forum before his
mother was awake. His boldness, as well as his previous
popularity, secured him a brilliant reception from the people;
and when he advanced to the spot assigned for candidates, and
took his place by the side of his brother, the people not only
invested him with the office, but his brother also for his sake;
and both brothers returned home Aediles designate. The
news having been suddenly brought to their mother, she
rushed in the utmost delight to meet them at the door, and
kissed the young men in an ecstasy of joy. Accordingly
Publius was believed by all who had heard previously about
his dream to have held commune with the gods, not merely in
his sleep, but rather in a waking vision, and by day. But in
point of fact there was no dream at all: Scipio was kind,
open-handed, and courteous, and by these means had conciliated
the favour of the multitude. But by a dexterous use
of the occasion, both with the people and his mother, he
obtained his purpose, and moreover got the reputation of
acting under divine inspiration. For those persons, who, from
dulness or want of experience, or idleness, can never take a
clear view of the occasions or causes or connexion of events,
are apt to give the gods and chance the credit for what is
really effected by sagacity and far-seeing calculation. I have
thought it worth while to say thus much, that my readers may
not be misled by unfounded gossip to pass over this great
man&#8217;s finest and most splendid qualities, I mean his wealth of
resource and untiring diligence; which will become still more
apparent when we come to recount his actual achievements.</p>

<p><a name="b10_6" id="b10_6"><b>6.</b></a> Such was the man who now assembled the soldiers and
exhorted them not to be dismayed by the<span class="sidenote">Speech of Publius
Scipio to the
soldiers in Spain,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 210.</span>
disaster which had befallen them. &#8220;For,&#8221; said
he, &#8220;Romans have never been beaten by Carthaginians
in a trial of valour. It was the result
of treachery on the part of the Celtiberians, and of rashness,
the two commanders getting cut off from each other
owing to their trust in the alliance of these men. But now<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span>
these two disadvantages are on the side of the enemy: for they
are encamped at a wide distance from each other; and by
their tyrannical conduct to their allies have alienated them all,
and made them hostile to themselves. The consequence is
that some of them are already sending messages to us; while
the rest, as soon as they dare, and see that we have crossed
the river, will gladly join us; not so much because they have
any affection for us, as because they are eager to punish the
outrages of the Carthaginians. Most important of all is
the fact that the enemy are at variance with each other, and
will refuse to fight against us in a body, and by thus engaging
in detail will be more easily dealt with by us.&#8221; Looking to
these facts, therefore, he bade them cross the river with confidence,
and undertook that he and the other officers would
see to the next step to be taken. With these words he left
his colleague,<span class="sidenote">Scipio crosses the
Ebro, and swoops
down upon New
Carthage.</span>
Marcus Silanus, with five hundred horse to
guard the ford, and to protect the allies on the
north of the river, while he himself began taking
his army across, without revealing his design
to any one. As a matter of fact he had resolved
to do nothing of what he gave out publicly, and had made
up his mind to make a rapid attack upon the town called
Iberian Carthage. This may be looked upon as the first
and strongest proof of the judgment which I lately passed
upon him. He was now only in his twenty-seventh year: and
yet he, in the first place, undertook to accomplish what the
magnitude of the previous disasters had made the world look
upon as completely hopeless; and, in the second place, having
undertaken it, he left on one side the plain and obvious course,
and conceived and carried out a plan which was a surprise to
the enemy himself. This could only be the result of the
closest calculation.</p>

<p><a name="b10_7" id="b10_7"><b>7.</b></a> The fact is that he had made minute inquiries, before
leaving Rome, both about the treason of the Celtiberians, and
the separation of the two Roman armies;<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s careful
inquiries as to the
state of things in
Spain.</span>
and
had inferred that his father&#8217;s disaster was
entirely attributable to these. He had not therefore
shared the popular terror of the Carthaginians,
nor allowed himself to be overcome by the general panic.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span>
And when he subsequently heard that the allies of Rome
north of the Ebro were remaining loyal, while the Carthaginian
commanders were quarrelling with each other, and maltreating
the natives subject to them, he began to feel very cheerful
about his expedition, not from a blind confidence in Fortune,
but from deliberate calculation. Accordingly, when he arrived
in Iberia, he learnt, by questioning everybody and making
inquiries about the enemy from every one, that the forces of
the Carthaginians were divided into three. Mago, he was informed,
was lingering west of the pillars of Hercules among
the Conii; Hasdrubal, the son of Gesco, in Lusitania, near the
mouth of the Tagus; while the other Hasdrubal was besieging
a certain city of the Caspetani; and none of the three were less
than ten days&#8217; march from the New Town. Now he calculated
that, if he decided to give the enemy battle, it would
be risking too much to do so against all three at once, because
his predecessors had been beaten, and because the enemy
would vastly out-number him; if, on the other hand, he were to
march rapidly to engage one of the three, and should then find
himself surrounded&mdash;which might happen by the one attacked
retreating, and the others coming up to his relief,&mdash;he dreaded
a disaster like that of his uncle Gnaeus and his father
Publius.</p>

<p><a name="b10_8" id="b10_8"><b>8.</b></a> He therefore rejected that idea altogether: but being
informed that New Carthage was the most important
source of supplies to the enemy and<span class="sidenote">He determines
to attempt
New Carthage.</span>
of damage to the Romans in the present war, he
had taken the trouble to make minute inquiries about it during
the winter from those who were well informed. He learnt
that it was nearly the only town in Iberia which possessed a
harbour suitable for a fleet and naval force; that it lay
very conveniently for the Carthaginians to make the sea
passage from Libya; that they in fact had the bulk of their
money and war material in it, as well as their hostages from
the whole of Iberia; that, most important of all, the number
of fighting men garrisoning the citadel only amounted
to a thousand,&mdash;because no one would ever suppose that,
while the Carthaginians commanded nearly the whole of
Iberia, any one would conceive the idea of assaulting this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>
town; that the other inhabitants were exceedingly numerous,
but all consisted of craftsmen, mechanics, and fisher-folk, as
far as possible removed from any knowledge of warfare. All
this he regarded as being fatal to the town, in case of the
sudden appearance of an enemy. Nor did he moreover fail
to acquaint himself with the topography of New Carthage, or
the nature of its defences, or the lie of the lagoon: but by
means of certain fishermen who had worked there he had
ascertained that the lagoon was quite shallow and fordable at
most points; and that, generally speaking, the water ebbed
every day towards evening sufficiently to secure this. These
considerations convinced him that, if he could accomplish his
purpose, he would not only damage his opponents, but gain a
considerable advantage for himself; and that, if on the other
hand he failed in effecting it, he would yet be able to secure
the safety of his men owing to his command of the sea, provided
he had once made his camp secure,&mdash;and this was easy,
because of the wide dispersion of the enemy&#8217;s forces. He
had therefore, during his residence in winter quarters, devoted
himself to preparing for this operation to the exclusion of
every other: and in spite of the magnitude of the idea which
he had conceived, and in spite of his youth, he concealed it
from all except Gaius Laelius, until he had himself decided to
reveal it.</p>

<p><a name="b10_9" id="b10_9"><b>9.</b></a> But although historians agree in attributing these calculations
to him; yet, when they come to narrate their issue,
they somehow or another attribute the success obtained not
to the man and his foresight, but to the gods and to Fortune,
and that, in spite of all probability, and the evidence of those
who lived with him; and in spite of the fact that Publius
himself in a letter addressed to Philip has distinctly set forth
that it was upon the deliberate calculations, which I have just
set forth, that he undertook the Iberian campaign generally,
and the assault upon New Carthage in particular.</p>

<p>However that may be, at the time specified he gave secret
instructions to Gaius Laelius, <span class="sidenote">
Gaius Laelius
proceeds to
New Carthage
with the fleet,<br />
Scipio by land.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 209.</span>
who was in command
of the fleet, and who, as I have said, was
the only man in the secret, to sail to this town;
while he himself marched his army at a rapid<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span>
pace in the same direction. His force consisted
of twenty-five thousand infantry
and two thousand five hundred cavalry; and arriving at New
Carthage on the seventh day he pitched his camp on the
north of the town;<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> defended its rear by a double trench
and rampart stretching from sea to sea,<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> while on the side
facing the town he made absolutely no defences, for the nature
of the ground made him sufficiently secure.</p>

<p>But as I am now about to describe the assault and capture
of the town, I think I must explain to my readers the lie of
the surrounding country, and the position of the town itself.</p>

<p><a name="b10_10" id="b10_10"><b>10.</b></a> It stands about half-way down the coast of Iberia in
a gulf which faces south-west, running about<span class="sidenote">Description of
New Carthage.</span>
twenty stades inland, and about ten stades
broad at its entrance. The whole gulf is made
a harbour by the fact that an island<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> lies at its mouth and thus
makes the entrance channels on each side of it exceedingly
narrow. It breaks the force of the waves also, and the whole
gulf has thus smooth water, except when south-west winds
setting down the two channels raise a surf: with all other
winds it is perfectly calm, from being so nearly landlocked.
In the recess of the gulf a mountain juts out in the form of a
chersonese, and it is on this mountain that the city stands,
surrounded by the sea on the east and south, and on the
west by a lagoon extending so far northward that the
remaining space to the sea on the other side, to connect it
with the continent, is not more than two stades. The
city itself has a deep depression in its centre, presenting
on its south side a level approach from the sea; while the
rest of it is hemmed in by hills, two of them mountainous
and rough, three others much lower, but rocky and difficult of
ascent; the largest of which lies on the east of the town running<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span>
out into the sea, on which stands a temple of Asclepius.
Exactly opposite this lies the western mountain in a closely-corresponding
position, on which a palace had been erected at
great cost, which it is said was built by Hasdrubal when he
was aiming at establishing royal power. The remaining three
lesser elevations bound it on the north, of which the westernmost
is called the hill of Hephaestus, the next to it that of
Aletes,&mdash;who is believed to have attained divine honours from
having been the discoverer of the silver mines,&mdash;and the third
is called the hill of Cronus. The lagoon has been connected
with the adjoining sea artificially for the sake of the maritime
folk; and over the channel thus cut between it and the sea a
bridge has been built, for beasts of burden and carts to bring
in provisions from the country.</p>

<p><a name="b10_11" id="b10_11"><b>11.</b></a> Such is the nature of this city&#8217;s situation. The side
of the Roman camp which faced the city therefore was
secured, without any artificial means, by the lagoon and the
sea. The neck of land lying between these two, and connecting
the city with the continent, Scipio did not fence off
with a stockade, although it abutted on the middle of his
camp,&mdash;either for the sake of making an impression upon the
enemy, or by way of suiting the arrangement to his own design,&mdash;that
he might have nothing to hamper the free egress and
return of his troops to and from the camp. The circuit of
the city wall was not more than twenty stades formerly,&mdash;
though I am aware that it has been stated at forty stades;
but this is false, as I know from personal inspection and not
from mere report,&mdash;and in our day it has been still farther
contracted.</p>

<p>The fleet arrived to the hour, and Publius then thought it
time to summon a meeting of his men and<span class="sidenote">Scipio discloses
his intention of
assaulting
New Carthage.</span>
to
encourage them to the undertaking by the use
of the same arguments by which he had convinced
himself, and which I have just now
detailed. He pointed out to them that the plan was practicable;
and briefly summing up the blow which their success
would be to their enemies, and the advantage it would be to
themselves, he ended by promising crowns of gold to those
who first mounted the walls, and the usual rewards to those who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span>
displayed conspicuous gallantry. And finally he declared that
&#8220;Poseidon had appeared to him in his sleep, and originally
suggested his plan to him; and had promised to give him such
signal aid in the actual hour of battle that his assistance should
be made manifest to all.&#8221; The skilful mixture in this speech
of accurate calculation with promises of gold crowns, and a
reference to Divine Providence, created a great impression and
enthusiasm in the minds of the young soldiers.</p>

<p><a name="b10_12" id="b10_12"><b>12.</b></a> Next morning he stationed ships supplied with missiles
of every sort, all along the seaboard, under the command of<span class="sidenote">The assault.</span>
Gaius Laelius; and having told off two thousand
of his strongest men to accompany the ladder-carriers,
he begun the assault about the third hour. The
commandant of the town, Mago, divided his garrison of a
thousand men into two companies; half he left upon the
citadel, and the rest he stationed upon the eastern hill.
Of the other inhabitants he accoutred about two thousand of
the strongest men with such arms as there were in the city,
and stationed them at the gate leading to the isthmus and
the enemy&#8217;s camp: the rest he ordered to assist to the best
of their power at all points in the wall.<span class="sidenote">A sally of the
defenders</span>
As soon as the
bugles of Publius sounded the moment of the
assault, Mago caused those whom he had
armed to sally from the gate, feeling confident
that he should create a panic among the assailants
and entirely baffle their design. These men vigorously attacked
those of the Roman army who were drawn up opposite
the isthmus, and a sharp engagement took place accompanied
by loud cries of encouragement on both sides: the Romans in
the camp cheering on their men, and the people in the city
theirs. But the contest was an unequal one in the respect of
the facility of bringing up reserves. The Carthaginians had all
to come out by one gate, and had nearly two stades to
march before they got on the ground; whereas the Romans
had their supports close at hand and able to come out over a
wide area; for Publius had purposely stationed his men close
to the camp in order to induce the enemy to come out as far
as possible: being quite aware that if he succeeded in destroying
these, who were so to speak the sharp edge of the urban<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span>
population, universal consternation would be the result, and
no more of those in the town would have<span class="sidenote">repulsed.</span>
the
courage to come out of the gate. The contest
however for a certain time was undecided, for it was between
picked men on both sides; but finally the Carthaginians
were overpowered by the superior weight of their opponents,
owing to the constant reinforcements from the camp, and
turned to flight. A large number of them fell in the actual
engagement, and during the retreat; but the greater number
were trampled to death by each other as they crowded through
the gate. The city people were thrown into such a panic by
these events, that even those who were guarding the walls
fled. The Romans very nearly succeeded in forcing their
way in through the gates with the fugitives; and of course
fixed their scaling-ladders against the wall in perfect security.</p>

<p><a name="b10_13" id="b10_13"><b>13.</b></a> Meanwhile Publius, though throwing himself heartily
into the struggle, yet took all possible precautions to protect
his life. He had three men with him carrying large shields,
which they held in such a position as to completely protect
him from the side of the wall; and accordingly he went along
the lines, or mounted on elevated ground, and contributed
greatly to the success of the day. For he was enabled to see
all that was going on, and at the same time, by being himself
in view of all, inspired great zeal in the hearts of the combatants.
The result was that nothing was omitted which could
contribute to the success of the battle; but any help he
saw to be at any moment required was rapidly and thoroughly
supplied.</p>

<p>But though the leaders of the escalade had begun mounting
the walls with great spirit, they found<span class="sidenote">Difficulties of the
escalade.</span>
the
operation accompanied by some danger: not
so much from the number of the defenders, as
from the height of the walls. The defenders accordingly
plucked up courage considerably when they saw the distress of
the assailants: for some of the ladders were breaking under
the weight of the numbers which, owing to their length, were on
them at the same time; while on others the first to mount
turned giddy owing to their great height, and without requiring
much resistance from the defenders threw themselves from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span>
the ladders: and when beams, or anything of that sort, were
hurled upon them from the battlements, they were swept off
<i>en masse</i> and fell to the ground. In spite however of these
difficulties nothing could check the zeal and fury of the
Roman attack; but as the first fell their place was always
taken at once by the next in order. And now, as the day was
far advanced, and the soldiers were worn out with fatigue,
Scipio sounded a recall for the assaulting party.</p>

<p><a name="b10_14" id="b10_14"><b>14.</b></a> The men in the town were accordingly in high spirits
at having, as they thought, repulsed the assault.<span class="sidenote">Towards evening
Scipio renews the
assault on the
gate, to distract
attention from his
attack by way
of the lagoon.</span>
But Scipio, who was conscious that the time
was now approaching for the ebb of the lagoon,
had five hundred men stationed ready by its
edge with ladders; and meanwhile massed some
fresh soldiers upon the gate and isthmus, and,
after urging them to undertake the work, furnished them with
a larger number of ladders than before: so that the wall was
almost covered with men scaling it. When the signal for
attack was sounded, and the men placed their ladders against
the wall, and began ascending at every point, the excitement
and consternation inside the walls was extreme; for when
they thought themselves released from the threatened danger,
they saw it beginning all over again by another assault. Besides,
their missiles were beginning to fall short; and the
number of men they had lost greatly disheartened them. Still,
though they were in great distress, they continued the defence
as well as they could.</p>

<p>Just when the struggle at the ladders was at its hottest the
ebb of the tide began. The water began gradually
to leave the edges of the lagoon,<span class="sidenote">Scipio crosses
the lagoon and
gets his men
upon the wall.</span>
and the
current ran with such violence, and in such a
mass through its channel into the adjoining
sea, that to those who were unprepared for the sight it appeared
incredible. Being provided with guides, Scipio at
once ordered his men, who had been stationed ready for this
service, to step in and to fear nothing. His was a nature especially
fitted to inspire courage and sympathy with his own
feelings. So now the men at once obeyed him, and when
the army saw them racing each other across the marsh, it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span>
could not but suppose that the movement was a kind of
heaven-sent inspiration. This reminded them of the reference
Scipio had made to Poseidon, and the promises contained in
his harangue: and their enthusiasm rose to such a height that
they locked their shields above their heads, and, charging up
to the gate, they began trying to hew their way through the
panels of the doors with their axes and hatchets.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the party which had crossed the marsh had approached
the wall. They found the battlements unguarded:
and therefore, not only fixed their ladders against the wall,
but actually mounted and took it without striking a blow; for
the attention of the garrison was distracted to other points,
especially to the isthmus and the gate leading to it, and they
never expected that the enemy were likely to attack on the
side of the lagoon: besides, and above all, there was such
disorderly shouting, and such a scene of confusion within the
wall, that they could neither hear nor see to any purpose.</p>

<p><a name="b10_15" id="b10_15"><b>15.</b></a> As soon as they found themselves in possession of
the wall, the Romans began making their
way along the top of it,<span class="sidenote">The city entered
and given up to
the sword.</span>
hurling off such of
the enemy as they met, the nature of
their arms being especially suited for an operation of that
sort. But when they arrived at the gate they descended and
began cutting through the bolts, while those without began
forcing their way in, and those who were mounting the walls
in the direction of the isthmus, beginning by this time to get
the better of their opponents, were getting a footing on the
battlements. Thus the walls were finally in possession of the
enemy: and the troops, which entered by the gate, carried the
eastern hill and drove off the garrison occupying it.</p>

<p>When Scipio thought that a sufficient number of troops
had entered the town, he gave leave to the larger number of
them to attack those in it, according to the Roman custom,
with directions to kill everything they met, and to spare
nothing; and not to begin looting until they got the order
to do so. The object of this is, I suppose, to strike terror.
Accordingly, one may often see in towns captured by the
Romans, not only human beings who have been put to the
sword, but even dogs cloven down the middle, and the limbs<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span>
of other animals hewn off. On this occasion the amount of
such slaughter was exceedingly great, because of the numbers
included in the city.</p>

<p>Scipio himself with about a thousand men now pressed on
towards the citadel. When he arrived there,<span class="sidenote">Mago surrenders
the citadel.</span>
Mago at first thought of resistance; but afterwards,
when he was satisfied that the city
was completely in the power of the enemy, he sent to
demand a promise of his life, and then surrendered. This
being concluded, the signal was given to stop the slaughter:
whereupon the soldiers left off slaying,<span class="sidenote">Sack of the city.</span>
and
turned to plunder. When night fell those of
the soldiers to whom this duty had been assigned remained
in the camp, while Scipio with his thousand men bivouacked
in the citadel; and summoning the rest from the dwelling-houses
by means of the Tribunes, he ordered them to collect
all their booty into the market-place by maniples, and to
take up their quarters for the night by these several heaps.
He then summoned the light-armed from the camp, and
stationed them upon the eastern hill.</p>

<p>Thus did the Romans become masters of Carthage in
Iberia.</p>

<p><a name="b10_16" id="b10_16"><b>16.</b></a> Next morning the baggage of those who had served
in the Carthaginian ranks, as well as the property
of the city-folk and the craftsmen,<span class="sidenote">The Roman
customs in the
distribution of
booty.</span> having
been collected together in the market-place,
the Tribunes divided it according to the Roman
custom among their several legions. Now the Roman
method of procedure in the capture of cities is the following:
Sometimes certain soldiers taken from each maniple are
told off for this duty, their numbers depending on the size of
the city; sometimes maniples are told off in turn for it: but
there are never more than half the whole number assigned to
the work. The rest remain in their own ranks in reserve, sometimes
outside, at others inside the city, for taking such precautions
as may be from time to time necessary. Sometimes,
though rarely, four legions are massed together; but generally
speaking the whole force is divided into two legions of
Romans and two of allies. This being settled, all who are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span>
told off for plundering carry all they get, each to his own
legion; and when this booty has been sold, the Tribunes distribute
the proceeds among all equally, including not only
those who were thus held in reserve, but even those who
were guarding the tents, or were invalided, or had been sent
away anywhere on any service.<span class="sidenote">See <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_33">33.</a></span>
But I have spoken fully
before, when discussing the Roman constitution,
on the subject of the distribution of
booty, showing how no one is excluded from a share in
it, in accordance with the oath which all take upon first
joining the camp. I may now add that the arrangement
whereby the Roman army is thus divided, half being
engaged in gathering booty and half remaining drawn up in
reserve, precludes all danger of a general catastrophe arising
from personal rivalry in greed. For as both parties feel absolute
confidence in the fair dealing of each in respect to the
booty,&mdash;the reserves no less than the plunderers,&mdash;no one
leaves the ranks, which has been the most frequent cause of
disaster in the case of other armies.</p>

<p><a name="b10_17" id="b10_17"><b>17.</b></a> For, as the majority of mankind encounter miseries and
embrace dangers for the sake of gain, it is plain that when
such opportunity is presented to them as this, the men in the reserve
or in the camp would be with difficulty induced to abstain
from taking advantage of it; because the usual idea is that everything
belongs to the man who actually takes it: and though a
general or king may be careful to order all booty to be brought
into the common stock, yet everybody considers that what he
can conceal is his own. The result is that, while the ruck
of the army cannot be prevented from eagerly devoting themselves
to plunder, they often run the risk of a complete overthrow:
and it has often in fact happened that after a successful
movement, such as the carrying of an entrenched camp or the
capture of a city, the victorious army has, from no other cause
but this, been not only ejected but even utterly defeated.
Therefore there is nothing about which leaders ought to exercise
more care or foresight, than that, on such an occasion, all
may have an absolutely equal prospect of sharing in the booty.</p>

<p>Thus on the present occasion, while the Tribunes were
busied in the distribution of the spoil; the Roman commander<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span>
caused the prisoners, who numbered little short of
ten thousand, to be assembled;<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s treatment
of the prisoners.
The citizens are
dismissed to their
homes.</span>
and having first
ordered them to be divided into two groups,
one containing the citizens and their wives and
children, the other the craftsmen, he exhorted
the first of these to be loyal to the Romans,
and to remember the favour which they were now receiving,
and allowed them all to depart to their own houses. With
tears of joy at this unexpected preservation, they bowed in
reverence to Scipio and dispersed.<span class="sidenote">The skilled slaves
are promised their
freedom at the
end of the war.</span>
He then
told the craftsmen that they were for the present
public slaves of Rome, but that, if they showed
themselves loyal and zealous in their several
crafts, he promised than their freedom, as soon as the war with
the Carthaginians had been brought to a successful issue. He
then bade them go get their names enrolled in the office of
the Quaestor, and appointed a Roman overseer for every
thirty of them, their whole number being about two thousand.
<span class="sidenote">Some are drafted
into the navy.</span>
From the remaining captives he selected the
strongest, those who were in the prime of
youth and physical vigour, and assigned them
to serve on board ship: and having thus increased the number
of his naval allies by one half, he manned the ships taken from
the enemy as well as his own; so that the number of men on
board each vessel were now little short of double what it was
before. For the captured ships numbered eighteen, his
original fleet thirty-five. These men he also promised their
freedom, if they showed themselves loyal and zealous, as soon
as they had conquered the Carthaginians. By this treatment
of the captives he inspired the citizens with warm feelings of
loyalty and fidelity, and the handicraftsmen with great
readiness to serve, from the hope held out to them of recovering
their freedom.</p>

<p><a name="b10_18" id="b10_18"><b>18.</b></a> He next took Mago and the Carthaginians with him
separately, consisting of one member<span class="sidenote">Mago is entrusted
to Lachus.</span>
of the
Council of ancients and fifteen of the Senate.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a>
These he put under the charge of Gaius Laelius,
with orders that he should take due care of them. He next
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span>summoned the hostages, who numbered more than three
hundred. Such of them as were children<span class="sidenote">The hostages.</span>
he
called to him one by one, and stroking their
heads told them not to be afraid, for in a few days they would
see their parents. The others also he exhorted to be of good
cheer, and to write word to their relations in their several cities,
first, that they were safe and well; and, secondly, that the
Romans were minded to restore them all unharmed to their
homes, if only their relations adopted the Roman alliance.
With these words, having already selected from the spoils such
articles as were fitting for his purpose, he presented each with
what was suitable to their sex and age: the girls with ear-rings
and bracelets, the young men with daggers and swords.<span class="sidenote">The women.</span>
Among
the captive women was the wife of Mandonius,
brother of Andobalus king of the Ilerg&#275;tes.
This woman fell at his feet and besought him with tears to
protect their honour better than the Carthaginians had done.
Touched by her distress Scipio asked her in what respect she
and the other women were left unprovided. She was a lady
of advanced years and of a certain majestic dignity of appearance:
and upon her meeting his question by perfect silence,
he summoned the men who had been appointed to take charge
of the women; and when they reported that they had supplied
them with all necessaries in abundance, and when the woman
again clasped his knees and repeated the same request, Scipio
felt still more embarrassed; and, conceiving the idea that their
guardians had neglected them, and were now making a false
report, he bade the women fear nothing, for that he would
appoint different men to see to their interests, and secure that
they were not left in want of anything. Then after a brief
hesitation the woman said, &#8220;You mistake my meaning, General,
if you think that we are asking you for food.&#8221; Scipio then at
length began to understand what she wished to convey; and
seeing under his eyes the youthful beauty of the daughters of
Andobalus, and of many of the other nobles, he could not
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span>refrain from tears, while the aged lady indicated in a few words
the danger in which they were. He showed at once that he
understood her words: and taking her by the hand, he bade
her and the others also be of good cheer, for that he would
watch over them as he would over his own sisters and
daughters, and would accordingly put men in charge of them
on whom he could rely.</p>

<p><a name="b10_19" id="b10_19"><b>19.</b></a> His next business was to pay over to the Quaestors
such public money of the Carthaginians as had
been captured.<span class="sidenote">The money.</span>
It amounted to more than
six hundred talents, so that when this was added to the four
hundred which he had brought with him from Rome, he found
himself in possession of more than one thousand talents.</p>

<p>It was on this occasion that some young Romans fell in
with a girl surpassing all the other women in
bloom and beauty;<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s
continence.</span>
and seeing that Scipio was
fond of the society of women, they brought her
to him, and, placing her before him, said that they desired to
present the damsel to him. He was struck with admiration
for her beauty, and replied that, if he had been in a private
position, he could have received no present that would have
given him greater pleasure; but as general it was the last in the
world which he could receive. He meant to convey, I presume,
by this ambiguous answer that, in hours of rest and idleness,
such things are the most delightful enjoyments and pastimes
for young men; whereas in times of activity they are hindrances
physically and mentally. However that may be, he thanked
the young men; but called the girl&#8217;s father, and handing her
over at once to him, told him to bestow her in marriage on
whichever of the citizens he chose. By this display of continence
and self-control he gained the warm respect of his
men.</p>

<p>Having made these arrangements, and handed over the rest
of the captives to the Tribunes,<span class="sidenote">Laelius sent to
Rome with the
news. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 209.</span>
he despatched
Gaius Laelius on board a quinquereme to Rome,
with the Carthaginian prisoners and the noblest
of the others, to announce at home what had taken place.
For as the prevailing feeling at Rome was one of despair of
success in Iberia, he felt certain that on this news their spirits<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>
would revive, and that they would make much more strenuous
efforts to support him.</p>

<p><a name="b10_20" id="b10_20"><b>20.</b></a> Scipio himself stayed a certain time in New
Carthage and assiduously practised his fleet;<span class="sidenote">Preparations for
an advance.</span>
and drew up the following scheme for his
military Tribunes for training their men. The
first day he ordered the men to go at the double for thirty
stades in their full arms; and on the second all of them to rub
down, clean, and thoroughly examine their whole equipments;
on the third to rest and do nothing; on the fourth to have a
sham fight, some with wooden swords covered with leather and
with a button at the end, others with javelins also buttoned at
the end; on the fifth the same march at the double as on the
first. That there might be no lack of weapons for the
practises, or for the real fighting, he took the greatest pains with
the handicraftsmen. He had, as I have already stated, appointed
overseers over them in regular divisions to secure that this was
done; but he also personally inspected them every day, and
saw that they were severally supplied with what was necessary.
Thus while the legions were practising and training in the
vicinity of the town, and the fleet manoeuvring and rowing in
the sea, and the city people sharpening weapons or forging
arms or working in wood, every one in short busily employed
in making armour, the whole place must have presented the
appearance of what Xenophon called &#8220;a workshop
of war.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">Xen. <i>Hellen.</i> 3,
4, 17: <i>Aegsil.</i>
1, 26.</span>
When he thought all these works
were sufficiently advanced for the requirements
of the service, he secured the town by posting garrisons and
repairing the walls, and got both his army and navy on the
move, directing his advance upon Tarraco, and taking the
hostages with him....</p>

<h3>PHILOPOEMEN OF MEGALOPOLIS</h3>

<p><a name="b10_21" id="b10_21"><b>21.</b></a> Euryleon, the Strategus of the Achaeans, was a man of
timid character, and quite unsuited for service<span class="sidenote">Euryleon Achaean
Strategus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
210-209.</span>
in the field.</p>

<p>But as my history has now arrived at a point
at which the achievements of Philopoemen begin, I think it only<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span>
proper that, as I have attempted to describe the habits and
characters of the other men of eminence with whom we have
had to deal, I should do the same for him. It is strangely inconsistent
in historians to record in elaborate detail the founding
of cities, stating when and how and by whom they were established,
and even the circumstances and difficulties which
accompanied the transaction, and yet to pass over in complete
silence the characteristics and aims of the men by whom the
whole thing was done, though these in fact are the points of
the greatest value. For as one feels more roused to emulation
and imitation by men that have life, than by buildings that
have none, it is natural that the history of the former should
have a greater educational value. If I had not therefore already
composed a separate account of him, clearly setting forth who
he was, his origin, and his policy as a young man, it would
have been necessary to have given an account now of each of
these particulars. But since I have done this in a work in
three books, unconnected with my present history, detailing the
circumstances of his childhood and his most famous achievements,
it is clear that in my present narrative my proper
course will be to remove anything like details from my account
of his youthful characteristics and aims; while I am careful to
<i>add</i> details to the story of the achievements of his manhood,
which in that treatise were only stated summarily. I shall thus
preserve the proper features of both works. The former being
in the nature of a panegyric demanded an account of his
actions, put briefly and in a style deliberately intended to
enhance their merits; my present work, which is history, and
therefore absolutely uncommitted to praise or blame, requires
only a true statement, which puts the facts clearly, and traces
the policy which dictated the several actions.</p>

<p><a name="b10_22" id="b10_22"><b>22.</b></a> Philopoemen, then, to begin with, was of good birth,
descended from one of the noblest families
in Arcadia.<span class="sidenote">Birth, parentage,
and education of
Philopoemen, b.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 252.</span>
He was also educated under that
most distinguished Mantinean, Cleander, who
had been his father&#8217;s friend before, and happened
at that time to be in exile. When he came to man&#8217;s estate he
attached himself to Ecdemus and Demophanes, who were by
birth natives of Megalopolis, but who having been exiled by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>
tyrant, and having associated with the philosopher Arcesilaus
during their exile, not only set their own country free by
entering into an intrigue against Aristodemus the tyrant, but
also helped in conjunction with Aratus to put down Nicocles,
the tyrant of Sicyon. On another occasion also, on the invitation
of the people of Cyrene, they stood forward as their
champions and preserved their freedom for them. Such were
the men with whom he passed his early life; and he at once began
to show a superiority to his contemporaries, by his power of
enduring hardships in hunting, and by his acts of daring in war.
He was moreover careful in his manner of life, and moderate
in the outward show which he maintained; for he had imbibed
from these men the conviction, that it was impossible for
a man to take the lead in public business with honour
who neglected his own private affairs; nor again to abstain
from embezzling public money if he lived beyond his private
income.</p>

<p>Being then appointed Hipparch by the Achaean league at
this time, and finding the squadrons in<span class="sidenote">Elected Hipparch,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 210.
Cp. Plut. <i>Phil. 7</i>,
&#963;&#965;&#967;&#957;&#8056;&#962; &#967;&#961;&#8057;&#957;&#959;&#962;
after the battle
of Sallasia,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222.</span>
a state
of utter demoralisation, and the men thoroughly
dispirited, he not only restored them to a better
state than they were, but in a short time made
them even superior to the enemy&#8217;s cavalry, by
bringing them all to adopt habits of real training
and genuine emulation. The fact is that most of those who
hold this office of Hipparch, either, from being without any
genius themselves for cavalry tactics, do not venture to enforce
necessary orders upon others; or, because they are aiming at
being elected Strategus, try all through their year of office to
attach the young men to themselves and to secure their favour
in the coming election: and accordingly never administer
necessary reprimands, which are the salvation of the
public interests, but hush up all transgressions, and, for the sake
of gaining an insignificant popularity, do great damage to those
who trust them. Sometimes again, commanders, though neither
feeble nor corrupt, do more damage to the soldiers by intemperate
zeal than the negligent ones, and this is still oftener the
case with regard to the cavalry....</p>

<p><a name="b10_23" id="b10_23"><b>23.</b></a> Now the movements which he undertook to teach the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span>
horsemen as being universally applicable to cavalry warfare
were these.<span class="sidenote">The cavalry
tactics of Philopoemen,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
210-209.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a></span>
In the first place each separate
horse was to be practised in wheeling first to
the left and then to the right, and also to face
right-about; and in the next place they were
to be taught to wheel in squadrons, face-about, and by a
treble movement to face-about right-turn. Next they were to
learn to throw out flying columns of single or double companies
at full speed from both wings or from the centre;
and then to pull up and fall in again into troops, or squadrons,
or regiments: next to deploy into line on both wings,
either by filling up the intervals in the line or by a lateral
movement on the rear. Simply to form an oblique line,
he said, required no practice, for it was exactly the same
order as that taken up on a march. After this they were to
practice charging the enemy and retreating by every kind of
movement, until they were able to advance at an alarming
pace; provided only that they kept together, both line and
column, and preserved the proper intervals between the
squadrons: for nothing is more dangerous and unserviceable
than cavalry that have broken up their squadrons, and attempt
to engage in this state.</p>

<p>After giving these instructions both to the people and their
magistrates, he went on a round of inspection through the
towns, and inquired, first, whether the men obeyed the words of
command; and, secondly, whether the officers in the several
towns knew how to give them clearly and properly: for he held
that the first thing requisite was technical knowledge on the
part of the commanders of each company.</p>

<p><a name="b10_24" id="b10_24"><b>24.</b></a> When he had thus made the proper preliminary
preparations, he mustered the cavalry from the various cities
into one place, and set about perfecting their evolutions
under his own command, and personally directed the whole
drill. He did not ride in front of the army, as generals nowadays
do, from the notion that this is the proper position for
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span>a commander. For what can be less scientific or more
dangerous than for a commander to be seen by all his men,
and yet not to see one of them? In such manoeuvres a
Hipparch should make a display not of mere military dignity,
but of the skill and ability of an officer, appearing at one time
in the front, at another on the rear, and at another in the
centre. This is what he did, riding along the lines, and
personally seeing to all the men, giving them directions when
they were at a loss what to do, and correcting at once every
mistake that was being made. Such mistakes, however, were
trifling and rare, owing to the previous care bestowed on every
individual and company. Demetrius of Phalerum has, as far
as words go, given expression to the same idea: &#8220;As in the
case of building, if you lay each single brick rightly, and if
proper care is taken in placing each successive course, all will
be well; so in an army, accuracy in the arrangement of each
soldier and each company makes the whole strong....&#8221;</p>

<p class="tb"><i>A fragment of a speech of some Macedonian orator as to the
Aetolians making an alliance with Rome.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b10_25" id="b10_25"><b>25.</b></a> &#8220;The case is just like that of the disposition of the
various kinds of troops on the field of battle.<span class="sidenote">Alliance between
Aetolians and
Rome against
Philip, negotiated
by Scopas and Dorimachus,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 211.
See Livy, 26, 24.</span>
The light-armed and most active men bear the
brunt of the danger, are the first to be engaged
and the first to perish, while the phalanx and
the heavy-armed generally carry off the glory.
So in this case, the Aetolians, and such of the
Peloponnesians as are in alliance with them, are put in the post
of danger; while the Romans, like the phalanx, remain in
reserve. And if the former meet with disaster and perish, the
Romans will retire unharmed from the struggle; while if they
are victorious, which Heaven forbid! the Romans will get
not only them but the rest of the Greeks also into their
power....&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span></p>

<h3>PHILIP V.</h3>

<p><a name="b10_26" id="b10_26"><b>26.</b></a> After finishing the celebration of the Nemean games,
King Philip of Macedon returned to Argos and
laid aside his crown and purple robe,<span class="sidenote">King Philip&#8217;s
conduct at Argos
after presiding at
the Nemean
games, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 208.
See Livy, 27,
30, 31.</span>
with
the view of making a display of democratic
equality and good nature. But the more
democratic the dress which he wore, the more
absolute and royal were the privileges which he
claimed. He was not now content with seducing unmarried
women, or even with intriguing with married women, but
assumed the right of sending authoritatively for any woman
whose appearance struck him; and offered violence to those
who did not at once obey, by leading a band of revellers to
their houses; and, summoning their sons or their husbands, he
trumped up false pretexts for menacing them. In fact his
conduct was exceedingly outrageous and lawless. But though
this abuse of his privileges as a guest was exceedingly annoying
to many of the Achaeans, and especially to the orderly part of
them, the wars that threatened them on every side compelled
them to show a patience under it uncongenial to their
character....</p>

<p>None of his predecessors had better qualifications for
sovereignty, or more important defects, than this same Philip.
And it appears to me that the good qualities were innate,
while the defects grew upon him as he advanced in years, as
happens to some horses as they grow old. Such remarks I
do not, following some other historians, confine to prefaces;
but when the course of my narrative suggests it, I state my
opinion of kings and eminent men, thinking that most convenient
for writer and reader alike....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>War between Antiochus the Great (III.) and Arsaces
III., King of the Parthians.</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212-205. <i>See above</i>
8, 25.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b10_27" id="b10_27"><b>27.</b></a> In regard to extent of territory Media is the most
considerable of the kingdoms in Asia, as also in respect of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>
the number and excellent qualities of its men, and not less
so of its horses. For, in fact, it supplies nearly
all Asia with these animals,<span class="sidenote">Description of
Media, and of
the palace at
Ecbatana.</span>
the royal studs being
entrusted to the Medes because of the rich pastures
in their country.<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> To protect it from the
neighbouring barbarians a ring of Greek cities was built round
it by the orders of Alexander. The chief exception to this is
Ecbatana, which stands on the north of Media, in the district
of Asia bordering on the Maeotis and Euxine. It was
originally the royal city of the Medes, and vastly superior to
the other cities in wealth and the splendour of its buildings.
It is situated on the skirts of Mount Orontes, and is without
walls, though containing an artificially formed citadel fortified
to an astonishing strength. Beneath this stands the palace,
which it is in some degree difficult to describe in detail, or to
pass over in complete silence. To those authors whose aim
is to produce astonishment, and who are accustomed to deal in
exaggeration and picturesque writing, this city offers the best
possible subject; but to those who, like myself, are cautious
when approaching descriptions which go beyond ordinary
notions, it presents much difficulty and embarrassment. However,
as regards size, the palace covers ground the circuit of
which is nearly seven stades; and by the costliness of the
structure in its several parts it testifies to the wealth of its
original builders: for all its woodwork being cedar or cypress
not a single plank was left uncovered; beams and fretwork
in the ceilings, and columns in the arcades and peristyle, were
overlaid with plates of silver or gold, while all the tiles were of
silver. Most of these had been stripped off during the
invasion of Alexander and the Macedonians, and the rest in the
reigns of Antigonus and Seleucus Nicanor. However, even at
the time of Antiochus&#8217;s arrival, the temple of Aena<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> still had its
columns covered with gold, and a considerable number of
silver tiles had been piled up in it, and some few gold bricks
and a good many silver ones were still remaining. It was
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>from these that the coinage bearing the king&#8217;s impress was
collected and struck, amounting to little less than four thousand
talents....</p>

<p><a name="b10_28" id="b10_28"><b>28.</b></a> Arsaces expected that Antiochus would come as far as
this district (of Media), but that he would<span class="sidenote">The nature of the
desert between
Media and
Parthia.</span>
not venture to proceed across the adjoining desert
with so large a force, if for no other reason, yet
from the scarcity of water. For in this tract of
country there is no water appearing on the surface, though
there are many subterranean channels which have well-shafts
sunk to them, at spots in the desert unknown to persons unacquainted
with the district. A true account of these channels
has been preserved among the natives to the effect that, during
the Persian ascendency, they granted the enjoyment of the
profits of the land to the inhabitants of some of the waterless
districts for five generations, on condition of their bringing
fresh water in; and that, there being many large streams flowing
down Mount Taurus, these people at infinite toil and expense
constructed these underground channels through a long tract
of country, in such a way, that the very people who now use
the water are ignorant of the sources from which the channels
are originally supplied.</p>

<p>When, however, Arsaces saw that Antiochus was determined
to attempt to cross the desert, he endeavoured
at once to choke up and spoil the wells.<span class="sidenote">Antiochus prepares
to cross it:
Arsaces orders
the wells to be
choked.</span>
But King Antiochus, upon this being reported
to him, despatched Nicomedes with a thousand
horse; who found that Arsaces had retired with
his main army, but came upon some of his cavalry in the act
of choking up the shafts which went down into the underground
channels. They promptly attacked these men, and,
having routed and forced them to fly, returned back again to
Antiochus.<span class="sidenote">Antiochus
arrives at
Hecatompylos.</span> The king, having thus accomplished
the journey across the desert, arrived before the
city Hecatompylos, which is situated in the
centre of Parthia, and derives its name from the fact that the
roads which lead to all the surrounding districts converge there.</p>

<p><a name="b10_29" id="b10_29"><b>29.</b></a> Having rested his army at this place, and having
convinced himself that, had Arsaces been able to give him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span>
battle, he would not have abandoned his own country, nor have
sought a ground more favourable to his own army<span class="sidenote">Antiochus determines
to follow
Arsaces into
Hyrcania.</span>
for fighting him than the district round Hecatompylos;
he concluded that, since he had done so,
it stood to reason that he had entirely changed
his mind. He therefore decided to advance into Hyrcania.
But having arrived at Tagae, he learnt from the natives that
the country he had to cross, until he reached the ridges of
Mount Labus sloping down into Hyrcania, was exceedingly
rough and difficult, and that large numbers of barbarians were
stationed at the narrowest points. He therefore resolved to
divide his light-armed troops into companies, and distribute
their officers among them, giving them directions as to
the route they were severally to take. He did the same
with the pioneers, whose business it was to make the positions
occupied by the light-armed possible of approach for the
phalanx and beasts of burden. Having made these arrangements,
he entrusted the first division to Diogenes, strengthening
him with bowmen and slingers and some mountaineers skilled
in throwing javelines and stones, and who, without keeping
any regular order, were always ready to skirmish at a
moment&#8217;s notice, and in any direction, and rendered the most
effective assistance at the narrow passes. Next to these he
ordered a company of about two thousand Cretans armed with
shields to advance, under the command of Polyxenidas of
Rhodes. The rear was to be brought up by companies armed
with breastplate and shield, and commanded by Nicomedes of
Cos, and Nicolaus the Aetolian.</p>

<p><a name="b10_30" id="b10_30"><b>30.</b></a> But as they advanced, the ruggedness of the ground
and the narrowness of the passes were found to
far exceed the king&#8217;s expectations.<span class="sidenote">The ascent of
Mount Labus.</span>
The length
of the ascent was altogether about three hundred
stades; and a great part had to be made up the bed of a
winter torrent of great depth, into which numerous rocks and
trees had been hurled by natural causes from the overhanging
precipices, and made a passage up it difficult, to say nothing of
the obstacles which the barbarians had helped to construct
expressly to impede them. These latter had felled a large
number of trees and piled up heaps of huge rocks; and had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span>
besides occupied all along the gully the high points, which
were at once convenient for attack and capable of covering
themselves; so that, if it had not been for one glaring error on
their part, Antiochus would have found the attempt beyond
his powers, and would have desisted from it. The error was
this. They assumed that the whole army would be obliged
to march the entire way up the gully, and they accordingly
occupied the points of vantage. But they did not perceive this
fact, that, though the phalanx and the baggage could not possibly
go by any other route than the one they supposed, there was yet
nothing to make it impossible for the light-armed and active
troops to accomplish the ascent of the bare rocks. Consequently,
as soon as Diogenes had come upon the first outpost
of the enemy, he and his men began climbing out of the gully,
and the affair at once took a different aspect. For no sooner
had they come to close quarters, than, acting on the suggestion
of the moment, Diogenes avoided the engagement by ascending
the mountains that flanked the enemy&#8217;s position, and so got
above him; and by pouring down volleys of darts and stones he
seriously harassed the barbarians. Their most deadly weapons
however proved to be the slings, which could carry a great
distance; and when by these means they had dislodged the
first outpost and occupied their position, an opportunity was
secured for the pioneers to clear the way and level it, without
being exposed to danger. Owing to the number of hands the
work went on rapidly; and meanwhile the slingers, bowmen,
and javelin-men advanced in skirmishing order along the
higher ground, every now and then reforming and seizing on
strong points of vantage; while the men with shields formed a
reserve, marching in order and at a regular pace along the side
of the gully itself. The barbarians thereupon abandoned
their positions, and, ascending the mountain, mustered in full
force on the summit.</p>

<p><a name="b10_31" id="b10_31"><b>31.</b></a> Thus Antiochus effected this ascent without loss, but
slowly and painfully,<span class="sidenote">The battle on the
summit of Mount
Labus.</span> for it was not until the
eighth day that his army made the summit of
Labus. The barbarians being mustered there,
and resolved to dispute his passage, a severe engagement took
place, in which the barbarians were eventually dislodged, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span>
by the following manoeuvre. As long as they were engaged
face to face with the phalanx, they kept well together and
fought desperately; but before daybreak the light-armed troops
had made a wide circuit, and seized some high ground on the
rear of the enemy, and as soon as the barbarians perceived this
they fled in a panic. King Antiochus exerted himself actively
to prevent a pursuit, and caused a recall to be sounded,
because he wished his men to make the descent into Hyrcania,
without scattering, and in close order.<span class="sidenote">He reaches
Tambrax.</span>
He
accomplished his object: reached Tambrax, an
unwalled city of great size and containing a
royal palace, and there encamped. Most of the natives fled
from the battle-field, and its immediate neighbourhood,<span class="sidenote">Capture of
Sirynx.</span>
into a city called Sirynx, which was
not far from Tambrax, and from its secure and
convenient situation was considered as the capital of Hyrcania.
Antiochus therefore determined to carry this town by assault;
and having accordingly advanced thither, and pitched his
camp under its walls, he commenced the assault. The
operation consisted chiefly of mining under pent-houses. For
the city was defended by three trenches, thirty cubits broad
and fifteen deep, with a double vallum on the edge of each;
and behind these there was a strong wall. Frequent struggles
took place at the works, in which neither side were strong
enough to carry off their killed and wounded: for these hand-to-hand
battles took place, not above ground only, but underground
also in the mines. However, owing to the numbers
employed and the activity of the king, it was not long before
the trenches were choked up and the walls were undermined
and fell. Upon this the barbarians, giving up all as lost, put to
death such Greeks as were in the town; and having plundered
all that was most worth taking, made off under cover of night.
When the king saw this, he despatched Hyperbasus with the
mercenaries; upon whose approach the barbarians threw down
their booty and fled back again into the city; and when they
found the peltasts pouring in energetically through the breach
in the walls they gave up in despair and surrendered.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span></p>

<h3>THE HANNIBALIAN WAR</h3>

<p><a name="b10_32" id="b10_32"><b>32.</b></a> The Consuls, wishing to reconnoitre the slope of the
hill towards the enemy&#8217;s camp, ordered their
main force to remain in position;<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 208.
Coss. M. Claudius
Marcellus, T.
Quinctius Crispinus.
The two
Consuls were encamped
within
three miles of
each other,
between Venusia
and Bantia,
Hannibal had
been at Lacinium
in Bruttii, but
had advanced
into Apulia.
Livy, 27, 25-27.</span>
while they
themselves with two troops of cavalry, their
lictors, and about thirty velites advanced to
make the reconnaisance. Now some Numidians,
who were accustomed to lie in ambush for those
who came on skirmishes, or any other services
from the Roman camp, happened, as it chanced,
to have ensconced themselves at the foot of the
hill. Being informed by their look-out man
that a body of men was coming over the brow
of the hill above them, they rose from their
place of concealment, ascended the hill by
a side road, and got between the Consuls
and their camp. At the very first charge they killed
Claudius and some others, and having wounded
the rest, forced them to fly in different directions
down the sides of the hill.
Though the men
in camp saw what was happening they were unable to come to
<span class="sidenote">Death of the Consul
M. Claudius
Marcellus.</span>the relief of their endangered comrades; for while they were
still shouting out to get ready, and before they had recovered
from the first shock of their surprise, while some were putting
the bridles on their horses and others donning their armour,
the affair was all over. The son of Claudius, though wounded,
narrowly escaped with his life.</p>

<p>Thus fell Marcus Marcellus from an act of incautiousness
unworthy of a general. I am continually compelled in the
course of my history to draw the attention of my readers to
occurrences of this sort; for I perceive that it is this, more
than anything else connected with the science of tactics, that
ruins commanders. And yet the blunder is a very obvious
one. For what is the use of a commander or general, who has
not learnt that the leader ought to keep as far as possible aloof
from those minor operations, in which the whole fortune of the
campaign is not involved? Or of one who does not know that,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span>
even if circumstances should at times force them to engage in
such subordinate movements, the commanders-in-chief should
not expose themselves to danger until a large number of their
company have fallen?<span class="sidenote">Fiat experimentum
in corpore
vili.</span>
For, as the proverb has
it, the experiment should be made &#8220;on the
worthless Carian&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> not on the general. For to
say &#8220;I shouldn&#8217;t have thought it,&#8221;&mdash;&#8220;Who would have
expected it?&#8221; seems to me the clearest proof of strategical
incompetence and dulness.</p>

<p><a name="b10_33" id="b10_33"><b>33.</b></a> And so, though Hannibal&#8217;s claims to be reckoned a
great general are manifold, there is none more conspicuous than
this, that though engaged for a great length of time in an
enemy&#8217;s country, and though he experienced a great variety of
fortune, he again and again inflicted a disaster on his opponents
in minor encounters, but never suffered one himself, in spite of
the number and severity of the contests which he conducted:
and the reason, we may suppose was, that he took great care
of his personal safety. And very properly so: for if the leader
escapes uninjured and safe, though a decisive defeat may
have been sustained, fortune offers many opportunities for
retrieving disasters; but if he has fallen, the pilot as it were of
the ship, even should fortune give the victory to the army,
no real advantage is gained; because all the hopes of the
soldiers depend upon their leaders.
So much for those who
fall into such errors from foolish vanity, childish parade,
<span class="sidenote">An incident in
the attempt of
Hannibal to enter
Salapia, under
cover of a letter
sealed by the ring
of the dead Consul
Marcus.
Livy, 27, 28.</span>
ignorance, or contempt. For it is ever one or the other of
these that is at the bottom of such disasters....</p>

<p>They suddenly let down the portcullis,
which they had raised somewhat by pulleys,
and thus closed up the gateway. Then they
took the men and crucified them before the
walls....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span></p>

<h3>SCIPIO IN SPAIN</h3>

<p><a name="b10_34" id="b10_34"><b>34.</b></a> In Iberia Publius Scipio took up his winter quarters at
Tarraco, as I have already stated;<span class="sidenote">Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
209-208. See
<i>supra</i>. ch. 20.
The adhesion of
Edeco, prince of
the Edetani.</span>
and secured
the fidelity and affection of the Iberians,
to
begin with, by the restoration of the hostages to
their respective families. He found a voluntary
supporter of his measures in the person of
Edeco, the prince of the Edetani; who no
sooner heard that New Carthage had been taken, and that
Scipio had got his wife and children into his hands, than,
concluding that the Iberians would change sides, he resolved
to take the lead in the movement: conceiving that, by acting
thus, he would best be able to get back his wife and children,
and at the same time have the credit of joining the Romans
by deliberate choice, and not under compulsion. And so it
turned out. For as soon as the armies were dismissed to their
winter quarters, he came to Tarraco, accompanied by his
kinsfolk and friends; and there being admitted to an interview
with Scipio, he said that &#8220;he thanked the gods heartily
that he was the first of the native princes to come to him; for
whereas the others were still sending ambassadors to the
Carthaginians and looking to them for support,&mdash;even while
stretching out their hands to the Romans,&mdash;he was come there
to offer not only himself, but his friends and kinsfolk also, to
the protection of Rome. If therefore he should have the
honour to be regarded by him as a friend and ally, he would
be able to render him important service both in the present
and the future. For as soon as the Iberians saw that he had
been admitted to Scipio&#8217;s friendship, and had obtained what he
asked, they would all come in with a similar object, hoping to
have their relatives restored, and to enjoy the alliance of Rome.
Their affection being secured for the future by receiving such
a mark of honour and benevolence, he would have in them
sincere and ready coadjutors in all his future undertakings.
He therefore asked to have his wife and children restored to
him, and to be allowed to return home an acknowledged friend
of Rome; in order that he might have a reasonable pretext<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span>
for showing, to the best of his power, his own and his friends&#8217;
affection for Scipio himself and for the Roman cause.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b10_35" id="b10_35"><b>35.</b></a> When Edeco had finished his speech, Scipio, who had
been ready to gratify him from the first,<span class="sidenote">Edeco is followed
by other tribes.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 209-8.</span>
and took the same view as to the policy of
the proceeding, delivered him his wife
and children, and granted the friendship which he asked.
More than this, his subtle intellect made an extraordinary
impression on the Iberian in the course of the interview; and
having held out splendid hopes to all his companions for the
future, he allowed him to return to his own country. This
affair having rapidly got wind, all the tribes living north of the
Ebro, such as had not done so before, joined the Romans with
one consent.</p>

<p>Thus so far everything was going well with Scipio. After
the departure of these people, he broke up his naval force,
seeing that there was nothing to resist him at sea; and selecting
the best of the crews, he distributed them among the
maniples, and thus augmented his land forces.</p>

<p>But Andobales and Mandonius, the most powerful princes
of the day in Iberia, and believed to be<span class="sidenote">Andobales and
Mandonius abandon
Hasdrubal.</span>
the
most sincerely devoted to the Carthaginians,
had long been secretly discontented and on the
look-out for an opportunity: ever since Hasdrubal, under a
pretence of having a doubt of their loyalty, had demanded a
large sum of money, and their wives and daughters as hostages,
as I have already narrated.<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> And thinking that a convenient
opportunity had now come, they got together their own forces,
and, quitting the Carthaginian camp under cover of night,
occupied a position sufficiently strong to secure their safety.
Upon this, most of the other Iberians also abandoned
Hasdrubal: having long been annoyed at the overbearing
conduct of the Carthaginians, and now seizing the first opportunity
to manifest their feelings.</p>

<p><a name="b10_36" id="b10_36"><b>36.</b></a> This has often happened to people before. For though,
as I have many times remarked, success in a campaign and
victory over one&#8217;s enemies are great things, it requires much
greater skill and caution to use such successes well. Accordingly,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span>
you will find that those who have gained victories are
many times more numerous than those who have made good
use of them. The Carthaginians at this crisis are an instance
in point. After conquering the Roman armies, and slaying
both the generals, Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, imagining that
Iberia was their own without dispute, they began treating the
natives tyrannically; and accordingly found enemies in their
subjects instead of allies and friends. And they were quite
rightly served, for imagining that the conduct necessary for
keeping power was something different from that necessary for
obtaining it; and for failing to understand that they keep
empire best, who best maintain the same principles in virtue of
which they gained it. And yet it is obvious enough, and has
been again and again demonstrated, that men gain power by
beneficent actions, and by holding out hopes of advantage to
those with whom they are dealing; but that, as soon as they
have got what they wanted, and begin to act wickedly and rule
despotically, it is but natural that, as their rulers have changed,
the feelings of the subjects should change too. So it was with
the Carthaginians.</p>

<p><a name="b10_37" id="b10_37"><b>37.</b></a> Surrounded by such difficulties Hasdrubal was agitated
by many conflicting emotions and anxieties. He was vexed
by the desertion of Andobales; vexed by the opposition and
feud between himself and the other commanders; and greatly
alarmed as to the arrival of Scipio, expecting that he would
immediately bring his forces to attack him. Perceiving therefore
that he was being abandoned by the Iberians, and that
they were joining the Romans with one accord, he decided
upon the following plan of action. He resolved that he must
collect the best force he could, and give the enemy battle: if
fortune declared in his favour he could then consider his next
step in safety, but if the battle turned out unfavourably for
him, he would retreat with those that survived into Gaul; and
collecting from that country as many of the natives as he could,
would go to Italy, and take his share in the same fortune as his
brother Hannibal.</p>

<p>While Hasdrubal was arriving at this resolution, Publius
Scipio was rejoined by Gaius Laelius; and, being
informed by him of the orders of the Senate,<span class="sidenote">Early in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 208,
Scipio moves
southward to
attack Hasdrubal
in the valley of
the Baetis.
Livy, 27, 18-19.</span>
he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span>
collected his forces from their winter quarters
and began his advance: the Iberians joining
him on the march with great promptness and
hearty enthusiasm. Andobales had long been
in communication with Scipio: and, on the latter approaching
the district in which he was entrenched, he left his camp with
his friends and came to Scipio. In this interview he entered
upon a defence of himself in regard to his former friendship
with the Carthaginians, and spoke of the services he had done
them, and the fidelity which he had shown to them.
He then went on to narrate the injustice and tyranny
which he had experienced at their hands; and demanded that
Scipio himself should be the judge of his pleas. If he were
shown to be making ungrounded complaints against the
Carthaginians, he might justly conclude him incapable of
keeping faith with the Romans either: but if, on a review of
these numerous acts of injustice he were proved to have had no
other course than to desert the Carthaginians, Scipio might
confidently expect that, if he now elected to join the Romans,
he would be firm in his loyalty to them.</p>

<p><a name="b10_38" id="b10_38"><b>38.</b></a> Andobales added many more arguments before finishing
his speech; and when he had done,<span class="sidenote">Andobales joins
Scipio.</span> Scipio
answered by saying that &#8220;he quite believed
what he had said; and that he had the strongest
reason for knowing about the insolent conduct of the Carthaginians,
both from their treatment of the other Iberians, and
conspicuously from their licentious behaviour to their wives
and daughters, whom he had found occupying the position,
not of hostages, but of captives and slaves; and to whom he
had preserved such inviolable honour as could scarcely have
been equalled by their very fathers themselves.&#8221; And upon
Andobales and his companions acknowledging that they were
quite aware of this, and falling at his feet and calling him
king, all present expressed approval. Whereupon Scipio with
emotion bade them &#8220;fear nothing, for they would experience
nothing but kindness at the hands of the Romans.&#8221; He at
once handed over his daughters to Andobales; and next day
made the treaty with him, the chief provision of which was
that he should follow the Roman commanders and obey their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span>
commands. This being settled, he returned to his camp;
brought over his army to Scipio; and, having joined camps
with the Romans, advanced with them against Hasdrubal.</p>

<p>Now the Carthaginian general was encamped at Baecula,
in the district of Castulo, not far from the silver
mines.<span class="sidenote">Hasdrubal
changes his position
to one of
superior strength.</span>
But when he learnt the approach of the
Romans, he shifted his quarters; and his rear
being secured by a river, and having a stretch
of table-land in front of his entrenchment of sufficient extent
for his troops to man&#339;uvre, and bounded by a steep descent
sufficiently deep for security, he stayed quietly in position:
always taking care to post pickets on the brow of the descent.
As soon as he came within distance, <span class="sidenote">Scipio arrives.</span> Scipio was
eager to give him battle, but was baffled by the
strength of the enemy&#8217;s position. After waiting two days,
however, he became anxious, lest by the arrival of Mago and
Hasdrubal, son of Gesco, he should find himself surrounded
by hostile forces: he therefore determined to venture on an
attack and make trial of the enemy.</p>

<p><a name="b10_39" id="b10_39"><b>39.</b></a> His whole army having been got ready for battle, he
confined the main body within his camp,<span class="sidenote">Scipio successfully
assaults
Hasdrubal&#8217;s
position.</span>
but
sent out the velites and some picked men of
the infantry with orders to assault the brow of
the hill and attack the enemy&#8217;s pickets. His
orders were carried out with great spirit. At first the Carthaginian
commander watched what was happening without
stirring: but when he saw that, owing to the fury of the Roman
attack, his men were being hard pressed, he led out his army
and drew them up along the brow of the hill, trusting to the
strength of the position. Meanwhile Scipio despatched all his
light-armed troops with orders to support the advanced guard:
and the rest of his army being ready for action, he took half of
them under his own command, and going round the brow of
the hill to the enemy&#8217;s left, began assaulting the Carthaginians;
while he entrusted the other half to Laelius, with orders to
make a similar attack on the right of the enemy. While this
was going on, Hasdrubal was still engaged in getting his troops
out of camp: for hitherto he had been waiting, because he
trusted in the strength of the position, and felt confident that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span>
the enemy would never venture to attempt it. The attack,
therefore, took him by surprise, before he was able to get his
men on to the ground. As the Romans were now assaulting
the two wings of the position which the enemy had not yet
occupied, they not only mounted the brow of the hill in safety,
but actually advanced to the attack while their opponents were
still in all the confusion and bustle of falling in. Accordingly
they killed some of them on their exposed flank; while others,
who were actually in the act of falling in, they forced to turn
and flee.<span class="sidenote">Hasdrubal retreats,
and makes
the Pyrenees.</span>
Seeing his army giving way and retreating,
Hasdrubal reverted to his preconceived
plan; and determining not to stake his all upon
this one desperate hazard, he secured his money and his
elephants, collected as many of his flying soldiers as he could,
and commenced a retreat towards the Tagus, with a view of
reaching the passes of the Pyrenees and the Gauls in that
neighbourhood.</p>

<p>Scipio did not think it advisable to pursue Hasdrubal at
once, for fear of being attacked by the other Carthaginian
generals; but he gave up the enemy&#8217;s camp to his men to
pillage.</p>

<p><a name="b10_40" id="b10_40"><b>40.</b></a> Next morning he collected the prisoners, amounting to
ten thousand foot and more than two thousand horse, and
busied himself in making arrangements about them. All the
Iberians of that district, who were in alliance at that time with
the Carthaginians, came in and submitted to the Roman
obedience, and in addressing Scipio called him &#8220;king.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s self-restraint.</span>The
first to do this and to bow the knee before him
had been Edeco, and the next Andobales. On
these occasions Scipio had passed the word over
without remark; but after the battle, when all alike addressed
him by that title, his attention was drawn to it; and he therefore
summoned the Iberians to a meeting, and told them that
&#8220;he quite wished to be called a man of royal liberality by them
all, and to be so in the truest sense, but that he had no wish
to be a &#8216;king,&#8217; nor to be called one by any one; they should
address him as general.&#8221;</p>

<p>Even at this early period of his career, an observer might
have remarked the loftiness of Scipio&#8217;s character. He was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span>
still quite young. His good fortune had been so persistent,
that all who came under his rule were led naturally to think
and speak of him as a king. Yet he did not lose his self-control;
but deprecated this popular impulse and this show of
dignity. But this same loftiness of character was still more
admirable in the closing scenes of his life, when, in addition
to his achievements in Iberia, he crushed the Carthaginians;
reduced the largest and fairest districts of Libya, from the
Altars of Philaenus to the Pillars of Hercules, under the power
of his country; conquered Asia and the kings of Syria; made
the best and largest part of the world subject to Rome; and
in doing so had numerous opportunities of acquiring regal
sway, in whatever parts of the world suited his purpose or
wish. For such achievements were enough to have kindled
pride, not merely in any human breast, but even, if I may say
so without irreverence, in that of a god. But Scipio&#8217;s greatness
of soul was so superior to the common standard of mankind,
that he again and again rejected what Fortune had put
within his grasp, that prize beyond which men&#8217;s boldest
prayers do not go&mdash;the power of a king: and he steadily preferred
his country and his duty to that royalty, which men
gaze at with such admiration and envy.</p>

<p>Scipio next proceeded to select from the captives the
native Iberians, and all these he dismissed to
their homes without ransom; and bidding Andobales
select three hundred of the horses,<span class="sidenote">Scipio occupies
the position
evacuated by the
Carthaginians.</span> he distributed
the remainder among those who had
none. For the rest, he at once occupied the entrenchment of
the Carthaginians, owing to its excellent situation; and there he
remained himself, waiting to see the movements of the other
Carthaginian generals;<span class="sidenote">Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
208-207.</span>
while he detached a body of men to
the passes of the Pyrenees to keep a look-out for
Hasdrubal. After this, as it was getting late in
season, he retired with his army to Tarraco
being bent on wintering there....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span></p>

<h3>AFFAIRS IN GREECE</h3>

<p><a name="b10_41" id="b10_41"><b>41.</b></a> The Aetolians had recently become greatly encouraged
by the arrival of the Romans and King Attalus:<span class="sidenote">King Philip
undertakes to aid
the Achaean
league, and other
Greek states,
against a threatened
attack of the
Aetolians in
alliance with
Rome, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 208.
Cp. Livy, 27, 30.
See above Bk. <b>9</b>,
ch. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>-42.</span>
and accordingly began menacing every one, and
threatening all with an attack by land, while
Attalus and Publius Sulpicius did the same by
sea. Wherefore Achaean legates arrived at the
court of King Philip entreating his help: for it
was not the Aetolians alone of whom they were
standing in dread, but Machanidas also, as he
was encamped with his army on the frontier of
Argos. The Boeotians also, in fear of the
enemy&#8217;s fleet, were demanding a leader and
help from the king. Most urgent of all, however, were the
Euboeans in their entreaties to him to take some precaution
against the enemy. A similar appeal was being made by the
Acarnanians; and there was an embassy even from the
Epirotes. News had arrived that both Scerdilaidas and
Pleuratus were leading out their armies: and, over and above
this, that the Thracian tribes on the frontier of Macedonia,
especially the Maedi, were planning to invade Macedonia, if
the king were induced to stir from his realm however short a
distance. Moreover the Aetolians were already securing the
pass of Thermopylae with trenches and stockades and a
formidable garrison, satisfied that they would thus shut out
Philip, and entirely prevent him from coming to the assistance
of his allies south of the pass. It appears to me that a crisis
of this sort is well worth the observation and attention of my
readers; for it affords a trial and test of the vigour of the
leader affected. As in the hunting-field the wild animals
never show their full courage and strength until surrounded
and brought to bay,&mdash;so it is with leaders. And no more
conspicuous instance could be found than this of Philip. He
dismissed the various embassies, promising each that he would
do his best: and then devoted his attention to the war which
surrounded him on all sides, watching to see in what direction,
and against which enemy, he had best direct his first attack.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b10_42" id="b10_42"><b>42.</b></a> Just then intelligence reached him that Attalus had
crossed the sea and, dropping anchor at Peparethos, had
occupied the island. He therefore despatched a body of men
to the islanders to garrison their city; and at the same time
despatched Polyphontes with an adequate force into Phocis and
Boeotia; and Menippus, with a thousand peltasts and five
hundred Agrianes to Chalcis and the rest of Euboea; while he
himself advanced to Scotusa, and sent word at the same time
to the Macedonians to meet him at that town. But when he
learnt that Attalus had sailed into the port of Nicaea, and that
the leaders of the Aetolians were collecting at Heraclea, with
the purpose of holding a conference together on the immediate
steps to be taken, he started with his army from Scotusa, eager
to hurry thither and break up their meeting. He arrived too
late to interrupt the conference: but he destroyed or carried
off the corn belonging to the people along the Aenianian gulf,
and then returned. After this he left his army in Scotusa
once more; and, with the light-armed troops and the royal
guard, went to Demetrias, and there remained, waiting to see
what the enemy would attempt. To secure that he should be
kept perfectly acquainted with all their movements, he sent
messengers to the Peparethii, and to his troops in Phocis and
Euboea, and ordered them to telegraph to him everything
which happened, by means of fire signals directed to Mount
Tisaeum, which is a mountain of Thessaly conveniently situated
for commanding a view of those places.</p>

<p><a name="b10_43" id="b10_43"><b>43.</b></a> The method of signalling by fire, which is of the
highest utility in the operations of war, has never
before been clearly expounded;<span class="sidenote">Fire signals.</span> and I think I
shall be doing a service if I do not pass it over, but give an
account of it adequate to its importance. Now that opportuneness
is of the utmost moment in all undertakings, and pre-eminently
so in those of war, no one doubts; and of all the things which
contribute to enable us to hit the proper time nothing is more
efficacious than fire signals. For they convey intelligence
sometimes of what has just happened, sometimes of what is
actually going on; and by paying proper attention to them one
can get this information at three or four days&#8217; journey off, and
even more: so that it continually happens that the help<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span>
required may be unexpectedly given, thanks to a message
conveyed by fire signals. Now, formerly, as the art of signalling
by fire was confined to a single method, it proved in very
many cases unserviceable to those employing it. For as it
was necessary to employ certain definite signals which had
been agreed upon, and as possible occurrences are unlimited,
the greater number of them were beyond the competence
of the fire signals to convey. To take the present instance:
it was possible by means of the signals agreed upon to send
the information that a fleet had arrived at Oreus or Peparethos
or Chalcis; but it was impossible to express that &#8220;certain
citizens had gone over to the enemy,&#8221; or &#8220;were betraying the
town,&#8221; or that &#8220;a massacre had taken place,&#8221; or any of those
things which often occur, but which cannot be all anticipated.
Yet it is precisely the unexpected occurrences which demand
instant consideration and succour. All such things then were
naturally beyond the competence of fire signalling, inasmuch
as it was impossible to adopt an arbitrary sign for things which
it was impossible to anticipate.</p>

<p><a name="b10_44" id="b10_44"><b>44.</b></a> Aeneas, therefore, the writer of the treatise on tactics,
wished to correct this defect, and did in fact
make some improvement;<span class="sidenote">The improvement
introduced
by Aeneas
Tacticus.</span>
but his invention
still fell very far short of what was wanted,
as the following passage from his treatise will
show.<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> &#8220;Let those who wish,&#8221; he says, &#8220;to communicate any
matter of pressing importance to each other by fire-signals
prepare two earthenware vessels of exactly equal size both as
to diameter and depth. Let the depth be three cubits, the
diameter one. Then prepare corks of a little shorter diameter
than that of the vessels: and in the middle of these corks fix
rods divided into equal portions of three fingers&#8217; breadth, and
let each of these portions be marked with a clearly distinguishable
line: and in each let there be written one of the most
obvious and universal of those events which occur in war;
for instance in the first &#8216;cavalry have entered the country,&#8217; in
the second &#8216;hoplites,&#8217; in the third &#8216;light-armed,&#8217; in the next
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>&#8216;infantry and cavalry,&#8217; in another &#8216;ships,&#8217; in another &#8216;corn,&#8217;
and so on, until all the portions have written on them the
events which may reasonably be expected to occur in the
particular war. Then carefully pierce both the vessels in such
a way that the taps shall be exactly equal and carry off the
same amount of water. Fill the vessels with water and lay the
corks with their rods upon its surface, and set both taps running
together. This being done, it is evident that if there is perfect
equality in every respect between them, both corks will sink
exactly in proportion as the water runs away, and both rods
will disappear to the same extent into the vessels. When they
have been tested, and the rate of the discharge of water has
been found to be exactly equal in both, then the vessels
should be taken respectively to the two places from which the
two parties intend to watch for fire signals. As soon as any
one of those eventualities which are inscribed upon the rods
takes place, raise a lighted torch, and wait until the signal is
answered by a torch from the others: this being raised, both
parties are to set the taps running together. When the cork
and rod on the signalling side has sunk low enough to bring
the ring containing the words which give the desired information
on a level with the rim of the vessel, a torch is to be
raised again. Those on the receiving side are then at once
to stop the tap, and to look at the words in the ring of the rod
which is on a level with the rim of their vessel. This will be
the same as that on the signalling side, assuming everything to
be done at the same speed on both sides.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b10_45" id="b10_45"><b>45.</b></a> Now this method, though introducing a certain improvement
in the system of fire signalling,<span class="sidenote">The drawbacks
to this method.</span>
is
still wanting in definiteness: for it is evident
that it is neither possible to anticipate, or, if you
could anticipate, to write upon the rod every possible thing
that may happen: and therefore, when anything unexpected in
the chapter of accidents does occur, it is plainly impossible
to communicate it by this method. Besides, even such statements
as are written on the rods are quite indefinite; for the
number of cavalry or infantry that have come, or the particular
point in the territory which they have entered, the number of
ships, or the amount of corn, cannot be expressed. For<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>
what cannot be known before it happens cannot have an
arrangement made for expressing it. And this is the important
point. For how is one to take proper measures for relief
without knowing the number or direction of the enemy?
Or how can the party to be relieved feel confidence or the
reverse, or indeed have any conception at all of the situation,
if it does not know how many ships or how much corn
have been despatched by the allies?</p>

<p>But the last method which was hit upon by Cleoxenus and
Democlitus, and further elaborated by myself,<span class="sidenote">The improved
method of
Cleoxenus and
Democlitus.</span>
is
above all things definite, and made capable of
indicating clearly whatever is needed at the
moment; but in its working it requires attention
and more than ordinarily close observation. It is as follows:
Divide the alphabet into five groups of five letters each (of
course the last group will be one letter short, but this will not
interfere with the working of the system). The parties about
to signal to each other must then prepare five tablets each, on
which the several groups of letters must be written. They
must then agree that the party signalling shall first raise two
torches, and wait until the other raises two also. The object
of this is to let each other know that they are attending.
These torches having been lowered, the signalling party raises
first torches on the left to indicate which of the tablets he
means: for instance, one if he means the first, two if he means
the second, and so on. He next raises torches on the right
showing in a similar manner by their number which of the
letters in the tablet he wishes to indicate to the recipient.</p>

<p><a name="b10_46" id="b10_46"><b>46.</b></a> This matter being agreed upon, the two parties must
go to their respective points of observation; and each must
have, to begin with, a stenoscope with two funnels, to enable
him to distinguish through one the right, through the other
the left position of the signaller opposite him. Near this
stenoscope the tablets must be fixed, and both points, to the
right and to the left, must be defended by a fence ten feet
long and about the height of a man, in order to make it clear
on which side the torches are raised, and to hide them entirely
when they are lowered. These preparations completed
on both sides, when a man wishes, for instance, to send the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>
message &#8220;Some of our soldiers to the number of a hundred
have deserted to the enemy,&#8221;&mdash;the first thing to do is to select
words that may give the same information with the fewest
letters, for instance, &#8220;A hundred Cretans have deserted,&#8221; for
thus the number of letters is diminished by more than a half
and the same information is given. This sentence having been
written on a tablet will be transmitted by five signals thus:
The first letter is &#954;, this comes in the second group of
letters and therefore on the second tablet; the signaller
therefore must raise two torches on the left to show the
recipient that he must look at the second tablet; then he will
raise five on the right, because &#954; is the fifth letter in the
group,<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> which the recipient must thereupon write on his tablet.
Then the signaller must raise four torches on the left, for &#961; is
in that group, and two on the right, because it is the second
in the fourth group, and the recipient will write &#961; on his tablet:
and so on for the other letters.</p>

<p><a name="b10_47" id="b10_47"><b>47.</b></a> Now everything that happens can be definitely imparted
by means of this invention; but the number of torches
employed is large, because each letter has to be indicated by
two series of them: still, if proper preparations are made, the
thing can be adequately carried out. But whichever method is
employed, those who use it must practise beforehand, in order that
when the actual occasion for putting it in use arises they may
be able to give each other the information without any hitch.
For there are plenty of instances to show what a wide difference
there is between the way an operation is carried out by men
who hear of it for the first time, and by men who have become
habituated to it. Many things which were considered not
only difficult, but impossible at first, are, after an interval of
time and practice, performed with the greatest ease. I could
give many illustrations of the truth of this remark, but the
clearest may be found in the art of reading. Put side by side
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>a man who has never learnt his letters, though otherwise acute,
and a child who has acquired the habit, and give the latter a
book, and bid him read it: the former will clearly not be induced
to believe that the reader has first to attend to the look
of each of the letters, secondly to their sound-value, and
thirdly to their combinations with others, each of which
operation requires a certain time. Therefore when he sees
the boy, without a pause for thought, reading off seven or five
lines at a breath, he will not easily be induced to believe
that he has not read the book before; and certainly not, if he
is able also to observe the appropriate enunciation, the
proper separations of the words, and the correct use of the
rough and smooth breathings. The moral is, not to give up
any useful accomplishment on account of its apparent difficulties,
but to persevere till it becomes a matter of habit,
which is the way mankind have obtained all good things. And
especially is this right when the matters in question are
such as are often of decisive importance to our safety.</p>

<p>I was led to say this much in connexion with my former
assertion that &#8220;all the arts had made such progress in our
age that most of them were reduced in a manner to exact
sciences.&#8221; And therefore this too is a point in which history
properly written is of the highest utility....</p>

<h3><span class="smcap">ANTIOCHUS IN PARTHIA, B.C. 209-5.</span> See ch. <a href="#b10_31">31</a>.</h3>

<p><a name="b10_48" id="b10_48"><b>48.</b></a> The Apasiacae live between the rivers Oxus and Tanais,
the former of which falls into the Hyrcanian
Sea,<span class="sidenote">The entrance of
the Nomad
Scythians into
Hyrcania.</span>
the latter into the Palus Maeotis.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> Both
are large enough to be navigable; and it
seems surprising how the Nomads managed to
come by land into Hyrcania along with their horses. Two
accounts are given of this affair, one of them probable, the
other very surprising yet not impossible. The Oxus rises in
the Caucasus, and being much augmented by tributaries in
Bactria, it rushes through the level plain with a violent and
turbid stream. When it reaches the desert it dashes its
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span>stream against some precipitous rocks with a force raised to
such tremendous proportions by the mass of its waters, and
the declivity down which it has descended, that it leaps from
the rocks to the plain below leaving an interval of more than a
stade between the rock and its falls. It is through this space
that they say the Apasiacae went on foot with their horses
into Hyrcania, under the fall, and keeping close to the rock.
The other account is more probable on the face of it. It is
said that, as the basin of the river has extensive flats into
which it descends with violence, the force of the stream makes
hollows in them, and opens chasms into which the water
descends deep below the surface, and so is carried on for a
short way, and then reappears: and that the barbarians, being
well acquainted with the facts, make their way on horseback,
over the space thus left dry, into Hyrcania....</p>

<p><a name="b10_49" id="b10_49"><b>49.</b></a> News being brought that Euthydemus<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> with his force
was at Tapuria, and that a body of ten thousand<span class="sidenote">Battle on the
river Arius between
Antiochus
and the
Bactrians.</span>
horsemen were keeping guard at the
passage of the river Arius, he decided to
abandon the siege and attack these last. The
river was three days&#8217; march away. For two days
therefore he marched at a moderate speed; but on the third,
after dinner, he gave orders for the rest of his army to start
next day at daybreak; while he himself, with the cavalry and
light-armed troops and ten thousand peltasts, started in the
night and pushed on at a great rate. For he was informed
that the cavalry of the enemy kept guard by day on the bank
of the river, but at night retired to a city more than twenty
stades off. Having completed therefore the rest of the way
under cover of night, the plains being excellent for riding, he
got the greater part of his army across the river by daybreak,
before the enemy came back. When their scouts told them
what had happened, the horsemen of the Bactrians hastened to
the rescue, and fell in with their opponents while on the march.
Seeing that he must stand the first charge of the enemy, the king
summoned the two thousand horsemen who were accustomed
to fight round his own person; and issuing orders that the rest
were to form their companies and squadrons, and take up their
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span>usual order on the ground on which they already were, he
advanced with the two thousand cavalry, and met the charge
of the advanced guard of the Bactrians. In this engagement
Antiochus is reputed to have shown the greatest gallantry of
any of his men. There was heavy loss on both sides: the
king&#8217;s men conquered the first squadron, but when a second
and a third charged, they began to be hard pressed and to
suffer seriously. At that juncture, most of the cavalry being
by this time on the ground, Panaetolus ordered a general
advance; relieved the king and his squadrons; and, upon the
Bactrians charging in loose order, forced them to turn and
fly in confusion. They never drew rein before the charge of
Panaetolus, until they rejoined Euthydemus, with a loss of more
than half their number. The king&#8217;s cavalry on the contrary
retired, after killing large numbers and taking a great many
prisoners, and bivouacked by the side of the river. In this
action the king had a horse killed under him, and lost some of
his teeth by a blow on the mouth; and his whole bearing obtained
him a reputation for bravery of the highest description.
After this battle Euthydemus retreated in dismay with his
army to the city of Zariaspa in Bactria....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XI</h2>

<p><a name="b11_1" id="b11_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">My</span> reason for prefixing a table of contents to each book,
rather than a preface, is not because I do not recognise the
usefulness of a preface in arresting attention and rousing
interest, and also giving facilities for finding any passage that is
wanted, but because I find prefaces viewed, though from many
inadequate reasons, with contempt and neglect. I therefore
had recourse to a table of contents throughout my history,
except the first six books, arranged according to Olympiads,
as being as effective, or even more so, than a preface, and at
the same time as less subject to the objection of being out
of place, for it is closely connected with the subject-matter.
In the first six books I wrote prefaces, because I thought a
mere table of contents less suitable....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>After the battle at Baecula, Hasdrubal made good his passage
over the Western Pyrenees, and thence through the Cevennes</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
<i>208. In the spring of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 207 <i>he crossed the Alps and descended
into Italy, crossed the Po, and besieged Placentia. Thence he
sent a letter to his brother Hannibal announcing that he would
march southward by Ariminum and meet him in Umbria. The
letter fell into the hands of the Consul Nero, who was at Venusia,
and who immediately made a forced march northward, joined his
colleague at Sena, and the next day attacked Hasdrubal. See
above, 10, 39; Livy, 27, 39-49.</i></p>

<p class="tb">Much easier and shorter was Hasdrubal&#8217;s journey into
Italy....<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a></p>

<p>Never at any other time had Rome been in a greater state
of excitement and terrified expectation of the result....<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span></p>

<p>None of these arrangements satisfied Hasdrubal. But
circumstances no longer admitted of delay.<span class="sidenote">Battle of the
Metaurus,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 207.
Coss. C. Claudius
Nero, M. Livius
Salinator II.</span>
He
saw the enemy drawn out in battle array and
advancing; and he was obliged to get the
Iberians and the Gauls who were serving with
him into line. He therefore stationed his ten
elephants on the front, increased the depth of
his lines, and so had his whole army covering a somewhat
small ground. He took up a position himself in the centre of
the line, immediately behind the elephants, and commenced
an advance upon the Roman left, with a full resolution that in
this battle he must either conquer or die. Livius advanced to
meet the enemy with proud confidence, and having come to
close quarters with him was fighting with great gallantry. Meanwhile
Claudius, who was stationed on the right wing, found himself
unable to advance and outflank the enemy, owing to the
rough ground in front of him, relying on which Hasdrubal
had directed his advance upon the Roman left: and being
embarrassed by his inability to strike a blow, he promptly
decided what the circumstances pointed out as the tactics to
pursue. He withdrew his men from the right wing, and
marched them on the rear of the field of battle; and, after
passing the left of the Roman line, fell upon the flank of the
Carthaginians who were fighting near the elephants. Up to
this point the victory had been doubtful; for both sides fought
with desperation, the Romans believing that all would be over
with them if they failed, and the Iberians and Carthaginians
holding exactly the same conviction for themselves. Moreover
the elephants were being of disservice to both sides alike; for
finding themselves between two forces, and exposed to a crossfire
of javelins, they kept throwing both the Carthaginian and
Roman lines into confusion. But as soon as Claudius fell
upon the rear of the enemy the battle ceased to be equal: for
the Iberians found themselves attacked on front and rear at
once, which resulted in the greater part of them being cut
down on the ground. Six of the elephants were killed with
the men on them, four forced their way through the lines and
were afterwards captured, having been abandoned by their
Indian drivers.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b11_2" id="b11_2"><b>2.</b></a> Hasdrubal had behaved on this occasion, as throughout
his whole life, like a brave man,<span class="sidenote">Hasdrubal falls
in the battle.</span>
and died
fighting: and he deserves not to be passed over
without remark. I have already stated that
Hannibal was his brother, and on his departure to Italy
entrusted the command in Iberia to him. I have also described
his many contests with the Romans, and the many embarrassing
difficulties with which he had to struggle, caused by the generals
sent from Carthage to Iberia; and how in all these matters he
had supported these vicissitudes and reverses in a noble spirit
worthy of a son of Barcas. But I will now speak of his last
contest, and explain why he seems to me pre-eminently to
deserve respectful attention and imitation. Most generals and
kings, when entering upon decisive battles, place before their
eyes the glory and advantages to be obtained from victory, and
frequently consider and contrive what use they will make of
every success; but they do not go on to review the chances
of failure, nor contemplate the plan to be adopted, or the
action to be taken, in the case of reverse. Yet the former is
obvious, the latter requires foresight. Therefore it is that most
of them, though in many instances their soldiers have fought
nobly, by their own folly and imprudence in this respect have
added dishonour to defeat: have disgraced their previous
achievements, and rendered themselves, during the remainder
of their lives, objects of reproach and contempt. It is easy to
see that many leaders make this fatal mistake, and that the
difference between one man and another in these points is
most signal; for history is full of such instances. Hasdrubal,
on the contrary, as long as there was reasonable hope of being
able to accomplish anything worthy of his former achievements,
regarded his personal safety in battle as of the highest consequence;
but when Fortune deprived him of all hopes for the
future, and reduced him to the last extremities, though
neglecting nothing either in his preparations or on the field
that might secure him the victory, nevertheless considered
how, in case of total overthrow, he might face his fate and
suffer nothing unworthy of his past career.</p>

<p>These remarks are meant for those engaged in active
operations, that they may neither dash the hopes of those who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span>
rely upon them by a heedless seeking of danger, nor by an
unworthy clinging to life add disgrace and shame to the
catastrophies which befall them.</p>

<p><a name="b11_3" id="b11_3"><b>3.</b></a> Having won the victory, the Romans began pillaging the
enemy&#8217;s camp; and killed a number of the Celts, as they lay
stupefied with drunkenness in their beds, like unresisting
victims. Then they collected the rest of the booty, from
which more than three hundred talents were paid into the
treasury. Taking Carthaginians and Celts together, not less
than ten thousand were killed, and about two thousand
Romans. Some of the principal Carthaginians were taken
prisoners, but the rest were put to the sword. When the
report reached Rome, people at first could not believe it, from
the intensity of their wish that it might be true; but when still
more men arrived, not only stating the fact, but giving full
details, then indeed the city was filled with overpowering joy;
every temple-court was decked, and every shrine full of
sacrificial cakes and victims: and, in a word, they were raised
to such a pitch of hopefulness and confidence, that every one
felt sure that Hannibal, formerly the object of their chief
terror, could not after that stay even in Italy....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>A speech of the legate from Rhodes<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> before an assembly of
Aetolians at Heraclea in the autumn of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>207 (see Livy, 28,
7), at the end of the summer campaign</i>.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b11_4" id="b11_4"><b>4.</b></a> &#8220;Facts I imagine, Aetolians, have made it clear to you
that neither King Ptolemy nor the community of Rhodes,
Byzantium, Chios, or Mitylene, regard a composition with you
as unimportant. For this is not the first or the second time
that we have introduced the subject of peace to your assembly;
but ever since you entered upon the war we have beset you
with entreaties, and have never desisted from warning you on this
subject; because we saw that its immediate result would be
the destruction of yourselves and of Macedonia, and because
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span>we foresaw in the future danger to our own countries and to that
of all other Greeks. For as, when a man has once set a fire
alight, the result is no longer dependent upon his choice, but
it spreads in whatever direction chance may direct, guided for
the most part by the wind and the combustible nature of the
material, and frequently attacks the first author of the conflagration
himself: so too, war, when once it has been kindled by a
nation, sometimes devours the first those who kindled it; and
soon rushes along destroying everything that falls in its way,
continually gathering fresh strength, and blown into greater
heat by the folly of the people in its neighbourhood, as though
by the wind. Wherefore, men of Aetolia, considering that we,
as representatives of the whole body of the islanders and of the
Greek inhabitants of Asia, are here to beseech you to put an
end to war and to choose peace, because the matter affects
us as well as you, show your wisdom by listening to us and
yielding to our entreaties. For if you were carrying on a war
which, though profitless (and most wars are that), was yet
glorious from the motive which prompted it, and the reputation
likely to accrue from it, you might be pardoned perhaps
for a fixed determination to continue it; but if it is a war
of the most signal infamy, which can bring you nothing
but discredit and obloquy,&mdash;does not such an undertaking
claim considerable hesitation on your part? We will speak
our opinion frankly; and you, if you are wise, will give us a
quiet hearing. For it is much better to hear a disagreeable
truth now and thereby be preserved, than to listen to smooth
things now, and soon afterwards to be ruined yourselves, and to
ruin the rest of the Greeks with you.</p>

<p><a name="b11_5" id="b11_5"><b>5.</b></a> &#8220;Put then before your eyes your own folly. You
profess to be at war against Philip on behalf of the Greeks,
that they may escape from servitude to him; but your war is
really for the enslavement and ruin of Greece. That is the
tale told by your treaty with Rome, which formerly existed
only in written words, but is now seen in full operation.
Heretofore, though mere written words, it was a disgrace to
you: but now your execution of it has made that disgrace
palpable to the eyes of all the world. Moreover, Philip merely
lends his name and serves as a pretext for the war: he is not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span>
exposed to any attack: it is against his allies,&mdash;the majority of
the Peloponnesian states, Boeotia, Euboea, Phocis, Locris,
Thessaly, Epirus,&mdash;that you have made this treaty,<span class="sidenote">Cp. 9. 39.</span>
bargaining
that their bodies and their goods shall belong to
the Romans, their cities and their territory to
the Aetolians. And though personally, if you took a city, you
would not stoop to violate the freeborn, or to burn the buildings,
because you look upon such conduct as cruel and barbarous;
yet you have made a treaty by which you have handed
over all other Greeks to the barbarians, to be exposed to the
most shameful violence and lawlessness. And all this was
hitherto kept a secret. But now the fate of the people of
Oreus, and of the miserable Aeginetans, has betrayed you to
every one,&mdash;Fortune having, as though of set purpose, suddenly
brought your infatuation before the scenes.</p>

<p>&#8220;So much for the origin of the war and its events up to
now. But as to its result,&mdash;supposing everything to go to
your wish,&mdash;what do you expect that to be? Will it not be
the beginning of great miseries to all Greece?</p>

<p><a name="b11_6" id="b11_6"><b>6.</b></a> &#8220;For I presume no one can fail to see that, if once the
Romans get rid of the war in Italy,&mdash;and this is all but done,
now that Hannibal has been confined to a narrow district in
Bruttii,&mdash;they will direct their whole power upon Greece:
professedly, indeed, in aid of the Boeotians against Philip, but
really with the view of reducing it entirely under their own
power. And if they design to treat it well when they have
conquered it, theirs will be the honour and glory; and if
badly, theirs too will be the plunder from the states they destroy,
and the power over those which they allow to survive: while
you will be calling upon the gods to witness your wrongs, when
no god will be any longer willing, nor any man be able to
help you. Now, perhaps, you ought to have foreseen all this
from the first, for that would have been your best course.
But since the future often escapes human foresight, now, at
any rate, that you have seen by actual experience what has
happened, it must be your duty to take better measures for the
future. In any case we have omitted nothing which it becomes
sincere friends to say or do. We have spoken our opinion
about the future with absolute frankness; and you we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span>
urge and entreat not to stand in the way of the freedom and
safety of yourselves or of the rest of Greece.&#8221;</p>

<p>This speaker having, as it seemed, made a considerable
impression, he was followed by the ambassadors of Philip, who,
without making a long speech, merely said that they were
commissioned to do one of two things,&mdash;if the Aetolians chose
peace, to accept it readily: if not, to call the gods and the
ambassadors from Greece to witness that the Aetolians, and
not Philip, ought to be held responsible for what happened
thereafter, and so to depart....</p>

<p><a name="b11_7" id="b11_7"><b>7.</b></a> Philip loudly lamented his ill-fortune in having so
narrowly missed getting Attalus into his
hands....<span class="sidenote">Attalus eludes
Philip. Livy, 28, 7, 8,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 207.</span></p>

<p>On his way to the lake Trichonis Philip arrived
at Thermus, where there was a temple of Apollo;<span class="sidenote">Philip at Thermus.
See 5,
6-18.</span>
and there he once more defaced all the sacred
buildings which he had spared on his former
occupation of the town. In both instances it was an ill-advised
indulgence of temper: for it is a mark of utter unreasonableness
to commit an act of impiety against heaven
in order to gratify one&#8217;s wrath against man....</p>

<h3>PHILOPOEMEN IN THE PELOPONNESE,</h3>
<p class="center"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 207</p>

<p><a name="b11_8" id="b11_8"><b>8.</b></a> There are three methods followed by those who wish to
arrive at an intelligent knowledge of tactics.<span class="sidenote">Defects of the
Achaean officers.</span>
The first is by the study of history, the second
by the use of scientific treatises composed by
specialists, the third by actual experience on the field. But
of all three of these methods the Achaean commanders were
equally ignorant....</p>

<p>A very general fault in the men was an unfortunate rivalry,
engendered by the ostentation and bad taste of the others.
They were very particular about their attendants and their
dress; and there was a show of splendour in this, kept up by
the majority beyond their means. But to their arms they paid
no attention whatever....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span></p>

<p>Most people, indeed, do not so much as attempt to
imitate the real achievements of those who obtain success, but,
while trying to reproduce their unimportant peculiarities,
succeed only in displaying their own frivolity....</p>

<p><a name="b11_9" id="b11_9"><b>9.</b></a> &#8220;Brightness in the armour,&#8221; he said, &#8220;contributes much
to inspire dismay in the enemy;<span class="sidenote">Speech of
Philopoemen
urging reform.</span>
and care
bestowed on having it made to fit properly is
of great service in actual use. This will best
be secured if you give to your arms the attention which you
now bestow on your dress, and transfer to your dress the
neglect which you now show of your arms. By thus acting,
you will at once save your money, and be undoubtedly able to
maintain the interests of your country. Therefore the man
who is going to take part in manoeuvres or a campaign ought,
when putting on his greaves, to see that they are bright and
well-fitting, much more than that his shoes and boots are; and
when he takes up his shield and helmet, to take care that they
are cleaner and more costly than his cloak and shirt: for
when men take greater care of what is for show, than of what
is for use, there can be no doubt of what will happen to them
on the field. I beg you to consider that elaboration in dress
is a woman&#8217;s weakness, and a woman of no very high character
either; but costliness and splendour in armour are the characteristics
of brave men who are resolved on saving themselves
and their country with glory.&#8221;</p>

<p>The whole audience were so convinced by this speech and
so much struck with the wisdom of the advice, that, immediately
after leaving the council-chamber, they began pointing with scorn
at the over-dressed dandies, and forced some of them to quit
the market-place; and what is more, in future manoeuvres and
campaigns they kept a stricter watch on each other in these
points.</p>

<p><a name="b11_10" id="b11_10"><b>10.</b></a> So true it is that a single word spoken by a man of
credit is often sufficient not only to turn men
<span class="sidenote">Philipoemen&#8217;s
own example.</span>
from the worst courses, but even to incite
them to the noblest. But when such a
speaker can appeal to his own life as in harmony with his
words, then indeed his exhortation carries a weight which
nothing can exceed. And this was above all others the case<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>
with Philopoemen. For in his dress and eating, as well as in
all that concerned his bodily wants, he was plain and simple;
in his manners to others without ceremony or pretence; and
throughout his life he made it his chief aim to be absolutely
sincere. Consequently a few unstudied words from him were
sufficient to raise a firm conviction in the minds of his hearers;
for as he could point to his own life as an example, they
wanted little more to convince them. Thus it happened on
several occasions, that the confidence he inspired, and the
consciousness of his achievements, enabled him in a few words
to overthrow long and, as his opponents thought, skilfully
argued speeches.</p>

<p>So on this occasion, as soon as the council of the league
separated, all returned to their cities deeply impressed both by
the words and the man himself, and convinced that no harm
could happen to them with him at their head. Immediately
afterwards Philopoemen set out on a visitation of the cities,
which he performed with great energy and speed. He then
summoned a levy of citizens and began forming them into
companies and drilling them;<span class="sidenote">War against
Machanidas,
tyrant of Sparta.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 208-207.</span>
and at last, after
eight months of this preparation and training, he
mustered his forces at Mantinea, prepared to
fight the tyrant Machanidas in behalf of the
freedom of all the Peloponnesians.</p>

<p><a name="b11_11" id="b11_11"><b>11.</b></a> Machanidas had now acquired great confidence, and
looked upon the determination of the Achaeans<span class="sidenote">Battle of Mantinea,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 207.</span>
as extremely favourable to his plans. As soon
as he heard of their being in force at Mantinea,
he duly harangued his Lacedaemonians at Tegea, and the very
next morning at daybreak advanced upon Mantinea. He led
the right wing of the phalanx himself; his mercenaries marched
in two parallel columns on each side of his front; and behind
them were carts carrying quantities of field artillery and bolts for
the catapults. Meanwhile Philopoemen too had arranged his
army in three divisions, and was leading them out of Mantinea,
the Illyrians and the men with body armour by the gate leading
to the temple of Poseidon,<span class="sidenote">The road to
Tegea. See Paus.
8, 10 <i>sq.</i></span>
and with them
all the rest of the foreign contingent and light-armed
troops; by the next gate, toward the west,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span>
the phalanx; and by the next the Achaean cavalry. He sent
his light-armed men forward to occupy the hill, which rises
to a considerable height above the road called Xenis and the
above-mentioned temple: he stationed the men with body
armour next, resting on this hill to the south; next them the
Illyrians; next them, in the same straight line, the phalanx,
drawn up in companies, with an interval between each, along
the ditch which runs towards the temple of Poseidon, right
through the middle of the plain of Mantinea, until it touches
the range of mountains that forms the boundary of the
territory of the Elisphasii. Next to them, on the right wing,
he stationed the Achaean cavalry, under the command of
Aristaenetus of Dyme; while on the left wing he led the whole
of the foreign contingent, drawn up in lines one behind the
other.</p>

<p><a name="b11_12" id="b11_12"><b>12.</b></a> As soon as the enemy were well in sight, Philopoemen
went down the ranks of the phalanx, and addressed to them an
exhortation which, though short, clearly pointed out to them
the nature of the battle in which they were engaged. But
most of what he said was rendered inaudible by the answering
shouts of the troops. The affection and confidence of the
men rose to such a pitch of enthusiasm and zeal that they
seemed to be almost acting under a divine inspiration, as
they cried out to him to lead them on and fear nothing.
However he tried, when he could get the opportunity, to
make this much clear to them, that the battle on the one
side was to establish a shameful and ignominious servitude,
on the other to vindicate an ever-memorable and glorious
liberty.</p>

<p>Machanidas at first looked as though he meant to attack the
enemy&#8217;s right wing in column;<span class="sidenote">The attack of
Machanidas.</span>
but when he got
within moderate distance he deployed into line
by the right, and by this extension movement
made his right wing cover the same amount of ground as the
left wing of the Achaeans, and fixed his catapults in front of
the whole force at intervals. Philopoemen understood that
the enemy&#8217;s plan was, by pouring volleys from the catapults
into his phalanx, to throw the ranks into confusion: he therefore
gave him no time or interval of repose, but opened the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span>
engagement by a vigorous charge of his Tarentines<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> close
to the temple of Poseidon, where the ground<span class="sidenote">The battle begun
by light-cavalry
charges.</span>
was flat and suitable for cavalry.
Whereupon
Machanidas was constrained to follow suit by
sending his Tarentines forward also.</p>

<p><a name="b11_13" id="b11_13"><b>13.</b></a> At first the struggle was confined to these two forces,
and was maintained with spirit. But the light-armed
troops coming gradually to the support of such of them as
were wavering, in a very short time the whole of the mercenaries
on either side were engaged. They fought sometimes
in close order, sometimes in pairs: and for a long time so entirely
without decisive result, that the rest of the two armies,
who were watching in which direction the cloud of dust inclined,
could come to no conclusion, because both sides maintained
for a long while exactly their original ground.
<span class="sidenote">Defeat of the
Achaean right
wing.</span>
But after a time the mercenaries of the tyrant
began to get the better of the struggle, from
their numbers, and the superiority in skill obtained by long
practice. And this is the natural and usual result. The
citizens of a democracy no doubt bring more enthusiasm to
their battles than the subjects of a tyrant; but in the same
proportion the mercenaries of sovereigns are naturally superior
and more efficient than those of a democracy. For in the
former case one side is fighting for liberty, the other for a
condition of servitude; but in the case of mercenaries, those
of the tyrant are encouraged by the certain prospect of reward,
those of a democracy know that they must lose by victory:
for as soon as a democracy has crushed its assailants, it no
longer employs mercenaries to protect its liberties; while a
tyranny requires more mercenaries in proportion as its field
of ambition is extended: for as the persons injured by it are
more numerous, those who plot against it are more numerous
also; and the security of despots rests entirely on the
loyalty and power of mercenaries.</p>

<p><a name="b11_14" id="b11_14"><b>14.</b></a> Thus it came about that the mercenaries in the army
of Machanidas fought with such fury and violence, that even
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>the Illyrians and men with body armour, who formed the
reserve supporting the mercenaries of the Achaean army, were
unable to withstand their assault; but were all driven from
their position, and fled in confusion towards the city of
Mantinea, which was about seven stades distant.</p>

<p>And now there occurred an undoubted instance of what
some doubt, namely, that the issues in war are for the most part
decided by the skill or want of skill of the commanders. For
though perhaps it is a great thing to be able to follow up a
first success properly, it is a greater thing still that, when the
first step has proved a failure, a man should retain his presence
of mind, keep a good look-out for any error of judgment on
the part of the victors, and avail himself of their mistakes.
At any rate one often sees the side, which imagines itself to
have obtained a clear victory, ultimately lose the day; while
those who seemed at first to have failed recover themselves
by presence of mind, and ultimately win an unexpected victory.
Both happened on this occasion to the respective leaders.</p>

<p>The whole of the Achaean mercenaries having been driven
from their ground, and their left wing having been<span class="sidenote">Machanidas
pursues the fugitives,
and thus
allows the Achaean
hoplites to get
between him and
his quarters.</span>
thoroughly broken up, Machanidas abandoned
his original plan of winning the day by outflanking
the enemy with some of his forces and
charging their front with others, and did neither;
but, quite losing his head, rushed forward heedlessly
with all his mercenaries in pursuit of the fugitives, as
though the panic was not in itself sufficient to drive those who
had once given way up to the town gates.</p>

<p><a name="b11_15" id="b11_15"><b>15.</b></a> Meanwhile the Achaean general was doing all he could
to rally the mercenaries, addressing the officers by name, and
urging them to stand; but when he saw that they were hopelessly
beaten, he did not run away in a panic nor give up the
battle in despair, but, withdrawing under cover of his phalanx,
waited until the enemy had passed him in their pursuit, and left
the ground on which the fighting had taken place empty, and
then immediately gave the word to the front companies of the
phalanx to wheel to the left, and advance at the double, without
breaking their ranks. He thus swiftly occupied the ground
abandoned by his mercenaries, and at once cut off the pursuers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span>
from returning, and got on higher ground than the enemy&#8217;s
right wing. He exhorted the men to keep up their courage,
and remain where they were, until he gave the word for a
general advance; and he ordered Polybius of Megalopolis<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> to
collect such of the Illyrians and body armour men and mercenaries
as remained behind and had not taken part in the
flight, and form a reserve on the flank of the phalanx, to keep
a look-out against the return of the pursuers.
<span class="sidenote">The fight at the
dyke.</span>
Thereupon the Lacedaemonians, excited by the
victory gained by the light-armed contingent,
without waiting for the word of command, brought their sarissae
to the charge and rushed upon the enemy. But when in the
course of their advance they reached the edge of the dyke,
being unable at that point to change their purpose and retreat
when at such close quarters with the enemy, and partly because
they did not consider the dyke a serious obstacle, as the slope
down to it was very gradual, and it was entirely without water
or underwood growing in it, they continued their advance
through it without stopping to think.</p>

<p><a name="b11_16" id="b11_16"><b>16.</b></a> The opportunity for attack which Philopoemen had
long foreseen had now arrived. He at once ordered the
phalanx to bring their sarissae to the charge and advance. The
men obeyed with enthusiasm, and accompanied their charge
with a ringing cheer. The ranks of the Lacedaemonians had
been disorganised by the passage of the dyke, and as they
ascended the opposite bank they found the enemy above them.
They lost courage and tried to fly; but the greater number
of them were killed in the ditch itself, partly by the Achaeans,
and partly by trampling on each other. Now this result was
not unpremeditated or accidental, but strictly owing to the
acuteness of the general. For Philopoemen originally took
ground behind the dyke, not to avoid fighting, as some
supposed, but from a very accurate and scientific calculation
of strategical advantages. He reckoned either that
Machanidas when he arrived would advance without thinking
of the dyke, and that then his phalanx would get
entangled, just as I have described their actually doing; or
that if he advanced with a full apprehension of the difficulty
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>presented by the dyke, and then changing his mind and
deciding to shrink from the attempt, were to retire in loose
order and a long straggling column,<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> the victory would be his,
without a general engagement, and the defeat his adversary&#8217;s.
For this has happened to many commanders, who having
drawn up their men for battle, and then concluded that they
were not strong enough to meet their opponents, either from
the nature of the ground, the disparity of their numbers, or for
other reasons, have drawn off in too long a line of march, and
hoped in the course of the retreat to win a victory, or at least get
safe away from the enemy, by means of their rear guard alone.</p>

<p><a name="b11_17" id="b11_17"><b>17.</b></a> However, Philopoemen was not deceived in his prognostication
of what would happen; for the Lacedaemonians
were thoroughly routed. Seeing therefore that his phalanx was
victorious and that he had gained a complete and brilliant
success,<span class="sidenote">Machanidas,
returning from
the pursuit, is
killed while trying
to recross the
dyke.</span>
he set himself vigorously to secure the only thing
wanting to complete it, that is, to prevent the
escape of Machanidas. Seeing therefore that,
in the course of the pursuit, he was caught
between the dyke and the town with his
mercenaries, he waited for him to attempt a
return. But when Machanidas saw that his army
was in full retreat, with the enemy at their heels, he knew that
he had advanced too far, and had lost his chance of victory:
he therefore rallied the mercenaries that he had with him, and
tried to form close order, and cut his way through the enemy,
while they were still scattered and engaged in the pursuit.
Some of his men, understanding his plan and seeing no other
hope of safety, kept by him at first; but when they came upon
the ground, and saw the Achaeans guarding the bridge over the
dyke, they lost heart; and the whole company began falling
away from him, each doing the best he could to preserve his
own life. Thereupon the tyrant gave up all hope of making
his way over the bridge; and rode along the edge of the dyke,
trying with all his might to find a place which he could cross.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b11_18" id="b11_18"><b>18.</b></a> Philopoemen recognised Machanidas by his purple
cloak and the trappings of his horse.<span class="sidenote">Death of
Machanidas and
capture of Tegea.</span>
He at
once left Anaxidamus, with orders to guard the
bridge with vigilance, and give no quarter to
any of the mercenaries; because they were the men on whom
the despots of Sparta always depended for supporting their
power. Then taking Polyaenus of Cyprus and Simias, who were
attending on him at the time, he rode along the edge of the
ditch opposite to that in which the tyrant and his attendants
were; for Machanidas had still two men with him, Arexidamus
and one of the mercenaries. As soon as Machanidas had found
a spot in the dyke which could be crossed, he put spurs to his
horse, and tried to force it to go on and get over. Then
Philopoemen turned suddenly round upon him and dealt him
a mortal wound with his spear, and a second with a stab from
the spike at the butt end of it, and thus killed the tyrant in a
hand-to-hand encounter. Those who were riding with him
did the same to Arexidamus; but the third man seeing their
fall gave up the idea of crossing the dyke and escaped. Simias
immediately stripped the bodies of the two who had fallen,
and with their armour carried off also the tyrant&#8217;s head, and
then hurried off to overtake the pursuing party; being eager to
give the soldiers ocular evidence of the fall of the enemy&#8217;s
commander, that they might continue the pursuit of their
opponents with all the more confidence and spirit right up
to Tegea. And this in fact added so greatly to the spirit of
the men that it contributed more than anything else to their
carrying Tegea by assault,<span class="sidenote">Achaeans in
Laconia.</span> and pitching their
camp next day on the Eurotas, undisputed
masters of all the open country. For many
years past they had been vainly trying to drive the enemy
from their own borders, but now they were themselves devastating
Laconia without resistance, without having lost any
great number of their own men in the battle; while they had
killed not less than four thousand Lacedaemonians, taken even
more prisoners, and possessed themselves of all their baggage
and arms....</p>

<p><a name="b11_19" id="b11_19"><b>19.</b></a> What profit is it to our readers to describe wars and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>
battles, the storming of cities and the enslavement of their
inhabitants, if they are to know nothing of the causes which
conduce to success and failure? The results of such operations
merely touch the fancy: it is the tracing of the designs of the
actors in such scenes that is really instructive; and above all
it is the following in detail of each step that can educate the
ideas of the student....</p>

<h3>ABILITY OF HANNIBAL.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;See Livy, 28, 12</h3>

<p>Who could refrain from speaking in terms of admiration of
this great man&#8217;s strategic skill, courage, and ability, when one
looks to the length of time during which he displayed those
qualities; and realises to one&#8217;s self the pitched battles, the
skirmishes and sieges, the revolutions and counter-revolutions
of states, the vicissitudes of fortune, and in fact the course of
his design and its execution in its entirety?<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218-202.</span>
For sixteen continuous
years Hannibal maintained the war with
Rome in Italy, without once releasing his army
from service in the field, but keeping those vast numbers
under control, like a good pilot, without any sign of disaffection
towards himself or towards each other, though he had troops
in his service who, so far from being of the same tribe, were not
even of the same race. He had Libyans, Iberians, Ligurians,
Celts, Phoenicians, Italians, Greeks, who had naturally nothing
in common with each other, neither laws, nor customs, nor
language. Yet the skill of the commander was such, that
these differences, so manifold and so wide, did not disturb the
obedience to one word of command and to a single will. And yet
circumstances were not by any means unvarying: for though
the breeze of fortune often set strongly in his favour, it as often
also blew in exactly the opposite direction. There is therefore
good ground for admiring Hannibal&#8217;s display of ability in
campaign; and there can be no fear in saying that, if he had
reserved his attack upon the Romans until he had first subdued
other parts of the world, there is not one of his projects which
would have eluded his grasp. As it was, he began with those
whom he should have attacked last, and accordingly began
and ended his career with them....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span></p>

<h3>SCIPIO IN SPAIN, AFTER THE BATTLE OF THE METAURUS</h3>

<p><a name="b11_20" id="b11_20"><b>20.</b></a> Hasdrubal having collected his forces from the various
towns in which they had wintered, advanced to<span class="sidenote">Hasdrubal son of
Gesco encamps
near Ilipa (or
Silpia) in Baetica,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 206.
Livy 28, 13-6.</span>
within a short distance of Ilipa and there encamped;
forming his entrenchment at the
foot of the mountains, with a plain in front of
him well suited for a contest and battle. His
infantry amounted to seventy thousand, his
cavalry to four thousand, and his elephants to thirty-two.
<span class="sidenote">Scipio advances
into Baetica,</span>
On his part, Scipio sent M. Junius Silanus to
visit Colichas and take over from him the forces
that had been prepared by him. These
amounted to three thousand infantry and five hundred horse.
The other allies he received personally in the course of his
march up the country to his destination. When he approached
Castalo and Baecula, and had there been joined by Marcus
Junius and the troops from Colichas, he found himself in a
position of great perplexity. For without their allies the
Roman forces were not strong enough to risk a battle; yet
to do so, in dependence upon the allies for his hopes of ultimate
success, appeared to him to be dangerous and too venturesome.
In spite however of his perplexity, he was obliged to yield to
the force of circumstances so far as to employ the Iberians;
but he resolved to do so only to make a show of numbers to
the enemy, while he really fought the action
with his own legions.<span class="sidenote">and encamps
close to the
Carthaginian
forces.</span>
With this purpose in his
mind he got his whole army on the march,
forty-five thousand infantry and three thousand
cavalry; and when he had come within the view of the
Carthaginians, he pitched his camp on some low hills exactly
opposite the enemy.</p>

<p><a name="b11_21" id="b11_21"><b>21.</b></a> Mago thought that it would be an excellent moment
to attack the Romans while actually engaged
in making their camp;<span class="sidenote">Futile attack by
Mago.</span>
he therefore rode up
to the entrenchment with the greater part of his
own cavalry and Massanissa with the Numidians, persuaded
that he should catch Scipio off his guard. Scipio had however<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>
all along foreseen this, and had placed some cavalry
equal in number to those of the Carthaginians under cover
of some hills. Upon these making an unexpected charge,
many of the enemy&#8217;s horsemen at once took to flight at the
startling appearance, and began to make off; while the rest
closed with their opponents and fought with great gallantry.
But the Carthaginians were disconcerted by the agility of some
of the Roman horsemen in dismounting, and after a short
resistance they retreated with considerable loss. The retreat
was at first conducted in good order: but as the Romans
pressed them hard, they broke up their squadrons, and fled for
safety to their own camp. This affair gave the Romans
better spirits for engaging in a pitched battle, and had the
contrary effect on the Carthaginians. However, during the
next few days they both drew out on the intervening plain;
skirmished with their cavalry and light-armed troops; and, after
thus trying each other&#8217;s mettle, were resolved to bring the matter
to the test of a general engagement.</p>

<p><a name="b11_22" id="b11_22"><b>22.</b></a> On this occasion Scipio appears to have employed a
twofold stratagem. Hasdrubal had been accustomed to make
his demonstrations in force somewhat late in the day, with the
Libyans in his centre, and the elephants on either wing; while
his own practice had been to make his counter-movements somewhat
later still, with the Roman soldiers on his centre opposite
the Libyans, and the Iberians on his two wings; but the day
<span class="sidenote">Scipio resolves
on a general
engagement, and
alters his disposition
so as to
make the battle
depend upon the
Italians rather
than the
Spaniards.</span>
on which he resolved upon a general engagement,
by reversing this arrangement, he greatly contributed
to secure the victory for his own men, and
succeeded in putting the enemy at a considerable
disadvantage. For directly it was light he
sent his aides with orders to the tribunes and
men to arm, as soon as they had got their
breakfasts, and parade outside the camp. The
order was obeyed with alacrity because the men
suspected what was going to take place. He then sent the
cavalry and light-armed forward, with orders to advance close
to the enemy&#8217;s camp, and skirmish boldly up to it; while he
himself marched out with the infantry, just as the sun was
appearing above the horizon; and on reaching the middle of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span>
the plain, made his dispositions in the reverse order to his
usual arrangement, placing the Iberians in the centre and the
Roman legionaries on the two wings.</p>

<p>The sudden approach of the cavalry to their camp, and the
simultaneous appearance of the rest of the army getting into
order, left the Carthaginians barely time to get under arms.
Hasdrubal was therefore obliged, without waiting for the men
to get breakfast, or making any preparations, to despatch his
cavalry and light-armed troops at once against the enemy&#8217;s
cavalry on the plain, and to get his infantry into order on
some level ground not far from the skirts of the mountains, as
was their custom. For a time the Romans remained quiet;
but when the morning was getting on, and the engagement
between the light-armed troops still continued undecided,
because such of them as were forced from their ground retired
on their own heavy infantry and then formed again for
attack, Scipio at length thought that the time was come. He
withdrew his skirmishers through the intervals of the maniples,
and then distributed them equally between the two wings on
rear of his line, first the velites and behind them the cavalry.
He then advanced, at first in line direct; but when he was
about a stade<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> from the enemy, he ordered the Iberians to
continue the advance in the same order, while he commanded
the maniples and squadrons on the right wing to turn outwards
to the right, and those on the left wing to the left.</p>

<p><a name="b11_23" id="b11_23"><b>23.</b></a> Scipio with the three leading squadrons of cavalry from
the right wing, preceded by the usual number of velites and three
maniples (a combination of troops which the Romans call a
cohort), and Lucius Marcius and Marcus Junius with a similar
force from the left wing, turned the one to the left the other to
the right, and advanced at a great speed in column upon the
enemy, the troops in succession forming up and following in
column as they wheeled. When these troops were within a short
distance of the enemy,&mdash;the Iberians in the line direct being
still a considerable distance behind, because they were advancing
at a deliberate pace,&mdash;they came into contact with the two
wings of the enemy simultaneously, the Roman forces being in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span>column, according to Scipio&#8217;s original plan. The movements
subsequent to this, which resulted in the troops
on the rear finding themselves in the same line as the
troops in front, and engaged like them with the enemy,
were exactly the converse of each other&mdash;taking the right
and left wings in general, and the cavalry and infantry in particular.
For the cavalry and velites on the right wing
came into line on the right and tried to outflank the
enemy, while the heavy infantry came into line on the left;
but on the left wing the heavy infantry came into line by the
right, the cavalry and velites by the left. The result of this
movement was that, as far as the cavalry and light infantry
were concerned, their right became their left. Scipio cared little
for this, but was intent on something more important, namely,
the outflanking of the enemy. For while a general ought
to be quite alive to what is taking place, and rightly so, he
ought to use whatever movements suit the circumstances.</p>

<p><a name="b11_24" id="b11_24"><b>24.</b></a> When these troops were at close quarters the elephants
were severely handled, being wounded and
harassed on every side by the velites and
cavalry,<span class="sidenote">The elephants.</span>
and did as much harm to their friends as to their foes;
for they rushed about promiscuously and killed every one that
fell in their way on either side alike. As to the infantry,&mdash;the
Carthaginian wings began to be broken, but the centre
occupied by the Libyans, and which was the best part of the
army, was never engaged at all. It could not quit its ground
to go to the support of the wings for fear of the attack of the
Iberians, nor could it by maintaining its position do any actual
fighting, because the enemy in front of it did not come to close
quarters. However, for a certain time the two wings fought
gallantly, because it was for them, as for the enemy, a struggle
for life and death. But now the midday heat was become intense,
and the Carthaginians began to feel faint, because the
unusual time at which they had been forced to come on the
field had prevented them from fortifying themselves with the
proper food; while the Romans had the advantage in physical
vigour as well as in cheerfulness, which was especially promoted
by the fact that the prudence of their general had secured his
best men being pitted against the weakest troops of the enemy.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span>
Thus hard pressed Hasdrubal&#8217;s centre began to retreat: at first
step by step; but soon the ranks were broken, and the men
rushed in confusion to the skirts of the mountain; and on the
Romans pressing in pursuit with still greater violence, they
began a headlong flight into their entrenchments. Had not
Providence interfered to save them, they would promptly have
been driven from their camp too; but a sudden storm
gathered in the air, and a violent and prolonged torrent of
rain descended, under which the Romans with difficulty
effected a return to their own camp....</p>

<p>Many Romans lost their lives by the fire<span class="sidenote">The Romans in
the mining district
of Spain.</span>
in
trying to get the silver and gold which had been
melted and fused....<br /><br /></p>

<h3>SCIPIO ON THE EXPULSION OF THE CARTHAGINIANS FROM SPAIN
IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE ABOVE VICTORY</h3>

<p>When every one complimented Scipio after he had
driven the Carthaginians from Iberia,<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s idea of
transferring the
war to Africa.</span>
and
advised him straightway to take some rest and
ease, as having put a period to the war, he
answered that he &#8220;congratulated them on their sanguine
hopes; for himself he was now more than ever revolving in his
mind how to begin the war with Carthage. Up to that time
the Carthaginians had waged war upon the Romans; but that
now fortune put it in the power of the Romans to make war
upon them....&#8221;</p>

<h3>SCIPIO&#8217;S VISIT TO SYPHAX, KING OF MASAESYLIANS.<br />
See Livy, 28, 17, 18</h3>

<p>In his conversation with Syphax, Scipio, who was eminently
endowed by nature in this respect,<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s influence
over Syphax.</span>
conducted
himself with so much kindness and tact, that
Hasdrubal afterwards remarked to Syphax that
&#8220;Scipio appeared more formidable to him in such an interview
than in the field....&#8221;</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span></p>

<h3>A MUTINY IN SPAIN</h3>

<p><a name="b11_25" id="b11_25"><b>25.</b></a> When a mutiny broke out among part of the troops
in the Roman camp, Scipio,<span class="sidenote">Scipio appeases a
mutiny in the
Roman camp, at
Sucro. Livy, 28,
24. In the
autumn of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
206.</span>
though he had
now had a very adequate experience of the
difficulties of administration, never felt himself
more at a loss how to act or in greater
embarrassment. And naturally so. For as
in the case of the body, causes of mischief,
such as cold, heat, fatigue, or wounds, may be avoided
by precautions, or easily relieved when they occur; while those
which arise from within the body itself, such as tumours or
diseases, are difficult to foresee and difficult to relieve when
they do exist, so it is, we must believe, with political and
military administration. Against plots from without, and the
attacks of enemies, the precautions to be taken and the
measures for relief may readily be learned by those who pay
the requisite attention; but to decide on the right method of
resisting intestine factions, revolutions, and disturbances is
difficult, and requires great tact and extreme acuteness; and,
moreover, the observation of one maxim suitable in my
opinion to all armies, states, and bodies alike, which is this:
never in such cases to allow any lengthened idleness or repose,
and least of all at a time of success and when provisions are
abundant.</p>

<p>Being, then, as I have all along said, a man eminently
careful, acute, and prompt, Scipio summoned a meeting of the
military tribunes and proposed a solution of the existing
troubles as follows. He said that &#8220;he must promise the
soldiers the settlement of their pay; and, in order to create a
belief in his promise, he must now take public steps to exact
with all speed the contributions which had been already
imposed upon the cities for the support of the whole army,
with the distinct understanding that the object of that measure
was the settlement of the pay: and these same tribunes
should return to the army and urge and entreat the men
to abandon their rebellious spirit, and come to him to receive
their pay, either singly or, if they preferred it, in a body. And<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span>
when this was done he would consider, as circumstances arose,
what measures it was necessary to take.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b11_26" id="b11_26"><b>26.</b></a> With this suggestion in their minds these officers
deliberated on the means of raising money; and having
communicated their decisions to Scipio, he said that he would
now consult them on the next necessary step. They accordingly
resolved that they would name a day on which all were
to appear; and that then they would pardon the general body
of the men, but severely punish the instigators of the mutiny,
who were as many as thirty-five. The day having arrived, and
the mutineers having appeared to make terms and receive their
pay, Scipio gave secret instructions to the tribunes, who had
been sent on the mission to them, to meet them; and, each
of them selecting five of the ringleaders, to greet them with
politeness and invite them, if possible, to their own tent, or,
if they could not do that, to dinner or some such entertainment.
But to the troops with him he sent round orders
to have provisions for a considerable period ready in three
days&#8217; time, because they were to march against the deserter
Andobales under Marcus Silanus. When they heard this
the mutineers were much emboldened, because they imagined
that they would have everything in their own hands,
as the other troops would be gone by the time they joined
the general.</p>

<p><a name="b11_27" id="b11_27"><b>27.</b></a> Upon the approach of the mutineers, Scipio gave orders
to his army to march out the next morning at
daybreak with their baggage.<span class="sidenote">The mutiny
suppressed and the
ringleaders executed
at New
Carthage.</span>
But he instructed
the tribunes and praefects that, as soon as they
met the mutineers, they should order their men
to put down their baggage, and keep them
under arms at the city gate; and then, placing a detachment at
each of the gates, take good care that none of the mutineers
should leave the city. The officers who had been sent to
meet the men fell in with them on their arrival, and took the
ringleaders with every appearance of civility to their own tents,
in accordance with the arrangement that had been made. At
the same time orders had been given to them to arrest the
thirty-five immediately after dinner, and to keep them in fetters:
without allowing any one in the tent to go out, except the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>
messenger who was to inform the general from each of them
that this had been accomplished.</p>

<p>The tribunes having done as they were ordered, at daybreak
next morning, seeing that the new arrivals were collected
in the market-place, the general gave the signal for the assembly
of the army. The signal was as usual promptly obeyed
by all, for they were curious to see how the general would
demean himself in their presence, and what he would say to
them about the business in hand. As soon as they were come
together, Scipio sent word to the tribunes to bring their
soldiers under arms, and station them round the assembled
men. He then came forward himself. His first appearance
caused an immediate change of feeling.<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s speech to
the mutineers.</span> The
soldiers supposed that he was still unwell, and
when they suddenly saw him, contrary to all
expectations, with all the appearance of full health and strength,
they were struck with terror.</p>

<p><a name="b11_28" id="b11_28"><b>28.</b></a> He began his speech by saying that he wondered what
their grievances were, or what they looked for forward that
induced them to mutiny. For that there were three motives
only on which men usually venture to rebel against their
country and their commanders,&mdash;discontent and anger with
their officers; dissatisfaction with their present position; or,
lastly, hopes of something better and more glorious. &#8220;Now, I
ask you,&#8221; he continued, &#8220;which of these can you allege? It is
with me, I presume, that you are dissatisfied, because I did not
pay you your wages. But this cannot be laid to my charge; for
while I was in office your pay was never short. The fault then
may lie with Rome that the accumulated arrears have not been
settled. Which was your proper course then in that case?
To have brought forward your complaint thus, as rebels and
enemies to the country that nurtured you, or to have come
personally to me and stated your case, and to have begged
your friends to support and help you? The latter would
have been the better plan in my opinion. In those who
serve others for pay it is sometimes pardonable to revolt
against their paymasters; but in the case of those who are
fighting for themselves, for their own wives and children, it
can in no circumstances be conceded. It is just as though, on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>
the plea of being wronged in money matters by his own father,
a man were to come in arms to slay him from whom he received
his own life. Or perhaps you may allege that I
imposed greater hardships and dangers on you than on the
others, and gave the rest more than their share of profits and
booty. But you can neither venture to say this, nor, if you
did venture, could you prove it. What then is your grievance
against me at this moment, I should like to ask, that you have
mutinied? I believe that not one of you will be able to express
or even conceive it.</p>

<p><a name="b11_29" id="b11_29"><b>29.</b></a> &#8220;Nor again can it have been any dissatisfaction with
the position of affairs. For when was any prosperity greater?
When has Rome won more victories, when have her arms
had brighter prospects than now? But perhaps some faint-heart
will say that our enemies have more numerous advantages,
fairer and more certain prospects than ourselves.
Which, pray, of these enemies? Is it Andobales and
Mandonius? But which of you is ignorant of the fact that
these men first betrayed the Carthaginians and joined us,
and now once more, in defiance of their oaths and pledges,
have come forward as our opponents? It is a fine thing
surely to become the enemies of your country in reliance on
such men as these! Nor again had you any prospect of becoming
masters of Iberia by your own prowess: for you would not
have been strong enough, even in conjunction with Andobales,
to meet us in the field, to say nothing of doing so without
such aid. I should like then to ask,&mdash;what was it in which
you trusted? Surely not in the skill and valour of the leaders
whom you have now elected, or in the fasces and axes which
were borne in front of them,&mdash;men of whom I will not deign
to say even another word. All this, my men, is absolutely
futile; nor will you be able to allege even the smallest just
complaint against me or your country. Wherefore I will
undertake your defence to Rome and myself, by putting forward
a plea which all the world will acknowledge to hold good.
And it is that, <i>a crowd is ever easily misled and easily induced
to any error</i>. Therefore it is that crowds are like the sea,
which in its own nature is safe and quiet; but, when winds fall
violently upon it, assumes the character of the blasts which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span>
lash it into fury: thus a multitude also is ever found to be
what its leaders and counsellors are. Acting on this consideration,
I and all my fellow-officers hereby offer you pardon
and amnesty for the past: but to the guilty authors of the
mutiny we are resolved to show no mercy, but to punish them
as their misconduct to their country and to ourselves deserves.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b11_30" id="b11_30"><b>30.</b></a> Just as he said these words, the soldiers, who were
posted under arms round the assembly, clashed their swords
against their shields: and at the same instant
the ringleaders of the mutiny were brought in,<span class="sidenote">Execution of the
ringleaders.</span>
stripped and in chains. But such terror was
inspired in the men by the threatening aspect of the surrounding
troops, and by the dreadful spectacle before them, that,
while the ringleaders were being scourged and beheaded, they
neither changed countenance nor uttered a sound, but remained
all staring open-mouthed and terrified at what was
going on. So the ringleaders of the mischief were scourged
and dragged off through the crowd dead; but the rest of the
men accepted with one consent the offer of an amnesty from
the general and officers; and then voluntarily came forward, one
by one, to take an oath to the tribunes that they would obey
the orders of their commanders and remain loyal to Rome.</p>

<p>Having thus crushed what might have been the beginning
of serious danger, Scipio restored his troops to their former
good disposition....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Scipio at New Carthage has heard of hostile movements on
the part of Andobales north of the Ebro</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>206. See Livy,
28, 31-34</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b11_31" id="b11_31"><b>31.</b></a> Scipio at once summoned a meeting of the soldiers in
New Carthage, and addressed them on the subject
of the audacious proceedings of Andobales,<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s address
to his soldiers.</span>
and his treachery to them; and by dwelling at
great length on these topics he inspired the men with a very
great eagerness to attack these princes. He then proceeded
to enumerate the battles they had already fought against the
Iberians and Carthaginians combined, the Carthaginians acting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span>
as leaders in the campaigns. &#8220;Seeing,&#8221; he added, &#8220;that
you always beat them, it does not now become you to
fear defeat in a war against Iberians by themselves, and led
by Andobales. I will not therefore even accept any Iberian
of them all as a partner in the struggle, but I will undertake
the campaign by the unassisted services of my Roman soldiers:
in order to make it plain to all that it was not, as some
assert, by the aid of Iberians that we defeated the Carthaginians
and drove them from Iberia; but that it was by Roman
valour and your own gallantry that we have conquered Carthaginian
and Celtiberian combined. Let nothing therefore disturb
your confidence in each other: but, if you have ever done
it before, approach this undertaking with courage undismayed.
For securing the victory I will with God&#8217;s help make every
necessary provision.&#8221; This speech filled the troops with such
zeal and confidence, that they presented all the appearance of
men whose enemies are in full view, and who are on the very
point of closing with them.</p>

<p><a name="b11_32" id="b11_32"><b>32.</b></a> Scipio then dismissed the assembly, but on the next
day got his troops on the march, and having
reached the Ebro in ten days and crossed it,<span class="sidenote">Scipio marches
to the Ebro,
crosses it, and in
fourteen days is
in the presence
of the enemy.</span>
on the fourth day after that pitched his
camp near that of the enemy, with a valley between
his own and the enemy&#8217;s lines. Next
day he turned some cattle that had accompanied
his army into this valley, after giving Caius Laelius
instructions to have the cavalry ready, and some of the tribunes
to prepare the velites. The Iberians having at once
made an onslaught upon the cattle, he despatched some of
the velites against them. These two forces became engaged,
and reinforcements being sent to either party
<span class="sidenote">A skirmish.</span>
from time to time, a severe infantry skirmishing
place in the valley. The proper moment for attack being
now come, Caius Laelius, having the cavalry prepared as
directed, charged the skirmishers of the enemy, getting between
them and the high ground, so that the greater number of
them were scattered about the valley and killed by the cavalry.
This event roused the barbarians to a furious desire to engage,
that they might not appear to be entirely reduced to despair<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span>
by their previous defeat; and accordingly by daybreak next
day they drew out their whole army for battle. Scipio was
quite ready to give them battle; but when he saw that the
Iberians had come down into the valley in an imprudent
manner, and were stationing, not only their cavalry, but their
infantry also on the level ground, he waited for a time, because
he wished as many of the enemy as possible to take up a
position like that. He felt confidence in his cavalry, and still
more in his infantry; because, in such deliberate and hand-to-hand
battles as this, his men were vastly superior to the Iberians
both in themselves and in their arms.</p>

<p><a name="b11_33" id="b11_33"><b>33.</b></a> When he thought the right time had come he drew
out [the velites]<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> to oppose those of the
enemy who occupied the foot of the hills;<span class="sidenote">Decisive victory
of Scipio.</span>
while against those who had descended
into the valley he led his main force from the camp in four
cohorts, and attacked the infantry. Caius Laelius at the
same time made a detour with the cavalry by the hills, which
stretched from the camp to the valley, and charged the enemy&#8217;s
horse on the rear; and so kept them occupied with fighting
him. The enemy&#8217;s infantry therefore, being thus deprived of
the support of the cavalry, on which they had relied in
descending into the valley, were distressed and overmatched
in the battle; while their cavalry was in much the same plight:
for, being surprised on ground of insufficient extent, they fell
into confusion, and lost more men by hurting each other than
by the hands of the enemy; for their own infantry was pressing
upon their flank, and the enemy&#8217;s infantry on their front, while
his cavalry were attacking on their rear. The battle having
taken this course, the result was that nearly all those who
had descended into the valley lost their lives; while those who
had been stationed on the foot of the hills managed to escape.
These last were the light-armed troops, and formed about a
third of the whole army: with whom Andobales himself contrived
to make good his escape to a certain stronghold of great
security....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span></p>

<p class="tb"><i>By further operations in this year</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>206, Scipio had
compelled Mago to abandon Spain: and towards the winter the
Roman army went into winter-quarters at Tarraco.</i></p>

<p class="tb">Having thus put a finishing stroke to his campaigns in
Iberia, Scipio arrived at Tarraco in high spirits,
<span class="sidenote">Scipio returns
to Rome in
the autumn of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 206.</span>
bringing with him the materials of a brilliant
triumph for himself, and a glorious victory for
his country. But being anxious to arrive in Rome
before the consular elections, he arranged for the government
of Iberia,<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> and, having put the army into the hands of
Junius Silanus and L. Marcius, embarked with Caius Laelius
and his other friends for Rome....</p>

<h3>ANTIOCHUS IN BACTRIA.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;See <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_48">48</a>, <a href="#b10_49">49</a></h3>

<p><a name="b11_34" id="b11_34"><b>34.</b></a> Euthydemus was himself a Magnesian, and he answered
the envoy by saying that &#8220;Antiochus
was acting unjustly in trying to expel him from
his kingdom.<span class="sidenote">The answer of
Euthydemus (a
Magnesian), king
of Bactria, to
Teleas, the envoy
of Antiochus.</span>
He was not himself a revolted
subject, but had destroyed the descendant of
some who had been such, and so had obtained
the kingdom of Bactria.&#8221; After adding more
arguments to the same effect, he urged Teleas to act as a
sincere mediator of peace, by urging Antiochus not to grudge
him the royal title and dignity, &#8220;for if he did not yield to
this demand, neither of them would be safe: seeing that great
hords of Nomads were close at hand, who were a danger to
both; and that if they admitted them into the country, it
would certainly be utterly barbarised.&#8221; With these words
he sent Teleas back to Antiochus. The king had long been
looking about for some means of ending the controversy; and
when he was informed by Teleas of what Euthydemus had
said, he readily admitted these pleas for a pacification. And
after several journeys of Teleas to and fro between the two,
Euthydemus at last sent his son Demetrius to confirm the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212-205</span>
terms of the treaty. Antiochus received the young prince; and
judging from his appearance, conversation, and the dignity of
his manners that he was worthy of royal power, he first promised
to give him one of his own daughters, and secondly
conceded the royal title to his father. And having on the other
points caused a written treaty to be drawn up, and the terms
of the treaty to be confirmed on oath, he marched away; after
liberally provisioning his troops, and accepting the elephants
belonging to Euthydemus.<span class="sidenote">Antiochus continues
his march
into the interior
of Asia.</span>
He crossed the
Caucasus<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> and descended into India; renewed
his friendship with Sophagasenus the king of
the Indians; received more elephants, until he
had a hundred and fifty altogether; and having once more
provisioned his troops, set out again personally with his army:
leaving Androsthenes of Cyzicus the duty of taking home the
treasure which this king had agreed to hand over to him.
Having traversed Arachosia and crossed the river Enymanthus,
he came through Drangene to Carmania; and, as it was now
winter, he put his men into winter quarters there. This was
the extreme limit of the march of Antiochus into the interior:
in which he not only reduced the up-country Satraps to
obedience to his authority,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212-205</span> but also the coast
cities, and the princes on this side Taurus; and,
in a word, consolidated his kingdom by overawing
all his subjects with the exhibition of his boldness and
energy. For this campaign convinced the Europeans as well
as the Asiatics that he was worthy of royal power....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XII</h2>

<h3>CRITICISM OF TIMAEUS</h3>

<p><a name="b12_1" id="b12_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">Byzacia</span> is near the Syrtes; it has a circumference of two
thousand stades, and is circular in shape....</p>

<p class="tb">Hippo, Singa, Tabraca, are cities in Libya. Chalkeia,
however, is not, as Demosthenes ignorantly states, the name
of a city, but means only a &#8220;bronze-factory.&#8221; ...</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b12_2" id="b12_2"><b>2.</b></a> The lotus is not a large tree; but it is rough and thorny,
and has a green leaf, like the rhamnus (black or
white thorn), a little longer and broader.<span class="sidenote">The lotus. See
Herodotus, 2, 92.</span>
The
fruit is like white myrtle-berries when they are
come to perfection; but, as it grows, it becomes purple in colour,
and in size about equal to round olives, and has a very small
stone. When it is ripe they gather it: and some of it they
pound up with groats of spelt, and store in vessels for their
slaves; and the rest they also preserve for the free inhabitants,
after taking out the stones, and use it for food. It tastes like
a fig or a date, but is superior to them in aroma. A wine is
made of it also by steeping it in water and crushing it, sweet
and pleasant to the taste, like good mead; and they drink it
without mixing it with water. It will not keep, however, more
than ten days, and they therefore only make it in small
quantities as they want it. Vinegar also is made out of it....</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b12_3" id="b12_3"><b>3.</b></a> The excellence of the soil of Libya must excite our<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>
admiration.<span class="sidenote">Misstatements of
Timaeus about
Libya,</span>
But one would feel inclined to say of Timaeus,
not merely that he had never studied the
country, but that he was childish and entirely
unintelligent in his notions; completely enslaved
to those old traditional stories of Libya being wholly
sandy, parched, and barren. The same too holds good about
its animals. The supply of horses, oxen, sheep, and goats
in it is beyond anything to be found in any other part of the
world; because many of the tribes in Libya do not use cultivated
crops, but live on and with their flocks and herds.
Again what writer has failed to mention the vast number and
strength of its elephants, lions, and panthers, or the beauty of
its buffalos, or the size of its ostriches? Of these not one is
to be found in Europe, while Libya is full of them. But
Timaeus, by passing them over without a word, gives, as though
purposely, an impression exactly the reverse of the truth.</p>

<p>And just in the same random way in which he has spoken
about Libya, he has also done about the island
called Cyrnus.<span class="sidenote">and Corsica,</span>
For, when mentioning it in
his second book, he says that wild goats, sheep, wild oxen,
stags, hares, wolves, and some other animals are plentiful
in it; and that the inhabitants employ themselves in hunting
them, and in fact spend most of their time in that pursuit.
Whereas in this island there are not only no wild goats or wild
oxen, but not even hare, wolf, or stag, or any animal of the
sort, except some foxes, rabbits, and wild sheep. The rabbit
indeed at a distance looks like a small hare; but when taken
in the hand, it is found to be widely different both in appearance
and in the taste of its flesh; and it also lives generally
underground.</p>

<p><a name="b12_4" id="b12_4"><b>4.</b></a> The idea, however, of all the animals in the island
being wild, has arisen in the following way:
<span class="sidenote">the reason of
his mistake.</span>
The caretakers cannot keep up with their
animals, owing to the thick woods and rocky
broken nature of the country; but, whenever they wish to collect
them, they stand on some convenient spots and call the beasts
together by the sound of a trumpet; and all of them flock
without fail to their own trumpets. Now, when ships arrive at
the coast, and the sailors see goats or cattle grazing without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>
any one with them, and thereupon try to catch them, the
animals will not let them come near them, because they are not
used to them, but will scamper off. But as soon as the keeper
sees the men disembarking and sounds his trumpet, they all
set off running at full speed and collect round the trumpet.
This gives the appearance of wildness; and Timaeus, who
made only careless and perfunctory inquiries, committed himself
to a random statement.</p>

<p>Now this obedience to the sound of a trumpet is
nothing astonishing. For in Italy the swineherds
manage the feeding of their pigs in the
same way.<span class="sidenote">Swine-keeping
in Italy.</span>
They do not follow close behind
the beasts, as in Greece, but keep some distance in front of
them, sounding their horn every now and then; and the animals
follow behind and run together at the sound. Indeed,
the complete familiarity which the animals show with the
particular horn to which they belong seems at first astonishing
and almost incredible. For owing to the populousness and
wealth of the country, the droves of swine in Italy are exceedingly
large, especially along the sea coast of the Tuscans
and Gauls: for one sow will bring up a thousand pigs, or sometimes
even more. They therefore drive them out from their
night styes to feed, according to their litters and ages. Whence,
if several droves are taken to the same place, they cannot
preserve these distinction of litters; but they of course get
mixed up with each other, both as they are being driven out,
and as they feed, and as they are being brought home.
Accordingly the device of the horn-blowing has been invented
to separate them, when they have got mixed up together, without
labour or trouble. For as they feed, one swineherd goes
in one direction sounding his horn, and another in another:
and thus the animals sort themselves of their own accord, and
follow their own horns with such eagerness that it is impossible
by any means to stop or hinder them. But in Greece, when
the swine get mixed up in the oak forests in their search for
the mast, the swineherd who has most assistants and the best
help at his disposal, when collecting his own animals, drives off
his neighbour&#8217;s also. Sometimes too a thief lies in wait, and
drives them off without the swineherd knowing how he lost<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>
them; because the beasts straggle a long way from their drivers,
in their eagerness to find acorns, when they are just beginning
to fall....</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b12_4a" id="b12_4a"><b>4. </b>(<i>a</i>)</a> It is difficult to pardon such errors in Timaeus,
considering how severe he is in criticising the
slips of others.<span class="sidenote">False criticisms
of Timaeus on
Theopompus and
Ephorus.</span>
For instance he finds fault with
Theopompus for stating that Dionysius sailed
from Sicily to Corinth in a merchant vessel,
whereas he really arrived in a ship of war. And again he falsely
charges Ephorus with contradicting himself, on the ground
that he asserts that Dionysius the Elder ascended the throne
at the age of twenty-three, reigned forty-two years, and died at
sixty-three. Now no one would say, I think, that this was a
blunder of the historian, but clearly one of the transcriber.
For either Ephorus must be more foolish than Coroebus and
Margites, if he were unable to calculate that forty-two added
to twenty-three make sixty-five; or, if that is incredible in the
case of a man like Ephorus, it must be a mere mistake of the
transcriber, and the carping and malevolent criticism of
Timaeus must be rejected.</p>

<p>(<i>b</i>) Again, in his history of Pyrrhus, he says that the Romans
still keep up the memory of the fall of Troy by
shooting to death with javelins a war-horse on<span class="sidenote">His false account
of the October
horse.</span>
a certain fixed day, because the capture of Troy
was accomplished by means of the &#8220;Wooden Horse.&#8221; This
is quite childish. On this principle, all non-Hellenic nations
must be put down as descendants of the Trojans; for nearly
all of them, or at any rate the majority, when about to
commence a war or a serious battle with an enemy, first kill
and sacrifice a horse. In making this sort of ill-founded
deduction, Timaeus seems to me to show not only want of
knowledge, but, what is worse, a trick of misapplying knowledge.
For, because the Romans sacrifice a horse, he immediately
concludes that they do it because Troy was taken by means of
a horse.</p>

<p>(<i>c</i>) These instances clearly show how worthless his account
of Libya, Sardinia, and, above all, of Italy is; and that, speaking
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>
generally, he has entirely neglected the most important
element in historical investigation, namely, the
making personal inquiries.<span class="sidenote">The reason of his
mistakes a want
of care in making
inquiries.</span>
For as historical
events take place in many different localities, and
as it is impossible for the same man to be in
several places at the same time, and also impossible for him
to see with his own eyes all places in the world and observe
their peculiarities, the only resource left is to ask questions
of as many people as possible; and to believe those who are
worthy of credit; and to show critical sagacity in judging of
their reports.</p>

<p>(<i>d</i>) And though Timaeus makes great professions on this
head, he appears to me to be very far from arriving
at the truth.<span class="sidenote">Nor is he to be
trusted even in
matters that fell
under his own
observation.</span>
Indeed, so far from making accurate
investigations of the truth through other people,
he does not tell us anything trustworthy even of
events of which he has been an eye-witness, or
of places he has personally visited. This will be made evident,
if we can convict him of being ignorant, even in his account
of Sicily, of the facts which he brings forward. For it will
require very little further proof of his inaccuracy, if he can be
shown to be ill-informed and misled about the localities in
which he was born and bred, and that too the most famous
of them.<span class="sidenote">Arethusa.</span> Now he asserts that the fountain Arethusa at
Syracuse has its source in the Peloponnese, from
the river Alpheus, which flows through Arcadia
and Olympia. For that this river sinks into the earth, and,
after being carried for four thousand stades under the Sicilian
Sea, comes to the surface again in Syracuse; and that this was
proved from the fact that on a certain occasion a storm of
rain having come on during the Olympic festival, and the
river having flooded the sacred enclosure, a quantity of dung
from the animals used for sacrifice at the festival was thrown
up by the fountain Arethusa; as well as a certain gold cup,
which was picked up and recognised as being one of the
ornaments used at the festival....</p>

<p><a name="b12_5" id="b12_5"><b>5.</b></a> I happened to have visited the city of the Locrians on
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span>
several occasions, and to have been the means of doing them
important services. For it was I that secured<span class="sidenote">The traditions of
the colonisation of
Locri Epizephyrii
agree with the
account in Aristotle,
rather than
with that of
Timaeus.</span>
their exemption from the service in Iberia and
Dalmatia, which, in accordance with the treaty,
they were bound to supply to the Romans.
And being released thereby from considerable
hardship, danger, and expense, they rewarded
me with every mark of honour and kindness.
I have therefore reason to speak well of the Locrians
rather than the reverse. Still I do not shrink from saying
and writing that the account of their colonisation given by
Aristotle is truer than that of Timaeus. For I know for
certain that the inhabitants themselves acknowledge that the
report of Aristotle, and not of Timaeus, is the one which they
have received from their ancestors. And they give the following
proofs of this. In the first place, they stated that every
ancestral distinction existing among them is traced by the female
not the male side.<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> For instance, those are reckoned noble
among them who belong to &#8220;the hundred families&#8221;; and these
&#8220;hundred families&#8221; are those which were marked out by the
Locrians, before embarking upon their colonisation, as those
from which they were in accordance with the oracle to select the
virgins to be sent to Ilium. Further, that some of these women
joined the colony: and that it is their descendants who are
now reckoned noble, and called &#8220;the men of the hundred
families.&#8221; Again, the following account of the &#8220;cup-bearing&#8221;
priestess had been received traditionally by them. When they
ejected the Sicels who occupied this part of Italy, finding that
it was a custom among them for the processions at their sacrifices
to be led by a boy of the most illustrious and high-born
family obtainable, and not having any ancestral custom of their
own on the subject, they adopted this one, with no other improvement
than that of substituting a girl for one of their boys as cupbearer,
because nobility with them went by the female line.</p>

<p><a name="b12_6" id="b12_6"><b>6.</b></a> And as to a treaty, none ever existed, or was said
to have existed, between them and the Locrians
in Greece;<span class="sidenote">The trick of the
Locrians.</span>
but they all knew by
tradition of one with the Sicels: of which they give the following
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span>
account. When they first appeared, and found the Sicels
occupying the district in which they are themselves now
dwelling, these natives were in terror of them, and admitted
them through fear into the country; and the new-comers made
a sworn agreement with them that &#8220;they would be friendly
and share the country with them, as long as they stood upon
the ground they then stood upon, and kept heads upon their
shoulders.&#8221; But, while the oaths were being taken, they say
that the Locrians put earth inside the soles of their shoes,
and heads of garlic concealed on their shoulders, before they
swore; and that then they shook the earth out of their shoes,
and threw the heads of garlic off their shoulders, and soon
afterwards expelled the Sicels from the country. This is the
story current at Locri....</p>

<p>By an extraordinary oversight Timaeus of Tauromenium
commits himself to the statement that it was not customary
with the Greeks to possess slaves.<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a>...</p>

<p>These considerations would lead us to trust Aristotle rather
than Timaeus. His next statement is still more
strange.<span class="sidenote">Locri Epizephyrii
colonised by
certain slaves
who had obtained
their freedom, and
by some free
born women.</span>
For to suppose, with Timaeus, that it
was unlikely that men, who had been the slaves
of the allies of the Lacedaemonians, would continue
the kindly feelings and adopt the friendships
of their late masters is foolish. For when they
had the good fortune to recover their freedom, and a
certain time has elapsed, men, who have been slaves, not only
endeavour to adopt the friendships of their late masters, but
also their ties of hospitality and blood: in fact, their aim is to
keep them up even more than the ties of nature, for the express
purpose of thereby wiping out the remembrance of their former
degradation and humble position; because they wish to pose as
the descendants of their masters rather than as their freedmen.
And this is what in all probability happened in the case of the
Locrians. They had removed to a great distance from all who
knew their secret; the lapse of time favoured their pretensions;
and they were not therefore so foolish as to maintain any
customs likely to revive the memory of their own degradation,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span>rather than such as would contribute to conceal it. Therefore
they very naturally called their city by the name of that
from which the women came; and claimed a relationship with
those women: and, moreover, renewed the friendships which
were ancestral to the families of the women.</p>

<p>And this also indicates that there is no sign of Aristotle
being wrong in saying that the Athenians
ravaged their territory.<span class="sidenote">The Locrians
then were naturally
friends of Sparta
and enemies of
Athens.</span>
For it being quite
natural, as I have shown, that the men who
started from Locri and landed in Italy, if they
were slaves ten times over, should adopt friendly
relations with Sparta, it becomes also natural that the
Athenians should be rendered hostile to them, not so much
from regard to their origin as to their policy.</p>

<p>It is not, again, likely that the Lacedaemonians should themselves
send their young men home from the
camp for the sake of begetting children,<span class="sidenote">The reason of the
women of Locris
(in Greece)
leaving their
homes with the
slaves.</span>
and
should refuse to allow the Locrians to do the
same. Two things in such a statement are not
only improbable but untrue. In the first place,
they were not likely to have prevented the
Locrians doing so, when they did the same themselves, for
that would be wholly inconsistent: nor were the Locrians, in
obedience to orders from them, likely to have adopted a
custom like theirs. (For in Sparta it is a traditional law, and a
matter of common custom, for three or four men to have one
wife, and even more if they are brothers; and when a man
has begotten enough children, it is quite proper and usual for
him to sell his wife to one of his friends.) The fact is, that
though the Locrians, not being bound by the same oath as
the Lacedaemonians, that they would not return home till they
had taken Messene, had a fair pretext for not taking part in
the common expedition; yet, by returning home only one by
one, and at rare intervals, they gave their wives an opportunity
of becoming familiar with the slaves instead of their original
husbands, and still more so the unmarried women. And this
was the reason of the migration....</p>

<p><a name="b12_7" id="b12_7"><b>7.</b></a> Timaeus makes many untrue statements; and he appears<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>
to have done so, not from ignorance, but because his view was
distorted by party spirit.<span class="sidenote">Timaeus and
Aristotle.</span>
When once he has made
up his mind to blame or praise, he forgets everything
else and outsteps all bounds of propriety.
So much for the nature of Aristotle&#8217;s account of Locri, and the
grounds on which it rested. But this naturally leads me to
speak of Timaeus and his work as a whole, and generally of
what is the duty of a man who undertakes to write history.
Now I think that I have made it clear from what I have said,
first, that both of them were writing conjecturally; and,
secondly, that the balance of probability was on the side of
Aristotle. It is in fact impossible in such matters to be
positive and definite. But let us even admit that Timaeus gives
the more probable account. Are the maintainers of the less
probable theory, therefore, to be called by every possible term
of abuse and obloquy, and all but be put on trial for their lives?
Certainly not. Those who make untrue statements in their
books from ignorance ought, I maintain, to be forgiven and
corrected in a kindly spirit: it is only those who do so from
deliberate intention that ought to be attacked without mercy.</p>

<p><a name="b12_8" id="b12_8"><b>8.</b></a> It must then either be shown that Aristotle&#8217;s account
of Locri was prompted by partiality, corruption, or personal
enmity; or, if no one ventures to say that, then it must be
acknowledged that those who display such personal animosity
and bitterness to others, as Timaeus does to Aristotle, are wrong
and ill advised.</p>

<p>The epithets which he applies to him are &#8220;audacious,&#8221;
&#8220;unprincipled,&#8221; &#8220;rash&#8221;; and besides,<span class="sidenote">The vulgar abuse
of Timaeus.</span>
he says
that he &#8220;has audaciously slandered Locri by
affirming that the colony was formed by runaway
slaves, adulterers, and man-catchers.&#8221; Further, he asserts that
Aristotle made this statement, &#8220;in order that men might believe
him to have been one of Alexander&#8217;s generals, and to have lately
conquered the Persians at the Cilician Gates in
a pitched battle by his own ability;<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 333.</span> and not to
be a mere pedantic sophist, universally unpopular, who had a
short time before shut up that admirable doctor&#8217;s shop.&#8221; Again,
he says that he &#8220;pushed his way into every palace and tent:&#8221;
and that he was &#8220;a glutton and a gourmand, who thought<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>
only of gratifying his appetite.&#8221; Now it seems to me that such
language as this would be intolerable in an impudent vagabond
bandying abuse in a law court; but an impartial recorder of
public affairs, and a genuine historian, would not think such
things to himself, much less venture to put them in writing.</p>

<p><a name="b12_9" id="b12_9"><b>9.</b></a> Let us now, then, examine the method of Timaeus, and
compare his account of this colony,<span class="sidenote">Timaeus&#8217;s
account of his
investigations in
the history of the
colony of Locri.</span>
that we may
learn which of the two better deserves such
vituperation. He says in the same book: &#8220;I
am not now proceeding on conjecture, but have
investigated the truth in the course of a personal
visit to the Locrians in Greece. The Locrians first of all showed
me a written treaty which began with the words, &#8216;as parents
to children.&#8217; There are also existing decrees securing mutual
rights of citizenship to both. In fine, when they were told of
Aristotle&#8217;s account of the colony, they were astonished at the
audacity of that writer. I then crossed to the Italian Locri
and found that the laws and customs there accorded with the
theory of a colony of free men, not with the licentiousness of
slaves. For among them there are penalties assigned to man-catchers,
adulterers, and runaway slaves. And this would not
have been the case if they were conscious of having been such
themselves.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b12_10" id="b12_10"><b>10.</b></a> Now the first point one would be inclined to raise is, as
to what Locrians he visited and questioned on
these subjects.<span class="sidenote">Criticism of the
above statement
of Timaeus.</span>
If it had been the case that the
Locrians in Greece all lived in one city, as
those in Italy do, this question would perhaps have been
unnecessary, and everything would have been plain. But as
there are two clans of Locrians, we may ask, Which of the two
did he visit? What cities of the one or the other? In whose
hands did he find the treaty? Yet we all know, I suppose,
that this is a speciality of Timaeus&#8217;s, and that it is in this that
he has surpassed all other historians, and rests his chief claim
to credit,&mdash;I mean his parade of accuracy in studying chronology
and ancient monuments, and his care in that department of
research. Therefore we may well wonder how he came to
omit telling us the name of the city in which he found the
treaty, the place in which it was inscribed, or the magistrates<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span>
who showed him the inscription, and with whom he conversed:
to prevent all cavil, and, by defining the place and city, to
enable those who doubted to ascertain the truth. By omitting
these details he shows that he was conscious of having told a
deliberate falsehood. For that Timaeus, if he really had
obtained such proofs, would not have let them slip, but would
have fastened upon them with both hands, as the saying is, is
proved by the following considerations. Would a writer who
tried to establish his credit on that of Echecrates,&mdash;he mentioning
him by name as the person with whom he had conversed,
and from whom he had obtained his facts about the Italian
Locri&mdash;taking the trouble to add, by way of showing that he
had been told them by no ordinary person, that this man&#8217;s
father had formerly been entrusted with an embassy by
Dionysius,&mdash;would such a writer have remained silent about it
if he had really got hold of a public record or an ancient
tablet?</p>

<p><a name="b12_11" id="b12_11"><b>11.</b></a> This is the man forsooth who drew out a comparative
list of the Ephors and the kings of Sparta from
the earliest times;<span class="sidenote">Timaeus and the
Olympic registers.</span>
as well as one comparing the
Archons at Athens and priestesses in Argos with
the list of Olympic victors, and thereby convicted those cities
of being in error about those records, because there was a
discrepancy of three months between them! This again is
the man who discovered the engraved tablets in the inner
shrines, and the records of the guest-friendships on the door-posts
of the temples. And we cannot believe that such a man
could have been ignorant of anything of this sort that existed,
or would have omitted to mention it if he had found it. Nor
can he on any ground expect pardon, if he has told an untruth
about it: for, as he has shown himself a bitter and uncompromising
critic of others, he must naturally look for equally
uncompromising attacks from them.</p>

<p>Being then clearly convicted of falsehood in these points, he
goes to the Italian Locri: and, first of all, says that the two
Locrian peoples had a similar constitution and the same
ties of amity, and that Aristotle and Theophrastus have
maligned the city. Now I am fully aware that in going into
minute particulars and proofs on this point I shall be forced
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>
to digress from the course of my history. It was for that reason
however that I postponed my criticism of Timaeus to a
single section of my work, that I might not be forced again
and again to omit other necessary matter....</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b12_12" id="b12_12"><b>12.</b></a> Timaeus says that the greatest fault in history is want
of truth; and he accordingly advises all,<span class="sidenote">Timaeus condemned
out of
his own mouth.</span>
whom
he may have convicted of making false statements
in their writings, to find some other
name for their books, and to call them anything they like
except history....</p>

<p class="tb">For example, in the case of a carpenter&#8217;s rule, though it
may be too short or too narrow for your purpose, yet if it have
the essential feature of a rule, that of straightness, you may
still call it a rule; but if it has not this quality, and deviates
from the straight line, you may call it anything you like except
a rule. &#8220;On the same principle,&#8221; says he, &#8220;historical writings
may fail in style or treatment or other details; yet if they hold
fast to truth, such books may claim the title of history, but if
they swerve from that, they ought no longer to be called
history.&#8221; Well, I quite agree that in such writings truth
should be the first consideration: and, in fact, somewhere
in the course of my work I have said &#8220;that as in a living
body, when the eyes are out, the whole is rendered useless, so
if you take truth from history what is left is
but an idle tale.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">See 1, 14.</span> I said again, however,
that &#8220;there were two sorts of falsehoods, the ignorant and
the intentional; and the former deserved indulgence, the
latter uncompromising severity.&#8221; ... These points being
agreed upon&mdash;the wide difference between the ignorant and
intentional lie, and the kindly correction due to the one and
the unbending denunciation to the other&mdash;it will be found
that it is to the latter charge that Timaeus more than any one
lays himself open. And the proof of his character in this
respect is clear....</p>

<p class="tb">There is a proverbial expression for the breakers of an agreement,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>
&#8220;Locrians and a treaty.&#8221; An explanation given of this,
equally accepted by historians and the rest of
the world,<span class="sidenote">The proverb
&#923;&#959;&#954;&#961;&#959;&#8054; &#964;&#8048;&#962; &#963;&#965;&#957;&#952;&#8053;&#954;&#945;&#962;.</span>
is that, at the time of the invasion of
the Heracleidae, the Locrians agreed with the
Peloponnesians that, if the Heracleidae did not enter by way of
the isthmus, but crossed at Rhium, they would raise a war
beacon, that they might have early intelligence and make
provisions to oppose their entrance. The Locrians, however,
did not do this, but, on the contrary, raised a beacon of peace;
and therefore, when the Heracleidae arrived opposite Rhium,
they crossed without resistance; while the Peloponnesians,
having taken no precautions, found that they had allowed
their enemies to enter their country, because they had been
betrayed by the Locrians....</p>

<p class="tb">Many remarks depreciatory of divination and dream interpretation
may be found in his writings.<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a><span class="sidenote">Timaeus&#8217;s
attitude towards
the art of
divination.</span>
But
writers who have introduced into their books a
good deal of such foolish talk, so far from running
down others, should think themselves fortunate
if they escape attack themselves. And this is just the position
in which Timaeus stands.<span class="sidenote">Callisthenes.</span> He remarks that
&#8220;Callisthenes was a mere sycophant for writing
stuff of this sort; and acted in a manner utterly unworthy of
his philosophy in giving heed to ravens and inspired women;
and that he richly deserved the punishment which he met with
at the hands of Alexander, for having corrupted the mind of
that monarch as far as he could.&#8221; On the other hand, he
commends Demosthenes, and the other orators who flourished
at that time, and says that &#8220;they were worthy of Greece for
speaking against the divine honours given to Alexander; while
this philosopher, for investing a mere mortal with the aegis and
thunderbolt, justly met the fate which befel him from the hands
of providence....&#8221;</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b12_13" id="b12_13"><b>13.</b></a> Timaeus asserts that Demochares was guilty of
unnatural lust, and that his lips therefore were
unfit to blow the sacred fire;<span class="sidenote">Demochares.</span> and that in morals
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span>he went beyond any stories told by Botrys and Philaenis
and all other writers of indecent tales. Foul abuse and
shameless accusations of this sort are not only what no man of
cultivation would have uttered, they go beyond what you
might expect from the lowest brothels. It is, however, to get
credit for the foul and shameless accusations, which he is
always bringing, that he has maligned this man: supporting his
charge by dragging in an obscure comic poet. Now on what
grounds do I conjecture the falsity of the accusation? Well,
first, from the fact of the good birth and education of
Demochares; for he was a nephew of Demosthenes. And in
the second place, from the fact that he was thought worthy at
Athens, not only of being a general, but of the other offices
also; which he certainly would not have obtained, if he had
got into such troubles as these. Therefore it seems to me
that Timaeus is accusing the people of Athens more than
Demochares, if it is the fact that they committed the interests
of the country and their own lives to such a man. For if it
had been true, the comic poet Archedicus would not have
been the only one to have made this statement concerning
Demochares, as Timaeus alleges: it would have been repeated
by many of the partisans of Antipater, against whom he has
spoken with great freedom, and said many things calculated to
annoy, not only Antipater himself, but also his successors and
friends. It would have been repeated also by many of his political
opponents: and among them, by Demetrius of Phalerum,
against whom Demochares has inveighed with extraordinary
bitterness in his History, alleging that &#8220;his conduct as a
prince, and the political measures on which he prided himself,
were such as a petty tax-gatherer might be proud of; for he
boasted that in his city things were abundant and cheap, and
every one had plenty to live upon.&#8221; And he tells another
story of Demetrius, that &#8220;He was not ashamed to have a
procession in the theatre led by an artificial snail, worked by
some internal contrivance, and emitting slime as it crawled,
and behind it a string of asses; meaning by this to indicate
the slowness and stupidity of the Athenians, who had yielded
to others the honour of defending Greece, and were tamely
submissive to Cassander.&#8221; Still, in spite of these taunts,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>
neither Demetrius nor any one else has ever brought such a
charge against Demochares.</p>

<p><a name="b12_14" id="b12_14"><b>14.</b></a> Relying therefore on the testimony of his own countrymen,
as safer ground than the virulence of Timaeus, I feel no
hesitation in declaring that the life of Demochares is not
chargeable with such enormities. But even supposing that
Demochares had ever so disgraced himself, what need was
there for Timaeus to insert this passage in his History? Men
of sense, when resolved to retaliate upon a personal enemy,
think first, not of what he deserves, but of what it is becoming
in them to do. So in the case of abusive language: the first
consideration should be, not what our enemies deserve to be
called, but what our self respect will allow us to call them.
But if men measure everything by their own ill temper and
jealousy, we are forced to be always suspicious of them, and
to be ever on our guard against their exaggeration. Wherefore,
in the present instance, we may fairly reject the stories to
the discredit of Philochares told by Timaeus; for he has put
himself out of the pale of indulgence or belief, by so obviously
allowing his native virulence to carry him beyond all bounds
of propriety in his invectives.</p>

<p><a name="b12_15" id="b12_15"><b>15.</b></a> For my part I cannot feel satisfied with his abuse of
Agathocles either, even admitting him to have
been the worst of men.<span class="sidenote">Agathocles
defended against
the aspersions of
Timaeus.</span> I refer to the passage
at the end of his History in which he asserts
that in his youth Agathocles was &#8220;a common
stale, extravagantly addicted to every unnatural vice,&#8221; and
that &#8220;when he died, his wife in the course of her lamentations
exclaimed &#8216;Ah, what have I not done for you! what have you
not done to me?&#8217;&#8221; To such language one can only repeat
what has been already said in the case of Demochares, and
express one&#8217;s astonishment at such extravagant virulence.
For that Agathocles must have had fine natural qualities is
evident from the narrative of Timaeus itself. That a man who
came as a runaway slave to Syracuse, from the potter&#8217;s wheel
and smoke and clay, at the early age of eighteen, should have
within a short time advanced from that humble beginning to
be master of all Sicily, and after being a terror to the Carthaginians,
should have grown old in office and died in enjoyment of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>
the royal title,&mdash;does not this prove that Agathocles had some
great and admirable qualities, and many endowments and talents
for administration? In view of these the historian ought not
to have recounted to posterity only what served to discredit
and defame this man, but those facts also which were to his
honour. For that is the proper function of history. Blinded,
however, by personal malignity, he has recorded for us with
bitterness and exaggeration all his defects; while his eminent
achievements he has passed over in entire silence: seeming
not to be aware that in history such silence is as mendacious
as misstatement. The part of his history, therefore, which was
added by him for the gratification of his personal spite I have
passed over, but not what was really germane to his
subject....</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b12_16" id="b12_16"><b>16.</b></a> Two young men had a dispute about the ownership of
a slave. This slave had been in the possession
of one of them for a long time;<span class="sidenote">The laws of
Zaleucus, and an
incident in their
working at Locri
(for which he
legislated, see
Arist. <i>Pol.</i> 2, 12).</span>
but two days
before, as he was going to the farm without his
master, the other laid violent hands upon him
and dragged him to his house. When the first
young man heard of this, he came to the house,
seized the slave, and taking him before the magistrate asserted
his ownership and offered sureties. For the law of Zaleucus
ordained that the party from whom the abduction was made
should have possession of the property in dispute, pending the
decision of the suit. But the other man in accordance with
the same law, alleged that he was the party from whom the
abduction had been made, for the slave had been brought
before the magistrate from his house. The magistrates who
were trying the case were in doubt, and calling in the Cosmopolis<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a>
referred the point to him. He interpreted the law as
meaning that &#8220;the abduction was always from that party in whose
possession the property in dispute had last been for a certain
period unquestioned; but that if another abducted this
property from a holder, and then the original holder repossessed
himself of it from the abductor, this was not abduction in the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span>sense of the law.&#8221; The young man, who thus lost his case,
was not satisfied, and alleged that such was not the intention
of the legislator. Thereupon the Cosmopolis summoned him
to discuss the interpretation in accordance with the law of
Zaleucus; that is, to argue on the interpretation of the law
with him before the court of the one thousand, and with a
halter round the neck of each: whichever should be shown
to be wrong in his interpretation was to lose his life in the sight
of the thousand. But the young man asserted that the
compact was not a fair one, for the Cosmopolis, who happened
to be nearly ninety, had only two or three years of life left,
while in all reasonable probability he had not yet lived half
his life. By this adroit rejoinder the young man turned off the
affair as a jest: but the magistrates adjudged the question
of abduction in accordance with the interpretation of the
Cosmopolis....</p>

<h3>A CRITICISM ON EPHORUS AND CALLISTHENES</h3>

<p><a name="b12_17" id="b12_17"><b>17.</b></a> That I may not be thought to detract wantonly from
the credit of such great writers, I will mention
one battle,<span class="sidenote">Callisthenes
and the battle
of Issus,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 333.</span>
which is at once one of the most
famous ever fought, and not too remote in
point of time; and at which, above everything
else, Callisthenes was himself present. I mean the battle
between Alexander and Darius in Cilicia. He says that
&#8220;Alexander had already got through the pass called the
Cilician Gates: and that Darius, availing himself of that by the
Amanid Gates, made his way with his army into Cilicia; but on
learning from the natives that Alexander was on his way into
Syria, he followed him; and having arrived at the pass leading
to the south, pitched his camp on the bank of the river
Pinarus. The width of the ground from the foot of the
mountain to the sea was not more than fourteen stades,
through which this river ran diagonally. On first issuing from
the mountains its banks were broken, but in its course through
the level down to the sea it ran between precipitous and steep
hills.&#8221; Starting with this description of the ground, he goes
on to say that &#8220;When Alexander&#8217;s army faced about, and,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span>
retracing its steps, was approaching to attack them, Darius
and his officers determined to draw up their whole phalanx on
the ground occupied by his encampment, as it then was, and to
defend his front by the river, which flowed right along his
camp.&#8221; But he afterwards says that Darius &#8220;stationed his
cavalry close to the sea, his mercenaries next along the river,
and his peltasts next resting on the mountains.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b12_18" id="b12_18"><b>18.</b></a> Now it is difficult to understand how he could have
drawn up these troops in front of his phalanx, considering that
the river ran immediately under the camp:<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> especially as their
numbers were so great, amounting, on Callisthenes&#8217;s own
showing, to thirty thousand cavalry and thirty thousand
mercenaries. Now it is easy to calculate how much ground
such a force would require. At the most cavalry in a regular
engagement is drawn up eight deep, and between each
squadron a clear space must be left in the line to enable
them to turn or face about. Therefore eight hundred will
cover a stade of front; eight thousand, ten stades;<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> three
thousand two hundred, four stades; and so eleven thousand
two hundred would cover the whole of fourteen stades. If
therefore he were to put his whole thirty thousand on the
ground, he would have to mass his cavalry alone nearly three
times the usual depth; and then what room is left for his
large force of mercenaries? None, indeed, unless on the
rear of the cavalry. But Callisthenes says this was not the
case, but that these latter engaged the Macedonians first.
We must therefore understand half the front, that nearest
the sea, to have been occupied by the cavalry; the other
half, that nearest the mountains, by the mercenaries. We
may by these data easily calculate the depth of the cavalry,
and the distance the river must have been from the camp to
allow of it.</p>

<p>Again, he says that &#8220;on the approach of the enemy Darius
himself, who was on the centre, ordered up the mercenaries
from the wing.&#8221; It is difficult to see what he means by this:
for the point of junction of the mercenaries and the cavalry
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>must have been at the centre. Where and how then, and to
what point could Darius, who was himself actually among the
mercenaries, be said to &#8220;order them up&#8221;?</p>

<p>Lastly, he says that &#8220;the cavalry on the right wing charged
Alexander; and that his men stood the charge gallantly, and,
making a counter charge, kept up an obstinate fight.&#8221; But he
quite forgets that there was a river between them, a river, too,
of the nature that he had just himself described.<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a></p>

<p><a name="b12_19" id="b12_19"><b>19.</b></a> His account of the movements of Alexander are
equally vague. He says that &#8220;he crossed into Asia with
forty thousand infantry and four thousand five hundred
cavalry; but that when he was about to enter Cilicia he was
joined by a reinforcement of five thousand infantry and eight
hundred cavalry.&#8221; From these numbers, if one were to make
the liberal allowance of three thousand absentees from the
infantry and three hundred from the cavalry on various
services, there would still remain forty-two thousand infantry
and five thousand cavalry. Starting with these numbers, he
goes on to say &#8220;that Alexander heard of the entrance of
Darius into Cilicia when he was a hundred stades away from
him, having already marched through the pass:<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> that he therefore
retraced his steps through the pass, his phalanx on
the van, his cavalry next, and his baggage on the rear. But
that as soon as he had debouched upon the open country, he
gave general orders to form up into a phalanx, at first thirty-two
deep; then sixteen; and lastly, when they were nearing the
enemy, eight deep.&#8221; Now this is a worse blunder than the
last. A stade, allowing for the distances which must be
kept on a march, and reckoning the depth at sixteen, admits
of one thousand six hundred men, each man covering six feet.
It is plain, therefore, that ten stades will admit of only sixteen
thousand men, and twenty twice that number. Hence, when
Alexander caused his men to form sixteen deep, he would
have wanted a width of ground of twenty stades; and even
then, the whole of the cavalry and ten thousand infantry
would have been unaccounted for.</p>

<p><a name="b12_20" id="b12_20"><b>20.</b></a> Again, he says that Alexander was marching in line
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span>when he was about forty stades from the enemy. A greater
blunder it is difficult to conceive. For where could one find
a ground; and especially in Cilicia, twenty stades broad by
forty deep, for a phalanx armed with sarissae to march in line?
It would not be easy to count all the impossibilities in the
way of such an arrangement and such a movement. One
that is mentioned by Callisthenes himself is sufficient to
establish the point. For he remarks that the winter torrents
which descend from the hills make so many gullies in the
plain, that, in the course of the flight, the chief part of the
Persians are said to have lost their lives in deep places of
that kind. But, it may be urged, Alexander wished to be ready
for battle as soon as the enemy were in sight. But what could
be less ready than a phalanx in a disordered and straggling
line? Is it not much easier to form up a phalanx from a
proper column of route, than to bring a disordered and
straggling line back into the same alignment, and get it into
order of battle on a broken and woody ground? It was,
therefore much better to march twice or four times the
ordinary depth of a phalanx<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> in good order, for which sufficient
ground could possibly be found. And it was easy to deploy his
men quickly into the line of the phalanx, because he was able
by means of scouts to ascertain the presence of the enemy
in plenty of time. But in this case, beside other absurdities,
while bringing his men in line across the level, he did not
even (we are told) put the cavalry in front, but marched with
them in the same alignment.</p>

<p><a name="b12_21" id="b12_21"><b>21.</b></a> But the greatest blunder is still to come. &#8220;As soon
as Alexander,&#8221; he says, &#8220;was within distance of the enemy
he caused his men to take up order eight deep,&#8221; which would
have necessitated ground forty stades wide for the length of
the line; and even had they, to use the poet&#8217;s expression,
&#8220;laid shield to shield and on each other leaned,&#8221; still ground
twenty stades wide would have been wanted, while he himself
says that it was less than fourteen. [We have also to deduct
from these fourteen stades the space occupied by the two
divisions of the cavalry, one on the left next the sea, the other
on the right];<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> and to allow for the fact that the whole force
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span>was kept a considerable distance from the hills, to avoid being
exposed to the enemy occupying the skirts of the mountains;
for we know that Callisthenes represents the wing to have
been facing these, at an angle with the centre. We are also
leaving out of account the ten thousand foot, whom we showed
to be too many according to his own calculation.</p>

<p>The upshot is that eleven stades at most is left for the whole
length of the phalanx, even taking Callisthenes&#8217;s own account,
in which thirty-two thousand men standing shield to shield must
necessarily be drawn up thirty deep: while he asserts that they
fought eight deep. Such blunders admit of no defence: for
the facts at once demonstrate the impossibility of the assertion.
We have only to compare the space occupied by each man,
the width of the whole ground, and the number of the men,
to prove its falsity.</p>

<p><a name="b12_22" id="b12_22"><b>22.</b></a> It would be tedious to mention all his other absurdities
in connexion with this battle. I must be content with a very few.
He says, for instance, that &#8220;Alexander took care in arranging
his order of battle to be himself personally opposed to Darius;
and that at first Darius was equally anxious to be opposite
Alexander, but afterwards altered his mind.&#8221; But he does not
vouchsafe to tell us how these kings learnt at what part of their
respective forces they were each posted, or to what point in his
own line Darius re-transferred himself. Again, how could a
phalanx mount to the edge of the river bank, when it was precipitous
and covered with brushwood? Such a piece of bad
generalship must not be attributed to Alexander, because he is
acknowledged by all to have been a skilful strategist and to
have studied the subject from childhood: we must rather
attribute it to the historian&#8217;s want of ability to discern between
what is or is not practicable in such movements. So much
for Ephorus and Callisthenes....</p>

<p><a name="b12_23" id="b12_23"><b>23.</b></a> Timaeus attacks Ephorus with great severity, though he
is himself liable to two grave charges&mdash;bitterness
in attacking others for faults of which he is himself
guilty,<span class="sidenote">Timaeus&#8217;s
over-estimate of
Timoleon.</span>
and complete demoralisation, shown
by the opinions which he expresses in his memoirs, and which
he endeavours to implant in the minds of his readers. If we
are to lay it down that Callisthenes deserved his death, what<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span>
ought to happen to Timaeus? Surely there is much more
reason for Providence to be wroth with him than with Callisthenes.
The latter wished to deify Alexander; but Timaeus
exalts Timoleon above the most venerable gods. The hero
of Callisthenes, again, was a man by universal consent of a
superhuman elevation of spirit; while Timoleon, far from
having accomplished any action of first-rate importance, never
even undertook one. The one expedition which he achieved
in the course of his life took him no farther than from Corinth
to Syracuse; and how paltry is such a distance when compared
with the extent of the world! I presume that Timaeus
believed that if Timoleon, by gaining glory in such a mere
saucer of a place as Sicily, should be thought comparable to
the most illustrious heroes, he too himself, as the historian of
only Italy and Sicily, might properly be considered on a par
with the writers of universal history. This will be sufficient
defence of Aristotle, Theophrastus, Callisthenes, Ephorus, and
Demochares against the attacks of Timaeus: and it is addressed
to those who believe that this historian is impartial and
truthful....</p>

<p><a name="b12_24" id="b12_24"><b>24.</b></a> We may fairly judge Timaeus on the principles which
he has himself laid down. According to him,<span class="sidenote">The incapacity
of Timaeus
for forming a
judgment.</span>
&#8220;poets and historians betray their own tastes by
the incidents which they repeatedly record in
their writings. Thus the poet<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> by his fondness
for banqueting scenes shows that he is a glutton; and in the
same way Aristotle, by frequently describing rich food in his
writings, betrays his love of dainty living and his greediness.&#8221;
On the same principle he judges Dionysius the tyrant because
he &#8220;was always very particular in the ornamentation of his
dining-couches, and had hangings of exquisite make and
variegated colours.&#8221; If we apply this principle to Timaeus,
we shall have abundant reason to think badly of him. In
attacking others he shows great acuteness and boldness; when
he comes to independent narrative he is full of dreams,
miracles, incredible myths,&mdash;in a word, of miserable superstition
and old wives&#8217; tales. The truth is that Timaeus is a proof
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span>of the fact, that at times, and in the case of many men, want
of skill and want of judgment so completely destroy the value
of their evidence, that though present at and eye-witnesses of
the facts which they record, they might just as well have
been absent or had no eyes....</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b12_25" id="b12_25"><b>25.</b></a> The story of the brazen bull is this. It was made by
Phalaris at Agrigentum; and he used to force
men to get into it,<span class="sidenote">The brazen bull
of Phalaris.</span>
and then by way of punishment
light a fire underneath. The metal becoming
thus red hot, the man inside was roasted and scorched to
death; and when he screamed in his agony, the sound from
the machine was very like the bellowing of a bull. When the
Carthaginians conquered Sicily this bull was removed from
Agrigentum to Carthage. The trap door between the shoulders,
through which the victims used to be let down, still remains;
and no other reason for the construction of such a bull in Carthage
can be discovered at all: yet Timaeus has undertaken to
upset the common story, and to refute the declarations of poets
and historians, by alleging that the bull at Carthage did not come
from Agrigentum, and that no such figure ever existed there;
and he has composed a lengthy treatise to prove this....</p>

<h3>GENERAL REMARKS ON TIMAEUS AS AN HISTORIAN</h3>

<p>What epithet ought one to apply to Timaeus, and what word
will properly characterise him? A man of his kind appears to me
to deserve the very bitterest of the terms which he has applied
to others. It has already been sufficiently proved that he is a
carping, false and impudent writer; and from what remains to
be said he will be shown to be unphilosophical, and, in short,
utterly uninstructed. For towards the end of his twenty-first
book, in the course of his &#8220;harangue of Timoleon,&#8221; he remarks
that &#8220;the whole sublunary world being divided into three parts&mdash;Asia,
Libya, and Europe....&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> One could scarcely believe
such a remark to have come, I don&#8217;t say from Timaeus,
but even from the proverbial Margites....</p>
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span></p>
<p>(<i>a</i>) The proverb tells us that one drop from the largest
vessel is sufficient to show the whole contents. This is
applicable to the present case. When one or two false statements
have been discovered in a history, and they have been
shown to be wilful, it is clear that nothing which such an
historian may say can be regarded as certain or trustworthy.
But in order to convince the more careful student, I must
speak on his method and practice in regard to public speeches,
military harangues, ambassador&#8217;s orations, and all compositions
of that class; which are, as it were, a compendium of events and
an epitome of all history. Now that he has given these in his
writings with entire disregard of truth, and that of set purpose,
can any reader of Timaeus fail to be aware? He has not
written down the words actually used, nor the real drift of
these speeches; but imagining how they ought to have been
expressed, he enumerates all the arguments used, and makes the
words tally with the circumstances, like a schoolboy declaiming
on a set theme: as though his object were to display his own
ability, not to give a report of what was in reality said....</p>

<p>(<i>b</i>) The special province of history is, first, to ascertain what
the actual words used were; and secondly, to learn why it was
that a particular policy or argument failed or succeeded. For
a bare statement of an occurrence is interesting indeed, but not
instructive: but when this is supplemented by a statement of
cause, the study of history becomes fruitful. For it is by
applying analogies to our own circumstances that we get the
means and basis for calculating the future; and for learning
from the past when to act with caution, and when with greater
boldness, in the present. The historian therefore who omits
the words actually used, as well as all statement of the
determining circumstances, and gives us instead conjectures and
mere fancy compositions, destroys the special use of history.
In this respect Timaeus is an eminent offender, for we all
know that his books are full of such writing.</p>

<p>(<i>c</i>) But perhaps some one may raise the question as to how
it comes about that, being the sort of writer that I am showing
him to be, he has obtained acceptance and credit among
certain people. The reason is that his work abounds with
hostile criticism and invective against others: and he has been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>
judged not by the positive merits of his own composition and
his independent narrative, but by his skill in refuting his
fellow historians; to which department he appears to me to
have brought great diligence and an extraordinary natural
aptitude. The case of the physicist Strato is almost precisely
similar. As long as this man is endeavouring to descredit
and refute the opinions of others, he is admirable: directly he
brings forward anything of his own, or expounds any of his
own doctrines, he at once seems to men of science to lose his
faculties and become stupid and unintelligent. And for my
part, I look upon this difference in writers as strictly analogous
to the facts of everyday life. In this too it is easy to criticise
our neighbours, but to be faultless ourselves is hard. One
might almost say that those who are most ready at finding
fault with others are most prone to errors in their own life.</p>

<p>(<i>d</i>) Besides these I may mention another error of Timaeus.
Having stayed quietly at Athens for about fifty years, during
which he devoted himself to the study of written history, he
imagined that he was in possession of the most important
means of writing it. To my mind this was a great mistake.
History and the science of medicine are alike in this respect,
that both may be divided broadly into three departments; and
therefore those who study either must approach them in three
ways. For instance the three departments of medicine are the
rhetorical, the dietetic, and the surgical and pharmaceutical.
[The second of these though important is discredited by some.]<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a>
The first, which takes its rise from the school of Herophilus
and Callimachus of Alexandria, does indeed rightly claim a
certain position in medical science; but by its speciousness
and liberal promises acquires so much reputation that those
who are occupied with other branches of the art are supposed to
be completely ignorant. But just bring one of these professors to
an actual invalid: you will find that they are as completely
wanting in the necessary skill as men who have never read a
medical treatise. Nay, it has happened before now that certain
persons, who had really nothing serious the matter with them,
have been persuaded by their powerful arguments to commit
themselves to their treatment, and have thereby endangered
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>their lives: for they are like men trying to steer a ship out of
a book. Still such men go from city to city with great <i>&eacute;cl&acirc;t</i>,
and get the common people together to listen to them. But
if, when this is done, they induce certain people to submit as a
specimen to their practical treatment; they only succeed in
reducing them to a state of extreme discomfort, and making
them a laughing stock to the audience.<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> So completely does
a persuasive address frequently get the advantage over practical
experience. The third branch of the medical science, though
it involves genuine skill in the treatment of the several cases, is
not only rare in itself, but is also frequently cast into the shade,
thanks to the folly of popular judgment, by volubility and
impudence.</p>

<p>(<i>e</i>) In the same way the science of genuine history is
threefold: first, the dealing with written documents and the
arrangement of the material thus obtained; second, topography,
the appearance of cities and localities, the description of rivers
and harbours, and, speaking generally, the peculiar features of
seas and countries and their relative distances; thirdly, political
affairs. Now, as in the case of medicine, it is the last branch
that many attach themselves to, owing to their preconceived
opinions on the subject. And the majority of writers bring
to the undertaking no spirit of fairness at all: nothing but
dishonesty, impudence and unscrupulousness. Like vendors
of drugs, their aim is to catch popular credit and favour, and
to seize every opportunity of enriching themselves. About such
writers it is not worth while to say more.</p>

<p>(<i>f</i>) But some of those who have the reputation of
approaching history in a reasonable spirit are like the theoretical
physicians. They spend all their time in libraries, and acquire
generally all the learning which can be got from books, and
then persuade themselves that they are adequately equipped
for their task.... Yet in my opinion they are only partially
qualified for the production of genuine history. To inspect
ancient records indeed, with the view of ascertaining the notions
entertained by the ancients of certain places, nations, polities
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>and events, and of understanding the several circumstances and
contingencies experienced in former times, is useful; for the
history of the past directs our attention in a proper spirit to
the future, if a writer can be found to give a statement of facts
as they really occurred. But to persuade one&#8217;s self, as Timaeus
does, that such ability in research is sufficient to enable a man
to describe subsequent transactions with success is quite
foolish. It is as though a man were to imagine that an
inspection of the works of the old masters would enable him
to become a painter and a master of the art himself.</p>

<p>This will be rendered still more evident from what I have
now to say, particularly from certain passages
in the history of Ephorus.<span class="sidenote">Ephorus was
fairly acquainted
with naval, but
not with military
tactics.</span>
This writer in his
history of war seems to me to have had some
idea of naval tactics, but to be quite unacquainted
with fighting on shore. Accordingly, if one
turns one&#8217;s attention to the naval battles at Cyprus and Cnidus,
in which the generals of the king were engaged against Evagoras
of Salamis<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> and then against the Lacedaemonians, one will be
struck with admiration of the historian, and will learn many
useful lessons as to what to do in similar circumstances.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 371.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 362.</span> But
when he tells the story of the battle of
Leuctra between the Thebans and Lacedaemonians,
or again that of Mantinea between
the same combatants, in which Epaminondas lost his
life, if in these one examines attentively and in detail the
arrangements and evolutions in the line of battle, the historian
will appear quite ridiculous, and betray his entire ignorance
and want of personal experience of such matters. The battle
of Leuctra indeed was simple, and confined to one division of
the forces engaged, and therefore does not make the writer&#8217;s
lack of knowledge so very glaring: but that of Mantinea was
complicated and technical, and is accordingly unintelligible
and indeed completely inconceivable, to the historian. This
will be rendered clear by first laying down a correct plan of
the ground, and then measuring the extent of the movements
as described by him. The same is the case with Theopompus,
and above all with Timaeus, the subject of this book. These
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>latter writers also can conceal their ignorance, so long as they
deal with generalities; but directly they attempt minute and
detailed description, they show that they are no better than
Ephorus....</p>

<p>(<i>g</i>) It is in fact as impossible to write well on the operations
in a war, if a man has had no experience of actual service,
as it is to write well on politics without having been engaged
in political transactions and vicissitudes. And when history is
written by the book-learned, without technical knowledge, and
without clearness of detail, the work loses all its value. For
if you take from history its element of practical instruction,
what is left of it has nothing to attract and nothing to teach.
Again, in the topography of cities and localities, when such
men attempt to go into details, being entirely without personal
knowledge, they must in a similar manner necessarily pass
over many points of importance; while they waste words on
many that are not worth the trouble. And this is what his
failure to make personal inspection brings upon Timaeus....</p>

<p>(<i>h</i>) In his thirty-fourth book Timaeus says that &#8220;he
spent fifty continuous years at Athens as
an alien,<span class="sidenote">Timaeus&#8217;s want
of practical
knowledge.</span>
and never took part in any military
service, or went to inspect the localities.&#8221;
Accordingly, when he comes upon any such matters in the
course of his history, he shows much ignorance and makes
many misstatements; and if he ever does come near the
truth, he is like one of those animal-painters who draw from
models of stuffed skins. Such artists sometimes preserve the
correct outline, but the vivid look and life-like portraiture of
the real animal, the chief charm of the painter&#8217;s art, are quite
wanting. This is just the case with Timaeus, and in fact with
all who start with mere book-learning; there is nothing vivid
in their presentment of events, for that can only come from
the personal experience of the writers. And hence it is, that
those who have gone through no such course of actual experience
produce no genuine enthusiasm in the minds of their
readers. Former historians showed their sense of the necessity
of making professions to this effect in their writings. For when
their subject was political, they were careful to state that the
writer had of course been engaged in politics, and had had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>
experience in matters of the sort; or if the subject was
military, that he had served a campaign and been actually
engaged; and again, when the matter was one of everyday life,
that he had brought up children and had been married; and
so on in every department of life, which we may expect to find
adequately treated by those writers alone who have had personal
experience, and have accordingly made that branch of
history their own. It is difficult perhaps for a man to have
been actually and literally engaged in everything: but in the
most important actions and most frequently occurring he must
have been so.</p>

<p>(<i>i</i>) And that this is no impossibility, Homer is a convincing
instance; for in him you may see this quality of personal
knowledge frequently and conspicuously displayed. The
upshot of all this is that the study of documents is only one of
three elements in the preparation of an historian, and is only
third in importance. And no clearer proof of this could be
given than that furnished by the deliberative speeches, harangues
of commanders, and orations of ambassadors as recorded
by Timaeus. For the truth is, that the occasions are rare
which admit of all possible arguments being set forth; as a
rule, the circumstances of the case confine them to narrow
limits. And of such speeches one sort are regarded with
favour by men of our time, another by those of an earlier age;
different styles again are popular with Aetolians, Peloponnesians,
and Athenians. But to make digressions, in season and
out of season, for the purpose of setting forth every possible
speech that could be made, as Timaeus does by his trick of inventing
words to suit every sort of occasion, is utterly misleading,
pedantic, and worthy of a schoolboy essayist. And this
practice has brought failure and discredit on many writers.
Of course to select from time to time the proper and appropriate
language is a necessary part of our art: but as there is
no fixed rule to decide the quantity and quality of the words
to be used on a particular occasion, great care and training is
required if we are to instruct and not mislead our readers.
The exact nature of the situation is difficult to communicate
always; still it may be brought home to the mind by means of
systematic demonstration, founded on personal and habitual<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span>
experience. The best way of securing that this should be
realised is for historians, first, to state clearly the position, the
aims, and the circumstances of those deliberating; and then,
recording the real speeches made, to explain to us the causes
which contributed to the success or failure of the several
speakers. Thus we should obtain a true conception of the
situation, and by exercising our judgment upon it, and drawing
analogies from it, should be able to form a thoroughly sound
opinion upon the circumstances of the hour. But I suppose
that tracing causes is difficult, while stringing words together in
books is easy. Few again have the faculty of speaking briefly
to the point, and getting the necessary training for doing so;
while to produce a long and futile composition is within most
people&#8217;s capacity and is common enough.</p>

<p>(<i>k</i>) To confirm the judgment I have expressed of Timaeus,
on his wilful misstatements as well as his ignorance,
<span class="sidenote">Timaeus on
Sicilian history.</span>
I shall now quote certain short passages
from his acknowledged works as specimens....
Of all the men who have exercised sovereignty in Sicily, since
the elder Gelo, tradition tells us that the most able have been
Hermocrates, Timoleon, and Pyrrhus of Epirus, who are the
last persons in the world on whom to father pedantic and
scholastic speeches.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 413.
Thucyd. 7, 42 <i>sqq.</i></span>
Now Timaeus tells us in
his twenty-first book that on his arrival in Sicily
Eurymedon urged the cities there to undertake the war against
Syracuse; that subsequently the people of Gela becoming
tired of the war, sent an embassy to Camarina to make a
truce; that upon the latter gladly welcoming the proposal,
each state sent ambassadors to their respective allies begging
them to despatch men of credit to Gela to deliberate on a
pacification, and to secure the common interests. Upon the
arrival of these deputies in Gela and the opening of the
conference, he represents Hermocrates as speaking to the
following effect: &#8220;He praised the people of Gela and Camarina
first, for having made the truce; secondly, because they were
the cause of the assembling of this peace congress; and thirdly
because they had taken precautions to prevent the mass of the
citizens from taking part in the discussion, and had secured
that it should be confined to the leading men in the states, who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span>
knew the difference between peace and war.&#8221; Then after making
two or three practical suggestions, Hermocrates is represented
as expressing an opinion that &#8220;if they seriously consider the
matter they will learn the profound difference between peace
and war,&#8221;&mdash;although just before he had said that it was precisely
this which moved his gratitude to the men of Gela, that
&#8220;the discussion did not take place in the mass assembly, but in
a congress of men who knew the difference between peace and
war.&#8221; This is an instance in which Timaeus not only fails to
show the ability of an historian, but sinks below the level of a
school theme. For, I presume, it will be universally admitted
that what an audience requires is a demonstration of that
about which they are in ignorance or uncertainty; but to
exhaust one&#8217;s ingenuity in finding arguments to prove what is
known already is the most futile waste of time. But besides
his cardinal mistake of directing the greater part of the speech
to points which stood in need of no arguments at all,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 405.
Hermocrates was
not there. Xen.
<i>Hellen.</i> 1, 1, 27-31.</span>
Timaeus
also puts into the mouth of Hermocrates certain
sentences of which one could scarcely believe
that any commonplace youth would have been
capable, much less the colleague of the Lacedaemonians
in the battle of Aegospotami, and the sole conqueror
of the Athenian armies and generals in Sicily.</p>

<p><a name="b12_26" id="b12_26"><b>26.</b></a> For first he &#8220;thinks that he should remind the congress
that in war sleepers are woke at dawn by bugles, in peace by
cocks.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Then he says that &#8220;Hercules established the Olympic
games and the sacred truce during them, as an exemplification
of his own principles;&#8221; and that &#8220;he had injured all those
persons against whom he waged war, under compulsion and in
obedience to the order of another, but was never voluntarily
the author of harm to any man.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> Next he quotes the instance
of Zeus in Homer as being displeased with Ares, and saying<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a>&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;Of all the gods that on Olympus dwell</div>
<div class="line">I hold thee most detested; for thy joy</div>
<div class="line">Is ever strife and war and battle.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>And again the wisest of the heroes says<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a>&mdash;
</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;He is a wretch, insensible and dead</div>
<div class="line">To all the charities of social life,</div>
<div class="line">Whose pleasure is in civil broil and war.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>Then he goes on to allege that Euripides agrees with Homer
in the lines<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a>&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;O well of infinite riches!</div>
<div class="line i1">O fairest of beings divine!</div>
<div class="line">O Peace, how alas! thou delayest;</div>
<div class="line i1">My heart for thy coming is fain.</div>
<div class="line">I tremble lest age overtake me,</div>
<div class=" line i1">Ere thy beauty and grace I behold;</div>
<div class="line">Ere the maidens shall sing in their dancing,</div>
<div class="line i1">And revels be gladsome with flowers.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>Next he remarks that &#8220;war is like disease, peace like
health; for that the latter restores those that are sick, while
in the former even the healthy perish. Moreover, in time of
peace, the old are buried by the young as nature directs, while
in war the case is reversed; and above all in war there is no
security even as far as the city walls, while in peace it extends
to the frontier of the territory&#8221;&mdash;and so on. I wonder what
other arguments would have been employed by a youth who
had just devoted himself to scholastic exercises and studies in
history; and who wished, according to the rules of the art, to
adapt his words to the supposed speakers? Just these I
think which Timaeus represents Hermocrates as using.</p>

<p>(<i>a</i>) Again, in the same book, Timoleon is exhorting the
Greeks to engage the Carthaginians;<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a><span class="sidenote">Timoleon&#8217;s
victory over the
Carthaginians,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 344.</span>
and
when they are on the very point of coming
to close quarters with the enemy, who are
many times superior to them in number,
Timaeus represents him as saying, &#8220;Do not look to the
numbers of the foe, but to their cowardice. For though
Libya is fully settled and abounds in inhabitants, yet
when we wish to express complete desolation we say &#8216;more
desolate than Libya,&#8217; not meaning to refer to its emptiness, but
to the poor spirit of its inhabitants. And after all, who would
be afraid of men who, when nature gives hands as the
distinctive feature of man among all living creatures, carry them
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span>about all their life inside their tunics idle?<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> And more
than all, who wear shirts under their inner tunics, that they
may not even when they fall in battle show their nakedness to
their enemies?...&#8221;</p>

<p>(<i>b</i>) When Gelo promised to help the Greeks with twenty
thousand land forces and two hundred decked
ships,<span class="sidenote">Gelo.
See Herod.
7, 157-165,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 481.</span>
if they would concede to him the chief
command either by land or sea, they say that
the congress of Greeks, sitting at Corinth, gave
Gelo&#8217;s envoys a most spirited answer. They urged Gelo to come
to their aid with his forces, and observed that the logic of facts
would give the command to the bravest. This is not the language
of men depending for succour on the Syracusans, as a last
resource; but of men who felt confidence in themselves, and
challenged all comers to a rivalry of courage and for the crown
of valour. In spite of this, Timaeus spends such a wealth of
rhetoric and earnestness on these points, in his desire to exalt
the importance of Sicily above all the rest of Greece, to
represent its history as the most splendid and glorious of all
the world, its men as the wisest of all who have been great in
philosophy, and the Syracusans as the most consummate and
divine of statesmen, that he could scarcely be surpassed by
the cleverest schoolboy declaimers when undertaking to prove
such paradoxes as that &#8220;Thersites was an excellent man,&#8221; or
&#8220;Penelope a bad wife,&#8221; or other thesis of that description.</p>

<p>(<i>c</i>) However, the only effect of such extravagant exaggeration
is to bring ridicule upon the men and the transactions
which it is his intention to champion; while he himself incurs
the same discredit as ill-trained disputants in the Academy;
some of whom, in their desire to embarrass their opponents on
all subjects, possible or impossible alike, carry their paradoxical
and sophistical arguments to such a length as to dispute
whether it is possible for people at Athens to smell eggs
cooking at Ephesus: and to offer to maintain that, while they
are discussing these points, they are lying on their couches at
home and carrying on a second discussion on other subjects.
This extravagance of paradox has brought the whole school
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span>into such disrepute, that even reasonable discussions have lost
credit with the world. And apart from their own futility, these
persons have inspired our young men with so depraved a taste,
that they pay no attention whatever to questions of ethics and
politics, which bring benefit to those who study them; but
spend their lives in pursuit of an empty reputation for useless
and paradoxical verbiage.</p>

<p>(<i>d</i>) This is just the case with Timaeus and his imitators in
history. Paradoxical and tenacious, he has dazzled the
multitude by skill in words; and has forced attention to himself
by a show of veracity, or has conciliated confidence by a
pretence of producing proof of his assertions. The most conspicuous
instances of his success in inspiring this confidence are
those parts of his work which treat of colonies, founding of
cities, and the relationships of nations. In these points he
makes such a parade of minute accuracy, and inveighs so
bitterly when refuting others, that people came to imagine that
all other historians have been mere dreamers, and have spoken
at random in describing the world; and that he is the only
man who has made accurate investigations, and unravelled every
history with intelligence.</p>

<p>(<i>e</i>) As a matter of fact, his books contain much that is sound,
but also much that is false. Those, however, who have spent
much time on his earlier books, in which the passages I have
alluded to occur, when the confidence which they have fully
given to his exaggerated professions is disturbed by some one
pointing out that Timaeus is obnoxious to the same reproaches
which he has brought with such bitterness against others (as,
for instance, in the misstatements as to the Locrians, and other
instances lately mentioned by me), become angry and obstinate
in controversy, and difficult to convince. And that, I might
almost say, is all the benefit which the most diligent students
of his history get from their reading. While those who devote
their attention to his speeches, and generally to the didactic
part of his work, become pedantic, sophistical, and wholly insensible
to truth, for reasons which I have already stated.</p>

<p><a name="b12_27" id="b12_27"><b>27.</b></a> Moreover, when he comes to deal with facts in his
history, we find a combination of all the faults which I have
mentioned. The reason I will now proceed to state. It will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span>
not, perhaps, to most people seem to his credit, and it is in
truth the real source of his errors. For whereas he is thought
to have possessed great and wide knowledge, a faculty for historical
inquiry, and extraordinary industry in the execution of his
work, in certain cases he appears to have been the most ignorant
and indolent person that ever called himself an historian. And
the following considerations will prove it. Nature has bestowed
on us two instruments of inquiry and research, hearing and sight.
<span class="sidenote">Cp. Herod. 1, 8.
Hor. A. P. 180.</span>
Of these sight is, according to Heracleitus, by far
the truer; for eyes are surer witnesses than ears.
And of these channels of learning Timaeus has
chosen the pleasanter and the worse; for he entirely refrained
from looking at things with his own eyes, and devoted himself
to learning by hearsay. But even the ear may be instructed in
two ways, reading and answers to personal inquiries: and in
the latter of these he was very indolent, as I have already
shown. The reason of his preference for the other it is easy
to divine. Study of documents involves no danger or fatigue,
if one only takes care to lodge in a city rich in such records,
or to have a library in one&#8217;s neighbourhood. You may then
investigate any question while reclining on your couch, and
compare the mistakes of former historians without any fatigue
to yourself. But personal investigation demands great exertion
and expense; though it is exceedingly advantageous, and in
fact is the very corner-stone of history. This is evident from
the writers of history themselves. Ephorus says, &#8220;if writers
could only be present at the actual transactions, it would be far
the best of all modes of learning.&#8221; Theopompus says, &#8220;the best
military historian is he who has been present at the greatest
number of battles; the best speech maker is he who has been
engaged in most political contests.&#8221; The same might be said
of the art of healing and of steering. Homer has spoken even
more emphatically than these writers on this point. For when
he wishes to describe what the man of light and leading should
be, he introduces Odysseus in these words&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;Tell me, oh Muse, the man of many shifts</div>
<div class="line">Who wandered far and wide.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>and then goes on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span>&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;And towns of many saw, and learnt their mind,</div>
<div class="line">And suffered much in heart by land and sea.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>and again<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a>&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;Passing through wars of men and grievous waves.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p><a name="b12_28" id="b12_28"><b>28.</b></a> It is such a man that the dignity of history appears to
me to require. Plato says that &#8220;human affairs will not go well
until either philosophers become kings or kings<span class="sidenote">Historians must
be practical
men.</span>
become philosophers.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> So I should say that
history will never be properly written, until either
men of action undertake to write it (not as they do now, as a
matter of secondary importance; but, with the conviction that
it is their most necessary and honourable employment, shall
devote themselves through life exclusively to it), or historians
become convinced that practical experience is of the first importance
for historical composition. Until that time arrives there
will always be abundance of blunders in the writings of historians.
Timaeus, however, quite disregarded all this. He spent his
life in one place, of which he was not even a citizen; and thus
deliberately renounced all active career either in war or politics,
and all personal exertion in travel and inspection of localities:
and yet, somehow or another, he has managed to obtain the
reputation of a master in the art of history. To prove that
I have not misrepresented him, it is easy to bring the
evidence of Timaeus himself.<span class="sidenote">Timaeus on
Ephorus.</span>
In the preface
to his sixth book he says that &#8220;some people
suppose that more genius, industry, and
preparation are required for rhetorical than for historical
composition.&#8221; And that &#8220;this opinion had been formerly
advanced against Ephorus.&#8221; Then because this writer had
been unable to refute those who held it, he undertakes himself
to draw a comparison between history and rhetorical compositions:
a most unnecessary proceeding altogether. In the first
place he misrepresents Ephorus. For in truth, admirable as
Ephorus is throughout his whole work, in style, treatment, and
argumentative acuteness, he is never more brilliant than in his
digressions and statements of his personal views: in fact, whenever
he is adding anything in the shape of a commentary or a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span>note. And it so happens that his most elegant and convincing
digression is on this very subject of a comparison between
historians and speech-writers. But Timaeus is anxious not
to be thought to follow Ephorus. Therefore, in addition to
misrepresenting him and condemning the rest, he enters upon
a long, confused, and in every way inferior, discussion of what
had been already sufficiently handled by others; and expected
that no one living would detect him.</p>

<p>(<i>a</i>) However, he wished to exalt history; and, in order to
do so, he says that &#8220;history differs from rhetorical composition
as much as real buildings differ from those represented
in scene-paintings.&#8221; And again, that &#8220;to collect the necessary
materials for writing history is by itself more laborious
than the whole process of producing rhetorical compositions.&#8221;
He mentions, for instance, the expense and labour which he
underwent in collecting records from Assyria, and in studying
the customs of the Ligures, Celts, and Iberians. But he exaggerates
these so much, that he could not have himself
expected to be believed. One would be glad to ask the
historian which of the two he thinks is the more expensive
and laborious,&mdash;to remain quietly at home and collect records
and study the customs of Ligures and Celts, or to obtain
personal experience of all the tribes possible, and see them
with his own eyes? To ask questions about man&#339;uvres on
the field of battle and the sieges of cities and fights at sea
from those who were present, or to take personal part in the
dangers and vicissitudes of these operations as they occur?
For my part I do not think that real buildings differ so much
from those in stage-scenery, nor history from rhetorical
compositions, as a narrative drawn from actual and personal
experience differs from one derived from hearsay and the
report of others. But Timaeus had no such experience: and
he therefore naturally supposed that the part of an historian&#8217;s
labour which is the least important and lightest, that namely
of collecting records and making inquiries from those who had
knowledge of the several events, was in reality the most
important and most difficult. And, indeed, in this particular
department of research, men who have had no personal experience
must necessarily fall into grave errors. For how is a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>
man, who has no knowledge of such things, to put the right
questions as to man&#339;uvering of troops, sieges of cities, and
fights at sea? And how can he understand the details of
what is told him? Indeed, the questioner is as important as
the narrator for getting a clear story. For in the case of men
who have had experience of real action, memory is a sufficient
guide from point to point of a narrative: but a man who has
had no such experience can neither put the right questions,
nor understand what is happening before his eyes. Though he
is on the spot, in fact, he is as good as absent....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XIII</h2>

<h3>THE AETOLIANS</h3>

<p><a name="b13_1" id="b13_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">From</span> the unbroken continuity of their wars, and the extravagance
of their daily lives, the Aetolians became involved
in debt,<span class="sidenote">Straitened
finances in Aetolia
cause a
revolution,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 204.</span>
not only without others noticing it, but
without being sensible of it themselves. Being
therefore naturally disposed to a change in
their constitution, they elected Dorimachus and
Scopas to draw out a code of laws, because they
saw that they were not only innovators by disposition, but were
themselves deeply involved in private debt. These men accordingly
were admitted to the office and drew up the laws....</p>

<p>When they produced them they were opposed by Alexander
of Aetolia, who tried to show by many instances that innovation
was a dangerous growth which could not be checked, and invariably
ended by inflicting grave evils upon those who fostered
it. He urged them therefore not to look solely to the exigencies
of the hour, and the relief from their existing contracts,
but to the future also. For it was a strange inconsistency to
be ready to forfeit their very lives in war to preserve their
children, and yet in their deliberations to be entirely careless
of the future....</p>

<p><a name="b13_2" id="b13_2"><b>2.</b></a> Having failed to obtain the office, for the sake of which
he had had the boldness to draw up these laws,<span class="sidenote">Scopas goes to
Egypt. See 16,
18-19; 18, 53.</span>
Scopas
turned his hopes to Alexandria, in the expectation
of finding means there of restoring his
broken fortunes, and satisfying to a fuller extent
his grasping spirit. He little knew that it is impossible to
assuage the ever-rising desires of the soul without correcting
this passion by reason, any more than it is to stay or quench<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>
the thirst of the dropsical body by supplying it with drink,
without radically restoring its healthy condition. Scopas,
indeed, is a conspicuous example of this truth; for though on
his arrival at Alexandria, in addition to his military pay, which
he possessed independently as commander-in-chief, the king
assigned him ten minae a day, and one mina a day to those
next him in rank, still he was not satisfied; but continued to
demand more, until he disgusted his paymasters by his cupidity,
and lost his life and his gold together.</p>

<h3>PHILIP&#8217;S TREACHEROUS CONDUCT, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 204</h3>

<p><a name="b13_3" id="b13_3"><b>3.</b></a> Philip now entered upon a course of treachery which no
one would venture to say was worthy of a king; but which
some would defend on the ground of its necessity in the conduct
of public affairs, owing to the prevailing bad faith of the
time. For the ancients, so far from using a fraudulent policy
towards their friends, were scrupulous even as to using it to
conquer their enemies; because they did not regard a success
as either glorious or secure, which was not obtained by such a
victory in the open field as served to break the confidence of
their enemies. They therefore came to a mutual understanding
not to use hidden weapons against each other, nor such as
could be projected from a distance; and held the opinion that
the only genuine decision was that arrived at by a battle fought
at close quarters, foot to foot with the enemy. It was for this
reason also that it was their custom mutually to proclaim their
wars, and give notice of battles, naming time and place at which
they meant to be in order of battle. But nowadays people
say that it is the mark of an inferior general to perform any
operation of war openly. Some slight trace, indeed, of the
old-fashioned morality still lingers among the Romans; for
they do proclaim their wars, and make sparing use of ambuscades,
and fight their battles hand to hand and foot to foot.
So much for the unnecessary amount of artifice which it is the
fashion for commanders in our days to employ both in politics
and war.</p>

<p><a name="b13_4" id="b13_4"><b>4.</b></a> Philip gave Heracleides a kind of problem to work out,&mdash;how
to circumvent and destroy the Rhodian fleet. At the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Philip employs
Heracleides
of Tarentum.</span>
same time he sent envoys to Crete to excite and provoke them
to go to war with the Rhodians. Heracleides,
who was a born traitor, looked upon the commission
as the very thing to suit his plans; and
after revolving various methods in his mind, presently started
and sailed to Rhodes. He was by origin a Tarentine, of a
low family of mechanics, and he had many qualities which
fitted him for bold and unscrupulous undertakings. His boyhood
had been stained by notorious immorality; he had great
acuteness and a retentive memory; in the presence of the
vulgar no one could be more bullying and audacious; to those in
high position no one more insinuating and servile. He had been
originally banished from his native city from a suspicion of
being engaged in an intrigue to hand over Tarentum to the
Romans: not that he had any political influence, but being an
architect, and employed in some repairs of the walls, he got
possession of the keys of the gate on the landward side of the
town. He thereupon fled for his life to the Romans. From
them, being detected in making communications by letters and
messages with Tarentum and Hannibal, he again fled for fear
of consequences to Philip. With him he obtained so much
credit and influence that he eventually was the most powerful
element in the overthrow of that great monarchy.</p>

<p><a name="b13_5" id="b13_5"><b>5.</b></a> The Prytanies of Rhodes were now distrustful of Philip,
owing to his treacherous policy in Crete,<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> and they began to
suspect that Heracleides was his agent....
<span class="sidenote">The false
pretences of
Heracleides at
Rhodes.</span>
But Heracleides came before them and explained
the reasons which had caused him to
fly from Philip....</p>

<p>Philip was anxious above everything that the Rhodians
should not discover his purpose in these transactions; whereby
he succeeded in freeing Heracleides from suspicion....</p>

<p>Nature, as it seems to me, has ordained that Truth should
be a most mighty goddess among men,<span class="sidenote">Magna est veritas.</span>
and has
endowed her with extraordinary power. At
least, I notice that though at times everything combines to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span>
crush her, and every kind of specious argument is on the side
of falsehood, she somehow or another insinuates herself by
her own intrinsic virtue into the souls of men. Sometimes
she displays her power at once; and sometimes, though obscured
for a length of time, she at last prevails and overpowers
falsehood. Such was the case with Heracleides when he came
from king Philip to Rhodes.<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">52</a>...</p>

<p>Damocles, who was sent with Pythio as a spy upon the
Romans, was a person of ability, and possessed of many
endowments fitting him for the conduct of affairs....</p>

<h3>NABIS, TYRANT OF SPARTA, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 207-192</h3>

<p><a name="b13_6" id="b13_6"><b>6.</b></a> Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, being now in the third year of
his reign, ventured upon no undertaking of importance,<span class="sidenote">The character of
Nabis&#8217;s tyranny.</span>
owing
to the recent defeat of Machanidas by the
Achaeans; but employed himself in laying the
foundations of a long and grinding tyranny. He
destroyed the last remains of the old Spartan nobles; drove
into banishment all men eminent for wealth or ancestral glory;
and distributed their property and wives among the chief men
of those who remained, or among his own mercenary soldiers.
These last were composed of murderers, housebreakers, foot-pads,
and burglars. For this was, generally speaking, the class
of men which he collected out of all parts of the world, whose
own country was closed to them owing to their crimes and
felonies. As he put himself forward as the patron and king of
such wretches, and employed them as attendants and bodyguards,
there is evidently no cause for surprise that his impious
character and reign should have been long remembered. For,
besides this, he was not content with driving the citizens into
banishment, but took care no place should be secure, and no
refuge safe for the exiles. Some he caused to be pursued and
killed on the road, while others he dragged from their place of
retreat and murdered. Finally, in the cities where they were
living, he hired the houses next door to these banished men,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span>
wherever they might be, by means of agents who were not
suspected; and then sent Cretans into these houses, who made
breaches in the party walls, and through them, or through such
windows as already existed, shot down the exiles as they stood
or lay down in their own houses; so that there was no place
of retreat, and no moment of security for the unfortunate
Lacedaemonians.</p>

<p><a name="b13_7" id="b13_7"><b>7.</b></a> When he had by these means put the greater number of
them out of the way, he next had constructed
a kind of machine,<span class="sidenote">Nabis&#8217;s wife.</span>
if machine it may be called,
which was the figure of a woman, clothed in costly garments,
and made to resemble with extraordinary fidelity the wife of
Nabis. Whenever then he summoned one of the citizens
with a view of getting some money from him, he used first to
employ a number of arguments politely expressed, pointing
out the danger in which the city stood from the threatening
attitude of the Achaeans, and explaining what a number of
mercenaries he had to support for their security, and the expenses
which fell upon him for the maintenance of the national
religion and the needs of the State. If the listeners gave in
he was satisfied; but if they ever refused to comply with his
demand, he would say, &#8220;Perhaps I cannot persuade you, but I
think this lady Ap&eacute;ga will succeed in doing so.&#8221; Ap&eacute;ga was
the name of his wife. Immediately on his saying these words,
the figure I have described was brought in. As soon as the
man offered his hand to the supposed lady to raise her from
her seat, the figure threw its arms round him and began drawing
him by degrees towards its breasts. Now its arms, hands,
and breasts were full of iron spikes under its clothes. When
the tyrant pressed his hands on the back of the figure, and
then by means of the works dragged the man by degrees
closer and closer to its breasts, he forced him under this
torture to say anything. A good number of men who refused
his demands he destroyed in this way.<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a></p>

<p><a name="b13_8" id="b13_8"><b>8.</b></a> The rest of his conduct was on a par with this beginning.
He made common cause with the Cretan pirates,<span class="sidenote">The beginning of
the war between Nabis and the
Achaeans.</span>
and kept temple-breakers, highway-robbers, and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span>murderers all over the Peloponnese; and as he
shared in the profits of their nefarious trades, he
allowed them to use Sparta as their base of operations. Moreover,
about this time some visitors from Boeotia, who happened
to be staying at Lacedaemon, enticed one of his grooms to
make off with them, taking a certain white horse which was
considered the finest in the royal stud. They were pursued
by a party sent by Nabis as far as Megalopolis, where the
tyrants found the horse and groom, and took them off without
any one interfering. But they then laid hands on the
Boeotians, who at first demanded to be taken before the
magistrate; but as no attention was paid to the demand, one
of them shouted out &#8220;Help!&#8221; Upon a crowd of the people
of the place collecting and protesting that the men should be
taken before the magistrate, Nabis&#8217;s party were obliged to let
them go and retire. Nabis, however, had been long looking
out for a ground of complaint and a reasonable pretext for a
quarrel, and having seized on this one, he harried the cattle
belonging to Proagoras and some others; which was a commencement
of the war.<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">54</a>...</p>

<h3>ANTIOCHUS IN ARABIA, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 205-204</h3>

<p><a name="b13_9" id="b13_9"><b>9.</b></a> Labae, like Sabae, is a city of Chattenia, which is a
territory of the Gerraei.... In other respects, Chattenia is a
rugged country, but the wealth of the Gerraei who inhabit it
has adorned it with villages and towers. It lies along the
Arabian Sea, and Antiochus gave orders to spare it....</p>

<p>In a letter to Antiochus the Gerraei demanded that he should
not destroy what the gods had given them&mdash;perpetual peace
and freedom; and this letter having been interpreted to him
he granted the request....</p>

<p>Their freedom having been confirmed to the Gerraei, they
presented King Antiochus at once with five hundred talents
of silver, one thousand of frankincense, and two hundred of
oil of cinnamon, called stacte, all of them spices of the country
on the Arabian Sea. He then sailed to the island of Tylos,
and thence to Seleucia....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XIV</h2>

<h3>PREFACE</h3>

<p><span class="smcap">Perhaps</span> a <i>resum&eacute;</i> of events in each Olympiad may arrest the
attention of my readers both by their number and importance,
<span class="sidenote">144th Olympiad,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 204-200.</span>
the transactions in every part of the world being
brought under one view. However, I think the
events of this Olympiad especially will do so;
because in it the wars in Italy and Libya came to an end; and
I cannot imagine any one not caring to inquire what sort of
catastrophe and conclusion they had. For everybody, though
extremely interested in details and particulars, naturally longs
to be told the end of a story. I may add that it was in this
period also that the kings gave the clearest indication of their
character and policy. For what was only rumour in regard to
them before was now become a matter of clear and universal
knowledge, even to those who did not care to take part in
public business. Therefore, as I wished to make my narrative
worthy of its subject, I have not, as in former instances, included
the history of two years in one book....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Elected Consul for</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>205 (see 11, 33) Scipio had Sicily
assigned as his provincia, with leave to cross to Africa if necessary
(Livy, 28, 45). He sent Laelius to Africa in</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>205, but remained
himself in Sicily. Next spring</i> (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>204</i>) <i>he crossed to
Africa with a year&#8217;s additional imperium. In the course of this
year he ravaged the Carthaginian territory and besieged Utica
(Livy, 29, 35), and at the beginning of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>203 his imperium
was prolonged till he should have finished the war (id. 30, 1)</i>.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b14_1" id="b14_1"><b>1.</b></a> While the Consuls were thus engaged,<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> Scipio in Libya
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span>
learnt during the winter that the Carthaginians were fitting
out a fleet; he therefore devoted himself<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 203.
Cn. Servilius
Caepio, C.
Servilius Geminus
Coss. Livy, 30, 1.</span>
to
similar preparations as well as to pressing on
the siege of Utica. He did not, however, give
up all hopes of Syphax; but as their forces
were not far apart he kept sending messages to
him, convinced that he would be able to detach him from the
Carthaginians. He still cherished the belief that Syphax was
getting tired of the girl<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> for whose sake he had joined the
Carthaginians, and of his alliance with the Punic people
generally; for the Numidians, he knew, were naturally quick
to feel satiety, and constant neither to gods nor men. Scipio&#8217;s
mind, however, was distracted with various anxieties, and his
prospects were far from seeming secure to him; for he shrank
from an engagement in the open field on account of the
enemy&#8217;s great superiority in numbers. He therefore seized an
opportunity which now presented itself. Some of his messengers
to Syphax reported to him that the Carthaginians had
constructed their huts in their winter camp of various kinds of
wood and boughs without any earth; while the old army of the
Numidians made theirs of reeds, and the reinforcements which
were now coming in from the neighbouring townships constructed
theirs of boughs only, some of them inside the trench and palisade,
but the greater number outside. Scipio therefore made up
his mind that the manner of attacking them, which would be
most unexpected by the enemy and most successful for himself,
would be by fire. He therefore turned his attention to
organising such an attack. Now, in his communications with
Scipio,<span class="sidenote">The proposal of
Syphax.</span>
Syphax was continually harping upon his
proposal that the Carthaginians should evacuate
Italy and the Romans Libya; and that the possessions
held by either between these two countries should
remain in <i>statu quo</i>. Hitherto Scipio had refused to listen to
this suggestion, but he now gave Syphax a hint by the mouth
of his messengers that the course he wished to see followed
was not impossible. Greatly elated at this, Syphax became
much bolder than before in his communications with Scipio;
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>
the numbers of the messengers sent backwards and forwards,
and the frequency of their visits, were redoubled; and they
sometimes even stayed several days in each other&#8217;s camps
without any thought of precaution. On these occasions
Scipio always took care to send, with the envoys, some men of
tried experience or of military knowledge, dressed up as slaves
in rough and common clothes, that they might examine and
investigate in security the approaches and entrances to both
the entrenchments. For there were two camps, one that of
Hasdrubal, containing thirty thousand infantry and three thousand
cavalry; and another about ten stades distant from it of the
Numidians, containing ten thousand cavalry and about fifty thousand
infantry. The latter was the easier of approach, and its
huts were well calculated for being set on fire, because, as I
said before, the Numidians had not made theirs of timber and
earth, but used simply reeds and thatch in their construction.</p>

<p><a name="b14_2" id="b14_2"><b>2.</b></a> By the beginning of spring Scipio had completed the
reconnaissances necessary for this attempt upon
the enemy;<span class="sidenote">Spring of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 203.</span>
and he began launching his ships,
and getting the engines on them into working
order, as though with the purpose of assaulting Utica by sea.
With his land forces he once more occupied the high ground
overlooking the town, and carefully fortified it and secured it
by trenches. He wished the enemy to believe that he was
doing this for the sake of carrying on the siege; but he really
meant it as a cover for his men, who were to be engaged in the
undertaking described above, to prevent the garrison sallying
out, when the legions were separated from their lines,
assaulting the palisade which was so near to them, and attacking
the division left in charge of it. Whilst in the midst of
these preparations, he sent to Syphax inquiring whether, &#8220;in
case he agreed to his proposals, the Carthaginians would
assent, and not say again that they would deliberate on the
terms?&#8221; He ordered these legates at the same time not to
return to him, until they had received an answer on these
points. When the envoys arrived, the Numidian king was
convinced that Scipio was on the point of concluding the
agreement, partly from the fact that the ambassadors said that
they would not go away until they got his answer, and partly
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>
because of the anxiety expressed as to the disposition of the
Carthaginians. He therefore sent immediately to Hasdrubal,
stating the facts and urging him to accept the peace. Meanwhile
he neglected all precautions himself, and allowed the
Numidians, who were now joining, to pitch their tents where
they were, outside the lines. Scipio in appearance acted in
the same way, while in reality he was pushing on his preparations
with the utmost care. When a message was returned
from the Carthaginians bidding Syphax complete the treaty of
peace, the Numidian king, in a state of great exaltation, communicated
the news to the envoys; who immediately departed
to their own camp to inform Scipio from the king of what
had been done. As soon as he heard it, the Roman general
at once sent fresh envoys to inform Syphax that Scipio was
quite satisfied and was anxious for the peace; but that the
members of his council differed from him, and held that they
should remain as they were. The ambassadors duly arrived
and informed the Numidians of this.<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s ruse to
deceive Syphax.</span>
Scipio sent this mission to
avoid the appearance of a breach of truce, if he
should perform any act of hostility while negotiations
for peace were still going on between
the parties. He considered that, by making this statement, he
would be free to act in whatever way he chose without laying
himself open to blame.</p>

<p><a name="b14_3" id="b14_3"><b>3.</b></a> Syphax&#8217;s annoyance at this message was great, in proportion
to the hopes he had previously entertained of making
the peace. He had an interview with Hasdrubal, and told
him of the message he had received from the Romans; but
though they deliberated long and earnestly as to what they
ought to do, they neither had any idea or conjecture as to
what was really going to happen. For they had no anticipation
whatever as to the need of taking precautions, or of any
danger threatening them, but were all eagerness and excitement
to strike some blow, and thus provoke the enemy to
descend into the level ground.<span class="sidenote">Scipio discloses
his project.</span>
Meanwhile Scipio allowed his
army generally, by the preparations he was making
and the orders he was issuing, to imagine that
his aim was the capture of Utica; but summoning
the most able and trusty Tribunes at noon, he imparted
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span>
to them his design, and ordered them to cause their
men to get their supper early, and then to lead the legions
outside the camp as soon as the buglers gave the usual signal
by a simultaneous blast of their bugles. For it is a custom in
the Roman army for the trumpeters and buglers to sound a
call near the commander&#8217;s tent at supper time, that the night
pickets may then take up their proper positions. Scipio next
summoned the spies whom he had sent at different times to
reconnoitre the enemy&#8217;s quarters, and carefully compared and
studied the accounts they gave about the roads leading to the
hostile camps and the entrances to them, employing Massanissa
to criticise their words and assist him with his advice, because
he was acquainted with the locality.</p>

<p><a name="b14_4" id="b14_4"><b>4.</b></a> Everything being prepared for his expedition, Scipio
left a sufficiently strong guard in the camp, and got the rest of
the men on the march towards the end of the first watch, the
enemy being about sixty stades distant. Arrived in the neighbourhood
of the enemy, about the end of the third watch, he
assigned to Gaius Laelius and Massanissa half his Roman
soldiers and all his Numidians, with orders to attack the camp
of Syphax, urging them to quit themselves like brave men and
do nothing carelessly; with the clear understanding that, as the
darkness hindered and prevented the use of the eyes, a night
attack required all the more the assistance of a cool head and
a firm heart. The rest of the army he took the command of
in person, and led against Hasdrubal. He had calculated on
not beginning his assault until Laelius&#8217;s division had set fire to
the enemy&#8217;s huts; he therefore proceeded slowly.
<span class="sidenote">Destruction of the
camp of Syphax
by C. Laelius
and Massanissa, and of Hasdrubal.</span>
The latter meanwhile advanced in two divisions,
which attacked the enemy simultaneously. The
construction of the huts being as though purposely
contrived to be susceptible of a conflagration, as I have
already explained, as soon as the front rank men began to set
light to them, the fire caught all the first row of huts fiercely,
and soon got beyond all control, from the closeness of the huts
to each other, and the amount of combustible material which
they contained. Laelius remained in the rear as a reserve;
but Massanissa, knowing the localities through which those
who fled from the fire would be sure to retreat, stationed his
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span>
own soldiers at those spots. Not a single Numidian had any
suspicion of the true state of the case, not even Syphax
himself; but thinking that it was a mere accidental conflagration
of the rampart, some of them started unsuspiciously
out of bed, others sprang out of their tents in the midst of a
carouse and with the cup actually at their lips. The result
was that numbers of them got trampled to death by their own
friends at the exits from the camp; many were caught by the
flames and burnt to death; while all those who escaped the
flame fell into the hands of the enemy, and were killed,
without knowing what was happening to them or what they
were doing.</p>

<p><a name="b14_5" id="b14_5"><b>5.</b></a> At the same time the Carthaginians, observing the
proportions of the conflagration and the hugeness
of the flame that was rising,
imagined that
the Numidian camp had been accidentally
set on fire. Some of them therefore started at once to
render assistance, and all the rest hurried outside their own
camp unarmed, and stood there gazing in astonishment at
the spectacle. Everything having thus succeeded to his best
wishes, Scipio fell upon these men outside their camp, and
either put them to the sword, or, driving them back into
the camp, set fire to their huts. The disaster of the Punic
army was thus very like that which had just befallen the
Numidians, fire and sword in both cases combining to destroy
them. Hasdrubal immediately gave up all idea of combating
the fire, for he knew from the coincidence of the two that the
fire in the Numidian camp was not accidental, as he had
supposed, but had originated from some desperate design of
the enemy. He therefore turned his attention to saving his
own life, although there was now little hope left of doing so.
For the fire was spreading rapidly and was catching everywhere;
while the camp gangways were full of horses, beasts of
burden, and men, some of them half dead and devoured by
the fire, and others in a state of such frantic terror and mad
excitement that they prevented any attempts at making a
defence, and by the utter tumult and confusion which they
created rendered all chance of escape hopeless. The case of
Syphax was the same as that of Hasdrubal, as it was also that
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>
of the other officers. The two former, however, did manage
to escape, accompanied by a few horsemen: but all those
myriads of men, horses, and beasts of burden, either met a
miserable and pitiable death from the fire, or, if they escaped
the violence of that, some of the men perished ignominiously
at the hands of the enemy, cut down naked and defenceless, not
only without their arms, but without so much as their clothes
to cover them. The whole place was filled with yells of pain,
confused cries, terror, and unspeakable din, mingled with a
conflagration which spread rapidly and blazed with the utmost
fierceness. It was the combination and suddenness of these
horrors that made them so awful, any one of which by itself
would have been sufficient to strike terror into the hearts of
men. It is accordingly impossible for the imagination to
exaggerate the dreadful scene, so completely did it surpass
in horror everything hitherto recorded. Of all the brilliant
achievements of Scipio this appears to me to have been the
most brilliant and the most daring....</p>

<p><a name="b14_6" id="b14_6"><b>6.</b></a> When day broke, and he found the enemy either killed
or in headlong flight, Scipio exhorted his
Tribunes to activity,<span class="sidenote">Hasdrubal at
Anda, see Appian,
8, 24.</span>
and at once started in pursuit.
At first the Carthaginian general seemed
inclined to stand his ground, though told of Scipio&#8217;s approach,
trusting in the strength of the town [of Anda]; but when he
saw that the inhabitants were in a mutinous state, he shrank
from meeting the attack of Scipio, and fled with the relics of his
army, which consisted of as many as five hundred cavalry and
about two thousand infantry. The inhabitants of the town
thereupon submitted unconditionally to the Romans, and were
spared by Scipio, who, however, gave up two neighbouring towns
to the legions to plunder. This being done he returned to his
original entrenchment.<span class="sidenote">Dismay at
Carthage.</span>
Baffled in the hopes which they had
entertained of the course which the campaign
would take, the Carthaginians were deeply depressed.
They had expected to shut up the
Romans on the promontory near Utica, which had been
the site of their winter quarters, and besiege them there
with their army and fleet both by sea and land. With this
view all their preparations had been made; and when they
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span>
saw, quite contrary to their calculations, that they were not
only driven from the open country by the enemy, but were
in hourly expectation of an attack upon themselves and their
city, they became completely disheartened and panic-stricken.
Their circumstances, however, admitted of no delay. They
were compelled at once to take precautions and adopt some
measures for the future. But the senate was filled with doubt
and varied and confused suggestions. Some said that they
ought to send for Hannibal and recall him from Italy, their
one hope of safety being now centred in that general and his
forces. Others were for an embassy to Scipio to obtain a truce
and discuss with him the terms of a pacification and treaty.
<span class="sidenote">The Senate, however,
resolves to
continue their
resistance.</span>
Others again were for keeping up their courage
and collecting their forces, and sending a message
to Syphax; who, they said, was at the neighbouring
town of Abba, engaged in collecting
the remnants of his army. This last suggestion was the one
which ultimately prevailed. The Government of Carthage
accordingly set about collecting troops, and sent a despatch to
Syphax begging him to support them and abide by his original
policy, as a general with an army would presently join him.</p>

<p><a name="b14_7" id="b14_7"><b>7.</b></a> Meanwhile the Roman commander was pressing on the
siege of Utica. But when he heard that Syphax was still in
position, and that the Carthaginians were once more collecting
an army, he led out his forces and pitched his camp close
under the walls of Utica. At the same time he divided the
booty among the soldiers....<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> The merchants who purchased
them from the soldiers went away with very profitable
bargains; for the recent victory inspired the soldiers with
high hopes of a successful conclusion of the campaign, and
they therefore thought little of the spoils already obtained,
and made no difficulties in selling them to the merchants.</p>

<p>The Numidian king and his friends were at
first minded to continue their retreat to their own
land.<span class="sidenote">Syphax is persuaded
by Sophanisba
to stand by
the Carthaginians
still.</span>
But while deliberating on this, certain
Celtiberes, over four thousand in number, who
had been hired as soldiers by the Carthaginians,
arrived in the vicinity of Abba. Encouraged by this additional
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span>
strength the Numidians stopped on their retreat. And
when the young lady, who was daughter of Hasdrubal and
wife of Syphax, added her earnest entreaties that he would
remain and not abandon the Carthaginians at such a crisis, the
Numidian king gave way and consented to her prayer. The
approach of these Celtiberes did a great deal also to encourage
the hopes of the Carthaginians: for instead of four thousand,
it was reported at Carthage that they were ten thousand, and
that their bravery and the excellency of their arms made them
irresistible in the field. Excited by this rumour, and by the
boastful talk which was current among the common people,
the Carthaginians felt their resolution to once
more take the field redoubled.<span class="sidenote">The Carthaginians
again take the
field.</span>
And finally,
within thirty days, they pitched a camp in conjunction
with the Numidians and Celtiberes on what are
called the Great Plains, with an army amounting to no less
than thirty thousand.</p>

<p><a name="b14_8" id="b14_8"><b>8.</b></a> When news of these proceedings reached the Roman
camp Scipio immediately determined to attack. Leaving
orders, therefore, to the army and navy, which were besieging
Utica, as to what they were to do, he started with all his
army in light marching order. On the fifth day he reached
the Great Plains, and during the first day after his arrival
encamped on a piece of rising ground about thirty stades from
the enemy. Next day he descended into the plain and drew up
his army<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> at a distance of seven stades from the enemy, with
his cavalry forming an advanced guard. After skirmishing
attacks carried on by both sides during the next two days, on
the fourth both armies were deliberately brought out into
position and drawn up in order of battle.
<span class="sidenote">The battle on the
Great Plains.
24th June, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 203.</span>
Scipio followed exactly the Roman system,
stationing the maniples of hastati in the front,
behind them the principes, and lastly the triarii in the rear.
Of his cavalry he stationed the Italians on the right wing, the
Numidians and Massanissa on the left. Syphax and Hasdrubal
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span>
stationed the Celtiberes in the centre opposite the Roman
cohorts, the Numidians on the left, and the Carthaginians on
the right.<span class="sidenote">The Roman
wings are both
victorious.</span>
At the very first charge the Numidians reeled
before the Italian cavalry, and the Carthaginians
before those under Massanissa; for their many
previous defeats had completely demoralised
them. But the Celtiberes fought gallantly, for they had no
hope of saving themselves by flight, being entirely unacquainted
with the country; nor any expectation of being spared if they
were taken prisoners on account of their perfidy to Scipio: for
they were regarded as having acted in defiance of justice and
of their treaty in coming to aid the Carthaginians against the
Romans, though they had never suffered any act of hostility at
Scipio&#8217;s hands during the campaigns in Iberia.
<span class="sidenote">The Celtiberes, on
the centre, are cut
to pieces after a
gallant resistance.</span>
When, however, the two wings gave way these
men were surrounded by the principes and
triarii, and cut to pieces on the field almost to
a man. Thus perished the Celtiberes, who yet did very
effective service to the Carthaginians, not only during the
whole battle, but during the retreat also; for, if it had not
been for the hindrance caused by them, the Romans would
have pressed the fugitives closely, and very few of the enemy
would have escaped.<span class="sidenote">Syphax and
Hasdrubal escape.</span>
As it was, owing to the delay caused
by these men, Syphax and his cavalry effected
their retreat to his own kingdom in safety;
while Hasdrubal with the survivors of his army
did the same to Carthage.</p>

<p><a name="b14_9" id="b14_9"><b>9.</b></a> After making the necessary arrangements as to the booty
and prisoners, Scipio summoned a council of
war to consult as to what to do next.<span class="sidenote">Scipio receives the
submission of the
country, while
Laelius goes in
pursuit of Syphax.</span>
It was
resolved that Scipio himself and one part of the
army should stay in the country and visit the
various towns; while Laelius and Massanissa,
with the Numidians and the rest of the Roman legions,
should pursue Syphax and give him no time to deliberate or
make any preparations. This being settled the commanders
separated; the two latter going with their division in pursuit
of Syphax, Scipio on a round of the townships. Some of
these were terrified into a voluntary submission to the Romans,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span>
others he promptly took by assault. The whole country was
ripe for a change, owing to the constant series of miseries and
contributions, under which it had been groaning from the protracted
wars in Iberia.</p>

<p>In Carthage meanwhile, where the panic had been great
enough before, a still wilder state of excitement
prevailed,<span class="sidenote">A panic at
Carthage.</span>
after this second disaster, and the disappointment
of the hopes of success which they
had entertained. However, those of the counsellors who
claimed the highest character for courage urged that they
should go on board their ships and attack the besiegers of
Utica, try to raise the blockade, and engage the enemy at sea,
who were not in a forward state of preparation in that department;
that they should recall Hannibal, and without delay
test to the utmost this one more chance: for both these
measures offered great and reasonable opportunities of securing
their safety. Others declared that their circumstances no
longer admitted of these measures: what they had to do was
to fortify their town and prepare to stand a siege; for chance
would give them many occasions of striking a successful blow
if they only held together. At the same time they advised
that they should deliberate on coming to terms and making a
treaty, and see on what conditions and by what means they
might extricate themselves from the danger. After a long
debate, all these proposals were adopted together.</p>

<p><a name="b14_10" id="b14_10"><b>10.</b></a> Upon this decision being come to, those who were to
sail to Italy went straight from the council chamber to the sea,
while the Navarch went to prepare the ships. The rest began
to take measures for securing the city, and remained in constant
consultation on the measures necessary for the purpose.</p>

<p>Meanwhile Scipio&#8217;s camp was getting gorged with booty;
for he found no one to resist him, and everybody yielded to
his attacks. He therefore determined to despatch the greater
part of the booty to his original camp; while he advanced with
his army in light marching order to seize the entrenchment
near Tunes, and pitched his camp within the view of the inhabitants
of Carthage, thinking that this would do more than
anything else to strike terror into their hearts and lower their
courage.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span></p>

<p>The Carthaginians had in a few days manned and provisioned
their ships, and were engaged in getting under
sail and carrying out their plan of operations, when Scipio
arrived at Tunes, and, the garrison flying at his approach,
occupied the town, which is about a hundred stades from Carthage,
of remarkable strength both natural and artificial, and
visible from nearly every point of Carthage.</p>

<p>Just as the Romans pitched their camp there, the Carthaginians
were putting out to sea on board their ships to sail to Utica.
<span class="sidenote">Scipio recalled to
Utica by the fear
of an attack
upon his fleet.</span>
Seeing the enemy thus putting out, and fearing some misfortune to his
own fleet, Scipio was rendered exceedingly
anxious, because no one there was prepared for such an attack,
or had anything in readiness to meet the danger. He therefore
broke up his camp and marched back in haste to support
his men. There he found his decked ships thoroughly well
fitted out for raising siege-engines and applying them to walls,
and generally for all purposes of an assault upon a town, but
not in the least in the trim for a sea-fight; while the enemy&#8217;s
fleet had been under process of rigging for this purpose the
whole winter. He therefore gave up all idea of putting to sea
to meet the enemy and accepting battle there; but anchoring
his decked ships side by side he moored the transports round
them, three or four deep; and then, taking down the masts and
yard-arms, he lashed the vessels together firmly by means of
these, keeping a space between each sufficient to enable the
light craft to sail in and out....</p>

<h3>PTOLEMY PHILOPATOR, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222-205</h3>

<p><a name="b14_11" id="b14_11"><b>11.</b></a> Philo was a parasite of Agathocles, the son of Oenanthe,
and the friend of king Philopator....</p>

<p>Many statues of Cleino, the girl who acted as cupbearer
to Ptolemy Philadelphus, were set up at Alexandria,
<span class="sidenote">The extraordinary
influence of women of low
character at
Alexandria.</span>
draped in a single tunic and holding a
cup in the hands. And are not the most splendid
houses there those which go by the names
of Murtium, Mnesis, and Pothine? And yet
Mnesis was a flute-girl, as was Pothine, and Murtium was a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>
public prostitute. And was not Agathocleia, the mistress of
king Ptolemy Philopator, an influential personage,&mdash;she who
was the ruin of the whole kingdom?...</p>

<p><a name="b14_12" id="b14_12"><b>12.</b></a> The question may be asked, perhaps, why I have
chosen to give a sketch of Egyptian history
here,<span class="sidenote">The feeble character
of Ptolemy
Philopator.</span>
going back a considerable period; whereas,
in the case of the rest of my history, I have
recorded the events of each year in the several countries side
by side? I have done so for the following reasons: Ptolemy
Philopator, of whom I am now speaking, after the conclusion
of the war for the possession of Coele-Syria,<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> abandoned all
noble pursuits and gave himself up to the life of debauchery
which I have just described. But late in life he was compelled
by circumstances to engage in the war I have mentioned,<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">60</a>
which, over and above the mutual cruelty and lawlessness
with which it was conducted, witnessed neither pitched
battle, sea fight, siege, or anything else worth recording. I
thought, therefore, that it would be easier for me as a writer,
and more intelligible to my readers, if I did not touch upon
everything year by year as it occurred, or give a full account
of transactions which were insignificant and undeserving of
serious attention; but should once for all sum up and describe
the character and policy of this king.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XV</h2>

<p class="tb"><i>A slight success on the part of the Carthaginian fleet at
Utica (14, 10) had been more than outweighed by the capture
of Syphax by Laelius [Livy, 39, 11]. Negotiations for peace
followed, and an armistice, in the course of which occurred the
incident referred to in the first extract of this book.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b15_1" id="b15_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">The</span> Carthaginians having seized the transports as prizes
of war, and with them an extraordinary quantity
of provisions,<span class="sidenote">Some transports
under Cn. Octavius
wrecked in
the
Bay of Carthage,
and taken possession of by
the Carthaginians
in spite of the
truce. Autumn
of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 203.
See Livy, 30, 24.</span>
Scipio was extremely enraged,
not so much at the loss of the provisions, as by
the fact that the enemy had thereby obtained
a vast supply of necessaries; and still more at
the Carthaginians having violated the sworn
articles of truce, and commenced the war
afresh. He therefore at once selected Lucius
Sergius, Lucius Baebius, and Lucius Fabius to
go to Carthage, to remonstrate on what had taken place, and
at the same time to announce that the Roman people had
ratified the treaty; for he had lately received a despatch from
home to that effect. Upon their arrival in Carthage these
envoys first had an audience of the Senate, and then were
introduced to a meeting of the people.<span class="sidenote">Speech of the
Roman envoys.</span>
On both occasions
they spoke with great freedom on the situation
of affairs, reminding their hearers that &#8220;Their
ambassadors who had come to the Roman
camp at Tunes, on being admitted to the council of officers,
had not been content with appealing to the gods and
kissing the ground, as other people do, but had thrown
themselves upon the earth, and in abject humiliation
had kissed the feet of the assembled officers; and then, rising
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span>
from the ground, had reproached themselves for breaking the
existing treaty between the Romans and Carthaginians, and
acknowledged that they deserved every severity at the hands
of the Romans; but intreated to be spared the last severities,
from a regard to the vicissitudes of human fortune, for their
folly would be the means of displaying the generosity of the
Romans. Remembering all this, the general and the officers
then present in the council were at a loss to understand what
had encouraged them to forget what they then said, and to
venture to break their sworn articles of agreement. Plainly it
was this&mdash;they trusted in Hannibal and the
forces that had arrived with him.<span class="sidenote">Hannibal leaves
Italy, 23d June,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 203.</span>
But they
were very ill advised. All the world knew
that he and his army had been driven these two years past
from every port of Italy, and had retreated into the neighbourhood
of the Lacinian promontory, where they had been so
closely shut up and almost besieged, that they had barely
been able to get safe away home. Not that, even if they
had come back,&#8221; he added, &#8220;as conquerors, and were minded
to engage us who have already defeated you in two consecutive
battles, ought you to entertain any doubt as to the
result, or to speculate on the chance of victory. The certainty
of defeat were a better subject for your reflections: and when
that takes place, what are the gods that you will summon to
your aid? And what arguments will you use to move the pity
of the victors for your misfortunes? You must needs expect
to be debarred from all hope of mercy from gods and men
alike by your perfidy and folly.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b15_2" id="b15_2"><b>2.</b></a> After delivering this speech the envoys retired. Some
few of the citizens were against breaking the
treaty;<span class="sidenote">Treacherous
attempt on the
lives of the
Roman envoys.</span>
but the majority, both of the politicians
and the Senate, were much annoyed
by its terms, and irritated by the plain speaking
of the envoys; and, moreover, could not make up their
minds to surrender the captured transports and the provisions
which were on board them. But their main motive was a confident
hope that they might yet conquer by means of Hannibal.
The people therefore voted to dismiss the envoys without an
answer. Moreover, the political party, whose aim it was to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>
bring on the war at all hazards, held a meeting and arranged
the following act of treachery. They gave out that it was necessary
to make provision for conducting the envoys back to their
camp in safety. They therefore at once caused two triremes
to be got ready to convoy them; but at the same time sent a
message to the Navarch Hasdrubal to have some vessels ready
at no great distance from the Roman camp, in order that, as
soon as the convoys had taken leave of the Roman envoys, he
might bear down upon their ships and sink them; for the
Carthaginian fleet was stationed at the time close under
Utica. Having made this arrangement with Hasdrubal, they
despatched the envoys, with instructions to the officers of the
convoys to leave them and return, as soon as they had passed
the mouth of the River Macara; for it was from this point that
the enemy&#8217;s camp came into sight. Therefore, according to their
instructions, as soon as they had passed this point, the officers
of the convoys made signs of farewell to the Roman envoys
and returned. Lucius and his colleagues suspected no danger,
and felt no other annoyance at this proceeding than as regarding
it as a mark of disrespect. But no sooner were they
left thus alone, than three Carthaginian vessels suddenly started
out to attack them, and came up with the Roman quinquereme.
They failed, indeed, to stave her in, because she evaded them;
nor did they succeed in boarding her, because the men resisted
them with great spirit. But they ran up alongside of the
vessel, and kept attacking her at various points, and managed
to wound the marines with their darts and kill a considerable
number of them; until at last the Romans, observing that their
forage parties along the shore were rushing down to the beach
to their assistance, ran their ships upon land. Most of the
marines were killed, but the envoys had the unexpected good
fortune to escape with their lives.</p>

<p><a name="b15_3" id="b15_3"><b>3.</b></a> This was the signal for the recommencement of the war
in a fiercer and more angry spirit than before.
<span class="sidenote">Renewal of
hostilities.</span>
The Romans on their part, looking upon themselves
as having been treated with perfidy, were
possessed with a furious determination to conquer the Carthaginians;
while the latter, conscious of the consequences of
what they had done, were ready to go all lengths to avoid
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span>
falling under the power of the enemy. With such feelings
animating both sides, it was quite evident that the result
would have to be decided on the field of battle. Consequently
everybody, not only in Italy and Libya, but in Iberia,
Sicily, and Sardinia, was in a state of excited expectation,
watching with conflicting feelings to see what would happen.
<span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s
cavalry reinforced
by Tychaeus.</span>
But meanwhile Hannibal, finding himself too
weak in cavalry, sent to a certain Numidian
named Tychaeus, who was a friend of Syphax,
and was reputed to possess the most warlike cavalry in Libya,
urging him &#8220;to lend his aid, and not let the present opportunity
slip; as he must be well aware that, if the Carthaginians won
the day, he would be able to maintain his rule; but if the Romans
proved victorious, his very life would be in danger, owing to the
ambition of Massanissa.&#8221; This prince was convinced by these
arguments, and joined Hannibal with two thousand horsemen.</p>

<p><a name="b15_4" id="b15_4"><b>4.</b></a> Having secured his fleet, Scipio left Baebius in
command of it in his place, while he himself
went a round of the cities.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 202.
Scipio traverses
the Carthaginian
territory, and
summons Massanissa
to his aid.</span>
This time
he did not admit to mercy those who voluntarily
surrendered, but carried all the towns by
force, and enslaved the inhabitants, to show his
anger at the treachery of the Carthaginians. To
Massanissa he sent message after message, explaining to him
how the Punic government had broken the terms, and urging
him to collect the largest army he was able and join him with
all speed. For as soon as the treaty had been made, Massanissa,
as I have said, had immediately departed with his own
army and ten Roman cohorts, infantry and cavalry, accompanied
by some commissioners from Scipio, that he might not
only recover his own kingdom, but secure the addition of that
of Syphax also, by the assistance of the Romans. And this
purpose was eventually effected.</p>

<p>It happened that just at this time the envoys from Rome
arrived at the naval camp. Those of them
who had been sent by the Roman government,
<span class="sidenote">Scipio orders
the Carthaginian
envoys to be
released.</span>
Baebius at once caused to be escorted to
Scipio, while he retained those who were Carthaginians.
The latter were much cast down, and regarded
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span>
their position as one of great danger; for when they were
informed of the impious outrage committed by their countrymen
on the persons of the Roman envoys, they thought there could
be no doubt that the vengeance for it would be wreaked upon
themselves. But when Scipio learnt from the recently-arrived
commissioners that the senate and people accepted with enthusiasm
the treaty which he had made with the Carthaginians,
and were ready to grant everything he asked, he was highly
delighted, and ordered Baebius to send the envoys home with
all imaginable courtesy. And he was very well advised to do
so, in my opinion. For as he knew that his countrymen
made a great point of respecting the rights of ambassadors, he
considered in his own mind, not what the Carthaginians deserved
to have done to them, but what it was becoming in
Romans to inflict. Therefore, though he did not relax his
own indignation and anger at what they had done, he yet
endeavoured, in the words of the proverb, &#8220;to maintain the
good traditions of his sires.&#8221; The result was that, by this
superiority in his conduct, a very decided impression was
made upon the spirits of the Carthaginians and of Hannibal
himself.</p>

<p><a name="b15_5" id="b15_5"><b>5.</b></a> When the people of Carthage saw the cities in their
territory being sacked, they sent a message to Hannibal begging
him to act without delay, to come to close quarters with
the enemy, and bring the matter to the decision of battle.
He bade the messengers in answer &#8220;to confine their attention
to other matters, and to leave such things to him, for he
would choose the time for fighting himself.&#8221; Some days
afterwards he broke up his quarters at Adrumetum, and
pitched his camp near <span class="smcap">Zama</span>,<span class="sidenote">Hannibal moves
to Zama.</span>
a town about five
days march to the west of Carthage. From
that place he sent spies to ascertain the place,
nature, and strength of the Roman general&#8217;s encampment.
These spies were caught and brought to Scipio, who, so far
from inflicting upon them the usual punishment of spies,
appointed a tribune to show them everything in the camp
thoroughly and without reserve; and when this had been done,
he asked the men whether the appointed officer had been careful
to point out everything to them. Upon their replying that
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span>
he had, he gave them provisions and an escort, and despatched
them with injunctions to be careful to tell Hannibal everything
they had seen. On their return to his camp, Hannibal
was so much struck with the magnanimity and high courage
of Scipio, that he conceived a lively desire for a personal interview
with him. With this purpose he sent a herald to say
that he was desirous of a parley to discuss the matters at issue.
When the herald had delivered his message, Scipio at once
expressed his consent, and said that he would himself send
him a message when it suited him to meet, naming the time
and place. The herald returned to Hannibal with this answer.
<span class="sidenote">Arrival of Massanissa.</span>
Next day Massanissa arrived with six thousand
infantry and about four thousand cavalry. Scipio
received him with cordiality, and congratulated
him on having added to his sway all those who had previously
been subject to Syphax. Thus reinforced, he removed his
camp to Naragara: selecting it as a place which, among
other advantages, enabled him to get water within a javelin&#8217;s
throw.</p>

<p><a name="b15_6" id="b15_6"><b>6.</b></a> From this place he sent to the Carthaginian general,
informing him that he was ready to meet him, and discuss
matters with him. On hearing this, Hannibal moved his quarters
to within thirty stades of Scipio, and pitched his camp on
a hill, which seemed a favourable position for his present purpose,
except that water had to be fetched from a considerable
distance, which caused his soldiers great fatigue.</p>

<p>Next day both commanders advanced from their camps
attended by a few horsemen.<span class="sidenote">Meeting of Scipio
and Hannibal.</span>
Presently they
left these escorts and met in the intervening
space by themselves, each accompanied by an
interpreter. Hannibal was the first to speak, after the usual
salutation.<span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s
speech.</span>
He said that &#8220;He wished that the
Romans had never coveted any possession
outside Italy, nor the Carthaginians outside
Libya; for these were both noble empires, and were, so to
speak, marked out by nature. But since,&#8221; he continued, &#8220;our
rival claims to Sicily first made us enemies, and then those
for Iberia; and since, finally, unwarned by the lessons of misfortune,
we have gone so far that the one nation has endangered
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>
the very soil of its native land, and the other is
now actually doing so, all that there remains for us to do is
to try our best to deprecate the wrath of the gods, and to put
an end, as far as in us lies, to these feelings of obstinate hostility.
I personally am ready to do this, because I have learnt
by actual experience that Fortune is the most fickle thing in
the world, and inclines with decisive favour now to one side
and now to the other on the slightest pretext, treating mankind
like young children.</p>

<p><a name="b15_7" id="b15_7"><b>7.</b></a> &#8220;But it is about you that I am anxious, Scipio. For
you are still a young man, and everything has succeeded to
your wishes both in Iberia and Libya, and you have as yet
never experienced the ebb tide of Fortune; I fear, therefore,
that my words, true as they are, will not influence you. But
do look at the facts in the light of one story, and that not
connected with a former generation, but our own. Look at
me! I am that Hannibal who, after the battle of Cannae,
became master of nearly all Italy; and presently advancing to
Rome itself, and pitching my camp within forty stades of it,
deliberated as to what I should do with you and your country;
but now I am in Libya debating with you, a Roman, as to the
bare existence of myself and my countrymen. With such
a reverse as that before your eyes, I beg you not to entertain
high thoughts, but to deliberate with a due sense of human
weakness on the situation; and the way to do that is among
good things to choose the greatest, among evils the least.
What man of sense, then, would deliberately choose to incur
the risk which is now before you. If you conquer, you will
add nothing of importance to your glory or to that of your
country; while, if you are worsted, you will have been yourself
the means of entirely cancelling all the honours and
glories you have already won. What then is the point that I
am seeking to establish by these arguments? It is that the
Romans should retain all the countries for which we have
hitherto contended&mdash;I mean Sicily, Sardinia, and Iberia; and
that the Carthaginians should engage never to go to war with
Rome for these; and also that all the islands lying between
Italy and Libya should belong to Rome. For I am persuaded
that such a treaty will be at once safest for the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>
Carthaginians, and most glorious for you and the entire people
of Rome.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b15_8" id="b15_8"><b>8.</b></a> In reply to this speech of Hannibal, Scipio said &#8220;That
neither in the Sicilian nor Iberian war were the
Romans the aggressors,<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s reply.</span>
but notoriously the
Carthaginians, which no one knew better than Hannibal himself.
That the gods themselves had confirmed this by giving
the victory, not to those who struck the first and unprovoked
blow, but to those who only acted in self-defence. That he
was as ready as any one to keep before his eyes the uncertainty
of Fortune, and tried his best to confine his efforts within the
range of human infirmity. But if,&#8221; he continued, &#8220;you had
yourself quitted Italy before the Romans crossed to Libya
with the offer of these terms in your hands, I do not think
that you would have been disappointed in your expectation.
But now that your departure from Italy has been involuntary,
and we have crossed into Libya and conquered the country,
it is clear that matters stand on a very different footing. But
above all, consider the point which affairs have reached now.
Your countrymen have been beaten, and at their earnest
prayer we arranged a written treaty, in which, besides the
offer now made by you, it was provided that the Carthaginians
should restore prisoners without ransom, should surrender all
their decked vessels, pay five thousand talents, and give
hostages for their performance of these articles. These were
the terms which I and they mutually agreed upon; we both
despatched envoys to our respective Senates and people,&mdash;we
consenting to grant these terms, the Carthaginians begging to
have them granted. The Senate agreed: the people ratified
the treaty. But though they had got what they asked, the
Carthaginians annulled the compact by an act of perfidy
towards us. What course is left to me? Put yourself in my
place and say. To withdraw the severest clauses of the treaty?
Are we to do this, say you, not in order that by reaping the
reward of treachery they may learn in future to outrage their
benefactors, but in order that by getting what they ask for
they may be grateful to us? Why, only the other day, after
obtaining what they begged for as suppliants, because your
presence gave them a slender hope of success, they at once
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span>
treated us as hated foes and public enemies. In these circumstances,
if a still severer clause were added to the conditions
imposed, it might be possible to refer the treaty back to the
people; but, if I were to withdraw any of these conditions, such
a reference does not admit even of discussion. What then is
the conclusion of my discourse? It is, that you must submit
yourselves and your country to us unconditionally, or
conquer us in the field.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b15_9" id="b15_9"><b>9.</b></a> After these speeches Hannibal and Scipio parted without
coming to any terms; and next morning by
daybreak both generals drew out their forces
and engaged.<span class="sidenote">The momentous
issues depending
on the battle of
Zama, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 202.</span>
To the Carthaginians it was a
struggle for their own lives and the sovereignty
of Libya; to the Romans for universal dominion and supremacy.
And could any one who grasped the situation fail to be moved
at the story? Armies more fitted for war than these, or
generals who had been more successful or more thoroughly
trained in all the operations of war, it would be impossible to
find, or any other occasion on which the prizes proposed by
destiny to the combatants were more momentous. For it was
not merely of Libya or Europe that the victors in this battle
were destined to become masters, but of all other parts of the
world known to history,&mdash;a destiny which had not to wait
long for its fulfilment.</p>

<p>Scipio placed his men on the field in the following order:
the <i>hastati</i> first, with an interval between their
maniples;<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s order
of battle.</span>
behind them the <i>principes</i>, their
maniples not arranged to cover the intervals
between those of the <i>hastati</i> as the Roman custom is, but
immediately behind them at some distance, because the enemy
was so strong in elephants. In the rear of these he stationed
the <i>triarii</i>. On his left wing he stationed Gaius Laelius with
the Italian cavalry, on the right Massanissa with all his
Numidians. The intervals between the front maniples he
filled up with maniples of <i>velites</i>, who were ordered to begin
the battle; but if they found themselves unable to stand the
charge of the elephants, to retire quickly either to the rear of
the whole army by the intervals between the maniples, which
went straight through the ranks, or, if they got entangled with
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span>
the elephants, to step aside into the lateral spaces between the
maniples.</p>

<p><a name="b15_10" id="b15_10"><b>10.</b></a> These dispositions made, he went along the ranks
delivering an exhortation to the men, which,
though short,<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s speech
to his men.</span>
was much to the point in the
circumstances in which they were placed. He
called upon them, &#8220;Remembering their former victories, to
show themselves to be men of mettle and worthy their reputation
and their country. To put before their eyes that the
effect of their victory would be not only to make them complete
masters of Libya, but to give them and their country the
supremacy and undisputed lordship of the world. But if the
result of the battle were unfavourable, those who fell fighting
gallantly would have the record of having died for their
country, while those that saved themselves by flight would
spend the rest of their days as objects of pitying contempt
and scorn. For there was no place in Libya which could
secure their safety if they fled; while, if they fell into the hands
of the Carthaginians, no one who looked facts in the face
could doubt what would happen to them. May none of you,&#8221;
he added, &#8220;learn that by experience! Since, then, Fortune
puts before us the most glorious of rewards, in whichever way
the battle is decided, should we not be at once the most
mean-spirited and foolish of mankind if we abandon the most
glorious alternative, and from a paltry clinging to life deliberately
choose the worst of misfortunes? Charge the enemy
then with the steady resolve to do one of two things, to
conquer or to die! For it is men thus minded who invariably
conquer their opponents, since they enter the field with no
other hope of life.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b15_11" id="b15_11"><b>11.</b></a> Such was Scipio&#8217;s address to his men. Meanwhile
Hannibal had put his men also into position.<span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s order
of battle.</span>
His
elephants, which numbered more than eighty, he
placed in the van of the whole army. Next his
mercenaries, amounting to twelve thousand, and consisting of
Ligurians, Celts, Baliarians, and Mauretani; behind them
the native Libyans and Carthaginians; and on the rear of the
whole the men whom he had brought from Italy, at a distance
of somewhat more than a stade. His wings he strengthened
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span>
with cavalry, stationing the Numidian allies on the left wing,
and the Carthaginian horsemen on the right. He ordered
each officer to address his own men, bidding them rest their
hopes of victory on him and the army he had brought with
him; while he bade their officers remind the Carthaginians
in plain terms what would happen to their wives and children
if the battle should be lost. While these orders were carried
out by the officers, Hannibal himself went along the lines of
his Italian army and urged them &#8220;to remember the seventeen
years during which they had been brothers-in-arms,
<span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s
speech to the
&#8220;army of Italy.&#8221;</span>
and the number of battles they had fought
with the Romans, in which they had never been
beaten or given the Romans even a hope of victory. Above
all, putting aside minor engagements and their countless successes,
let them place before their eyes the battle of the River
Trebia against the father of the present Roman commander;
and again the battle in Etruria against Flaminius; and
lastly that at Cannae against Aemilius, with none of which
was the present struggle to be compared, whether in regard
to the number or excellence of the enemy&#8217;s men. Let
them only raise their eyes and look at the ranks of the
enemy; they would see that they were not merely fewer, but
many times fewer than those with whom they had fought
before, while, as to their soldierly qualities, there was no comparison.
The former Roman armies had come to the struggle
with them untainted by memories of past defeats: while these
men were the sons or the remnants of those who had been
beaten in Italy, and fled before him again and again. They
ought not therefore,&#8221; he said, &#8220;to undo the glory and fame
of their previous achievements, but to struggle with a firm and
brave resolve to maintain their reputation of invincibility.&#8221;</p>

<p>Such were the addresses of the two commanders.</p>

<p><a name="b15_12" id="b15_12"><b>12.</b></a> All arrangements for the battle being complete, and
the two opposing forces of Numidian cavalry
<span class="sidenote">A stampede of
the elephants.</span>
having been for some time engaged in skirmishing
attacks upon each other, Hannibal gave the
word to the men on the elephants to charge the enemy. But
as they heard the horns and trumpets braying all round them,
some of the elephants became unmanageable and rushed back
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span>
upon the Numidian contingents of the Carthaginian army;
and this enabled Massanissa with great speed to deprive the
Carthaginian left wing of its cavalry support.<span class="sidenote">Flight of the
Carthaginian
cavalry.</span>
The rest of the
elephants charged the Roman velites in the spaces between the
maniples of the line, and while inflicting much damage on the
enemy suffered severely themselves; until, becoming frightened,
some of them ran away down the vacant spaces, the Romans
letting them pass harmlessly along, according to Scipio&#8217;s
orders, while others ran away to the right under a shower of
darts from the cavalry, until they were finally driven clear off
the field. It was just at the moment of this
stampede of the elephants, that Laelius forced
the Carthaginian cavalry into headlong flight,
and along with Massanissa pressed them with a vigorous
pursuit. While this was going on, the opposing lines of heavy
infantry were advancing to meet others with deliberate step and
proud confidence, except Hannibal&#8217;s &#8220;army of Italy,&#8221; which
remained in its original position. When they came within
distance the Roman soldiers charged the enemy, shouting as
usual their war-cry, and clashing their swords against their
shields: while the Carthaginian mercenaries uttered a strange
confusion of cries, the effect of which was indescribable, for, in
the words of the poet,<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> the &#8220;voice of all was not one&#8221;&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i9">&#8220;nor one their cry:</div>
<div class="line">But manifold their speech as was their race.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p><a name="b15_13" id="b15_13"><b>13.</b></a> The whole affair being now a trial of strength between
man and man at close quarters, as the combatants
used their swords and not their spears,<span class="sidenote">The fight of the
heavy infantry.</span>
the
superiority was at first on the side of the dexterity
and daring of the mercenaries, which enabled them to wound
a considerable number of the Romans. The latter, however,
trusting to the steadiness of their ranks and the excellence of
their arms, still kept gaining ground, their rear ranks keeping
close up with them and encouraging them to advance; while
the Carthaginians did not keep up with their mercenaries nor
support them, but showed a thoroughly cowardly spirit. The
result was that the foreign soldiers gave way: and, believing that
they had been shamelessly abandoned by their own side, fell
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span>upon the men on their rear as they were retreating, and began
killing them; whereby many of the Carthaginians were compelled
to meet a gallant death in spite of themselves. For as
they were being cut down by their mercenaries they had, much
against their inclination, to fight with their own men and the
Romans at the same time; and as they now fought with
desperation and fury they killed a good many both of their
own men and of the enemy also. Thus it came about that their
charge threw the maniples of the <i>hastati</i> into confusion; whereupon
the officers of the <i>principes</i> caused their lines to advance
to oppose them. However, the greater part of the mercenaries
and Carthaginians had fallen either by mutual slaughter or by the
sword of the <i>hastati</i>. Those who survived and fled Hannibal
would not allow to enter the ranks of his army, but ordered
his men to lower their spears and keep them back as they
approached; and they were therefore compelled to take refuge
on the wings or make for the open country.</p>

<p><a name="b15_14" id="b15_14"><b>14.</b></a> The space between the two armies that still remained
in position was full of blood, wounded men, and
dead corpses;<span class="sidenote">Final struggle
between
Hannibal&#8217;s
reserves, his
&#8220;army of Italy,&#8221;
and the whole
Roman infantry.</span>
and thus the rout of the enemy
proved an impediment of a perplexing nature to
the Roman general. Everything was calculated
to make an advance in order difficult,&mdash;the
ground slippery with gore, the corpses lying
piled up in bloody heaps, and with the corpses arms flung
about in every direction. However Scipio caused the wounded
to be carried to the rear, and the <i>hastati</i> to be recalled from
the pursuit by the sound of a bugle, and drew them up where
they were in advance of the ground on which the fighting had
taken place, opposite the enemy&#8217;s centre. He then ordered
the <i>principes</i> and <i>triarii</i> to take close order, and, threading their
way through the corpses, to deploy into line with the <i>hastati</i> on
either flank. When they had surmounted the obstacles and
got into line with the <i>hastati</i>, the two lines charged each other
with the greatest fire and fury. Being nearly equal in numbers,
spirit, courage, and arms, the battle was for a long time undecided,
the men in their obstinate valour falling dead without
giving way a step;<span class="sidenote">The battle is
decided by the
return of the
Roman and
Numidian
cavalry.</span>
until at last the divisions of
Massanissa and Laelius, returning from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span>
pursuit, arrived providentially in the very nick
of time. Upon their charging Hannibal&#8217;s rear,
the greater part of his men were cut down in
their ranks; while of those who attempted to fly
very few escaped with their life, because the horsemen were
close at their heels and the ground was quite level. On the
Roman side there fell over fifteen hundred, on the Carthaginian
over twenty thousand, while the prisoners taken were
almost as numerous.</p>

<p><a name="b15_15" id="b15_15"><b>15.</b></a> Such was the end of this battle, fought under these
famous commanders: a battle on which everything depended,
and which assigned universal dominion to Rome. After it had
come to an end, Scipio pushed on in pursuit as far as the
Carthaginian camp, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal escapes
to Adrumetum.</span>
and, after plundering that,
returned to his own. Hannibal, escaping with
a few horsemen, did not draw rein until he
arrived safely at Adrumetum. He had done in the battle all
that was to be expected of a good and experienced general.
First, he had tried by an interview with his opponent to see
what he could do to procure a pacification; and that was the
right course for a man, who, while fully conscious of his former
victories, yet mistrusts Fortune, and has an eye to all the possible
and unexpected contingencies of war. Next, having accepted
battle, the excellence of his dispositions for a contest with
the Romans, considering the identity of the arms on each side,
could not have been surpassed. For though the Roman line
is hard to break, yet each individual soldier and each company,
owing to the uniform tactic employed, can fight in any direction,
those companies, which happen to be in nearest contact with
the danger, wheeling round to the point required. Again, the
nature of their arms gives at once protection and confidence, for
their shield is large and their sword will not bend: the Romans
therefore are formidable on the field and hard to conquer.</p>

<p><a name="b15_16" id="b15_16"><b>16.</b></a> Still Hannibal took his measures against each of these
difficulties in a manner that could not be surpassed. He provided
himself with those numerous elephants, and put them in
the van, for the express purpose of throwing the enemy&#8217;s ranks
into confusion and breaking their order. Again he stationed
the mercenaries in front and the Carthaginians behind them, in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span>
order to wear out the bodies of the enemy with fatigue beforehand,
and to blunt the edge of their swords by the numbers
that would be killed by them; and moreover to compel the
Carthaginians, by being in the middle of the army, to stay
where they were and fight, as the poet says<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a>&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;That howsoe&#8217;er unwilling fight he must.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>But the most warlike and steady part of his army he held in
reserve at some distance, in order that they might not see
what was happening too closely, but, with strength and spirit
unimpaired, might use their courage to the best advantage
when the moment arrived. And, if in spite of having done
everything that could be done, he who had never been beaten
before failed to secure the victory now, we must excuse him.
For there are times when chance thwarts the plans of the
brave; and there are others again, when a man</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;Though great and brave has met a greater still.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a></div>
</div></div></div>

<p>And this we might say was the case with Hannibal on this
occasion....</p>

<p><a name="b15_17" id="b15_17"><b>17.</b></a> Manifestations of emotion which go beyond what is
customary among a particular people,<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s answer
to the envoys
from Carthage
after Zama, who
made extravagant
displays of sorrow.</span>
if they
are thought to be the result of genuine feeling
evoked by extraordinary disasters, excite pity
in the minds of those who see or hear them;
and we are all in a manner moved by the
novelty of the spectacle. But when such things
appear to be assumed for the purpose of taking in the spectators
and producing a dramatic effect, they do not provoke
pity, but anger and dislike. And this was the case in regard
to the Carthaginian envoys. Scipio deigned to give a very
brief answer to their prayers, saying that &#8220;They, at any rate,
deserved no kindness at the hands of the Romans, since
they had themselves confessed that they were the aggressors
in the war, by having, contrary to their treaty obligations,
taken Saguntum and enslaved its inhabitants, and had
recently been guilty of treachery and breaking the terms of a
treaty to which they had subscribed and sworn. It was from
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span>a regard to their own dignity, to the vicissitudes of Fortune, and
to the dictates of humanity that the Romans had determined
to treat them with lenity and behave with magnanimity. And
of this they would be convinced if they would take a right
view of the case. For they ought not to consider it a hardship
if they found themselves charged to submit to any punishment,
to follow a particular line of conduct, or to give up
this or that; they ought rather to regard it as an unexpected
favour that any kindness was conceded to them at all; since
Fortune, after depriving them of all right to pity and consideration,
owing to their own unrighteous conduct, had put them in
the power of their enemies.&#8221; After this preamble he mentioned
the concessions to be made to them, and the penalties
to which they were to submit.</p>

<p><a name="b15_18" id="b15_18"><b>18.</b></a> The following are the heads of the terms offered
them:&mdash;<i>The Carthaginians to retain the towns
in Libya,<span class="sidenote">Terms imposed
on Carthage after
the battle of Zama,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 202-201.</span>
of which they were possessed before they
commenced the last war against Rome, and the
territory which they also heretofore held, with
its cattle, slaves, and other stock: and from that day should not
be subject to acts of hostility, should enjoy their own laws and
customs, and not have a Roman garrison in their city.</i> These
were the concessions favourable to them. The clauses of an
opposite character were as follows:&mdash;<i>The Carthaginians to pay
an indemnity to the Romans for all wrongs committed during
the truce; to restore all captives and runaway slaves without
limit of time; to hand over all their ships of war except ten
triremes, and all elephants; to go to war with no people outside
Libya at all, and with none in Libya without consent from
Rome; to restore to Massanissa all houses, territory, and cities
belonging to him or his ancestors within the frontiers assigned to
that king; to supply the Roman army with provisions for three
months, and with pay, until such time as an answer shall be
returned from Rome on the subject of the treaty; to pay ten
thousand talents of silver in fifty years, two hundred Euboic
talents every year; to give a hundred hostages of their good faith,&mdash;such
hostages to be selected from the young men of the country
by the Roman general, and to be not younger than fourteen or
older than thirty years.</i></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b15_19" id="b15_19"><b>19.</b></a> This was the nature of Scipio&#8217;s answer to the envoys,
who hastened home and communicated its
terms to their countrymen.<span class="sidenote">A scene in the
Carthaginian assembly.
Hannibal
persuades them
to accept the treaty.</span>
It was then that
the story goes that, upon a certain Senator
intending to speak against accepting the terms
and actually beginning to do so, Hannibal
came forward and pulled the man down from
the tribune; and when the other senators showed anger at
this breach of custom, Hannibal rose again and &#8220;owned that
he was ignorant of such things; but said that they must pardon
him if he acted in any way contrary to their customs, remembering
that he had left the country when he was but fourteen,
and had only returned when now past forty-five. Therefore
he begged them not to consider whether he had committed
a breach of custom, but much rather whether he were genuinely
feeling for his country&#8217;s misfortunes; for that was the real
reason for his having been guilty of this breach of manners.
For it appeared to him to be astonishing, and, indeed, quite
unaccountable, that any one calling himself a Carthaginian,
and being fully aware of the policy which they had individually
and collectively adopted against the Romans, should do otherwise
than adore the kindness of Fortune for obtaining such
favourable terms, when in their power, as a few days ago no
one&mdash;considering the extraordinary provocation they had
given&mdash;would have ventured to mention, if they had been
asked what they expected would happen to their country, in
case of the Romans proving victorious. Therefore he called
upon them now not to debate, but unanimously to accept the
terms offered, and with sacrifices to the gods to pray with one
accord that the Roman people might confirm the treaty.&#8221; His
advice being regarded as both sensible and timely, they resolved
to sign the treaty on the conditions specified; and the senate
at once despatched envoys to notify their consent....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>The intrigues of Philip V. and Antiochus the Great to divide
the dominions of the infant king of Egypt, Ptolemy Epiphanes</i>,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>204</i>.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b15_20" id="b15_20"><b>20.</b></a> Is it not astonishing that while Ptolemy Philopator
was alive and did not need such assistance, these two kings<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span>
were ready with offers of aid, but that as soon as he was dead,
leaving his heir a mere child,<span class="sidenote">Shameless
ambition of Philip
and Antiochus.</span>
whose kingdom
they were bound by the ties of nature to have
defended, they then egged each other on to
adopt the policy of partitioning the boy&#8217;s kingdom between
themselves, and getting rid entirely of the heir; and that too
without putting forward any decent pretext to cover their
iniquity, but acting so shamelessly, and so like beasts of prey,
that one can only compare their habits to those ascribed to
fishes, among which, though they may be of the same species,
the destruction of the smaller is the food and sustenance of
the larger. This treaty of theirs shows, as though in a mirror,
the impiety to heaven and cruelty to man of these two
kings, as well as their unbounded ambition. However, if a
man were disposed to find fault with Fortune for her administration
of human affairs, he might fairly become reconciled to
her in this case; for she brought upon those monarchs the
punishment they so well deserved, and by the signal example
she made of them taught posterity a lesson in righteousness.
For while they were engaged in acts of treachery against each
other, and in dismembering the child&#8217;s kingdom in their own
interests, she brought the Romans upon them, and the very
measures which they had lawlessly designed against another,
she justly and properly carried out against them.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 191.</span>
For both of
them, being promptly beaten in the field, were
not only prevented from gratifying their desire
for the dominions of another, but were themselves
made tributary and forced to obey orders from Rome.
Finally, within a very short time Fortune restored the kingdom
of Ptolemy to prosperity; while as to the dynasties and successors
of these two monarchs, she either utterly abolished and
destroyed them, or involved them in misfortunes which were
little short of that....</p>

<p><a name="b15_21" id="b15_21"><b>21.</b></a> There was a certain man at Cius named Molpagoras,
a ready speaker and of considerable ability in
affairs,<span class="sidenote">The intrigues and
tyranny of Molpagorus
at Cius,
in Bithynia.</span>
but at heart a mere demagogue and
selfish intriguer. By flattering the mob, and
putting the richer citizens into its power, he
either got them put to death right out, or drove them into exile<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span>
and distributed their confiscated goods among the common
people, and thus rapidly secured for himself a position of
despotic power....</p>

<p>The miseries which befel the Cians were not so much
owing to Fortune or the aggressions of their
neighbours,<span class="sidenote">The causes of the
ruin of Cius.</span>
as to their own folly and perverse
policy. For by steadily promoting their worst
men, and punishing all who were opposed to these, that they
might divide their property among themselves, they seemed as
it were to court the disasters into which they fell. These are
disasters into which, somehow or another, though all men fall, they
yet not only cannot learn wisdom, but seem not even to acquire
the cautious distrust of brute beasts. The latter, if they have
once been hurt by bait or trap, or even if they have seen another
in danger of being caught, you would find it difficult to induce
to approach anything of the sort again: they are shy of the
place, and suspicious of everything they see. But as for men,
though they have been told of cities utterly ruined by their
policy, and see others actually doing so before their eyes, yet
directly any one flatters their wishes by holding out to them
the prospect of recruiting their fortunes at the cost of others,
they rush thoughtlessly to the bait: although they know quite
well that no one, who has ever swallowed such baits, has ever
survived; and that such political conduct has notoriously been
the ruin of all who have adopted it.</p>

<p><a name="b15_22" id="b15_22"><b>22.</b></a> Philip was delighted at taking the city, as though
he had performed a glorious and honourable
achievement;<span class="sidenote">Capture of Cius
by Philip V.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 202.<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">64</a></span>
for while displaying great zeal in
behalf of his brother-in-law (Prusias), and overawing
all who opposed his policy, he had secured for himself in
fair warfare a large supply of slaves and money. But the reverse
of this picture he did not see in the least, although it was quite
plain. In the first place, that he was assisting his brother-in-law,
who, without receiving any provocation, was treacherously
assailing his neighbours. In the second place, that by involving
a Greek city without just cause in the most dreadful misfortunes,
he was sure to confirm the report, which had been widely
spread, of his severity to his friends; and by both of these
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>actions would justly gain throughout Greece the reputation of a
man reckless of the dictates of piety. In the third place, that
he had outraged the envoys from the above-mentioned states,<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">65</a>
who had come with the hope of saving the Cians from the
danger which threatened them, and who, after being day after
day mocked by his professions, had been at length compelled
to witness what they most abhorred. And lastly, that he had so
infuriated the Rhodians, that they would never henceforth
listen to a word in his favour: a circumstance for which
Philip had to thank Fortune as well as himself.</p>

<p><a name="b15_23" id="b15_23"><b>23.</b></a> For it happened that just when his ambassador was
defending his master before the Rhodians in
the theatre,&mdash;enlarging on<span class="sidenote">The anger of the
Rhodians at the
fall of Cius.</span>
&#8220;the magnanimity of
Philip,&#8221; and announcing that &#8220;though already in
a manner master of Cius, he conceded its safety to the wishes
of the Rhodian people; and did so because he desired to
refute the calumnies of his enemies, and to establish the
honesty of his intentions in the eyes of Rhodes,&#8221;&mdash;just then a
man entered the Prytaneum who had newly arrived in the
island, and brought the news of the enslavement of the Cians
and the cruelty which Philip had exercised upon them. The
Prytanis coming into the theatre to announce this news, while
the ambassador was absolutely in the middle of his speech,
the Rhodians could scarcely make up their minds to believe
a report which involved such monstrous treachery.</p>

<p>He had then betrayed himself quite as grossly as the
Cians; and so blind or misguided had he become as to the
principles of right and wrong, that he boasted of actions of
which he ought to have been most heartily ashamed, and
plumed himself upon them as though they were to his credit.
But the people of Rhodes from that day forth regarded
Philip as their enemy, and made their preparations with that
view.<span class="sidenote">It causes a
breach with the
Aetolians.</span>
And no less by this course had he gained
the hatred of the Aetolians. He had but
lately made terms with, and held out the hand
of friendship to that nation: no excuse for a breach had
arisen; and the Lysimachians, Calchedonians, and Cianians
were friends and allies of the Aetolians. Nevertheless only a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>short time before he had separated Lysimachia from the
Aetolian alliance, and induced it to submit to him: then he
had done the same to Calchedon: and lastly he had enslaved
the Cians, though there was an Aetolian officer actually in Cius
and conducting the government. Prusias, however, in so far
as his policy was accomplished, was delighted; but inasmuch
as another was in possession of the prizes of the operations,
while he himself got as his share nothing but the bare site
of a city, was extremely annoyed, but was yet unable to do
anything....</p>

<p><a name="b15_24" id="b15_24"><b>24.</b></a> During his return voyage Philip engaged in one act of
treachery after another,<span class="sidenote">Philip at Thasos,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 202-201.</span>
and among others put in
about midday at the town of Thasos, and
though it was on good terms with him, took it
and enslaved its inhabitants....</p>

<p>The Thasians answered Philip&#8217;s general Metrodorus, that
they would surrender their city, on condition that he would
guarantee them freedom from a garrison, tribute, or billeting
of soldiers, and the enjoyment of their own laws. Metrodorus
having declared the king&#8217;s consent to this, the whole assembly
signified their approval of the words by a loud shout, whereupon
they admitted Philip into the town....</p>

<p>All kings perhaps at the beginning of their reign dangle the
name of liberty before their subjects&#8217; eyes, and address as
friends and allies those who combine in pursuing the same
objects as themselves; but when they come to actual
administration of affairs they at once cease to treat these
as allies, and assume the airs of a master. Such persons
accordingly find themselves deceived as to the honourable
position they expected to occupy, though as a rule not as
to the immediate advantage which they sought. But if a
king is meditating undertakings of the greatest importance,
and only bounding his hopes by the limits of the world, and
has as yet had nothing to cast a damp upon his projects,
would it not seem the height of folly and madness to proclaim
his own fickleness and untrustworthiness in matters which are
of the smallest consequence, and lie at the very threshold of
his enterprise?...</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span></p>

<h3>EGYPT</h3>

<p><a name="b15_24a" id="b15_24a" /> (<i>a</i>). My plan being to narrate under each year all the
events in the several parts of the world which were contemporary,
it is clear that in some cases it will be necessary to
mention the end before the beginning; when, that is to say,
that particular part of the subject calls for mention, first, as
being in place in the general course of my narrative, and the
events which embrace the end of an episode fit in sooner than
those which belong to its beginning and first conception....</p>

<p><a name="b15_25" id="b15_25"><b>25.</b></a> Sosibius, the unfaithful guardian of Ptolemy Epiphanes,
was a creature of extraordinary cunning,<span class="sidenote">The previous
career of Sosibius.</span>
who
long retained his power, and was the instrument
of many crimes at court: he contrived first the
murder of Lysimachus, son of Arsinoe, daughter of Ptolemy
and Berenice; secondly, that of Maga, son of Ptolemy and
Berenice the daughter of Maga; thirdly, that of Berenice the
mother of Ptolemy Philopator; fourthly, that of Cleomenes of
Sparta; and fifthly, that of Arsinoe the daughter of Berenice....</p>

<p>Three or four days after the death of Ptolemy Philopator,
having caused a platform to be erected in the
largest court of the palace,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 205.
The death of
Ptolemy Philopator
announced,
and Epiphanes
crowned.</span>
Agathocles and
Sosibius summoned a meeting of the foot-guards
and the household, as well as the
officers of the infantry and cavalry. The
assembly being formed, they mounted the platform,
and first of all announced the deaths of the king and
queen, and proclaimed the customary period of mourning for
the people. After that they placed a diadem upon the head
of the child, Ptolemy Epiphanes, proclaimed him king,
and read a forged will, in which the late king nominated
Agathocles and Sosibius guardians of his son. They ended by
an exhortation to the officers to be loyal to the boy and maintain
his sovereignty. They next brought in two silver urns, one of
which they declared contained the ashes of the king, the other
those of Arsinoe. And in fact one of them did really contain
the king&#8217;s ashes, the other was filled with spices. Having done
this they proceeded to complete the funeral ceremonies. It
was then that all the world at last learnt the truth about the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>
death of Arsinoe. For now that her death was clearly
established, the manner of it began to be a matter of speculation.
Though rumours which turned out to be true had
found their way among the people, they had up to this time
been disputed; now there was no possibility of hiding the
truth, and it became deeply impressed in the minds of all.
Indeed there was great excitement among the populace: no one
thought about the king; it was the fate of Arsinoe that
moved them. Some recalled her orphanhood; others the
tyranny and insult she had endured from her earliest days;
and when her miserable death was added to these misfortunes,
it excited such a passion of pity and sorrow that the city was
filled with sighs, tears, and irrepressible lamentation. Yet it was
clear to the thoughtful observer that these were not so much
signs of affection for Arsinoe as of hatred towards Agathocles.</p>

<p>The first measure of this minister, after depositing the urns
in the royal mortuary, and giving orders for the
laying aside of mourning,<span class="sidenote">Agathocles propitiates
the army
and gets rid of
the rivals.</span>
was to gratify the
army with two months&#8217; pay; for he was convinced
that the way to deaden the resentment
of the common soldiers was to appeal to their interests. He
then caused them to take the oath customary at the proclamation
of a new king; and next took measures to get all
who were likely to be formidable out of the country.
Philammon, who had been employed in the murder of Arsinoe,
he sent out as governor of Cyrene, while he committed the
young king to the charge of Oenanthe and Agathocleia.
Next, Pelops the son of Pelops he despatched to the court of
Antiochus in Asia, to urge him to maintain his friendly
relations with the court of Alexandria, and not to violate the
treaty he had made with the young king&#8217;s father. Ptolemy,
son of Sosibius, he sent to Philip to arrange for a treaty of
inter-marriage between the two countries, and to ask for assistance
in case Antiochus should make a serious attempt to play
them false in any matter of importance.</p>

<p>He also selected Ptolemy, son of Agesarchus, as ambassador
to Rome: not with a view of his seriously prosecuting
the embassy, but because he thought that, if he once entered
Greece, he would find himself among friends and kinsfolk,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span>
and would stay there; which would suit his policy of getting
rid of eminent men. Scopas the Aetolian also he sent to
Greece to recruit foreign mercenaries, giving him a large
sum in gold for bounties. He had two objects in view
in this measure: one was to use the soldiers so recruited
in the war with Antiochus; another was to get rid of the
mercenary troops already existing, by sending them on garrison
duty in the various forts and settlements about the country;
while he used the new recruits to fill up the numbers of the
household regiments with new men, as well as the pickets
immediately round the palace, and in other parts of the city.
For he believed that men who had been hired by himself, and
were taking his pay, would have no feelings in common with
the old soldiers, with whom they would be totally unacquainted;
but that, having all their hopes of safety and profit in him, he
would find them ready to co-operate with him and carry out
his orders.</p>

<p>Now all this took place before the intrigue of Philip, though
it was necessary for the sake of clearness to speak of that first,
and to describe the transactions which took place, both at the
audience and the dispatch of the ambassadors.</p>

<p>To return to Agathocles: when he had thus got rid of the
most eminent men, and had to a great degree
quieted<span class="sidenote">The debauchery
of Agathocles.</span>
the wrath of the common soldiers by his
present of pay, he returned quickly to his old
way of life. Drawing round him a body of friends, whom he
selected from the most frivolous and shameless of his personal
attendants or servants, he devoted the chief part of the day
and night to drunkenness and all the excesses which accompany
drunkenness, sparing neither matron, nor bride, nor virgin, and
doing all this with the most offensive ostentation. The result
was a widespread outburst of discontent; and when there
appeared no prospect of reforming this state of things, or of
obtaining protection against the violence, insolence and
debauchery of the court, which on the contrary grew daily
more outrageous, their old hatred blazed up once more in the
hearts of the common people, and all began again to recall the
misfortunes which the kingdom already owed to these very
men. But the absence of any one fit to take the lead, and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span>
by whose means they could vent their wrath upon Agathocles
and Agathocleia, kept them quiet. Their one remaining hope
rested upon Tlepolemus, and on this they fixed their confidence.</p>

<p>As long as the late king was alive Tlepolemus remained in
retirement; but upon his death he quickly propitiated
the common soldiers,<span class="sidenote">Tlepolemus,
governor of Pelusium,
determines to
depose Agathocles,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 205-204.</span>
and became once
more governor of Pelusium. At first he directed
all his actions with a view to the interest of the
king, believing that there would be some
council of regency to take charge of the boy and administer
the government. But when he saw that all those who were
fit for this charge were got out of the way, and that Agathocles
was boldly monopolising the supreme power, he quickly
changed his purpose; because he suspected the danger that
threatened him from the hatred which they mutually entertained.
He therefore began to draw his troops together, and
bestir himself to collect money, that he might not be an easy
prey to any one of his enemies. At the same time he was not
without hope that the guardianship of the young king, and
the chief power in the state might devolve upon him; both
because, in his own private opinion, he was much more fit for
it in every respect than Agathocles, and because he was
informed that his own troops and those in Alexandria were
looking to him to put an end to the minister&#8217;s outrageous
conduct. When such ideas were entertained by Tlepolemus,
it did not take long to make the quarrel grow, especially as the
partisans of both helped to inflame it. Being eager to secure
the adhesion of the generals of divisions and the captains of
companies, he frequently invited them to banquets; and at
these assemblies, instigated partly by the flattery of his guests
and partly by his own impulse (for he was a young man
and the conversation was over the wine), he used to throw
out sarcastic remarks against the family of Agathocles. At
first they were covert and enigmatic, then merely ambiguous,
and finally undisguised, and containing the bitterest reflections.
He proposed the health of the scribbler of pasquinades, the
sackbut-girl and waiting-woman; and spoke of his shameful
boyhood, when as cupbearer of the king he had submitted
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span>
to the foulest treatment. His guests were always ready to
laugh at his words and add their quota to the sum of vituperation.
<span class="sidenote">Agathocles will
anticipate him.</span>
It was not long before this reached the ears of
Agathocles: and the breach between the two
thus becoming an open one, Agathocles immediately
began bringing charges against
Tlepolemus, declaring that he was a traitor to the king, and
was inviting Antiochus to come and seize the government.
And he brought many plausible proofs of this forward, some of
which he got by distorting facts that actually occurred, while
others were pure invention. His object in so doing was to
excite the wrath of the common people against Tlepolemus.
But the result was the reverse; for the populace had long fixed
their hopes on Tlepolemus, and were only too delighted to see
the quarrel growing hot between them. The actual popular
outbreak which did occur began from the following circumstances.
Nicon, a relation of Agathocles, was in the lifetime of
the late king commander of the navy....</p>

<p><a name="b15_26a" id="b15_26a"><b>26.</b></a> (<i>a</i>) Another murder committed by Agathocles was that
of Deinon, son of Deinon. But this, as the proverb
has it,<span class="sidenote">A fragment from
the earlier history
of Agathocles.</span>
was the fairest of his foul deeds.
For the letter ordering the murder of Arsinoe
had fallen into this man&#8217;s hands, and he might have given
information about the plot and saved the Queen; but at the
time he chose rather to help Philammon, and so became the
cause of all the misfortunes which followed; while, after the
murder was committed, he was always recalling the circumstances,
commiserating the unhappy woman, and expressing
repentance at having let such an opportunity slip: and this he
repeated in the hearing of many, so that Agathocles heard of
it, and he met with his just punishment in losing his life....</p>

<h3>THE DEATH OF AGATHOCLES AND HIS FAMILY</h3>

<p><a name="b15_26b" id="b15_26b"><b>26.</b></a> (<i>b</i>) The first step of Agathocles was to summon a meeting
of the Macedonian guards.<span class="sidenote">Agathocles pretends
a plot of Tlepolemus
against the king,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 202.</span>
He entered the
assembly accompanied by the young king and
his own sister Agathocleia. At first he feigned
not to be able to say what he wished for tears;
but after again and again wiping his eyes with his chlamys he
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span>
at length mastered his emotion, and, taking the young king in
his arms, spoke as follows: &#8220;Take this boy, whom his father
on his death-bed placed in this lady&#8217;s arms&#8221; (pointing to his
sister) &#8220;and confided to your loyalty, men of Macedonia! That
lady&#8217;s affection has but little influence in securing the child&#8217;s
safety: it is on you that that safety now depends; his fortunes
are in your hands. It has long been evident to those who
had eyes to see, that Tlepolemus was aiming at something
higher than his natural rank; but now he has named the day
and hour on which he intends to assume the crown. Do not
let your belief of this depend upon my words; refer to those
who know the real truth and have but just come from the
very scene of his treason.&#8221; With these words he brought
forward Critolaus, who deposed that he had seen with his own
eyes the altars being decked, and the victims being got ready
by the common soldiers for the ceremony of a coronation.</p>

<p>When the Macedonian guards had heard all this, far from
being moved by his appeal,<span class="sidenote">Anger of the
populace and
soldiers against
Agathocles.</span>
they showed their
contempt by hooting and loud murmurs, and
drove him away under such a fire of derision
that he got out of the assembly without being
conscious how he did it. And similar scenes occurred among
other corps of the army at their meetings. Meanwhile great
crowds kept pouring into Alexandria from the up-country
stations, calling upon kinsmen or friends to help the movement,
and not to submit to the unbridled tyranny of such
unworthy men. But what inflamed the populace against the
government more than anything else was the knowledge that,
as Tlepolemus had the absolute command of all the imports
into Alexandria, delay would be a cause of suffering to themselves.</p>

<p><a name="b15_27" id="b15_27"><b>27.</b></a> Moreover, an action of Agathocles himself served to
heighten the anger of the multitude and of Tlepolemus. For
he took Danae, the latter&#8217;s mother-in-law, from the temple of
Demeter, dragged her through the middle of the city unveiled,
and cast her into prison. His object in doing this was to
manifest his hostility to Tlepolemus; but its effect was to
loosen the tongues of the people. In their anger they no
longer confined themselves to secret murmurs: but some of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>
them in the night covered the walls in every part of the city
with pasquinades; while others in the day time collected in
groups and openly expressed their loathing for the government.</p>

<p>Seeing what was taking place, and beginning to fear the
worst, Agathocles at one time meditated making
his escape by secret flight;<span class="sidenote">Terror of Agathocles.</span>
but as he had
nothing ready for such a measure, thanks to his
own imprudence, he had to give up that idea. At another
time he set himself to drawing out lists of men likely to assist
him in a bold <i>coup d&#8217;&eacute;tat</i>, by which he should put to death
or arrest his enemies, and then possess himself of absolute
power. While still meditating these plans he received information
that Moeragenes, one of the bodyguard, was
betraying all the secrets of the palace to Tlepolemus, and was
co-operating with him on account of his relationship with
Adaeus, at that time the commander of Bubastus.<span class="sidenote">Arrest of Moeragenes.</span>
Agathocles
immediately ordered his secretary Nicostratus
to arrest Moeragenes, and extract the truth
from him by every possible kind of torture.
Being promptly arrested by Nicostratus, and taken to a retired
part of the palace, he was at first examined directly as to the
facts alleged; but, refusing to confess anything, he was stripped.
And now some of the torturers were preparing their instruments,
and others with scourges in their hands were just
taking off their outer garments, when just at that very moment
a servant ran in, and, whispering something in the ear of
Nicostratus, hurried out again. Nicostratus followed close
behind him, without a word, frequently slapping his thigh with
his hand.</p>

<p><a name="b15_28" id="b15_28"><b>28.</b></a> The predicament of Moeragenes was now indescribably
strange. There stood the executioners
<span class="sidenote">Moeragenes rouses
the soldiers.</span>
by his side on the point of raising their
scourges, while others close to him were
getting ready their instruments of torture: but when Nicostratus
withdrew they all stood silently staring at each other&#8217;s
faces, expecting him every moment to return; but as time
went on they one by one slipped away, until Moeragenes was
left alone. Having made his way through the palace, after
this unhoped-for escape, he rushed in his half-clothed state
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span>
into a tent of the Macedonian guards which was situated
close to the palace. They chanced to be at breakfast, and
therefore a good many were collected together; and to them
he narrated the story of his wonderful escape. At first they
would not believe it, but ultimately were convinced by his
appearing without his clothes. Taking advantage of this
extraordinary occurrence, Moeragenes besought the Macedonian
guards with tears not only to help him to secure his own
safety, but the king&#8217;s also, and above all their own. &#8220;For
certain destruction stared them in the face,&#8221; he said, &#8220;unless
they seized the moment when the hatred of the populace was
at its height, and every one was ready to wreak vengeance on
Agathocles. That moment was <i>now</i>, and all that was wanted
was some one to begin.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b15_29" id="b15_29"><b>29.</b></a> The passions of the Macedonians were roused by these
words, and they finally agreed to do as Moeragenes advised.
They at once went round to the tents, first those of their own
corps, and then those of the other soldiers; which were all
close together, facing the same quarter of the city. The wish
was one which had for a long time been formed in the minds
of the soldiery, wanting nothing but some one to call it forth,
and with courage to begin. No sooner, therefore, had a commencement
been made than it blazed out like a fire: and
before four hours had elapsed every class, whether military or
civil, had agreed to make the attempt.</p>

<p>At this crisis, too, chance contributed a great deal to the
final catastrophe. For a letter addressed by
Tlepolemus to the army as well as some of
his spies,<span class="sidenote">Agathocles
despairs.</span>
had fallen into the hands of
Agathocles. The letter announced that he would be at
Alexandria shortly, and the spies informed Agathocles that
he was already there. This news so distracted Agathocles
that he gave up taking any measures at all or even thinking
about the dangers which surrounded him, but departed at his
usual hour to his wine, and kept up the carouse to the end
in his usual licentious fashion.<span class="sidenote">Oenanthe in the
temple of
Demeter.</span>
But his
mother Oenanthe went in great distress to the
temple of Demeter and Persephone, which was
open on account of a certain annual sacrifice; and there first
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span>
of all she besought the aid of those goddesses with bendings
of the knee and strange incantations, and then sat down
close to the altar and remained motionless. Most of
the women present, delighted to witness her dejection and
distress, kept silence: but the ladies of the family of Polycrates,
and certain others of the nobility, being as yet unaware
of what was going on around them, approached Oenanthe and
tried to comfort her. But she cried out in a loud voice:
&#8220;Do not come near me, you monsters! I know you well!
Your hearts are always against us; and you pray the goddess
for all imaginable evil upon us. Still I trust and believe that,
God willing, you shall one day taste the flesh of your own
children.&#8221; With these words she ordered her female
attendants to drive them away, and strike them with their
staves if they refused to go. The ladies availed themselves of
this excuse for quitting the temple in a body, raising their
hands and praying that she might herself have experience of
those very miseries with which she had threatened her
neighbours.</p>

<p><a name="b15_30" id="b15_30"><b>30.</b></a> The men having by this time decided upon a revolution,
now that in every house the anger of the women was
added to the general resentment,<span class="sidenote">A mob assembles.</span>
the popular
hatred blazed out with redoubled violence. As
soon as night fell the whole city was filled with tumult, torches,
and hurrying feet. Some were assembling with shouts in the
stadium; some were calling upon others to join them; some
were running backwards and forwards seeking to conceal themselves
in houses and places least likely to be suspected. And
now the open spaces round the palace, the stadium, and the
street were filled with a motley crowd, as well as the area in
front of the Dionysian Theatre. Being informed of this,
Agathocles roused himself from a drunken lethargy,&mdash;for he had
just dismissed his drinking party,&mdash;and, accompanied by all his
family, with the exception of Philo, went to the king. After
a few words of lamentation over his misfortunes addressed to
the child, he took him by the hand, and proceeded to the
covered walk which runs between the Maeander garden and the
Palaestra, and leads to the entrance of the theatre. Having
securely fastened the two first doors through which he passed,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span>
he entered the third with two or three bodyguards, his own
family, and the king. The doors, however, which were secured
by double bars, were only of lattice work and could therefore
be seen through.</p>

<p>By this time the mob had collected from every part of the
city in such numbers, that, not only was every foot of ground
occupied, but the doorsteps and roofs also were crammed with
human beings; and such a mingled storm of shouts and cries
arose, as might be expected from a crowd in which women and
children were mixed with men: for in Alexandria, as in Carthage,
the children perform as conspicuous a part in such
commotions as the men.</p>

<p><a name="b15_31" id="b15_31"><b>31.</b></a> Day now began to break and the uproar was still a
confused babel of voices; but one cry made itself heard conspicuously
above the rest,<span class="sidenote">Cries for the king.</span>
it was a call for <span class="smcap">the
King</span>. The first thing actually done was by the
Macedonian guard: they left their quarters and seized the
vestibule which served as the audience hall of the palace; then,
after a brief pause, having ascertained whereabouts in the
palace the king was, they went round to the covered walk,
burst open the first doors, and, when they came to the next,
demanded with loud shouts that the young king should be
surrendered to them. Agathocles, recognising his danger,
begged his bodyguards to go in his name to the Macedonians,
to inform them that &#8220;he resigned the guardianship of the
king, and all offices, honours, or emoluments which he
possessed, and only asked that his life should be granted him
with a bare maintenance; that by sinking to his original situation
in life he would be rendered incapable, even if he wished
it, of being henceforth oppressive to any one.&#8221; All the bodyguards
refused except Aristomenes, who afterwards obtained the
chief power in the state.</p>

<p>This man was an Acarnanian, and, though far advanced in
life when he obtained supreme power,<span class="sidenote">Aristomenes.</span>
he is
thought to have made a most excellent and
blameless guardian of the king and kingdom. And as he was
distinguished in that capacity, so had he been remarkable
before for his adulation of Agathocles in the time of his prosperity.
He was the first, when entertaining Agathocles at his
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>
house, to distinguish him among his guests by the present of a
gold diadem, an honour reserved by custom to the kings alone;
he was the first too who ventured to wear his likeness on his
ring; and when a daughter was born to him he named her
Agathocleia.</p>

<p>But to return to my story. Aristomenes undertook the
mission, received his message,<span class="sidenote">The guards insist
on the surrender
of the king.</span>
and made his
way through a certain wicket-gate to the
Macedonians. He stated his business in few
words: the first impulse of the Macedonians was to stab
him to death on the spot; but some of them held up their
hands to protect him, and successfully begged his life.
He accordingly returned with orders to bring the king or to
come no more himself. Having dismissed Aristomenes with
these words, the Macedonians proceeded to burst open the
second door also. When convinced by their proceedings, no
less than by the answers they had returned, of the fierce purpose
of the Macedonians, the first idea of Agathocles was to
thrust his hand through the latticed door,&mdash;while Agathocleia
did the same with her breasts which she said had suckled the
king,&mdash;and by every kind of entreaty to beg that the
Macedonians would grant him bare life.</p>

<p><a name="b15_32" id="b15_32"><b>32.</b></a> But finding that his long and piteous appeals produced
no effect, at last he sent out the young king with the bodyguards.
<span class="sidenote">The king conducted
to the
stadium.</span>
As soon as they had got the king,
the Macedonians placed him on a horse and
conducted him to the stadium. His appearance
being greeted with loud shouts and clapping of
hands, they stopped the horse, and dismounting the child,
ushered him to the royal stall and seated him there. But
the feelings of the crowd were divided: they were delighted
that the young king had been brought, but they
were dissatisfied that the guilty persons had not been arrested
and met with the punishment they deserved. Accordingly,
they continued with loud cries to demand that the authors of all
the mischief should be brought out and made an example. The
day was wearing away, and yet the crowd had found no one
on whom to wreak their vengeance, when Sosibius, who, though
a son of the elder Sosibius, was at that time a member of the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span>
bodyguard, and as such had a special eye to the safety of the
king and the State,&mdash;seeing that the furious desire of the
multitude was implacable, and that the child was frightened at
the unaccustomed faces that surrounded him and the uproar
of the crowd, asked the king whether he would &#8220;surrender to
the populace those who had injured him or his mother.&#8221; The
boy having nodded assent, Sosibius bade some of the bodyguard
announce the king&#8217;s decision, while he raised the young
child from his seat and took him to his own house which
was close by to receive proper attention and refreshment.
When the message from the king was declared, the whole
place broke out into a storm of cheering and clapping of
hands. But meanwhile Agathocles and Agathocleia had
separated and gone each to their own lodgings. Without loss
of time soldiers, some voluntarily and others under pressure
from the crowd, started in search of them.</p>

<p><a name="b15_33" id="b15_33"><b>33.</b></a> The beginning of actual bloodshed, however, was
this. One of the servants and flatterers of Agathocles, whose
name was Philo, came out to the stadium still flustered with
wine. Seeing the fury of the multitude, he said to some bystanders
that they would have cause to repent it again, as they
had only the other day, if Agathocles were to come there. Of
those who heard him some began to abuse him, while others
pushed him about; and on his attempting to defend himself,
some tore his cloak off his back, while others thrust their
spears into him and wounded him mortally. He was dragged
into the middle of the crowd breathing his last gasp; and, having
thus tasted blood, the multitude began to look impatiently for
the coming of the other victims.<span class="sidenote">Death of
Agathocles,
his sister,
and Oenanthe.</span>
They had not
to wait long. First appeared Agathocles dragged
along bound hand and foot. No sooner had
he entered than some soldiers rushed at him
and struck him dead. And in doing so they were his friends
rather than enemies, for they saved him from the horrible
death which he deserved. Nicon was brought next, and after
him Agathocleia stripped naked, with her two sisters; and
following them the whole family. Last of all some men came
bringing Oenanthe, whom they had torn from the temple of
Demeter and Persephone, riding stripped naked upon a horse.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span>
They were all given up to the populace, who bit, and stabbed
them, and knocked out their eyes, and, as soon as any one
of them fell, tore him limb from limb, until they had utterly
annihilated them all: for the savagery of the Egyptians when
their passions are roused is indeed terrible. At the same
time some young girls who had been brought up with Arsinoe,
having learnt that Philammon, the chief agent in the murder of
that Queen, had arrived three days before from Cyrene, rushed
to his house; forced their way in; killed Philammon with
stones and sticks; strangled his infant son; and, not content
with this, dragged his wife naked into the street and put her
to death.</p>

<p>Such was the end of Agathocles and Agathocleia and their
kinsfolk.</p>

<p><a name="b15_34" id="b15_34"><b>34.</b></a> I am quite aware of the miraculous occurrences and
embellishments which the chroniclers of this
event<span class="sidenote">The contemptible
character of
Agathocles.</span>
have added to their narrative with a view
of producing a striking effect upon their hearers,
making more of their comments on the story than of the story
itself and the main incidents. Some ascribe it entirely to
Fortune, and take the opportunity of expatiating on her fickleness
and the difficulty of being on one&#8217;s guard against her.
Others dwell upon the unexpectedness of the event, and
try to assign its causes and probabilities. It was not my purpose,
however, to treat this episode in this way, because Agathocles
was not a man of conspicuous courage or ability as a
soldier; nor particularly successful or worth imitating as a
statesman; nor, lastly, eminent for his acuteness as a courtier
or cunning as an intriguer, by which latter accomplishments
Sosibius and many others have managed to keep one king
after another under their influence to the last day of their
lives. The very opposite of all this may be said of this man.
For though he obtained high promotion owing to Philopator&#8217;s
feebleness as a king; and though after his death he had the
most favourable opportunity of consolidating his power, he yet
soon fell into contempt, and lost his position and his life at
once, thanks to his own want of courage and vigour.</p>

<p><a name="b15_35" id="b15_35"><b>35.</b></a> To such a story then no such dissertation is required, as
was in place, for instance, in the case of the Sicilian monarchs,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>
Agathocles and Dionysius, and certain others who have administered
governments with reputation.<span class="sidenote">See 12, 15.</span>
For the
former of these, starting from a plebeian and
humble position&mdash;having been, as Timaeus sneeringly remarks,
a potter&mdash;came from the wheel, clay, and smoke, quite a young
man to Syracuse. And, to begin with, both these men in their respective
generations became tyrants of Syracuse, a city that had
obtained at that time the greatest reputation and the greatest
wealth of any in the world; and afterwards were regarded
as suzerains of all Sicily, and lords of certain districts in Italy.
While, for his part, Agathocles not only made an attempt
upon Africa, but eventually died in possession of the greatness
he had acquired. It is on this account that the story is told
of Publius Scipio, the first conqueror of the Carthaginians,
that being asked whom he considered to have been the most
skilful administrators and most distinguished for boldness combined
with prudence, he replied, &#8220;the Sicilians Agathocles
and Dionysius.&#8221; Now, in the case of such men as these, it is
certainly right to try to arrest the attention of our readers, and,
I suppose, to speak of Fortune and the mutability of human
affairs, and in fact to point a moral: but in the case of such
men as we have been speaking of, it is quite out of place to
do so.</p>

<p><a name="b15_36" id="b15_36"><b>36.</b></a> For these reasons I have rejected all idea of making
too much of the story of Agathocles. But another and the
strongest reason was that all such wonderful and striking
catastrophes are only worth listening to once; not only are
subsequent exhibitions of them unprofitable to ear and eye, but
elaborate harping upon them soon becomes simply troublesome.
For those who are engaged on representing anything either to
eye or ear can have only two objects to aim at,&mdash;pleasure and
profit; and in history, more than in anything else, excessive
prolixity on events of tragic interest fails of both these objects.
For, in the first place, who would wish to emulate extraordinary
catastrophes? And next, no one likes to be continually seeing
and hearing things that are unnatural and beyond the ordinary
conceptions of mankind. We are, indeed, eager to see and
hear such things once and for the first time, because we want
to know that a thing is possible which was supposed to be impossible:
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>
but when once convinced on that point no one is
pleased at lingering on the Unnatural; but in fact would
rather not come across it at all oftener than need be. In fact,
the dwelling upon misfortunes which exceed the ordinary
limits is more suitable to tragedy than to history. But perhaps
we ought to make allowances for men who have studied
neither nature nor universal history. They think, I presume,
that the most important and astonishing events in all history are
those which they happen to have come across themselves or to
have heard from others, and they therefore give their attention
exclusively to those. They accordingly do not perceive that
they are making a mistake in expatiating on events which are
neither novel,&mdash;for they have been narrated by others before,&mdash;nor
capable of giving instruction or pleasure. So much on
this point....</p>

<h3>ANTIOCHUS</h3>

<p><a name="b15_37" id="b15_37"><b>37.</b></a> King Antiochus, at the beginning of his reign, was
thought to be a man of great enterprise and
courage,<span class="sidenote">Disappointments
as to the character
of Antiochus
the Great.</span>
and great vigour in the execution of
his purposes; but as he grew older his character
evidently deteriorated in itself, and disappointed
the expectation of the world....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XVI</h2>

<h3>PHILIP V. WAGES WAR WITH ATTALUS, KING OF PERGAMUM,
AND THE RHODIANS.</h3>

<p class="center">See <i>supra</i> <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_20">20</a>-24; Livy, 31,
17, <i>sqq.</i></p>

<p><a name="b16_1" id="b16_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">King Philip</span> having arrived at Pergamum, and believing
that he had as good as made an end of Attalus,<span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s impious
conduct in Asia,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 201.</span>
gave the rein to every kind of outrage; and
by way of gratifying his almost insane fury he
vented his wrath even more against the gods than against
man. For his skirmishing attacks being easily repelled by the
garrison of Pergamum, owing to the strength of the place, and
being prevented by the precautions taken by Attalus from
getting booty from the country, he directed his anger against
the seats of the gods and the sacred enclosures; in which, as
it appears to me, he did not wrong Attalus so much as himself.
He threw down the temples and the altars, and even had their
stones broken to pieces that none of the buildings he had
destroyed might be rebuilt. After spoiling the Nicephorium,
cutting down its grove, and demolishing its ring wall, and
levelling with the ground many costly fanes, he first directed
his attack upon Thyatira, and thence marched into the plain
of Thebe, thinking that this district would supply him with the
richest spoil.<span class="sidenote">Zeuxis, Satrap
of Antiochus, fails
to help Philip
substantially.</span> But finding himself again disappointed
in this respect, on arriving at the
&#8220;Holy Village&#8221; he sent a message to Zeuxis,
demanding that he would furnish him with corn,
and render the other services stipulated for in the treaty.<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">66</a>
Zeuxis, however, though feigning to fulfil the obligations of
the treaty, was not minded to give Philip real and substantial
help....</p>
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span></p>

<h3>GREAT SEA-FIGHT OFF CHIOS BETWEEN PHILIP AND THE
ALLIED FLEETS OF ATTALUS AND RHODES, B.C. 201</h3>

<p><a name="b16_2" id="b16_2"><b>2.</b></a> As the siege was not going on favourably for him, and
the enemy were blockading him with an increasing
number of decked vessels,<span class="sidenote">Philip failing to
take Chios sails
off to Samos.</span>
he felt
uncertain and uneasy as to the result. But
as the state of affairs left him no choice, he suddenly put to
sea quite unexpectedly to the enemy; for Attalus expected that
he would persist in pushing on the mines he had commenced.
But Philip was especially keen to make his putting to sea a
surprise, because he thought that he would thus be able to outstrip
the enemy, and complete the rest of his passage along
the coast to Samos in security.<span class="sidenote">Attalus and
Theophiliscus
follow him.</span>
But he was much
disappointed in his calculations; for Attalus and
Theophiliscus (of Rhodes), directly they saw him
putting to sea, lost no time in taking action. And although,
from their previous conviction that Philip meant to stay where
he was, they were not in a position to put to sea quite simultaneously,
still by a vigorous use of their oars they managed to
overtake him, and attacked,&mdash;Attalus the enemy&#8217;s right wing,
which was his leading squadron, and Theophiliscus his left. Thus
intercepted and surrounded, Philip gave the signal to the ships
of his right wing, ordering them to turn their prows towards
the enemy and engage them boldly; while he himself retreated
under cover of the smaller islands, which lay in the way, with
some light galleys, and thence watched the result of the battle.
The whole number of ships engaged were, on Philip&#8217;s side, fifty-three
decked, accompanied by some undecked vessels, and galleys
and beaked ships to the number of one hundred and fifty; for
he had not been able to fit out all his ships in Samos. On
the side of the enemy there were sixty-five decked vessels,
besides those which came from Byzantium, and along with
them nine <i>triemioliae</i> (light-decked vessels), and three triremes.</p>

<p><a name="b16_3" id="b16_3"><b>3.</b></a> The fight having been begun on the ship on which King
Attalus was sailing,<span class="sidenote">Incidents in the
battle.</span>
all the others near began
charging each other without waiting for orders.
Attalus ran into an eight-banked ship, and
having struck it a well-directed blow below the water-line, after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span>
a prolonged struggle between the combatants on the decks, at
length succeeded in sinking it.<span class="sidenote">Loss of Philip&#8217;s
flagship and
admiral.</span>
Philip&#8217;s ten-banked
ship, which, moreover, was the admiral&#8217;s,
was captured by the enemy in an
extraordinary manner. For one of the <i>triemioliae</i>, having run
close under her, she struck against her violently amidships, just
beneath the thole of the topmost bank of oars, and got fast
jammed on to her, the steersman being unable to check the way
of his ship. The result was that, by this craft hanging suspended
to her, she became unmanageable and unable to turn
one way or another. While in this plight, two quinqueremes
charged her on both sides at once, and destroyed the vessel itself
and the fighting men on her deck, among whom fell Democrates,
Philip&#8217;s admiral.<span class="sidenote">Deinocrates.</span> At the same time Dionysodorus and
Deinocrates, who were brothers and joint-admirals of the fleet of
Attalus, charged, the one upon a seven-banked, the other upon an
eight-banked ship of the enemy, and had a most extraordinary
adventure in the battle. Deinocrates, in the
first place, came into collision with an eight-banked
ship, and had his ship struck above the water-line; for
the enemy&#8217;s ship had its prow built high; but he struck the
enemy&#8217;s ship below the water-line,<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> and at first could not get
himself clear, though he tried again and again to back water;
and, accordingly, when the Macedonian boarded him and fought
with great gallantry, he was brought into the most imminent
danger. Presently, upon Attalus coming to his aid, and by a
vigorous charge separating the two ships, Deinocrates unexpectedly
found himself free, and the enemy&#8217;s boarders were all
killed after a gallant resistance, while their own vessel being
left without men was captured by Attalus.<span class="sidenote">Dionysodorus.</span> In
the next place, Dionysodorus, making a furious
charge, missed his blow; but running up alongside of the enemy
lost all the oars on his right side, and had the timbers supporting
his towers smashed to pieces, and was thereupon immediately
surrounded by the enemy. In the midst of loud shouts
and great confusion, all the rest of his marines perished along
with the ship, but he himself with two others managed to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span>escape by swimming to the <i>triemiolia</i> which was coming up to
the rescue.</p>

<p><a name="b16_4" id="b16_4"><b>4.</b></a> The fight between the rest of the fleet, however, was an
undecided one; for the superiority in the numbers
<span class="sidenote">The skill of the
Rhodian sailors.</span>
of Philip&#8217;s galleys was compensated for by
Attalus&#8217;s superiority in the number of his decked
ships. Thus on the right wing of Philip&#8217;s fleet the state of
things was that the ultimate result was doubtful, but that, of
the two, Attalus had the better hope of victory. As for the
Rhodians, they were, at first starting, as I have said, far behind
the enemy, but being much their superiors in speed they managed
to come up with the rear of the Macedonians. At first they
charged the vessels on the stern as they were retiring, and broke
off their oars; but upon Philip&#8217;s ships swinging round and
beginning to bring help to those in danger, while those of the
Rhodians who had started later than the rest reached the
squadron of Theophiliscus, both parties turned their ships in line
prow to prow and charged gallantly, inciting each other to fresh
exertions by the sound of trumpets and loud cheers. Had
not the Macedonians placed their galleys between the opposing
lines of decked ships, the battle would have been quickly decided;
but, as it was, these proved a hindrance to the Rhodians
in various ways. For as soon as the first charge had disturbed
the original order of the ships, they became all mixed up with
each other in complete confusion, which made it difficult to
sail through the enemy&#8217;s line or to avail themselves of the
points in which they were superior, because the galleys kept
running sometimes against the blades of their oars so as to
hinder the rowing, and sometimes upon their prows, or again
upon their sterns, thus hampering the service of steerers and
rowers alike. In the direct charges, however, the Rhodians
employed a particular man&#339;uvre. By depressing their bows
they received the blows of the enemy above the water-line,
while by staving in the enemy&#8217;s ships below the water-line they
rendered the blows fatal. Still it was rarely that they succeeded
in doing this, for, as a rule, they avoided collisions, because the
Macedonians fought gallantly from their decks when they came
to close quarters. Their most frequent man&#339;uvre was to row
through the Macedonian line, and disable the enemy&#8217;s ships by
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span>
breaking off their oars, and then, rowing round into position,
again charge the enemy on the stern, or catch them broadside
as they were in the act of turning; and thus they either stove
them in or broke away some necessary part of their rigging.
By this manner of fighting they destroyed a great number of
the enemy&#8217;s ships.</p>

<p><a name="b16_5" id="b16_5"><b>5.</b></a> But the most brilliant and hazardous exploits were those
of three quinqueremes: the flagship on which
Theophiliscus sailed,<span class="sidenote">Further incidents
in the fight on the left wing.
The Rhodian
admiral Theophiliscus
mortally wounded.</span>
then that commanded by
Philostratus, and lastly the one steered by
Autolycus, and on board of which was Nicostratus.
This last charged an enemy&#8217;s ship,
and left its beak sticking in it. The ship thus
struck sank with all hands; but Autolycus and his comrades,
as the sea poured into his vessel through the prow, was surrounded
by the enemy. For a time they defended themselves
gallantly, but at last Autolycus himself was wounded, and fell
overboard in his armour, while the rest of the marines were
killed fighting bravely. While this was going on, Theophiliscus
came to the rescue with three quinqueremes, and though he
could not save the ship, because it was now full of water, he
yet stove in three hostile vessels, and forced their marines
overboard. Being quickly surrounded by a number of galleys
and decked ships, he lost the greater number of his marines
after a gallant struggle on their part; and after receiving three
wounds himself, and performing prodigies of valour, just
managed to get his own ship safely off with the assistance
of Philostratus, who came to his aid and bravely took his share
of the danger. Having thus rejoined his own squadron, he
darted out once more and ran in upon the enemy, utterly
prostrated in body by his wounds, but more dashing and
vehement in spirit than before.</p>

<p>So that there were really two sea-fights going on at a considerable
distance from each other. For the right wing of
Philip&#8217;s fleet, continually making for land in accordance with
his original plan, was not far from the Asiatic coast; while
the left wing, having to veer round to support the ships on
the rear, were engaged with the Rhodians at no great distance
from Chios.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b16_6" id="b16_6"><b>6.</b></a> As the fleet of Attalus, however, was rapidly overpowering
the right wing of Philip, and was now approaching
the small islands,<span class="sidenote">Attalus intercepted
by Philip,
and forced to
abandon his ship.</span>
under cover of
which Philip was moored watching the result
of the battle, Attalus saw one of his quinqueremes
staved in and in the act of being sunk by an
enemy&#8217;s ship. He therefore hurried to its assistance with two
quadriremes. The enemy&#8217;s ship turning to flight, and making
for the shore, he pursued it somewhat too eagerly in his
ardent desire to effect its capture. Thereupon Philip, observing
that Attalus had become detached a considerable distance
from his own fleet, took four quinqueremes and three <i>hemioliae</i>,
as well as all the galleys within reach, and darting out got between
Attalus and his ships, and forced him in the utmost
terror to run his three ships ashore. After this mishap the
king himself and his crew made their way to Erythrae, while
Philip captured his vessels and the royal equipage on board
them. For in this emergency Attalus had employed an artifice.
He caused the most splendid articles of the royal
equipage to be spread out on the deck of his ship; the consequence
of which was that the first Macedonians who arrived on
the galleys, seeing a quantity of flagons and purple robes and
such like things, abandoned the pursuit, and turned their attention
to plundering these. Thus it came about that Attalus
got safe away to Erythrae; while Philip, though he had distinctly
got the worst of it in the general engagement, was so
elated at the unexpected reverse which had befallen Attalus,
that he put to sea again and exerted himself strenuously in
collecting his ships and restoring the spirits of his men by
assuring them that they were the victors. For when they
saw Philip put to sea towing off the royal ship, they very
naturally thought that Attalus had perished. But Dionysodorus,
conjecturing what had really happened to the king, set
about collecting his own ships by raising a signal; and this
being speedily done, he sailed away unmolested
to their station in Asia.<span class="sidenote">Victory of the
Rhodians.</span>
Meanwhile those
Macedonians who were engaged with the
Rhodians, having been for some time past in evil case, were
gradually extricating themselves from the battle, one after the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span>
other retiring on the pretence of being anxious to support their
comrades. So the Rhodians, taking in tow some of their
vessels, and having destroyed others by charging them, sailed
away to Chios.</p>

<p><a name="b16_7" id="b16_7"><b>7.</b></a> In the battle with Attalus Philip had had destroyed a
ten-banked, a nine-banked, a seven-banked,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 201.
The losses in
the battle.</span>
and
a six-banked ship, ten other decked vessels, three
<i>triemioliae</i>, twenty-five galleys and their crews.
In the battle with the Rhodians ten decked vessels and
about forty galleys. While two quadriremes and seven
galleys with their crews were captured. In the fleet of Attalus
one <i>triemiolia</i> and two quinqueremes were sunk, while two
quadriremes besides that of the king were captured. Of the
Rhodian fleet two quinqueremes and a trireme were destroyed,
but no ship was taken. Of men the Rhodians lost sixty,
Attalus seventy; while Philip lost three thousand Macedonians
and six thousand rowers. And of the Macedonians
and their allies two thousand were taken prisoners, and of
their opponents six hundred.</p>

<p><a name="b16_8" id="b16_8"><b>8.</b></a> Such was the end of the battle of Chios; in which
Philip claimed the victory on two pretexts.<span class="sidenote">Philip vainly pretends
that he
won the battle.</span>
First, because he had driven Attalus ashore and
had captured his ship; and secondly, because,
as he had anchored at the promontory of Argennum, he had
the credit of having taken up his anchorage where the wrecks
were floating. He acted in accordance with this assertion
next day by collecting the wrecks, and causing the corpses
which could be recognised to be picked up for burial, all for
the sake of strengthening this pretence. For that he did not
himself believe that he had won was shortly afterwards proved
by the Rhodians and Dionysodorus. For on that very next
day, while he was actually engaged on these operations, after
communication with each other they sailed out to attack him,
but, on nobody putting out to meet them, they returned to
Chios. Philip indeed had never before lost so many men
either by land or sea at one time, and was extremely mortified
at what had happened and had lost much of his spirit for the
enterprise. To the outside world, however, he tried to conceal
his real sentiments: though this was forbidden by facts.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>
Besides everything else, what happened after the battle impressed
all who saw it too strongly. For the slaughter and
destruction was so great that, on the day of battle itself the
whole strait was filled with corpses, blood, arms, and
wrecks; while on the subsequent days the strands might be
seen piled up with all these together in wild confusion.
Hence the extreme consternation of the king could not be
confined to himself, but was shared by all his Macedonians.</p>

<p><a name="b16_9" id="b16_9"><b>9.</b></a> Theophiliscus survived for one day; and then having
written a despatch home with an account of the
battle,<span class="sidenote">Death of
Theophiliscus.</span>
and appointed Cleonaeus to succeed him
in his command, died from his wounds. He had
shown great valour in the engagement, and his far-sighted policy
deserves to be remembered. If it had not been for his boldness
in attacking Philip in time, all the allies would have let
the opportunity pass, in terror at Philip&#8217;s audacity. But by
beginning the war as he did he forced his countrymen to seize
the opportunity, and compelled Attalus not to lose time in
mere preparatory measures for war, but to go to war energetically
and grapple with the danger. The Rhodians, therefore,
were quite right to pay him, even after his death, such
honours as were incentives, not only to men living at the time,
but to future generations also, to prompt service in their
country&#8217;s cause....</p>

<h3>THE INDECISIVE BATTLE OF CHIOS WAS FOLLOWED BY ANOTHER
OFF LADE, IN WHICH PHILIP WAS PARTLY SUCCESSFUL<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">68</a></h3>

<p><a name="b16_10" id="b16_10"><b>10.</b></a> After the battle of Lade, the Rhodians being out of
his way, and Attalus not having yet appeared on the scene, it
is clear that Philip might have accomplished his voyage to
Alexandria. And here we have evidence stronger than any
other of Philip&#8217;s infatuation in acting as he did. What, then,
prevented his design? Nothing in the world but what always
occurs in the natural course of affairs. For at a distance
many men at times desire the impossible from the extravagant
prospects it holds out, their ambition over-mastering their reason;
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>but when they approach the moment of action they quite
as irrationally abandon their purpose, because their calculations
are obscured and confused by the embarrassments and
difficulties which meet them....</p>

<h3>PHILIP&#8217;S OPERATIONS IN CARIA, B.C. 201</h3>

<p><a name="b16_11" id="b16_11"><b>11.</b></a> Having made some assaults which proved abortive
owing to the strength of the place,<span class="sidenote">The stratagem by
which Philip took
Prinassus.</span>
Philip went
away again, plundering the forts and villages in
the country. Thence he marched to Prinassus
and pitched his camp under its wall. Having promptly got ready
his pent-houses and other siege artillery, he began to attempt the
town by mines. This plan proving impracticable, owing to
the rocky nature of the soil, he contrived the following stratagem.
During the day he caused a noise to be made under
ground, as though the mines were being worked at; while
during the night he caused earth to be brought and piled up
at the mouth of the mine, in order that the men in the city,
by calculating the quantity of earth thrown up, might become
alarmed. At first the Prinassians held out bravely: but when
Philip sent them a message informing them that he had underpinned
two plethra of their walls, and asking them whether
they preferred to march out with their lives, or one and all
to perish with their town when he set fire to the props, then
at last, believing that what he said was true, they surrendered
the city.</p>

<p><a name="b16_12" id="b16_12"><b>12.</b></a> The town of Iassus is situated in Asia on the gulf
between the temple of Poseidon, the territory
of Miletus,<span class="sidenote">Legends of
Iassus and
Bargylia.</span>
and the city of Myndus, called the
gulf [of Iassus by some], but by most the gulf of
Bargylia, from the names of the cities built upon its inner coast.
The Iassians boast of being originally colonists from Argos,
and more recently from Miletus, their ancestors having invited
to their town the son of Neleus, the founder of Miletus, owing
to their losses in the war with the Carians. The size of the
town is ten stades. Among the people of Bargylia it is a
common report widely believed that the statue of the Kindyan
Artemis, though in the open air, is never touched by snow or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span>
rain; and the same belief is held among the Iassians as to
the Artemis Astias.<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> All these stories have been repeated by
certain historians. But, for my part, I have in the whole
course of my work set myself against such statements of our
historiographers and have had no toleration for them. For it
appears to me that such tales are only fit to amuse children,
when they transgress not only the limits of probability but even
those of possibility. For instance, to say that certain bodies
when placed in full light cast no shadow argues a state of quite
deplorable folly. But Theopompus has done this; for he
says that those who enter the holy precinct of Zeus in Arcadia
cast no shadow, which is on a par with the statements to
which I have just referred. Now, in so far as such tales tend
to preserve the reverence of the vulgar for religion, a certain
allowance may be made for some historians when they record
these miraculous legends. But they must not be allowed to go
too far. Perhaps it is difficult to assign a limit in such a
matter; still it is not impossible. Therefore, in my judgment,
such displays of ignorance and delusion should be pardoned
if they do not go very far, but anything like extravagance in
them should be rejected....</p>

<h3>AFFAIRS IN GREECE</h3>

<p><a name="b16_13" id="b16_13"><b>13.</b></a> I have already described the deliberate policy of Nabis,
tyrant of the Lacedaemonians; how he drove
the citizens into exile,<span class="sidenote">The tyranny of
Nabis. See 13,
6-8.</span> freed the slaves, and gave
them the wives and daughters of their masters.
How also, by opening his kingdom as a kind of inviolable
sanctuary for all who fled from their own countries, he collected
a number of bad characters in Sparta. I will now
proceed to tell how in the same period,<span class="sidenote">B.C. 202-201.</span>
being in alliance with
Aetolians, Eleans, and Messenians, and being bound by oaths
and treaties to support one and all of those
peoples in case of any one attacking them, he
yet in utter contempt of these obligations determined to make
a treacherous attack on Messene....</p>
<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span></p>

<h3>DIGRESSION ON THE MERITS OF THE HISTORIANS
ZENO AND ANTISTHENES OF RHODES</h3>

<p><a name="b16_14" id="b16_14"><b>14.</b></a> As some episodical historians have written on the
period which embraces the affair at Messene and the sea-fights
already described, it is my intention to discuss them briefly.
I will not however speak of them all, but only those whom I
suppose to be worthy of commemoration and full discussion.
<span class="sidenote">The necessity of
discussing the
histories of Zeno
and Antisthenes.</span>
These are the Rhodian writers Zeno and Antisthenes,
whom I judge to deserve this distinction,
for more than one reason. They were contemporary
with the events, and were engaged in
practical politics; and, lastly, they composed their histories
with no view to gain, but for the sake of fame, and as part of
the business of politicians. Since then they write of the same
events as myself, I cannot omit mentioning them; lest, from
the reputation of their country, and the idea that naval affairs
are peculiarly the province of Rhodians, some students may
prefer their authority to mine where I differ from them.</p>

<p>Now both these writers, to begin with, describe the battle of
Lade as not less severe than that of Chios,<span class="sidenote">Their description
of the battle of
Lade. See ch. 10.</span>
but
more fiercely and daringly contested, both in
detail and as a whole, and finally assert that the
victory was with the Rhodians. For my part I should be
inclined to allow that historians must show some partiality to
their own countries; not however that they should state what
is exactly opposite to the facts regarding them. There are
quite enough mistakes which writers make from ignorance,
and which it is difficult for poor human nature to avoid: but
if we deliberately write what is false for the sake of country,
friends, or favour, how do we differ from those who do the
same to get a living? For as the latter, by measuring everything
by the standard of private gain, ruin the credit of their
works, so your politicians often fall into the same discredit by
yielding to the influence of hatred or affection. Therefore
readers ought to be jealously watchful on this head; while
writers ought to be on their guard for their own sakes.</p>

<p><a name="b16_15" id="b16_15"><b>15.</b></a> The present matter is an example. When coming to details<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span>
of the battle of Lade, these writers confess that in it &#8220;two
quinqueremes of Rhodes were captured by the enemy; and that
upon one ship raising its studding-sail to escape from the conflict,
owing to its having being staved in and shipping sea, many of
the vessels near it did the same and made for the open sea; and
that at last the admiral, being left with only a few vessels, was
forced to follow their example. That for the present they were
forced by unfavourable winds to drop anchor on the territory of
Myndus, but next day put to sea and crossed to Cos; while the
enemy, having secured the quinqueremes, landed at Lade and
took up their quarters in the Rhodian camp: that, moreover,
the Milesians, deeply impressed by what had taken place, presented
not only Philip, but Heracleides also, with a garland
of victory on his entrance to their territory.&#8221; And yet, though
they give all these particulars, which all evidently indicate the
losing side, they still declare the Rhodians to have been victorious
both in particular combats and in the whole battle; and
that too in spite of the fact that the original despatch from the
admiral concerning the battle, sent to the Senate and Prytanies,
still exists in their Prytaneium, which testifies to the truth, not
of the statements of Antisthenes and Zeno, but of mine.</p>

<p><a name="b16_16" id="b16_16"><b>16.</b></a> Next as to their account of the treacherous attempt
upon Messene. Zeno says that &#8220;Nabis started
from Sparta,<span class="sidenote">Zeno&#8217;s account of
the attack of
Nabis upon
Messene.
See ch. 13.</span>
crossed the Eurotas near the tributary
called the Hoplites, and advanced along
the narrow road past Poliasium until he arrived
at Sallasia, thence past Pharae to Thalamae, and
so to the river Pamisus.&#8221; About which I do not know what to
say. It is just as if one were to say that a man started from
Corinth and marched through the Isthmus and arrived at the
Scironean way, and then came straight to the Contoporian road,
and journeyed past Mycenae to Argos. For such a statement
would not be merely slightly wrong but wholly contradictory.
For the Isthmus and the Scironian rocks are east of Corinth,
while the Contoporian road and Mycenae are nearly due
south-west; so that it is completely impossible to go by way
of the former to the latter. The same may be said about
Lacedaemon; for the Eurotas and Sallasia are to the north-east
of Sparta, while Thalamae, Pharae, and the Pamisus are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>
to the south-west. Therefore it is not possible to go to
Sallasia, nor necessary to cross the Eurotas, if a man means to
go to Messenia by way of Thalamae.</p>

<p><a name="b16_17" id="b16_17"><b>17.</b></a> Besides these mistakes, he says that Nabis started on
his return from Messenia by the gate on the road to Tegea.
This is another absurdity; for Megalopolis is between Tegea
and Messene, so that it is impossible that a gate at Messene
should be called the &#8220;Gate to Tegea.&#8221; The fact is that there
is a gate there called the &#8220;Tegean Gate,&#8221; by which Nabis
commenced his return; and this led Zeno into the mistake of
supposing that Tegea was near Messene, which is not the
fact: for the Laconian territory, as well as that of Megalopolis,
lies between that of Messene and Tegea. Lastly, he says
that the Alpheus flows underground from its source for a
considerable distance, and comes up near Lycoa, in Arcadia.
The truth is that this river does go down underground not far
from its source, and, after remaining hidden for about ten
stades, comes up again, and then flows through the territory
of Megalopolis, at first with a gentle stream, and then gaining
volume, and watering that whole district in a splendid manner
for two hundred stades, at length reaches Lycoa, swollen by
the tributary stream of the Lusius, and become unfordable
and deep....</p>

<p>However, I think that the points I have mentioned,
though all of them blunders, admit of some palliation and
excuse; for the latter arose from mere ignorance, those connected
with the sea-fight from patriotic affection. But is it
not then a fault in Zeno, that he does not bestow as much
pains on investigating the truth and thoroughly mastering his
subject, as upon the ornaments of style; and shows on many
occasions that he particularly plumes himself on this, as many
other famous writers do? To my mind it is quite right to take
great care and pay great attention to the presentation of one&#8217;s
facts in correct and adequate language, for this contributes in
no small degree to the effectiveness of history; still I do not
think that serious writers should regard it as their primary
and most important object. Far from it. Quite other are the
parts of his history on which a practical politician should
rather pride himself.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b16_18" id="b16_18"><b>18.</b></a> The best illustration of what I mean will be the
following. This same writer, in his account of the siege of
Gaza<span class="sidenote">Zeno&#8217;s account of
the battle of
Panium between
Antiochus the
Great and Scopas,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 201.</span>
and Antiochus&#8217;s pitched battle with Scopas
in Coele-Syria, at Mount Panium,<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> showed such
extreme anxiety about ornaments of style, that
he made it quite impossible even for professional
rhetoricians or mob orators to outstrip him in
theatrical effect; while he showed such a contempt
of facts, as once more amounted to unsurpassable carelessness
and inaccuracy. For, intending to describe the first
position in the field taken up by Scopas, he says that
&#8220;the right extremity of his line, together with a few cavalry,
rested on the slope of the mountain, while its left with
all the cavalry belonging to this wing, was in the plains
below. That Antiochus, just before the morning watch,
despatched his elder son Antiochus with a division of his army
to occupy the high ground which commanded the enemy;
and that at daybreak he led the rest of his army across the
river which flowed between the two camps, and drew them up
on the plain; arranging his heavy-armed infantry in one line,
facing the enemy&#8217;s centre, and his cavalry, some on the right
and the rest on the left wing of the phalanx, among which
were the heavy-armed horsemen, under the sole command of
the younger of the king&#8217;s sons Antiochus. That in advance
of this line he stationed the elephants at certain intervals, and
the Tarentines<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> commanded by Antipater; while he filled up
the spaces between the elephants with archers and slingers.
And finally, that he took up his own station on the rear of the
elephants with squadron of household cavalry and bodyguards.&#8221;
After this preliminary description he continues: &#8220;The
younger Antiochus&#8221;&mdash;whom he had described as being on the
level ground with the heavy-armed cavalry&mdash;&#8220;charged down
from the high ground and put to flight and pursued the cavalry
under Ptolemy, son of Aeropus, who was in command of the
Aetolians in the plain on the left wing; but the two lines,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>
when they met, maintained a stubborn fight.&#8221; But he fails to
observe that, as the elephants, cavalry, and light-armed infantry
were in front, the two lines could not possibly meet at all.</p>

<p><a name="b16_19" id="b16_19"><b>19.</b></a> Next he says that &#8220;the phalanx, outmatched in
agility and forced backwards by the Aetolians, retired step
by step, while the elephants received the retreating line, and
did great service in charging the enemy.&#8221; But how the
elephants got on the rear of the phalanx it is not easy to
understand, or how, if they had got there, they could have
done good service. For as soon as the two lines were once
at close quarters, the animals would no longer have been able
to distinguish friend from foe among those that came in their
way. Again, he says that &#8220;the Aetolian cavalry were thrown
into a panic during the engagement, because they were unaccustomed
to the look of the elephants.&#8221; But, by his own
account, the cavalry which was originally stationed on the
right wing remained unbroken; while the other division of
the cavalry, that on the left wing, had all fled before the
successful attack of Antiochus. What portion of the cavalry
was it, then, that was on the centre of the phalanx, and was
terrified by the elephants? And where was the king, or what
part did he take in the battle, seeing that he had with him
the very flower of the infantry and cavalry? For not a word
has been told us about these. And where was the elder
of the young Antiochi, who, with a division of the troops, occupied
the high ground? For this prince is not represented even
as returning to his quarters after the battle. And very naturally
so. For Zeno started by assuming two sons of the king
named Antiochus, whereas there was only one in the army
on that occasion. How comes it, again, that according to
him, Scopas returned first and also last from the field? For
he says: &#8220;when he saw the younger Antiochus, after returning
from the pursuit, on the rear of his phalanx, and accordingly
gave up all hopes of victory, he retired.&#8221; But afterwards
he says that &#8220;he sustained the most imminent peril when his
phalanx got surrounded by the elephants and cavalry, and
was the last man to retire from the field.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b16_20" id="b16_20"><b>20.</b></a> These and similar blunders appear to me to reflect
very great discredit upon writers. It is necessary, therefore,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span>
to endeavour to make one&#8217;s self master of all departments of
history alike. That is the ideal; but if that is impossible, one
ought at least to be excessively careful on the most essential
and important points in it. I have been induced to say this
because I have observed that in history, as in other arts and
sciences, there is a tendency to neglect the true and essential,
while the ostentatious and the showy secure praise and emulation
as something great and admirable. The fact being that
in history, as in other departments of literature, these latter
qualities require less trouble and gain a cheaper reputation.
<span class="sidenote">Polybius wrote
to Zeno on his
geographical
mistakes.</span>
As to his ignorance of the topography of
Laconia, considering that his error was an important
one, I did not hesitate to write to Zeno
personally. For I thought it a point of honour
not to look upon the mistakes of others as personal triumphs,
as is the way with some writers; but to do the best I could to
secure correctness, not only of my own historical writings, but
of those of others also, for the benefit of the world at large.
When Zeno received my letter and found that it was impossible
to make the correction, because his history was already published,
he was much vexed, but could do nothing. He, however, put the
most friendly interpretation on my proceeding; and, in regard
to this point, I would beg my own readers, whether of my
own or future generations, if I am ever detected in making a
deliberate misstatement, and disregarding truth in any part of
my history, to criticise me unmercifully; but if I do so from
lack of information, to make allowances: and I ask it for
myself more than others, owing to the size of my history and
the extent of ground covered by its transactions....</p>

<h3>EGYPT</h3>

<p><a name="b16_21" id="b16_21"><b>21.</b></a> Tlepolemus,<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> the chief minister in the kingdom of
Egypt, was a young man, but one who had
spent all his life in the camp,<span class="sidenote">Character and
extravagance of
Tlepolemus.</span>
and with reputation.
By nature aspiring and ambitious, he had
done much that was glorious in the service of his country,
but much that was evil also. As a general in a campaign, and
as an administrator of military expeditions, he was a man of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>great ability, high natural courage, and extremely well fitted to
deal personally with soldiers. But on the other hand, for the
management of complicated affairs, he was deficient in diligence
and sobriety, and had the least faculty in the world for the
keeping of money or the economical administration of finance.
And it was this that before long not only caused his own fall,
but seriously damaged the kingdom as well. For though he
had complete control of the exchequer, he spent the greater
part of the day in playing ball and in matches in martial
exercises with the young men; and directly he left these
sports he collected drinking parties, and spent the greater part
of his life in these amusements and with these associates.
But that part of his day which he devoted to business, he
employed in distributing, or, I might rather say, in throwing
away the royal treasures among the envoys from Greece
and the Dionysian actors, and, more than all, among
the officers and soldiers of the palace guard. He was utterly
incapable of saying no, and bestowed anything there was at
hand on any one who said anything to please him. The evil
which he himself thus began continually increased. For
every one who had received a favour expressed his gratitude
in extravagant language, both for the sake of what he had got
and of what he hoped to get in the future. And thus being
informed of the universal praise which was bestowed on him,
of the toasts proposed in his honour at banquets, of complimentary
inscriptions, and songs sung in his praise by the
public singers all through the town, he became entirely befooled,
and grew daily more and more puffed up with conceit,
and more reckless in squandering favours upon foreigners and
soldiers.</p>

<p><a name="b16_22" id="b16_22"><b>22.</b></a> These proceedings were very offensive to the other
members of the court; and, therefore,<span class="sidenote">Tlepolemus suppresses
a court
intrigue against
himself.</span>
they
watched everything he did with a jealous eye,
and conceived a detestation for his insolence,
which they began to compare unfavourably with
the character of Sosibius. For the latter was considered to
show more wisdom in his guardianship of the king than his age
gave reason to expect; and, in his dealings with other persons,
to maintain the dignity proper to his high trust, which was the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span>
royal seal and person. Just at this time, Ptolemy, the son of
Sosibius, returned from his mission to Philip. Before he left
Alexandria on his voyage, he had been full of foolish pride,
partly from his own natural disposition and partly from his
father&#8217;s success. But upon landing in Macedonia, and mixing
with the young men at court, he conceived the notion
that the virtue of the Macedonians consisted in the better
fashion of their boots and clothes; he therefore came home,
got up in imitation of all these peculiarities, and fully persuaded
that his foreign tour and association with Macedonians
had made a man of him. He therefore immediately began
showing jealousy of Tlepolemus, and inveighing against him;
and as all the courtiers joined him, on the ground that
Tlepolemus was treating the business and revenue of the
state as though he were its heir and not its guardian, the
quarrel quickly grew. Meanwhile Tlepolemus, being informed
of certain unfriendly speeches, originating in the
jealous observation and malignity of the courtiers, at first
turned a deaf ear to them and affected to despise them; but
when at length they ventured to hold a meeting and openly
express their disapproval of him in his absence, on the ground
of his maladministration of the government of the kingdom,
he grew angry; and, summoning the council, came forward
and said that &#8220;they brought their accusations against him
secretly and in private, but he judged it right to accuse them
in public and face to face.&#8221;...</p>

<p>After making his public speech, Tlepolemus deprived
Sosibius of the custody of the seal also, and having got that
into his hands, thenceforth conducted the administration exactly
as he chose....</p>

<h3>THE WAR IN COELE-SYRIA</h3>

<p><a name="b16_2a" id="b16_2a"><b>22.</b></a> (<i>a</i>). It seems to me to be at once just and proper to
give the people of Gaza<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> the praise which
they deserve.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 201.
Valour of the
people of Gaza.</span>
For though they do not differ
as to bravery in war from the rest of the
inhabitants of Coele-Syria, yet as parties to an international
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span>agreement, and in their fidelity to their promises, they
far surpass them, and show altogether a courage in such
matters that is irresistible. In the first place, when all the
other people were terrified at the invasion of the Persians,<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> in
view of the greatness of their power, and one and all submitted
themselves and their countries to the Medes, they alone faced the
danger and stood a siege.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 332.</span>
Again, on the invasion
of Alexander, when not only did the other cities
surrender, but even Tyre was stormed and its inhabitants sold
into slavery; and when it seemed all but hopeless for any to
escape destruction, who resisted the fierce and violent attack
of Alexander, they alone of all the Syrians withstood him,
and tested their powers of defence to the uttermost. Following
the same line of conduct on the present occasion, they
omitted nothing within their power in their determination to
keep faith with Ptolemy. Therefore, just as we distinguish by
special mention in our history individuals of eminent virtue,
so ought we, in regard to states as such, to mention with
commendation those which act nobly in any point from traditional
principles and deliberate policy....</p>

<h3>ITALY (LIVY, 30, 45)</h3>

<p><a name="b16_23" id="b16_23"><b>23.</b></a> Publius Scipio returned from Libya soon after the
events I have narrated. The expectation of the
people concerning him<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s return
to Rome and
triumph, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 201,
cp. 15, 19.</span>
was proportionable to
the magnitude of his achievements: and the
splendour of his reception, and the signs of
popular favour which greeted him were extraordinary. Nor
was this otherwise than reasonable and proper. For after
despairing of ever driving Hannibal from Italy, or of averting
that danger from themselves and their kinsfolk, they now
looked on themselves as not only securely removed from every
fear and every menace of attack, but as having conquered their
enemies. Their joy therefore knew no bounds; and when
Scipio came into the city in triumph, and the actual sight of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>the prisoners who formed the procession brought still more
clearly to their memories the dangers of the past, they became
almost wild in the expression of their thanks to the gods, and
their affection for the author of such a signal change. For
among the prisoners who were led in the triumphal procession
was Syphax, the king of the Masaesylii, who shortly afterwards
died in prison. The triumph concluded, the citizens celebrated
games and festivals for several days running with great
splendour, Scipio, in his magnificent liberality, supplying the
cost....</p>

<h3>WAR BETWEEN ROME AND PHILIP V.</h3>

<p><a name="b16_24" id="b16_24"><b>24.</b></a> At the beginning of the winter in which Publius Sulpicius
was elected consul at Rome, king Philip,<span class="sidenote">Winter of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 201-200.
Coss. P. Sulpicius
Galba
Maximus II.,
C. Aurelius
Cotta (for
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 200).</span>
who was staying at Bargylia, was rendered exceedingly
uneasy and filled with many conflicting
anxieties for the future,when he
observed that the Rhodians and Attalus, far
from dismissing their navy, were actually manning
additional ships and paying more earnest
attention than ever to guarding the coasts. He had a double
<span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s anxieties,</span>cause, indeed, for uneasiness: he was afraid of
sailing from Bargylia, and foresaw that he would
have to encounter danger at sea; and at the same time he
was not satisfied with the state of things in Macedonia, and
therefore was unwilling on any consideration to spend the
winter in Asia, being afraid both of the Aetolians and the
Romans; for he was fully aware of the embassies sent to
Rome to denounce him [as soon as it was known] that the
war in Libya was ended. These considerations caused him
overwhelming perplexity; but he was compelled for the
present to remain where he was, leading the life of a wolf, to
use the common expression:<span class="sidenote">and the starving
state of his army.</span> for he robbed and stole from
some, and used force to others, while he did
violence to his nature by fawning on others, because
his army was suffering from famine; and
by these means managed sometimes to get meat to eat, sometimes
figs, and sometimes nothing but a very short allowance
of corn. Some of these provisions were supplied to him by
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span>
Zeuxis, and some by the people of Mylae, Alabanda, and
Magnesia, whom he flattered whenever they gave him anything,
and barked at and plotted against when they did not.
Finally, he made a plot to seize Mylae by the agency of
Philocles, but failed from the clumsiness with which the
scheme was contrived. The territory of Alabanda he harried
as though it were an enemy&#8217;s, alleging that it was imperatively
necessary to get food for his troops....</p>

<p>When this Philip, father of Perseus, was thus overrunning
Asia, being unable to get provisions for his army, he accepted
a present of figs from the Magnesians, as they had no corn.
For which reason, when he conquered Myus, he granted its
territory to the Magnesians in return for their figs....</p>

<p><a name="b16_25" id="b16_25"><b>25.</b></a> The Athenian people sent envoys to king Attalus, both
to thank him for the past, and to urge him<span class="sidenote">The visit of
Attalus to Athens,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 200.</span>
to
come to Athens to consult with them on the
dangers that still threatened them.<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> The king
was informed a few days afterwards that Roman ambassadors
had arrived at the Peiraeus; and, believing that it was necessary
to have an interview with them, he put to sea in haste.
The Athenian people, being informed of his coming, passed very
liberal votes as to the reception and general entertainment of the
king. Arrived at the Peiraeus, Attalus spent the first day in
transacting business with the Roman ambassadors, and was extremely
delighted to find that they were fully mindful of their
ancient alliance with him, and quite prepared for the war with
Philip. Next morning, in company with the Romans and the
Athenian magistrates, he began his progress to the city in
great state. For he was met, not only by all the magistrates
and the knights, but by all the citizens with their children and
wives. And when the two processions met, the warmth of the
welcome given by the populace to the Romans, and still more
to Attalus, could not have been exceeded. At his entrance
into the city by the gate Dipylum the priests and priestesses
lined the street on both sides: all the temples were then
thrown open; victims were placed ready at all the altars; and
the king was requested to offer sacrifice. Finally they voted
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span>him such high honours as they had never without great hesitation
voted to any of their former benefactors: for, in addition
to other compliments, they named a tribe after Attalus, and
classed him among their eponymous heroes.</p>

<p><a name="b16_26" id="b16_26"><b>26.</b></a> They next summoned an ecclesia and invited the king
to address them. But upon his excusing himself,<span class="sidenote">The Athenians
vote for war
against Philip.</span>
on the plea that it would be ill-bred for him
to appear before the people and recount his
own good services in the presence of those on whom they had
been bestowed, they gave up asking for his personal appearance;
but begged him to give them a written statement as to
what he thought was the best thing to do in view of the existing
circumstances. On his consenting to do this, and writing
the document, the magistrates produced the despatch to the
ecclesia. The contents of this written communication were
briefly these: he recalled the good services he had done the
people in the past; enumerated the things he had accomplished
in the existing war against Philip; and lastly exhorted
them to activity in this war, and protested that, if they did not
determine resolutely to adopt this policy of hostility to Philip
in common with the Rhodians, Romans, and himself, and yet
afterwards wished to share in the benefits which had been
secured by others, they would miss securing the true interests
of their country. As soon as this despatch had been read, the
people, influenced both by its contents and by their warm
feeling towards Attalus, were prepared to vote the war: and
when the Rhodians also entered and argued at great length
to the same effect, the Athenians at once decreed the
war against Philip. They gave the Rhodians also a magnificent
reception, honoured their state with a crown of
valour, and voted all Rhodians equal rights of citizenship at
Athens, on the ground of their having, besides other things,
restored the Athenian ships which had been captured with
the men on board them. After concluding this arrangement,
the Rhodian ambassadors sailed to Ceos with their fleet to
visit the islands....</p>

<p><a name="b16_27" id="b16_27"><b>27.</b></a> While the Roman ambassadors were still at Athens,
Nicanor, by the command of Philip, made a
raid upon Attica,<span class="sidenote">The Romans warn Philip to
abstain from attacking
Greece,
and to do justice
to Attalus, on
pain of war.</span>
and came as far as the Academy.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span> Thereupon the Romans sent a herald
to him and bade him announce to his master
Philip that &#8220;The Romans admonished him to
make no war upon any Greek State, and to
submit to an arbitration before a fair tribunal as to the injuries
he had inflicted upon Attalus: that, if he did this, he might
have peace with Rome, but, if he refused to obey, the opposite
would immediately follow.&#8221; On the receipt of this message
Nicanor retired. Then the Romans sailed along the coast of
Epirus and delivered a similar announcement in regard to
Philip in the town of Phoenice; also to Amynandrus in the
district of Athamania; also to the Aetolians in Naupactus, and
the Achaeans in Aegium. And having thus by the mouth of
Nicanor given Philip this clear warning, the Roman envoys
themselves sailed away to visit Antiochus and Ptolemy with a
view to settle their controversies....</p>

<p><a name="b16_28" id="b16_28"><b>28.</b></a> It appears to me that to make a good beginning, and
even to maintain enthusiasm long enough<span class="sidenote">The firmness
and vigour of
Philip in meeting
the danger.</span>
to
secure a considerable measure of success, is an
achievement of which many have been found
capable; but to carry a purpose through to its
end, and, even though fortune be adverse, to make up by cool
reason for the deficiency of enthusiasm is within the power of
few. From this point of view one cannot but disparage the
inactivity of Attalus and the Rhodians, while regarding with
admiration the royal and lofty spirit displayed by Philip, and
his constancy to his purpose,&mdash;not meaning to speak in praise
of his character as a whole, but simply commending the
vigour with which he acted on this occasion. I make this
distinction to prevent any one supposing that I contradict
myself, because I recently praised Attalus and the Rhodians
and found fault with Philip, whereas I am now doing
the reverse.<span class="sidenote">1, 14.</span> This is just such a case as I
referred to at the beginning of my history, when
I said that it was necessary sometimes to praise, and sometimes
to blame the same persons, since it frequently happens
that changes of circumstances for the worse and calamities alter
men&#8217;s original dispositions, and frequently also changes for the
better; and sometimes too it is the case that from natural<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span>
temperament men are at one time inclined to what is right, at
another to the reverse. And it is a variation of this sort that
I think occurred to Philip in this instance. For, irritated by
his defeats, and influenced in a great degree by anger and
passion, he addressed himself with a kind of insane or inspired
eagerness to meet the dangers of the hour; and it was in this
spirit that he rose to the attack upon the Rhodians and king
Attalus, and gained the successes which followed. I was induced
to make these remarks, because I observe that some men, like
bad runners in the stadium, abandon their purposes when close
to the goal; while it is at that particular point, more than at any
other, that others secure the victory over their rivals....</p>

<p><a name="b16_29" id="b16_29"><b>29.</b></a> Philip was anxious to anticipate the Romans in
seizing bases of operation<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 200.</span> and landing-places
in this country (Asia)....</p>

<p>In order that, if it should be his purpose again to cross to
Asia, he might have a landing-place at Abydos....</p>

<p>The position of Abydos and Sestos, and the advantages of
the situation of those towns it would, I think,<span class="sidenote">The Dardanelles
compared with
the Straits of
Gibraltar.</span>
be waste of time for me to state in great detail,
because the singularity of those sites has made
them familiar to all persons of intelligence. Still
I imagine that it will not be otherwise than useful to remind
my readers briefly of the facts, by way of attracting their attention.
A man would best realise the advantages of these cities,
not by regarding their sites by themselves, but by comparing
and contrasting them with those about to be mentioned. For
just as it is impossible to sail from the Ocean,&mdash;or as some
call it the Atlantic,&mdash;into our sea, except by passing between
the Pillars of Heracles, so is it impossible to sail from our sea
into the Propontis and the Pontus except through the channel
separating Sestos and Abydos. But as though Fortune had
designed these two straits to counterbalance each other, the
passage between the Pillars of Heracles is many times as broad
as that of the Hellespont,&mdash;the former being sixty, the latter two
stades; the reason being, as far as one may conjecture, the
great superiority in size of the external Ocean to our sea: while
the channel at Abydos is more convenient than that at the
Pillars of Heracles. For the former being lined on both sides
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span>
by human habitations is of the nature of a gate admitting
mutual intercourse, sometimes being bridged over by those
who determine to cross on foot, and at all times admitting a
passage by sea. But the channel at the Pillars of Heracles is
seldom used, and by very few persons, owing to the lack of
intercourse between the tribes inhabiting those remote parts of
Libya and Europe, and owing to the scantiness of our knowledge
of the external Ocean. The city of Abydos itself is
enclosed on both sides by two European promontories, and
possesses a harbour capable of sheltering ships anchoring in it
from every wind; while there is no possibility of anchoring at
any point near the city outside the harbour mouth, owing to the
rapidity and violence of the current setting through the strait.</p>

<p><a name="b16_30" id="b16_30"><b>30.</b></a> Having then invested Abydos partly by a palisade and
partly by an earthwork, Philip began blockading
it by land and sea together.<span class="sidenote">Siege of Abydos.</span>
This siege was not
at all remarkable for the extent of the machinery employed,
or the ingenuity displayed in those works on which besiegers
and besieged are wont to exhaust all their invention and skill
against each other; but still it deserves, if any ever did, to be
remembered and recorded for the noble spirit and extraordinary
gallantry exhibited by the besieged. At first, feeling full
confidence in themselves, the inhabitants of Abydos maintained
a courageous resistance to the attempts of Philip; struck and
dislodged some of his engines, which he brought against their
walls by sea, with stones from their catapults, and destroyed
others by fire, and with such fierceness, that the enemy were
barely able to drag their ships out of danger. Against the
siege operations on land, too, up to a certain point they offered
an undaunted resistance, not at all despairing of ultimately
overpowering the enemy. But when their outer wall was
undermined and fell, and when moreover the Macedonians by
means of these same mines were approaching the inner wall,
which had been erected by the besieged to cover the breach:
then at length they send Iphiades and Pantacnotus as ambassadors,
with an offer to Philip that he should take over the
city, on condition of letting the soldiers from Rhodes and
Attalus depart under a truce; and of permitting all free persons
to depart as they could, and wherever each might choose, with
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span>
the clothes that each was wearing. But on Philip bidding
them &#8220;surrender at discretion or fight like men,&#8221; the ambassadors
returned to the town.</p>

<p><a name="b16_31" id="b16_31"><b>31.</b></a> On being informed of the message the people of Abydos
met in public assembly, and with feelings of
utter despair deliberated upon their position.
<span class="sidenote">Desperate resolution
of the people
of Abydos.</span>
They thereupon resolved, first to liberate the
slaves, that they might secure their sincere interest and
loyalty; next, to collect all the women into the temple
of Artemis, and the children with their nurses into the
gymnasium; and finally to bring together their silver and
gold into the market-place, as well as collect their clothes
which were of any value into the quadrireme of the
Rhodians and the trireme of the Cyzicenes. Having formed
these resolutions and acted on the decree with unanimity, they
again assembled in public meeting, and elected fifty of the
older and most trusted men, who at the same time were possessed
of sufficient bodily vigour to enable them to carry out
what had been determined upon; and these they bound on
oath in the presence of the whole of the citizens, that &#8220;whenever
they saw the inner wall being captured by the enemy, they
would kill the children and women, and would burn the above-mentioned
ships, and, in accordance with the curses that had
been invoked, would throw the silver and gold into the sea.&#8221;
After this they brought the priests forward, and all the citizens
swore that they would conquer the enemy or die fighting for
their country. To crown all, they slew victims and compelled
the priests and priestesses to dictate the words of this imprecation
over the burnt offerings. Having bound themselves
by this solemn agreement, they left off attempting to countermine
the enemy, and resolved that, directly the interior wall fell,
they would fight to the last in the breach with the enemy&#8217;s
storming party and there die.</p>

<p><a name="b16_32" id="b16_32"><b>32.</b></a> This would justify us in saying that the gallantry of the
Abydenians outdid the proverbial Phocian
recklessness and Acarnanian courage.<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a><span class="sidenote">Comparison of
this resolution of
the Abydenians
with similar ones
of the Phocians
and Acarnanians.</span>
For the
Phocians have the reputation of having adopted
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span>
a similar resolution as to their families, but not
because they despaired of victory, for they
were about to fight a pitched battle with the
Thessalians in the open field. So too the Acarnanians, upon
the mere prospect of an Aetolian invasion, adopted a like
resolution; the details of which I have already narrated. But
the Abydenians, at a time when they were closely invested and
in all but complete despair of being saved, elected by a
unanimous resolution to meet their fate along with their children
and wives, rather than to live any longer with the knowledge
that their children and wives would fall into the power of the
enemy. Therefore one might justly complain of Fortune for
having, in the former cases, given victory and safety to those
who despaired of them, while she adopted the opposite decision
in regard to the Abydenians. For the men were killed, and the
city was taken, but the children with their mothers fell into
the hands of the enemy.</p>

<p><a name="b16_33" id="b16_33"><b>33.</b></a> As soon as the interior wall had fallen, the men,
according to their oaths, sprang upon the ruins
<span class="sidenote">How the city was
surrendered and
the women and
children saved
after all.</span>
and fought the enemy with such desperate
courage, that Philip, though he had kept sending
the Macedonians to the front in relays till
nightfall, at last abandoned the contest in despair
of accomplishing the capture at all. For not only did
the Abydenian forlorn hope take their stand upon the dead
bodies of the fallen enemies, and maintain the battle with
fury; nor was it only that they fought gallantly with mere
swords and spears; but when any of these weapons had been
rendered useless, or had been knocked out of their hands, they
grappled with the Macedonians, and either hurled them to the
ground arms and all, or broke their sarissae, and stabbing their
faces and exposed parts of their bodies with the broken ends,
threw them into a complete panic. But the fight being interrupted
by nightfall, most of the citizens having now fallen in
the breach, and the rest being utterly exhausted by fatigue and
wounds, Glaucides and Theognetus collected a few of the
older men together, and, instigated by hopes of personal safety,
lowered the special eminence and unique glory which their
fellow-citizens had acquired. For they resolved to save the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span>
children and women alive, and at daybreak to send the priests
and priestesses with garlands to Philip, to entreat his mercy
and surrender the city to him.</p>

<p><a name="b16_34" id="b16_34"><b>34.</b></a> While this was going on, king Attalus, having heard
that Abydos was being besieged, sailed through
the Aegean to Tenedos;<span class="sidenote">A Roman envoy
arrives to warn
Philip to desist.</span>
and similarly the
youngest of the Roman ambassadors, Marcus
Aemilius, arrived on board ship at Abydos itself. For
the Roman ambassadors, having learnt at Rhodes the fact
of the siege of Abydos, and wishing in accordance with their
commission to deliver their message to Philip personally, put
off their purpose of visiting the two kings, and despatched
this man to him. Having found the king outside Abydos, he
explained to him that &#8220;The Senate had resolved to order him
not to wage war with any Greek state; nor to interfere in the
dominions of Ptolemy; and to submit the injuries inflicted on
Attalus and the Rhodians to arbitration; and that if he did
so he might have peace, but if he refused to obey he would
promptly have war with Rome.&#8221; Upon Philip endeavouring
to show that the Rhodians had been the first to lay hands on
him, Marcus interrupted him by saying: &#8220;But what about the
Athenians? And what about the Cianians? And what
about the Abydenians at this moment? Did any one of them
also lay hands on you first?&#8221; The king, at a loss for a reply,
said: &#8220;I pardon the offensive haughtiness of your manners for
three reasons: first, because you are a young man and inexperienced
in affairs; secondly, because you are the handsomest
man of your time&#8221; (this was true); &#8220;and thirdly, because you
are a Roman. But for my part, my first demand to the
Romans is that they should not break their treaties or go to
war with me; but if they do, I shall defend myself as
courageously as I can, appealing to the gods to defend my
cause.&#8221; With these words they separated.<span class="sidenote">The voluntary
death of the
Abydenians.</span>
On becoming
master of Abydos, Philip found all the property
of the citizens collected by themselves ready to
his hand. But when he saw the numbers and
fury of those who were stabbing, burning, hanging, throwing into
wells, or precipitating themselves from housetops, and their
children and wives, he was overpowered with surprise; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span>
resenting these proceedings he published a proclamation,
announcing, that &#8220;he gave three days&#8217; grace to those who
wished to hang or stab themselves.&#8221; The Abydenians, already
bent on executing their original decree, and looking upon
themselves as traitors to those who had fought and died for
their country, could not endure remaining alive on any terms;
and, accordingly, with the exception of those who had previously
been put in chains or some similar restraint, they all without
delay hastened to their death, each family by itself....</p>

<p><a name="b16_35" id="b16_35"><b>35.</b></a> After the capture of Abydos, envoys came from the
Achaean nation to Rhodes urging the Rhodians<span class="sidenote">The Rhodians
resolve to side
with Rome.</span>
to make terms with Philip. But upon these
being followed by the arrival of the ambassadors
from Rome, who argued that they should make no terms with
Philip without consulting the Romans, the Rhodian people
voted to listen to the latter and to hold to their friendship
with them....</p>

<h3>THE PELOPONNESE&mdash;WAR WITH NABIS</h3>

<p><a name="b16_36" id="b16_36"><b>36.</b></a> Philopoemen calculated the distances of all the cities
of the Achaean league, and from which of
them men<span class="sidenote">Philopoemen&#8217;s
device for collecting
all the Achaean
levies at Tegea
simultaneously,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 200.</span>
could arrive at Tegea along the same
roads. He then wrote despatches to each of
them, and sent them to the most distant cities,
so dividing them that each city that was
farthest on a particular road should get, not
only the one addressed to itself, but those also of the other
cities on the same road. The contents of these first despatches
addressed to the chief magistrate were as follows: &#8220;As soon
as ye receive this despatch, forthwith cause all the men of
military age, with arms, and provisions, and money for five
days, to assemble immediately in the market-place. And as
soon as they are thus collected, march them out and lead them
to the next city. As soon as ye have arrived there, deliver the
despatch addressed to its chief magistrate and follow the instructions
therein contained.&#8221; Now, this second despatch
contained exactly the same words as the former, except of
course that the name of the next town was changed to which
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span>
they were to march. By this arrangement being repeated
right along the road, in the first place no one knew for what
purpose or undertaking the expedition was directed; and in
the next place, every one was absolutely ignorant where he was
going, beyond the name of the next town, but all marched
forward in a state of complete mystification, taking on the successive
contingents as they went. But as of course the most
remote towns were not equally distant from Tegea, the letters
were not delivered to them all at the same time, but to each
in proportion to its distance. By which arrangement, without
either the Tegeans or the new arrivals knowing what was going
to happen, all the Achaeans marched into Tegea under arms
by all the gates simultaneously.</p>

<p><a name="b16_37" id="b16_37"><b>37.</b></a> What suggested to Philopoemen this stratagem was the
great number of the tyrant&#8217;s eavesdroppers and
spies.<span class="sidenote">A raid upon
Laconia.</span>
On the day then on which the main body
of the Achaeans were to arrive at Tegea, he despatched
a band of picked men, so timing their start, that they
might pass the night near Sellasia and at daybreak begin a raid
on Laconia. They had orders that, in case the mercenaries of
Nabis left their quarters and attacked them, they were to retire
on Scotita, and in other respects follow the directions of
Didascalondas of Crete; for Philopoemen had given his confidence
to this officer, and full directions as to the whole expedition.
These men therefore set out in good spirits to the
task assigned to them. Philopoemen himself having issued
orders to the Achaeans to sup early, led out his army from
Tegea, and after a rapid night&#8217;s march halted it about the time
of the morning watch in the neighbourhood of Scotita, which
is between Tegea and Lacedaemon. When day broke the
mercenaries in Pellene, being informed by their scouts of the
raid which the enemy were making, started at once to the
rescue, as was their custom, and bore down upon them; and
when the Achaeans, in accordance with their instructions, retired,
they followed, harassing them with bold and daring
assaults. But as soon as they came to the place where
Philopoemen lay in ambush, the Achaeans sprang up and cut
some of them to pieces, and took others prisoners....</p>

<p><a name="b16_38" id="b16_38"><b>38.</b></a> Philip seeing that the Achaeans were disposed to hesitate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span>
about undertaking the war with Rome, tried earnestly by
every means to rouse their feeling of hostility....</p>

<h3>COELE-SYRIA</h3>

<p><a name="b16_39" id="b16_39"><b>39.</b></a> Ptolemy&#8217;s general Scopas marched into the upper region
during the winter and subdued the Jewish nation....</p>

<p>The siege having been conducted in a desultory manner,
Scopas fell into bad repute and was attacked with all the
petulance of youth....</p>

<p>Having conquered Scopas, Antiochus took Batanaea,
Samaria, Abila, and Gadara;<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 200.
Antiochus conquers
Coele-Syria
and the Jews
after beating Scopas
at Panium.
See <i>supra</i>, ch. 18.</span>
and after a while
those of the Jews who inhabit the sacred town
called Jerusalem submitted to him also. On
the subject of this town I have a good deal
more to say, and especially on account of the
splendour of its temple, but I shall put it off to
another opportunity.<br /><br /></p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XVIII<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor"><small>77</small></a></h2>

<h3>THE WAR WITH PHILIP</h3>

<p><a name="b18_1" id="b18_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">When</span> the time appointed arrived, Philip put to sea from
Demetrias and came into the Melian Gulf,<span class="sidenote">Congress at
Nicaea in Locris,
winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 198-197.
Coss. Titus
Quinctius Flamininus,
Sext.
Aelius Paetus
Catus.</span>
with
five galleys and one beaked war-ship (pristis),
on the latter of which he himself was sailing.
There met him the Macedonian secretaries
Apollodorus and Demosthenes, Brachylles from
Boeotia, and the Achaean Cycliadas, who had
been driven from the Peloponnese for the
reasons I have already described. With Flamininus
came king Amynandrus, and Dionysodorus,
legate of king Attalus. The commissioners
from cities and nations were
Aristaenus and Xenophon from the Achaeans; Acesimbrotus
the navarch from the Rhodians;<span class="sidenote">Cycliadas expelled
for favouring
Philip. See Livy,
32, 19.</span>
Phaeneas their Strategus
from the Aetolians, and several others of their statesmen with
him. Approaching the sea near Nicaea, Flamininus and those
with him took their stand upon the very edge of the beach,
while Philip, bringing his ship close to shore, remained afloat.
Upon Flamininus bidding him disembark, he stood up on
board and refused to leave his ship. Flamininus again asked
him what he feared, he said that he feared no one but the
gods, but he distrusted most of those who were there, especially
the Aetolians. Upon the Roman expressing his surprise, and
remarking that the danger was the same to all and the risk
common, Philip retorted that &#8220;He was mistaken in saying that:
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span>
for that, if anything happened to Phaeneas, there were many
who would act as Strategi for the Aetolians; but if Philip were
to perish at the present juncture, there was no one to be king of
the Macedonians.&#8221; Though all thought this an unconciliatory
way of opening the discussion, Flamininus nevertheless bade
him speak on the matters he had come to consider.<span class="sidenote">The Roman
demand.</span>
Philip
however said that &#8220;The word was not with himself but with
Flamininus; and therefore begged that he would
state clearly what he was to do in order to have
peace.&#8221; The Roman consul replied that &#8220;What
he had to say was simple and obvious: it was to bid him
evacuate Greece entirely; restore the prisoners and deserters
in his hands to their several states;<span class="sidenote">Peace of Epirus
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 205.
See <i>supra</i> 11, 5-7.</span> hand over to the Romans
those parts of Illyricum of which he had become possessed since
the peace of Epirus; and, similarly, to restore to
Ptolemy all the cities which he had taken from
him since the death of Ptolemy Philopator.</p>

<p><a name="b18_2" id="b18_2"><b>2.</b></a> Having said this Flamininus refrained from any further
speech of his own; but turning to the others he bade them deliver
what they had been severally charged to say by those who sent
them. And first Dionysodorus,<span class="sidenote">Demands of
Attalus,</span>
the envoy of
Attalus, took up the discourse by declaring that
&#8220;Philip ought to restore the king&#8217;s ships which
had been captured in the battle at Chios and their crews with
them; and to restore also the temple of Aphrodite to its
original state, as well as the Nicephorium, both of which he had
destroyed.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">of the Rhodians,</span>
He was followed by the Rhodian
navarch Acesimbrotus, who demanded &#8220;That
Philip should evacuate Peraea, which he had taken from them;
withdraw his garrisons from Iasus, Bargylia, and Euromus;
restore the Perinthians to their political union with Byzantium;
and evacuate Sestos, Abydos, and all commercial ports and
harbours in Asia.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">of the Achaeans,</span>
Following the Rhodians the
Achaeans demanded &#8220;The restoration of Corinth
and Argos uninjured.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">and of the
Aetolians.</span> Then came the Aetolians, who first demanded,
like the Romans, that &#8220;Philip should
entirely evacuate Greece; and, secondly, that
he should restore to them uninjured all cities
formerly members of the Aetolian league.&#8221;</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b18_3" id="b18_3"><b>3.</b></a> When Phaeneas the Aetolian strategus had delivered this
demand, a man called Alexander Isius,<span class="sidenote">Speech of
Alexander Isius.</span>
who
had the reputation of being an able politician
and good speaker, said that &#8220;Philip was neither
sincere at the present moment in proposing terms, nor bold in
his manner of making war, when he had to do that. In conferences
and colloquies he was always setting ambushes and
lying in wait, and using all the practices of war, but in actual
war itself took up a position at once unjust and ignoble: for
he avoided meeting his enemies face to face, and, as he fled
before them, employed himself in burning and plundering the
cities; and by this policy, though himself beaten, he spoilt the
value of the victor&#8217;s reward. Yet former kings of Macedonia
had not adopted this plan, but one exactly the reverse: for
they were continually fighting with each other in the open
field, but rarely destroyed and ruined cities. This was shown
clearly by Alexander&#8217;s war in Asia against king Darius;
and again in the contentions between his successors, when
they combined to fight Antigonus for the possession of Asia.
So too had the successors of these kings followed the same policy
down to the time of Pyrrhus: they had been prompt to war
against each other in the open field, and to do everything they
could to conquer each other in arms, but had spared the cities,
that they might rule them if they conquered, and be honoured
by their subjects. But that a man should abandon war, and
yet destroy that for which the war was undertaken, seemed an
act of madness, and madness of a very violent sort. And this
was just what Philip was doing at that moment; for he had
destroyed more cities in Thessaly, on his rapid march from the
pass of Epirus, though he was a friend and ally of that country,
than any one who had ever been at war with the Thessalians.&#8221;</p>

<p>After a good deal more to the same effect he ended by
asking Philip, &#8220;On what grounds he was holding the town of
Lysimacheia with a garrison, having expelled the strategus sent
by the Aetolian league, of which it was a member? Also
on what grounds he had enslaved the Ciani who were also in
alliance with the Aetolians? Lastly, on what plea he was in
actual occupation of Echinus, Phthiotid Thebes, Pharsalus,
and Larisa?&#8221;</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b18_4" id="b18_4"><b>4.</b></a> When Alexander had concluded his speech, Philip came
somewhat nearer to the shore than he was
before,<span class="sidenote">The rejoinder of
Philip.</span>
and, rising on board his ship, said that
&#8220;Alexander had composed and delivered a
speech in the true Aetolian and theatrical style. For every one
knew quite well that nobody willingly destroys his own allies,
but that, at times of special danger, military commanders are
compelled to do many things contrary to their natural feelings.&#8221;
While the king was still speaking, Phaeneas, who was very
short-sighted, interrupted him by saying, &#8220;You are trifling with
us; you must either fight and conquer, or obey the commands
of the stronger.&#8221; Philip, in spite of the unfortunate position of
his affairs, could not refrain from his habitual humour:
turning towards Phaeneas he said, &#8220;Even a blind man could
see that.&#8221; Such a knack had he of cutting repartee. Then he
turned to Alexander again and said, &#8220;You ask me, Alexander,
why I took possession of Lysimacheia. I reply, in order that it
might not by your neglect be devastated by Thracians, as it has
now actually been; because I was compelled by this war to remove
my soldiers, who indeed were no hostile garrison, as you
say, but were there for its protection. As for the Ciani, I did
not go to war with them, but only assisted Prusias to take them
who was at war with them. And of this you yourselves were the
cause. For though I sent envoy after envoy to you desiring
that you would repeal the law which allows you the privilege of
taking &#8216;spoil from spoil,&#8217; you replied that rather than abolish
this law you would remove Aetolia from Aetolia.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b18_5" id="b18_5"><b>5.</b></a> When Flamininus expressed some wonder at what he
meant by this,<span class="sidenote">Philip explains
the peculiar law
of the Aetolians.</span>
the king tried to explain it to him
by saying that &#8220;The Aetolian custom was this.
They not only plundered those with whom
they were at war, and harried their country; but, if certain
other nations were at war with each other, even though both
were friends and allies of the Aetolians, none the less the
Aetolians might, without a formal decree of the people, take
part with both combatants and plunder the territory of both.
The result was that in the eyes of the Aetolians there were no
defined limits of friendship or enmity, but they were ready to
be the enemies and assailers of all who had a dispute on anything.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span>
&#8220;How then,&#8221; he added, &#8220;have they any right to blame
me if, while on terms of friendship with the Aetolians, I did
anything against the Ciani in support of my own allies? But
the most outrageous part of their conduct is that they try to
rival Rome, and bid me entirely evacuate Greece! The
demand in itself is sufficiently haughty and dictatorial: still, in
the mouths of Romans, it is tolerable, but in that of Aetolians
quite intolerable. What is this Greece, pray, from which ye
bid me depart? How do you define it? Why, most of the
Aetolians themselves are not Greeks; for neither the Agrai,
nor the Apodoti, nor the Amphilochi are counted as Greek.
Do you then give up those tribes to me?&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b18_6" id="b18_6"><b>6.</b></a> Upon Flamininus laughing at these words, Philip proceeded:
&#8220;Well, enough said to the Aetolians!<span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s answer
to the Rhodians
and Attalus,</span>
But to the Rhodians and Attalus I have to say
that, in the eyes of a fair judge, it would be held
more just that they should restore to me the ships captured,
than I to them. For I did not begin the attack upon Attalus
and the Rhodians, but they upon me, as everybody acknowledges.
However, at your instance, Titus, I restore Peraea to
the Rhodians, and to Attalus his ships and as many of the
men as are still alive. As for the destruction of the Nicephorium
and the grove of Aphrodite, I am not able to do
anything else towards their restoration, but I will send plants
and gardeners to attend to the place and the growth of the
trees that have been cut down.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">and the Achaeans.</span> Flamininus once more
laughing at the king&#8217;s sarcastic tone, Philip
turned to the Achaeans, and first went through
the list of benefactions received by them from Antigonus and
himself; then quoted the extraordinary honours Antigonus and
he had received from them; and concluded by reading their
decree for abandoning him and joining Rome. Taking this for
his text, he expatiated at great length on the fickleness and ingratitude
of the Achaeans. Still he said he would restore Argos
to them, and as to Corinth would consult with Flamininus.</p>

<p><a name="b18_7" id="b18_7"><b>7.</b></a> Having thus concluded his conversation with the other
envoys, he asked Flamininus, observing that<span class="sidenote">A retort of
Flamininus.</span>
the discussion was really confined to himself
and the Romans, &#8220;Whether he considered that
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>
he was bound to evacuate only those places in Greece which
he had himself acquired, or those also which he had inherited
from his ancestors?&#8221; On Flamininus making no answer,
Aristaenus for the Achaeans, and Phaeneas for the Aetolians,
were on the point of replying. But as the day was closing in,
time prevented them from doing so; and Philip demanded
that they should all hand into him a written statement of the
terms on which peace was to be granted: for being there
alone he had no one with whom to consult; and therefore
wished to turn their demands over in his own mind. Now
Flamininus was much amused at Philip&#8217;s sarcastic banter; but
not wishing the others to think so, he retaliated on him by a
sarcasm also, saying: &#8220;Of course you are alone, Philip: for
you have killed all the friends likely to give you the best
advice!&#8221; The king smiled sardonically, but said nothing.
And for the present, all having handed in the written statements
of their demands as aforesaid, the conference broke up,
after appointing to meet again next day at Nicaea. But next
morning, though Flamininus came to the appointed place and
found the others there, Philip did not arrive.</p>

<p><a name="b18_8" id="b18_8"><b>8.</b></a> When the day, however, had nearly come to an end,
and Titus and the others had almost given him
up,<span class="sidenote">Second day&#8217;s
conference, Philip
comes late.</span>
Philip appeared accompanied as before,
and excused himself by saying that he had
spent the whole day in perplexity and doubt, caused by the
severity of the demands made upon him. But every one else
thought that he had acted thus from a wish to prevent, by the
lateness of the hour, the delivery of invectives by the Achaeans
and Aetolians: for he saw, as he was going away on the previous
evening, that both were ready to attack him and state grievances.
Therefore, as soon as he approached the meeting this time,
he demanded that &#8220;The Roman Consul should discuss the
matter with him in private; that they might not have a mere
war of words on both sides, but that a definite settlement
should be come to on the points in dispute.&#8221; On his several
times repeating this request and pressing it strongly, Flamininus
asked those present what he ought to do. On their
bidding him meet the king and hear what he had to say, he
took with him Appius Claudius, at that time a military Tribune,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>
and telling the others to retire a short way from the sea and
remain there, he himself bade Philip disembark. Accordingly
the king, attended by Apollodorus and Demosthenes, left his
ship, and, joining Flamininus, conversed with him for a considerable
time. What was said by the one and the other on
that occasion it is not easy to state.<span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s final
offers.</span>
However,
when Philip and he had parted, Flamininus,
in explaining the king&#8217;s views to the others,
said that he consented to restore Pharsalus and Larisa to the
Aetolians, but not Thebes: and that to the Rhodians he
surrendered Peraea, but not Iasus and Bargylia: to the
Achaeans he gave up Corinth and Argos: to the Romans he
promised that he would surrender Illyricum and all prisoners:
and to Attalus the ships, and as many of the men captured in
the sea-fights as survived.</p>

<p><a name="b18_9" id="b18_9"><b>9.</b></a> All present expressed their dissatisfaction at these terms,
and alleged that it was necessary before all that<span class="sidenote">Dissatisfaction of
the Congress.</span>
he should perform the general injunction, that,
namely, of evacuating all Greece: otherwise
these particular concessions were vain and useless. Observing
that there was an animated discussion going on among them,
and fearing at the same time that they would indulge in
accusations against himself, Philip requested Flamininus to
adjourn the conference till next day, as the evening was
closing in; and promised that he would then either persuade
them to accept his terms or submit to theirs. Flamininus
consenting, they separated, after appointing to meet next day
on the beach near Thronium.</p>

<p>Next day all came to the appointed place in good time.
Philip in a short speech called on all,<span class="sidenote">Third day&#8217;s conference.
A reference
to the Senate
agreed on.</span>
and
on Flamininus, &#8220;Not to break off the
negotiation for peace now that by far the
greater number were inclined to come to some
arrangement; but, if possible, to come to an understanding by
themselves on the points in dispute; or, if that could not be,
to send envoys to the Senate, and either convince it as to this
controversy, or submit to whatever it enjoined.&#8221;</p>

<p>On this proposition of the king, all the others declared that
they preferred war to such a demand. But the Roman Consul
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>
said that &#8220;He was quite aware that it was improbable that
Philip would submit to any of their demands, yet, as it did
not in the least stand in the way of such action as they
chose to take to grant the favour demanded by the king, he
would concede it. For not one of the proposals actually made at
present could be confirmed without the authority of the Senate;
and besides the season now coming on was a favourable one
for ascertaining its opinion; for, even as things were, the
armies could do nothing owing to the winter: it was therefore
against no one&#8217;s interests, but, on the contrary, very convenient
for them all, to devote this time to a reference to the Senate
on the present state of affairs.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b18_10" id="b18_10"><b>10.</b></a> Seeing that Flamininus was not averse to referring the
matter to the Senate, all the others presently
consented,<span class="sidenote">The embassies
to Rome.</span>
and voted to allow Philip to send
envoys to Rome, and that they too should
severally send envoys of their own to plead their cause before
the Senate, and state their grievances against Philip.</p>

<p>The business of the conference having thus been concluded
in accordance with his views and the opinions he had originally
expressed, Flamininus at once set about carefully securing
his own position, and preventing Philip from taking any
undue advantage. For though he granted him three months&#8217;
suspension of hostilities, he stipulated that he should complete
his embassy to Rome within that time, and insisted on his
immediately removing his garrisons from Phocis and Locris.
He was also very careful to insist on behalf of the Roman
allies, that no act of hostility should be committed against
them during this period by the Macedonians. Having made
these terms in writing with Philip, he immediately took the
necessary steps himself to carry out his own policy. First, he
sent Amynandrus to Rome at once, knowing that he was a
man of pliable character, and would be easily persuaded by
his own friends in the city to take any course they might
propose; and at the same time would carry with him a certain
prestige, and rouse men&#8217;s curiosity and interest by his title of
royalty. Next to him he sent as personal envoys his wife&#8217;s
nephew Quintus Fabius, Quintus Fulvius, and Appius Claudius
Nero. From the Aetolians went Alexander Isius, Damocritus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>
of Calydon, Dicaearchus of Trichonium, Polemarchus of
Arsinoe, Lamius of Ambracia, Nicomachus of Acarnania,&mdash;one
of those who had fled from Thurium and settled in
Ambracia,&mdash;and Theodotus of Pherae, an exile from Thessaly
who settled in Stratus: from the Achaeans Xenophon of
Aegium: from King Attalus only Alexander: and from the
Athenian people Cephisodorus and his colleagues.</p>

<p><a name="b18_11" id="b18_11"><b>11.</b></a> Now these envoys arrived in Rome before the Senate
had settled the provinces of the Consuls appointed
for this year,<span class="sidenote">The speeches of
the Greek envoys
in the Senate.</span>
and whether it would be
necessary to send both to Gaul, or one of them
against Philip. But the friends of Flamininus having assured
themselves that both Consuls would remain in Italy
owing to the threat of an attack from the Celts, all the
ambassadors appeared and bluntly stated their grievances
against Philip. The bulk of their accusations was to the
same effect as what they had before stated to the king himself;
but they also endeavoured carefully to instil this idea in the
minds of the Senators, &#8220;That so long as Chalcis, Corinth, and
Demetrias were subject to Macedonia, it was impossible for the
Greeks to think of liberty; for Philip himself had spoken the
exact truth when he called these places the &#8216;fetters of Greece.&#8217;
For neither could the Peloponnese breathe while a royal garrison
was stationed in Corinth, nor the Locrians, Boeotians,
and Phocians feel any confidence while Philip was in occupation
of Chalcis and the rest of Euboea; nor indeed could the
Thessalians or Magnesians raise a spark of liberty<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> while
Philip and the Macedonians held Demetrias. That, therefore,
Philip&#8217;s offer to evacuate the other places was a mere pretence
in order to escape the immediate danger; and that on the
very first day he chose he would with ease reduce the Greeks
again under his power, if he were in possession of these places.&#8221;
They accordingly urged the Senate &#8220;either to force Philip to
evacuate the cities they had named, or to stand by the policy
they had begun, and vigorously prosecute the war against
him. For in truth the most difficult part of the war was
already accomplished, the Macedonians having already been
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>
twice defeated, and most of their resources on land already
expended.&#8221;</p>

<p>They concluded by beseeching the Senate &#8220;not to beguile
the Greeks of their hopes of liberty, nor deprive themselves
of the most glorious renown.&#8221; Such, or nearly so, were the
arguments advanced by the Greek envoys. Philip&#8217;s envoys
were prepared to make a long speech in reply: but they were
stopped at the threshold. For being asked whether they were
prepared to evacuate Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias, they
declared that they had not any instructions as to those towns.
They were accordingly rebuked by the Senate and obliged to
discontinue their speech.</p>

<p><a name="b18_12" id="b18_12"><b>12.</b></a> The Senate then, as I have said before, assigned Gaul
to both the consuls as their province,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197 Coss.
G. Cornelius
Cethegus, Q.
Minucius Rufus.</span>
and
ordered that the war against Philip should go
on, assigning to Titus Flamininus the entire
control of Greek affairs. These decrees
having been quickly made known in Greece, Flamininus
found everything settled to his mind, partly no doubt by the
assistance of chance, but for the most part by his own foresight
in the management of the whole business. For he
was exceedingly acute, if ever Roman was. The skill and
good sense with which he conducted public business and
private negotiations could not be surpassed, and yet he was
quite a young man, not yet more than thirty, and the first
Roman who had crossed to Greece with an army....</p>

<p><a name="b18_13" id="b18_13"><b>13.</b></a> It has often and in many cases occurred to me to
wonder at the mistakes men make;<span class="sidenote">Was Aristaenus
a traitor or a wise
Opportunist?</span>
but none
seems to me so surprising as that of traitors.
I wish, therefore, to say a word in season on
the subject. I know very well that it is one which does not
admit of easy treatment or definition. For it is not at all
easy to say whom we ought to regard as a real traitor. Plainly
all those, who at a time of tranquillity make compacts with
kings or princes, cannot be reckoned such off hand; nor, again,
those who in the midst of dangers transfer their country from
existing friendships and alliances to others. Far from it.
For such men have again and again been the authors of manifold
advantages to their own countries. But not to go any
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span>
further for example, my meaning can be made clear by the
circumstances of the present case. For, if Aristaenus had not
at this time opportunely caused the Achaeans to leave their
alliance with Philip and join that of Rome, it is clear that the
whole league would have been utterly ruined. But as it was,
this man and this policy were confessedly the sources, not only
of security to individual Achaeans at the time, but of the
aggrandisement of the whole league. Therefore he was not
looked upon as a traitor, but universally honoured as a benefactor
and saviour of the country. The same principle will
hold good in the case of all others who regulate their policy
and measures by the necessities of the hour.</p>

<p><a name="b18_14" id="b18_14"><b>14.</b></a> From this point of view fault might be found
with Demosthenes, admirable as he is in
many respects,<span class="sidenote">Comparison of
the policy of the
Achaeans and
other Peloponnesians
towards
Philip V. with that
recommended
by Demosthenes
towards Philip II.</span>
for having rashly and indiscriminately
launched an exceedingly bitter
charge at the most illustrious Greeks. For he
asserted that in Arcadia, Cercidas, Hieronymus,
and Eucampidas were traitors to Greece for
making an alliance with Philip; in Messene
the sons of Philiades, Neon and Thrasylochus;
in Argos, Mystis, Teledamus, one Mnaseas; in Thessaly,
Daochus and Cineas; in Boeotia, Theogeiton and Timolas:
and many more besides he has included in the same category,
naming them city by city; and yet all these men have a
weighty and obvious plea to urge in defence of their conduct,
and above all those of Arcadia and Messene.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> For it was by
their bringing Philip into the Peloponnese, and humbling the
Lacedaemonians, that these men in the first place enabled all
its inhabitants to breathe again, and conceive the idea of
liberty; and in the next place, by recovering the territory and
cities which the Lacedaemonians in the hour of prosperity had
taken from the Messenians, Megalopolitans, Tegeans, and
Argives, notoriously raised the fortunes of their own countries.<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">80</a>
In return for this they were bound not to make war
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span>
on Philip and the Macedonians, but to do all they could to
promote his reputation and honour. Now, if they had been
doing all this, or if they had admitted a garrison from Philip
into their native cities, or had abolished their constitutions
and deprived their fellow-citizens of liberty and freedom of
speech, for the sake of their own private advantage or power,
they would have deserved this name of traitor. But if, while
carefully maintaining their duty to their countries, they yet
differed in their judgment of politics, and did not consider
that their interests were the same as those of the Athenians,
it is not, I think, fair that they should have been called traitors
on that account by Demosthenes. The man who measures
everything by the interests of his own particular state, and
imagines that all the Greeks ought to have their eyes fixed
upon Athens, on the pain of being styled traitors, seems to me
to be ill-informed and to be labouring under a strange delusion,
especially as the course which events in Greece took at
that time has borne witness to the wisdom, not of Demosthenes,
but of Eucampidas, Hieronymus, Cercidas, and the sons of
Philiades.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 338.</span>
For what did the Athenians eventually get by their
opposition to Philip? Why, the crowning disaster
of the defeat at Chaeronea. And had it not
been for the king&#8217;s magnanimity and regard for his own reputation,
their misfortunes would have gone even further, thanks
to the policy of Demosthenes. Whereas, owing to the men I
have mentioned, security and relief from attacks of the Lacedaemonians
were obtained for Arcadia and Messenia generally,
and many advantages accrued to their states separately.</p>

<p><a name="b18_15" id="b18_15"><b>15.</b></a> It is not easy then to define to whom one may properly
apply this name. The nearest approach to truth<span class="sidenote">The true traitor
is the man who
acts with personal
objects or from
party spirit.</span>
would be to assign it to those who in times of
public danger, either for the sake of personal
security or advantage, or to retaliate upon political
opponents, put their cities into the hands
of the enemy: or indeed to those who, by admitting a foreign
garrison, and employing external assistance to carry out private
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span>
aims and views, bring their country under the direction of a
superior power. All such men as these one might include in
the category of traitors with perfect reasonableness. Such men,
indeed, gain neither profit nor honour, but the reverse, as
every one acknowledges.<span class="sidenote">The reward of
treason.</span>
And this brings me
back to my original observation, that it is difficult
to understand with what object, and supported
by what reasoning, men rush upon such a disastrous position.
For no one ever yet betrayed his city or camp or fort without
being detected; but even if a man here and there managed
to conceal it at the moment of his crime, yet all have been
detected in the course of time. Nor when known has any
such ever had a happy life; but, as a rule, they meet with the
punishment they deserve from the very persons in whose
favour they act. For, indeed, though generals and princes
constantly employ traitors for their own purposes;<span class="sidenote">Demosth. <i>de
Corona</i>, &sect; 47.</span>
yet when
they have got all they can out of them, they
treat them thenceforth as traitors, as Demosthenes
says; very naturally considering that
those, who have put their country and original friends into the
hands of their enemies, are never likely to be really loyal or
to keep faith with themselves. Nay, even though they escape
violence at the hands of these, yet they do not easily avoid
the vengeance of those whom they betrayed. Or if, finally,
they manage to evade the designs of both the one and the
other, yet all over the world fame dogs their footsteps with
vengeance to their lives&#8217; end, suggesting to their imaginations
night and day numberless terrors, false and true; helping and
hounding on all who design any evil against them; and, finally,
refusing to allow them even in sleep to forget their crimes, but
forcing them to dream of every kind of plot and disaster,
because they are aware of the universal loathing and hatred
which attend them. Yet, though all this is true, nobody who
wanted one was ever at a loss for a traitor, except in the rarest
cases. From which one might say with some plausibility that
man, reputed the most cunning of animals, gives considerable
grounds for being regarded as the stupidest. For the other
animals, which obey their bodily appetites alone, can be
deceived by these alone; while man, though he has reason
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>
to guide him, is led into error by the failure of that reason no
less than by his physical appetites....</p>

<p><a name="b18_16" id="b18_16"><b>16.</b></a> King Attalus had for some time past been held in
extraordinary honour by the Sicyonians,<span class="sidenote">Attalus in Sicyon,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 198.</span>
ever
since the time that he ransomed the sacred
land of Apollo for them at the cost of a large
sum of money; in return for which they set up the colossal
statue of him, ten cubits high, near the temple of Apollo in
the market-place. But on this occasion, on his presenting
them with ten talents and ten thousand medimni of wheat,
their devotion to him was immensely increased; and they
accordingly voted him a statue of gold, and passed a law to
offer sacrifice in his honour every year. With these honours,
then, Attalus departed to Cenchreae<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">81</a>....</p>

<p><a name="b18_17" id="b18_17"><b>17.</b></a> The tyrant Nabis, leaving Timocrates of Pellene at
Argos,&mdash;because he trusted him more than any
one else<span class="sidenote">The cruelty of
Apega, wife of
Nabis.</span>
and employed him in his most important
undertakings,&mdash;returned to Sparta: and
thence, after some few days, despatched his wife with instructions
to go to Argos and raise money. On her arrival she far
surpassed Nabis himself in cruelty. For she summoned women
to her presence either privately or in families, and inflicted
every kind of torture and violence upon them, until she had
extorted from almost all of them, not only their gold ornaments,
but also the most valuable parts of their clothing....</p>

<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197.
King Attalus
before the assembled
Boeotians.<br />
See Livy, 33, 2.</span>
In a speech of considerable length Attalus
reminded them of the ancient valour of their
ancestors....<br /><br /><br /></p>

<h3>THE END OF THE FIRST MACEDONIAN WAR</h3>

<p><a name="b18_18" id="b18_18"><b>18.</b></a> Flamininus being unable to ascertain where the enemy
were encamped, but yet being clearly informed<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197, at the
beginning of
spring.
Livy, 33, 1.</span>
that they had entered Thessaly, gave orders
to all his men to cut stakes to carry with them,
ready for use at any moment. This seems impossible
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>
to Greek habits, but to those of Rome it is easy. For
the Greeks find it difficult to hold even<span class="sidenote">The methods of
forming palisades
among the Greeks
and Romans.</span>
their
sarissae on the march, and can scarcely bear
the fatigue of them; but the Romans strap
their shields to their shoulders with leathern
thongs, and, having nothing but their javelins in their hands,
can stand the additional burden of a stake. There is also
a great difference between the stakes employed by the two
peoples. The Greeks hold that the best stake is that which
has the largest and most numerous shoots growing round the
stem; but the Roman stakes have only two or three side shoots,
or at most four; and those are selected which have these
shoots on one side only. The result is that their porterage is
very easy (for each man carries three or four packed together),
and they make an exceedingly secure palisade when put
into use. For the Greek palisading, when set in the front of
the camp, in the first place can easily be pulled down; for
since the part that is firm and tightly fixed in the ground is
single, while the projecting arms of it are many and large, two
or three men can get hold of the same stake by its projecting
arms, and easily pull it up; and directly that is done, its
breadth is so great that a regular gateway is made: and because
in such a palisade the stakes are not closely interlaced or
interwoven with each other, when one is pulled up the part
next to it is made insecure. With the Romans it is quite
different. For as soon as they fix their stakes, they interlace
them in such a manner that it is not easy to know to which of
the stems fixed in the ground the branches belong, nor on
which of these branches the smaller shoots are growing.
Moreover, it is impossible to insert the hand and grasp them,
owing to the closeness of the interlacing of the branches and
the way they lie one upon another, and because the main
branches are also carefully cut so as to have sharp ends. Nor,
if one is got hold of, is it easy to pull up: because, in the first
place, all the stakes are sufficiently tightly secured in the
ground to be self-supporting; and, in the second place, because
the man who pulls away one branch must, owing to the close
interlacing, be able to move several others in its train; and it is
quite unlikely that two or three men should happen to get hold
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>
of the same stake. But even if, by the exertion of enormous
force, a man has succeeded in pulling one or another up, the
gap is scarcely perceptible. Considering, therefore, the vast
superiority of this method, both in the readiness with which
such stakes are found, the ease with which they are carried,
and the security and durability of the palisade made with
them, it is plain, in my opinion, that if any military operation
of the Romans deserves to be admired and imitated, it is this.</p>

<p><a name="b18_19" id="b18_19"><b>19.</b></a> After providing for contingencies by these preparations,
Flamininus advanced with his whole force at a moderate pace,
and, having arrived at about fifty stades from Pherae, pitched
a camp there; and next morning,<span class="sidenote">Flamininus
marches to Pherae
in Thessaly.</span>
just before
the morning watch, sent out some reconnoitring
parties to see whether they could get any opportunity
of discovering the position and movements of the
enemy.
Philip, at the same time, being informed that the
<span class="sidenote">Thebae Pthiotides.</span>
Romans were encamped near Thebes, started
with his whole force from Larisa in the direction
of Pherae. When about thirty stades from
that town, he pitched his camp there, and gave orders for all
his men to make their preparations early next morning, and
about the morning watch got his troops on the march. The
division whose usual duty it was to form the advance guard he
sent forward first, with instructions to cross the heights above
Pherae, while he personally superintended the main army&#8217;s
advance from the camp as the day was breaking.<span class="sidenote">The advanced
guards of the two
armies meet.</span>
The
advanced guards of the two armies were within a very little of
coming into collision in the pass; for the darkness
prevented their seeing each other until they
were quite a short distance apart. Both sides
halted, and sent speedy intelligence to their respective leaders
of what had happened, and asking for instructions....</p>

<p>[The generals decided] to remain in their intrenchments,
and recall these advanced guards. Next morning both sent
out about three hundred cavalry and light infantry to reconnoitre,
among which Flamininus also sent two squadrons of
Aetolians, because they were acquainted with the country.
These opposing reconnoitring parties fell in with each other
on the road between Pherae and Larisa, and joined battle
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span>
with great fury. The men under Eupolemus the Aetolian
fighting gallantly, and urging the Italian troops to do the
same, the Macedonians were repulsed; and, after skirmishing
for a long while, both parties retired to their respective
camps.</p>

<p><a name="b18_20" id="b18_20"><b>20.</b></a> Dissatisfied with the country near Pherae, as being
thickly wooded and full of walls and gardens,<span class="sidenote">Autumn of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197.
Both Philip and
Flamininus
advance towards
Scotusa, on
opposite sides of
a range of hills.</span>
both parties broke up their camps next day.
Philip directed his march towards Scotusa, because
he desired to supply himself with provisions
from that town, and thus, with all his
preparations complete, to find a district more
suitable to his army: while Flamininus,
divining his intention, got his army on the march at the
same time as Philip, in great haste to anticipate him in
securing the corn in the territory of Scotusa. A range
of hills intervening between their two lines of march, the
Romans could not see in what direction the Macedonians were
marching, nor the Macedonians the Romans. Both armies,
however, continued their march during this day, Flamininus to
Eretria in Phthiotis, and Philip to the river Onchestus; and
there they respectively pitched their camps. Next day they
advanced again, and again encamped: Philip at Melambium
in the territory of Scotusa, and Flamininus at the temple of
Thetis in that of Pharsalus, being still ignorant of each other&#8217;s
whereabouts. A violent storm of rain and thunder coming
on next day, the whole atmosphere descended from the clouds
to the earth about the time of the morning watch, so that the
darkness was too dense to see even those who were quite
close. In spite of this, Philip was so eager to accomplish his
object, that he started with his whole army; but finding himself
much embarrassed on the march by the mist, after accomplishing
a very small distance he again encamped; but he sent
his reserve back, with instructions to halt upon the summit of
the intervening hills.<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">82</a></p>

<p><a name="b18_21" id="b18_21"><b>21.</b></a> Flamininus, in his camp near the temple of Thetis,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span>
being uncertain as to the position of the enemy,<span class="sidenote">Another skirmish
between detached
parties.</span>
sent out ten troops of cavalry and a thousand
light infantry in advance, with instructions to
keep a careful look-out as they traversed the country. As
these men were approaching the ridge of the hills they came
upon the Macedonian reserve without expecting it, owing to
the dimness of the light. After a short interval of mutual
alarm, both sides began irregular attacks on each other, and
both despatched messengers to their respective chiefs to give
information of what had occurred; and when the Romans
began to get the worst of it in the encounter, and to suffer
heavily at the hands of the Macedonian reserve, they sent to
their camp begging for supports. Flamininus accordingly
despatched the Aetolians under Archedamus and Eupolemus,
as well as two of his own tribunes, with a force altogether of
five hundred cavalry and two thousand infantry, after properly
exhorting them to do their duty. On their arrival to the
support of the skirmishing party already engaged, the aspect of
affairs was promptly changed. For the Romans, inspired by
the hope which this reinforcement gave, renewed the contest
with redoubled spirit; while the Macedonians, though offering
a gallant defence, were now in their turn hard pressed, and
being forced to make a general retreat, retired to the highest
points in the hills, and despatched messengers to the king for
help.</p>

<p><a name="b18_22" id="b18_22"><b>22.</b></a> But Philip, who had not expected, for reasons indicated
above, that a general engagement would
take place on that day,<span class="sidenote">Philip sends
supports.</span>
happened to have sent
a considerable part of his troops out of camp
foraging. But when informed of what was taking place by
these messengers, the mist at the same time beginning to lift,
he despatched, with due exhortation, Heracleides of Gyrton,
the commander of his Thessalian cavalry; Leon, the general
of his Macedonian horse; and Athenagoras, with all the mercenaries
except those from Thrace. The reserve being joined
by these troops, and the Macedonian force having thus become
a formidable one, they advanced against the enemy, and in
their turn drove the Romans back from the heights. But what
prevented them, more than anything else, from entirely routing
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span>
the enemy was the gallantry of the Aetolian cavalry, which
fought with desperate fury and reckless valour.
<span class="sidenote">Valour of the
Aetolian cavalry.</span>
For the Aetolians are as superior to the rest of
the Greeks in cavalry for fighting in skirmishing
order, troop to troop, or man to man, as they are inferior
to them both in the arms and tactics of their infantry for the
purpose of a general engagement. The enemy being held in
check therefore by these troops, the Romans were not forced
back again quite on to the level ground, but, after retiring to a
short distance, faced round and halted.<span class="sidenote">Cynoscephalae.
Flamininus offers
battle, which
Philip, against his
better judgment,
accepts.</span> But
when Flamininus saw that not only had the
cavalry and light infantry retired, but that,
owing to them, his whole force was rendered
uneasy, he drew out his entire army and got
them into order of battle close to the hills. Meanwhile one
man after another of the Macedonian reserve ran towards
Philip shouting out, &#8220;King, the enemy are flying: do not let
slip the opportunity. The barbarians cannot stand before us:
now is the day for you to strike: now is your opportunity!&#8221;
The result was that he was induced to fight in spite of his dissatisfaction
with the ground. For these hills, which are
called Cynoscephalae, are rough, precipitous, and of considerable
height; and it was because he foresaw the disadvantages
of such a ground, that he was originally disinclined to
accept battle there; but, being excited now by the extravagantly
sanguine reports of these messengers, he gave the order
for his army to be drawn out of camp.</p>

<p><a name="b18_23" id="b18_23"><b>23.</b></a> Having got his main body into order, Flamininus gave
his attention at the same time to relieving his
advanced guard,<span class="sidenote">Flamininus
addresses his men,
and advances
to the attack.</span>
and to going along the ranks
to encourage his men. His exhortation was
short, but clear and intelligible to the hearers:
for, pointing to the enemy with his hand, he said to his soldiers:
&#8220;Are not these the Macedonians, my men, whom, when
occupying in their own country the pass to Eordaea, you routed
in open battle, under the command of Sulpicius, and drove to
take refuge on the hills with the loss of many of their comrades?
Are not these the Macedonians whom, when defended
by what seemed an impassable country in Epirus, you dislodged
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>
by sheer valour, and forced to throw away their shields
and fly right into Macedonia? Why then should you feel any
hesitation when you are to fight the same men on equal
ground? Why look anxiously to the past, rather than let that
past minister courage to you for the present? Therefore, my
men, rouse each other by mutual exhortations, and hasten in
your might to the struggle! For, with God&#8217;s will, I am persuaded
that this battle will quickly have the same issue as the
contests in the past.&#8221; With these words he ordered his right
wing to remain where they were, and the elephants in front of
them;<span class="sidenote">The advanced
guard are
encouraged.</span>
while with his left, supported by the
light infantry, he advanced in gallant style to
attack the enemy. And the Roman troops
already on the field, finding themselves thus reinforced by
the legions on their rear, once more faced round and charged
their opponents.</p>

<p><a name="b18_24" id="b18_24"><b>24.</b></a> Meanwhile, when he had seen the main part of his
army in position outside the camp,<span class="sidenote">Philip also
advances and
occupies the hills.</span>
Philip himself
advanced with his peltasts and the right
wing of his phalanx, commencing the ascent of
the hills with great rapidity, and having left instructions with
Nicanor, surnamed the Elephant, to see that the rest of the
army followed at once. As soon as his first files reached the
summit, he deployed his men into line by the left, and occupied
the range of high ground: for the Macedonians who had
been sent in advance had forced the Romans a considerable
distance down the other side of the hills, and therefore he
found the ridges unoccupied by the enemy. But while he
was still engaged in getting the right wing of his army into line,
his mercenaries came on the ground, having been decisively
repulsed by the enemy. For when the Roman light infantry
found themselves supported by the heavy, as I said just now,
with their assistance, which they regarded as turning the scale
in their favour, they made a furious charge on the enemy, and
killed a large number of them.<span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s advanced
guard defeated.</span>
When the king first came on
the ground, and saw that the fighting between
the light armed was going on near the enemy&#8217;s
camp, he was delighted: but when, on the
other hand, he saw his own men giving ground and requiring
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span>
support, he was compelled to give it, and allow the necessities
of the moment to decide the fortunes of the whole day, in
spite of the fact that the greater part of his phalanx was still
on the march and engaged in mounting the hills. Receiving
therefore the men who had been already engaged, he massed
them all upon his right wing, both infantry and cavalry;
while he ordered the peltasts and heavy armed to double their
depth and close up to the right. By the time this was effected
the enemy were close at hand; and, accordingly, the word was
given to the phalanx to lower spears and charge; to the light
infantry to cover their flank. At the same time Flamininus
also, having received his advanced party into the intervals between
his maniples, charged the enemy.</p>

<p><a name="b18_25" id="b18_25"><b>25.</b></a> The charge was made with great violence and loud
shouting on both sides:
<span class="sidenote">The battle.</span> for both advancing
parties raised their war cry, while those who
were not actually engaged shouted encouragement to those
that were; and the result was a scene of the wildest excitement,
terrible in the last degree.<span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s right wing
repulse the
Roman left.</span>
Philip&#8217;s right
wing came off brilliantly in the encounter, for
they were charging down hill and were superior
in weight, and their arms were far more suited for the actual
conditions of the struggle: but as for the rest of the army, that
part of it which was in the rear of the actual fighters did not get
into contact with the enemy; while the left wing, which had
but just made the ascent, was only beginning to show on the
ridge. Seeing that his men were unable to stand the charge
of the phalanx, and that his left wing was losing ground, some
having already fallen and the rest slowly retiring,<span class="sidenote">Successful advance
of the Roman
right.</span>
but that
hopes of saving himself still remained on the
right, Flamininus hastily transferred himself to
the latter wing; and when he perceived that
the enemy&#8217;s force was not well together&mdash;part being in contact
with the actual fighters, part just in the act of mounting the
ridge, and part halting on it and not yet beginning to descend,<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">83</a>&mdash;
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span>
keeping the elephants in front he led the maniples of his right
against the enemy. The Macedonians having no one to give
them orders, and unable to form a proper phalanx, owing to
the inequalities of the ground and to the fact that, being
engaged in trying to come up with the actual combatants, they
were still in column of march, did not even wait for the Romans
to come to close quarters: but, thrown into confusion by the
mere charge of the elephants, their ranks were disordered and
they broke into flight.</p>

<p><a name="b18_26" id="b18_26"><b>26.</b></a> The main body of the Roman right followed and
slaughtered the flying Macedonians.<span class="sidenote">The Macedonian
phalanx
outflanked.</span>
But one
of the tribunes, with about twenty maniples,
having made up his mind on his own account
what ought to be done next, contributed by his action very
greatly to the general victory. He saw that the division
which was personally commanded by Philip was much farther
forward than the rest of the enemy, and was pressing hard
upon the Roman left by its superior weight; he therefore left
the right, which was by this time clearly victorious, and directing
his march towards the part of the field where a struggle
was still going on, he managed to get behind the Macedonians
and charge them on the rear. The nature of the phalanx is
such that the men cannot face round singly and defend themselves:
this tribune, therefore, charged them and killed all he
could get at; until, being unable to defend themselves, they
were forced to throw down their shields and fly; whereupon
the Romans in their front, who had begun to yield, faced round
again and charged them too. At first, as I have said, Philip,
judging from the success of his own division, felt certain of a
complete victory; but when he saw his Macedonians all on a
sudden throwing away their shields, and the enemy close upon
their rear,<span class="sidenote">The king quits
the field and flies.</span>
he withdrew with a small body of foot
and horse a short distance from the field and
took a general survey of the whole battle: and
when he observed that the Romans in their pursuit of his left
wing were already approaching the tops of the hills, he rallied as
many Thracians and Macedonians as he could at the moment,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>
and fled. As Flamininus was pursuing the fugitives he came
upon the lines of the Macedonian left, just as they were scaling
the ridge in their attempt to cross the hills, and at first halted
in some surprise because the enemy held their spears straight
up, as is the custom of the Macedonians when surrendering
themselves or intending to pass over to the enemy. Presently,
having had the reason of this movement explained to him, he
held his men back, thinking it best to spare the lives of those
whom fear had induced to surrender. But whilst he was still
reflecting on this matter, some of the advanced guard rushed
upon these men from some higher ground and put most of
them to the sword, while the few survivors threw away their
shields and escaped by flight.</p>

<p><a name="b18_27" id="b18_27"><b>27.</b></a> The battle was now at an end in every part of the
field; the Romans everywhere victorious; and Philip in full
retreat towards Tempe.<span class="sidenote">Philip retreats to
Tempe.</span>
The first night he
passed at what is called Alexander&#8217;s tower; the
next day he got as far as Gonni, on the pass
into Tempe, and there remained, with a view of collecting the
survivors of the battle.</p>

<p>But the Romans, after following the fugitives for a certain
distance, returned; and some employed themselves in stripping
the dead;<span class="sidenote">The Romans soon
abandon pursuit
and devote themselves
to the plunder.</span>
others in collecting the captives;
while the majority hurried to the plunder of the
enemy&#8217;s camp. But there they found that the
Aetolians had been beforehand with them; and
thinking, therefore, that they were deprived of
their fair share of the booty, they began grumbling at the
Aetolians and protesting to their general that &#8220;he imposed the
dangers upon them, but yielded the spoil to others.&#8221; For the
present, however, they returned to their own camp, and passed
the night in their old quarters: but next morning they employed
themselves in collecting the prisoners and the remainder
of the spoils, and then started on the march towards Larisa.
<span class="sidenote">The losses on
both sides.</span>
In the battle the Romans lost seven hundred
men; the Macedonians eight thousand killed,
and not less than five thousand taken prisoners.</p>

<p>Such was the result of the battle at Cynoscephalae in
Thessaly between the Romans and Philip.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b18_28" id="b18_28"><b>28.</b></a> In my sixth book I made a promise, still unfulfilled, of
taking a fitting opportunity of drawing a comparison between
the arms of the Romans and Macedonians, and their respective
system of tactics, and pointing out how they differ
for better or worse from each other. I will now endeavour by
a reference to actual facts to fulfil that promise. For since in
former times the Macedonian tactics proved themselves by
experience capable of conquering those of Asia and Greece;
while the Roman tactics sufficed to conquer the nations of
Africa and all those of Western Europe; and since in our
own day there have been numerous opportunities of comparing
the men as well as their tactics,&mdash;it will be, I think, a
useful and worthy task to investigate their differences, and discover
why it is that the Romans conquer and carry off the
palm from their enemies in the operations of war: that we may
not put it all down to Fortune, and congratulate them on their
good luck, as the thoughtless of mankind do; but, from a
knowledge of the true causes, may give their leaders the tribute
of praise and admiration which they deserve.</p>

<p>Now as to the battles which the Romans fought with Hannibal,
and the defeats which they sustained in them, I need say no
more.<span class="sidenote">The Roman defeats
in the Punic
wars were not
from
inferior tactics,
but owing the genius of
Hannibal.</span>
It was not owing to their arms or their
tactics, but to the skill and genius of Hannibal
that they met with those defeats: and that I made
quite clear in my account of the battles themselves.
And my contention is supported by
two facts. First, by the conclusion of the war:
for as soon as the Romans got a general of ability comparable
with that of Hannibal, victory was not long in following
their banners. Secondly, Hannibal himself, being dissatisfied
with the original arms of his men, and having immediately after
his first victory furnished his troops with the arms of the
Romans, continued to employ them thenceforth to the end.<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">84</a>
Pyrrhus, again, availed himself not only of the arms, but also
of the troops of Italy, placing a maniple of Italians and a
company of his own phalanx alternately, in his battles against
the Romans. Yet even this did not enable him to win; the
battles were somehow or another always indecisive.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span></p>

<p>It was necessary to speak first on these points, to anticipate
any instances which might seem to make against my theory.
I will now return to my comparison.</p>

<p><a name="b18_29" id="b18_29"><b>29.</b></a> Many considerations may easily convince us that, if
only the phalanx has its proper formation and strength, nothing
can resist it face to face or withstand its charge. For as a man
in close order of battle occupies a space of three feet; and as
the length of the sarissae is sixteen cubits according to the
original design, which has been reduced in practice to fourteen;
and as of these fourteen four must be deducted, to allow for
the distance between the two hands holding it, and to balance
the weight in front; it follows clearly that each hoplite will have
ten cubits of his sarissa projecting beyond his body, when he
lowers it with both hands, as he advances against the enemy:
hence, too, though the men of the second, third, and fourth
rank will have their sarissae projecting farther beyond the front
rank than the men of the fifth, yet even these last will have two
cubits of their sarissae beyond the front rank; if only the
phalanx is properly formed and the men close up properly both
flank and rear, like the description in Homer<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a>&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;So buckler pressed on buckler; helm on helm;</div>
<div class="line">And man on man: and waving horse-hair plumes</div>
<div class="line">In polished head-piece mingled, as they swayed</div>
<div class="line">In order: in such serried rank they stood.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>And if my description is true and exact, it is clear that in front
of each man of the front rank there will be five sarissae projecting
to distances varying by a descending scale of two cubits.</p>

<p><a name="b18_30" id="b18_30"><b>30.</b></a> With this point in our minds, it will not be difficult to
imagine what the appearance and strength of the whole phalanx
is likely to be, when, with lowered sarissae, it advances to the
charge sixteen deep. Of these sixteen ranks, all above the fifth
are unable to reach with their sarissae far enough to take actual
part in the fighting. They, therefore, do not lower them, but
hold them with the points inclined upwards over the shoulders
of the ranks in front of them, to shield the heads of the whole
phalanx; for the sarissae are so closely serried, that they repel
missiles which have carried over the front ranks and might fall
upon the heads of those in the rear. These rear ranks, however,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span>
during an advance, press forward those in front by the
weight of their bodies; and thus make the charge very forcible,
and at the same time render it impossible for the front ranks
to face about.</p>

<p>Such is the arrangement, general and detailed, of the
phalanx. It remains now to compare<span class="sidenote">The Roman more
open order compared
with the
phalanx.</span>
with it
the peculiarities and distinctive features of the
Roman arms and tactics. Now, a Roman
soldier in full armour also requires a space of
three square feet. But as their method of fighting admits of
individual motion for each man&mdash;because he defends his body
with a shield, which he moves about to any point from which
a blow is coming, and because he uses his sword both for
cutting and stabbing,&mdash;it is evident that each man must have
a clear space, and an interval of at least three feet both on
flank and rear, if he is to do his duty with any effect. The
result of this will be that each Roman soldier will face two of
the front rank of a phalanx, so that he has to encounter and
fight against ten spears, which one man cannot find time even
to cut away, when once the two lines are engaged, nor force
his way through easily&mdash;seeing that the Roman front ranks are
not supported by the rear ranks, either by way of adding weight
to their charge, or vigour to the use of their swords. Therefore
it may readily be understood that, as I said before, it is impossible
to confront a charge of the phalanx, so long as it
retains its proper formation and strength.</p>

<p><a name="b18_31" id="b18_31"><b>31.</b></a> Why is it then that the Romans conquer? And what is
it that brings disaster on those who employ the
phalanx?<span class="sidenote">Why the phalanx
fails.</span>
Why, just because war is full of uncertainties
both as to time and place; whereas
there is but one time and one kind of ground in which a
phalanx can fully work. If, then, there were anything to compel
the enemy to accommodate himself to the time and place
of the phalanx, when about to fight a general engagement, it
would be but natural to expect that those who employed the
phalanx would always carry off the victory. But if the enemy
finds it possible, and even easy, to avoid its attack, what
becomes of its formidable character? Again, no one denies
that for its employment it is indispensable to have a country<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>
flat, bare, and without such impediments as ditches, cavities,
depressions, steep banks, or beds of rivers: for all such
obstacles are sufficient to hinder and dislocate this particular
formation. And that it is, I may say, impossible, or at any rate
exceedingly rare to find a piece of country of twenty stades, or
sometimes of even greater extent, without any such obstacles,
every one will also admit. However, let us suppose that such
a district has been found. If the enemy decline to come
down into it, but traverse the country sacking the towns and
territories of the allies, what use will the phalanx be? For if
it remains on the ground suited to itself, it will not only fail
to benefit its friends, but will be incapable even of preserving
itself; for the carriage of provisions will be easily stopped by
the enemy, seeing that they are in undisputed possession of
the country: while if it quits its proper ground, from the wish
to strike a blow, it will be an easy prey to the enemy. Nay,
if a general does descend into the plain, and yet does not risk
his whole army upon one charge of the phalanx or upon
one chance, but man&#339;uvres for a time to avoid coming to
close quarters in the engagement, it is easy to learn what will
be the result from what the Romans are now actually doing.</p>

<p><a name="b18_32" id="b18_32"><b>32.</b></a> For no speculation is any longer required to test the
accuracy of what I am now saying: that can be done by referring
to accomplished facts.</p>

<p>The Romans do not, then, attempt to extend their front to
equal that of a phalanx, and then charge directly upon it with
their whole force: but some of their divisions are kept in reserve,
while others join battle with the enemy at close quarters.
Now, whether the phalanx in its charge drives its opponents
from their ground, or is itself driven back, in either case its
peculiar order is dislocated; for whether in following the
retiring, or flying from the advancing enemy, they quit the
rest of their forces: and when this takes place, the enemy&#8217;s
reserves can occupy the space thus left, and the ground which
the phalanx had just before been holding, and so no longer
charge them face to face, but fall upon them on their flank
and rear. If, then, it is easy to take precautions against the
opportunities and peculiar advantages of the phalanx, but impossible
to do so in the case of its disadvantages, must it not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>
follow that in practice the difference between these two systems is
enormous? Of course those generals who employ the phalanx
must march over ground of every description, must pitch
camps, occupy points of advantage, besiege, and be besieged,
and meet with unexpected appearances of the enemy: for all
these are part and parcel of war, and have an important and
sometimes decisive influence on the ultimate victory. And
in all these cases the Macedonian phalanx is difficult, and
sometimes impossible to handle, because the men cannot act
either in squads or separately.<span class="sidenote">Flexibility of the
Roman order.</span>
The Roman order on the
other hand is flexible: for every Roman, once
armed and on the field, is equally well equipped
for every place, time, or appearance of the
enemy. He is, moreover, quite ready and needs to make no
change, whether he is required to fight in the main body, or
in a detachment, or in a single maniple, or even by himself.
Therefore, as the individual members of the Roman force are
so much more serviceable, their plans are also much more
often attended by success than those of others.</p>

<p>I thought it necessary to discuss this subject at some
length, because at the actual time of the occurrence many
Greeks supposed when the Macedonians were beaten that it
was incredible; and many will afterwards be at a loss to
account for the inferiority of the phalanx to the Roman
system of arming.</p>

<p><a name="b18_33" id="b18_33"><b>33.</b></a> Philip having thus done all he could in the battle,
but having been decisively beaten,<span class="sidenote">Prudent conduct
of Philip.</span>
after taking
up as many of the survivors as he could, proceeded
through Tempe into Macedonia. On
the night previous to his start he sent one of his guard to
Larisa, with orders to destroy and burn the king&#8217;s correspondence.
And it was an act worthy of a king to retain, even in
the midst of disaster, a recollection of a necessary duty. For
he knew well enough that, if these papers came into the possession
of the Romans, they would give many handles to the
enemy both against himself and his friends. It has, perhaps,
been the case with others that in prosperity they could not use
power with the moderation which becomes mortal men, while in
disaster they displayed caution and good sense; but certainly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span>
this was the case with Philip. And this will be made manifest
by what I shall subsequently relate. For as I showed without
reserve the justice of his measures at the beginning of his
reign, and the change for the worse which they subsequently
underwent; and showed when and why and how this took
place, with a detailed description of the actions in this part of
his career;<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> in the same way am I bound to set forth his
repentance, and the dexterity with which he changed with his
change of fortune, and may be said to have shown the highest
prudence in meeting this crisis in his affairs.</p>

<p>As for Flamininus, having after the battle taken the
necessary measures as to the captives and the rest of the
spoils, he proceeded to Larisa....</p>

<p><a name="b18_34" id="b18_34"><b>34.</b></a> Flamininus was much annoyed at the selfishness displayed
by the Aetolians in regard to the spoils;<span class="sidenote">Estrangement of
Aetolians.</span>
and had no idea of leaving them to be masters
of Greece after he had deprived Philip of his
supremacy there. He was irritated also by their braggadocio,
when he saw that they claimed all the credit of the victory,
and were filling Greece with the report of their valour.
Wherefore, wherever he met them he behaved with hauteur,
and never said a word on public business, but carried out all
his measures independently or by the agency of his own
friends.<span class="sidenote">Flamininus grants
fifteen days&#8217; truce
to Philip.</span>
While the relations between these two were in this
strained state, some few days after the battle
Demosthenes, Cycliadas, and Limnaeus came
on a mission from Philip; and, after considerable
discussion with them, Flamininus granted an immediate
armistice of fifteen days, and agreed to have a personal interview
also with Philip in the course of them to discuss the state of
affairs. And this interview being conducted in a courteous and
friendly manner, the suspicions entertained of Flamininus by the
Aetolians blazed forth with double fury. For as corruption, and
the habit of never doing anything without a bribe, had long been
a common feature in Greek politics, and as this was the acknowledged
characteristic of the Aetolians, they could not believe
that Flamininus could so change in his relations with Philip
without a bribe. They did not know the habits and principles
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>of the Romans on this subject; but judging from themselves
they concluded that there was every probability of Philip in
his present position offering a large sum of money, and of
Flamininus being unable to resist the temptation.</p>

<p><a name="b18_35" id="b18_35"><b>35.</b></a> If I had been speaking of an earlier period, and expressing
what was generally true,<span class="sidenote">The disinterestedness
of the Romans
generally
as to money.</span>
I should have had
no hesitation in asserting of the Romans as a
nation that they would not be likely to do such
a thing,&mdash;I mean in the period before they engaged
in wars beyond the sea, and while they retained their
own habits and principles uncontaminated.<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> But in the present
times I should not venture to say this of them all; still,
as individuals, I should be bold to say of the majority of the
men of Rome that they are capable of preserving their honesty
in this particular: and as evidence that I am making no impossible
assertion,<span class="sidenote">Lucius Aemilius
Paulus.</span>
I would quote two names which will command
general assent,&mdash;I mean first, Lucius Aemilius
who conquered Perseus, and won the kingdom of
Macedonia. In that kingdom, besides all the
other splendour and wealth, there was found in the treasury
more than six thousand talents of gold and silver: yet he was
so far from coveting any of this, that he even refused to see it,
and administered it by the hands of others; though he was far
from being superfluously wealthy himself, but, on the contrary,
was very badly off. At least, I know that on his death, which
occurred shortly after the war, when his own sons Publius
Scipio and Quintus Maximus wished to pay his wife her dowry,
amounting to twenty-five talents, they were reduced to such
straits that they would have been quite unable to do so if they
had not sold the household furniture and slaves, and some of
the landed property besides. And if what I say shall appear
incredible to any one, he may easily convince himself on the
subject: for though there are many controversies at Rome,
and especially on this particular point,<span class="sidenote">Publius Cornelius
Scipio Africanus
Minor.</span> arising from the antagonistic
parties among them, yet he will find
that what I have just said about Aemilius is
acknowledged by every one. Again, Publius
Scipio, son by blood of this Aemilius, and son by adoption
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>of Publius called the Great, when he got possession of Carthage,
reckoned the wealthiest city in the world, took absolutely
nothing from it for his own private use, either by purchase
or by any other manner of acquisition whatever, although
he was by no means a very rich man, but very moderately so
for a Roman. But he not only abstained from the wealth of
Carthage itself, but refused to allow anything from Africa at
all to be mixed up with his private property. Therefore, in
regard to this man once more, any one who chooses to inquire
will find that his reputation in this particular is absolutely
undisputed at Rome. I shall, however, take a more suitable
opportunity of treating this subject at greater length.</p>

<p><a name="b18_36" id="b18_36"><b>36.</b></a> Titus then having appointed Philip a day for the congress,
immediately wrote to the allies announcing
when they were to appear;<span class="sidenote">The congress of
Tempe, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197.</span>
and a few days
afterwards came himself to the pass of Tempe at the appointed
time. When the allies had assembled, and the congress met,
the Roman imperator rose and bade each say on what terms
they ought to make peace with Philip.<span class="sidenote">Speech of King
Amynandros.</span>
King Amynandros
then delivered a short and moderate speech,
merely asking that &#8220;they would all have some
consideration for him, to prevent Philip, as soon
as the Romans left Greece, from turning the whole weight of his
anger upon him; for the Athamanes were always an easy prey
to the Macedonians, because of their weakness and the close
contiguity of their territory.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">Alexander the
Aetolian.</span> When he had finished, Alexander
the Aetolian rose and complimented Flamininus
for &#8220;having assembled the allies in that
congress to discuss the terms of peace; and,
above all, for having on the present occasion called on each
to express his opinion. But he was deluded and mistaken,&#8221;
he added, &#8220;if he believed that by making terms with Philip
he would secure the Romans peace or the Greeks freedom. For
neither of these was possible. But if he desired to accomplish
both the design of his own government and his own
promises, which he had given to all the Greeks, there was one
way, and one only, of making terms with Macedonia, and that
was to eject Philip from his throne; and this could easily be
done if he did not let slip the present opportunity.&#8221;</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span></p>

<p>After some further arguments in support of this view he sat
down.</p>

<p><a name="b18_37" id="b18_37"><b>37.</b></a> Flamininus here took up the argument, and said that
&#8220;Alexander was mistaken not only as to the policy
of Rome,<span class="sidenote">Reply of
Flamininus.</span>
but also as to the object which he proposed
to himself, and above all as to the true
interests of Greece. For it was not the Roman way to utterly
destroy those with whom they had been at open war. A proof of
his assertion might be found in the war with Hannibal and the
Carthaginians; for though the Romans had received the severest
provocation at their hands, and afterwards had it in their
power to do absolutely what they pleased to them, yet they
had adopted no extreme measures against the Carthaginians.
For his part, moreover, he had never entertained the idea that
it was necessary to wage an inexpiable war with Philip; but on
the contrary had been prepared before the battle to come to
terms with him, if he would have submitted to the Roman
demands. He was surprised, therefore, that those who had
taken part in the former peace conference should now adopt a
tone of such irreconcilable hostility. Have we not conquered?
(say they). Yes, but this is the most senseless of arguments. For
brave men, when actually at war, should be terrible and full of
fire; when beaten, undaunted and courageous; when victorious,
on the other hand, moderate, placable, and humane. But
your present advice is the reverse of all this. Yet, in truth, to
the Greeks themselves it is greatly to their interest that Macedonia
should be humbled, but not at all so that she should
be destroyed. For it might chance thereby that they would
experience the barbarity of Thracians and Gauls, as has been
the case more than once already.&#8221; He then added that &#8220;the
final decision of himself and Roman colleagues was, that, if
Philip would consent to fulfil all the conditions formerly enjoined
by the allies, they would grant him peace, subject, of
course, to the approval of the Senate: and that the Aetolians
were free to take what measures they chose for themselves.&#8221;
Upon Phaeneas attempting to reply that &#8220;Everything done
hitherto went for nothing; for if Philip managed to extricate
himself from his present difficulties, he would at once
find some other occasion for hostilities,&#8221;&mdash;Flamininus sprang<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>
at once from his seat, and said, with some heat, &#8220;Cease this
trifling, Phaeneas! For I will so settle the terms of the peace
that Philip will be unable, even if he wished it, to molest the
Greeks.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b18_38" id="b18_38"><b>38.</b></a> After this they separated for that day. On the next the
king arrived: and on the third,<span class="sidenote">On the third day
of the conference
Philip appears.</span>
when all the
delegates were met for discussion, Philip entered,
and with great skill and tact diverted the
anger which they all entertained against him. For he
said that &#8220;He conceded the demands made on the former
occasion by the Romans and the allies, and remitted the decision
on the remaining points to the Senate.&#8221; But Phaeneas,
one of the Aetolians present, said: &#8220;Why then, Philip, do
not you restore to us Larisa Cremaste, Pharsalus, Phthiotid
Thebes, and Echinus?&#8221; Whereupon Philip bade them take
them over.<span class="sidenote">The Aetolians
checkmated by
Flamininus.</span> But Flamininus here interposed,
and forbade the Aetolians to take over any of
the towns except Phthiotid Thebes; &#8220;for upon
his approaching this town with his army, and summoning it to
submit to the Roman protection, the Thebans had refused;
and, as it had now come into his hands in the course of war,
he had the right of taking any measures he chose regarding it.&#8221;
Phaeneas and his colleagues indignantly protested at this, and
asserted that it was their clear right to recover the towns previously
members of their league, &#8220;first on the ground that
they had taken part in the recent war; and secondly in virtue
of their original treaty of alliance, according to which the movable
property of the conquered belonged to the Romans, the
towns to the Aetolians.&#8221; To which Flamininus answered that
&#8220;they were mistaken in both points; for their treaty with
Rome had been annulled when they abandoned the Romans,
and made terms with Philip: and, even supposing that treaty
to be still in force, they had no right to recover or take over
such cities as had voluntarily put themselves under the protection
of Rome, as the whole of the cities in Thessaly had done,
but only such as were taken by force.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b18_39" id="b18_39"><b>39.</b></a> The other members of the congress were delighted
at this speech of Flamininus.<span class="sidenote">The terms of the
peace settled.
Winter of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197.</span>
But the Aetolians
listened with indignation; and what proved
to be the beginning of serious evils was
engendered. For this quarrel was the spark
from which, not long afterwards, both the war with the Aetolians
and that with Antiochus flamed out. The principal
motive of Flamininus in being thus forward in coming to
terms was the information he had received that Antiochus
had started from Syria with an army, with the intention of
crossing over into Europe. Therefore he was anxious lest
Philip, catching at this chance, should determine to defend
the towns and protract the war; and lest meanwhile he should
himself be superseded by another commander from home, on
whom the honour of all that he had achieved would be
diverted. Therefore the terms which the king asked were
granted: namely, that he should have four months&#8217; suspension
of hostilities, paying Flamininus at once the two hundred
talents; delivering his son Demetrius and some others of his
friends as hostages; and sending to Rome to submit the
decision on the whole pacification to the Senate. Flamininus
and Philip then separated, after interchanging mutual pledges
of fidelity, on the understanding that, if the treaty were not
confirmed, Flamininus was to restore to Philip the two hundred
talents and the hostages. All the parties then sent ambassadors
to Rome, some to support and others to oppose the
settlement....</p>

<p><a name="b18_40" id="b18_40"><b>40.</b></a> Why is it that, though deceived again and again by the
same things and persons, we are unable to abandon
our blind folly?<span class="sidenote">Foolish credulity,
see ch. 13; and
31, 21.</span>
For this particular kind
of fraud has often been committed before now,
and by many. That other men should allow themselves to
be taken in is perhaps not astonishing; but it is wonderful
that those should do so who are the authors and origin of the
same kind of malpractice. But I suppose the cause is the
absence of that rule so happily expressed by Epicharmus:</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;Cool head and wise mistrust are wisdom&#8217;s sinews.&#8221;...</div>
</div></div></div>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span></p>

<h3>ASIA</h3>

<p><a name="b18_41" id="b18_41"><b>41.</b></a> [They endeavoured] to prevent Antiochus from sailing
along their coast, not from enmity to him, but from a
suspicion that by giving support to Philip he would become
an obstacle in the way of Greek liberty....</p>

<p>King Antiochus was very desirous of possessing Ephesus,
owing to its extremely convenient position; for it appeared to
occupy the position of an Acropolis for expeditions by land
and sea against Ionia and the cities of the Hellespont, and to
be always a most convenient base of operations for the kings
of Asia against Europe....</p>

<p>Of King Attalus, who now died, I think I ought to
speak a suitable word, as I have done in the
case of others. <span class="sidenote">Death of King
Attalus, who had
fallen ill at
Thebes, before
the battle of Cynoscephalae,
and
had been brought
home to die at
Pergamum,
autumn, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197.
Livy, 33, 21.</span>
Originally he had no other
external qualification for royalty except money
alone, which, indeed, if handled with good
sense and boldness, is of very great assistance
in every undertaking, but without these qualities
is in its nature the origin of evil, and, in fact,
of utter ruin to very many. For in the first
place it engenders envy and malicious plots,
and contributes largely to the destruction of body and soul.
For few indeed are the souls that are able by the aid of
wealth to repel dangers of this description. This king&#8217;s greatness
of mind therefore deserves our admiration, because he
never attempted to use his wealth for anything else but the
acquisition of royal power,&mdash;an object than which none greater
can be mentioned. Moreover he made the first step in this
design, not only by doing services to his friends and gaining
their affection, but also by achievements in war. For it was
after conquering the Gauls, the most formidable and warlike
nation at that time in Asia, that he assumed this rank and
first puts himself forward as king. And though he obtained
this honour, and lived seventy-two years, of which he reigned
forty-four, he passed a life of the utmost virtue and goodness
towards his wife and children; kept faith with all allies and
friends; and died in the midst of a most glorious campaign,
fighting for the liberty of the Greeks; and what is more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>
remarkable than all, though he left four grown-up sons, he so well
settled the question of succession, that the crown was handed
down to his children&#8217;s children without a single dispute....</p>

<h3>ITALY</h3>

<p><a name="b18_42" id="b18_42"><b>42.</b></a> After Marcus Marcellus had entered upon the consulship
the ambassadors from Philip,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 196. Coss.
L. Furius Purpureo,
M. Claudius
Marcellus. The
treaty with Philip
is confirmed.</span>
and from
Flamininus and the allies, arrived at Rome to
discuss the treaty with Philip; and after a
lengthened hearing the confirmation of the
terms was decreed in the Senate. But on the
matter being brought before the people, Marcus
Claudius, who was ambitious of being himself sent to Greece,
spoke against the treaty, and did his best to get it rejected.
The people however ratified the terms, in accordance with the
wish of Flamininus; and, upon this being settled, the Senate
immediately despatched a commission of ten men of high
rank to arrange the settlement of Greece in conjunction with
Flamininus, and to confirm the freedom of the Greeks.
Among others Damoxenus of Aegium and his colleagues,
envoys from the Achaean league, made a proposal in the
Senate for an alliance with Rome; but as some opposition
was raised to this at the time, on account of a counter-claim of
the Eleians upon Triphylia, and of the Messenians, who were
at the time actually in alliance with Rome, upon Asine and
Pylus, and of the Aetolians upon Heraea,&mdash;the decision was
referred to the commission of ten. Such were the proceedings
in the Senate....</p>

<h3>GREECE</h3>

<p><a name="b18_43" id="b18_43"><b>43.</b></a> After the battle of Cynoscephalae, as Flamininus was
wintering at Elateia, the Boeotians,<span class="sidenote">Philip allows his
Boeotian followers
to return home.</span>
being anxious
to recover their citizens who had served in
Philip&#8217;s army, sent an embassy to Flamininus
to try and secure their safety. Wishing to encourage the loyalty
of the Boeotians to himself, because he was already anxious
as to the action of Antiochus, he readily assented to their
petition. These men were promptly restored from Macedonia,
and one of them named Brachylles the Boeotians at once
elected Boeotarch; and in a similar spirit honoured and promoted,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span>
as much as before, such of the others as were thought
to be well disposed to the royal house of Macedonia. They
also sent an embassy to Philip to thank him for the return
of the young men,<span class="sidenote">Zeuxippus and
Peisistratus, heads
of the Romanising
party, determine
to get rid of
Brachylles,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 196.</span>
thus derogating from the favour done them
by Flamininus,&mdash;a measure highly disquieting
to Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, and all who were
regarded as partisans of Rome; because they
foresaw what would happen to themselves and
their families, knowing quite well that if the
Romans quitted Greece, and Philip remained
closely supporting the political party opposed to themselves, it
would be unsafe for them to remain citizens of Boeotia. They
therefore agreed among themselves to send an embassy to
Flamininus in Elateia: and having obtained an interview
with him, they made a lengthy and elaborate statement on
this subject, describing the state of popular feeling which was
now adverse to themselves, and discanting on the untrustworthiness
of democratic assemblies. And finally, they
ventured to say that &#8220;Unless they could overawe the common
people by getting rid of Brachylles, there could be no security
for the party in favour of Rome as soon as the legions departed.&#8221;
After listening to these arguments Flamininus replied that
&#8220;He would not personally take any part in such a measure,
but he would not hinder those who wished to do so.&#8221; Finally,
he bade them speak to Alexamenus the Strategus of the
Aetolians. Zeuxippus and his colleagues accepted the suggestion,
and communicated with Alexamenus, who at once consented;
and agreeing to carry out their proposal sent three
Aetolians and three Italians, all young men, to assassinate
Brachylles....</p>

<p>There is no more terrible witness,<span class="sidenote">Zeuxippus condemned
by his
own conscience.
See Livy, 33, 28.</span>
or more
formidable accuser, than the conscience which
resides in each man&#8217;s breast....</p>

<p><a name="b18_44" id="b18_44"><b>44.</b></a> About this same time the ten commissioners arrived
from Rome who were to effect the settlement
of Greece,<span class="sidenote">The Senatus
Consultum.</span>
bringing with them the decree of
the Senate on the peace with Philip. The
main points of the decree were these: &#8220;All other Greeks,
whether in Asia or Europe, to be free and enjoy their own<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span>
laws; but that Philip should hand over to the Romans those
at present under his authority, and all towns in which he had
a garrison, before the Isthmian games; and restore Euromus,
Pedasa, Bargylia, Iasus, Abydos, Thasus, Marinus, and Perinthus
to freedom, and remove his garrisons from them. That
Flamininus should write to Prusias commanding him to
liberate Cius, in accordance with the decree of the Senate.
That Philip should restore to the Romans within the same
period all captives and deserters; and likewise all decked
ships, except three and his one sixteen-banked vessel; and
should pay a thousand talents, half at once, and half by
instalments spread over ten years.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b18_45" id="b18_45"><b>45.</b></a> Upon this decree being published in Greece, it created
a feeling of confidence and gratification<span class="sidenote">Objections of the
Aetolians.</span>
in all
the communities except the Aetolians. These
last were annoyed at not getting all they expected,
and attempted to run down the decree by saying that
it was mere words, without anything practical in it; and they
based upon the clauses of the decree itself some such arguments
as follow, by way of disquieting those who would listen
to them. They said &#8220;That there were two distinct clauses in
the decree relating to the cities garrisoned by Philip: one
ordering him to remove those garrisons and to hand over the
cities to the Romans; the other bidding him withdraw his
garrisons and set the cities free. Those that were to be set
free were definitely named, and they were towns in Asia; and
it was plain, therefore, that those which were to be handed
over to the Romans were those in Europe, namely, Oreus,
Eretria, Chalcis, Demetrias, and Corinth. Hence it was
plain that the Romans were receiving the &#8216;fetters of Greece&#8217;
from the hands of Philip, and that the Greeks were getting,
not freedom, but a change of masters.&#8221;</p>

<p>These arguments of the Aetolians were repeated <i>ad
nauseam</i>. But, meanwhile, Flamininus left Elateia with the
ten commissioners, and having crossed to Anticyra, sailed
straight to Corinth, and there sat in council with the commissioners,
and considered the whole settlement to be made.
<span class="sidenote">The commissioners
sit at
Corinth, and declare
all Greek
cities free, except
the Acrocorinthus,
Demetrias, and
Chalcis.</span>
But as the adverse comments of the Aetolians
obtained wide currency, and were accepted by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span>
some, Flamininus was forced to enter upon
many elaborate arguments in the meetings of
the commission, trying to convince the commissioners
that if they wished to acquire unalloyed
praise from the Greeks, and to establish
firmly in the minds of all that they had originally come into
the country not to gain any advantage for Rome, but simply
to secure the freedom of Greece, they must abandon every
district and free all the cities now garrisoned by Philip. But
this was just the point in dispute among the commissioners;
for, as to all other cities, a decision had been definitely arrived
at in Rome, and the ten commissioners had express instructions;
but about Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias they had
been allowed a discretion on account of Antiochus, in order
that they might take such measures as they thought best from
a view of actual events. For it was notorious that this king
had for some time past been meditating an interference in
Europe. However, as far as Corinth was concerned, Flamininus
prevailed on the commissioners to free it at once and
restore it to the Achaean league, from respect to the terms of
the original agreement; but he retained the Acrocorinthus,
Demetrias, and Chalcis.</p>

<p><a name="b18_46" id="b18_46"><b>46.</b></a> When these decisions had been come to, the time for
the celebration of the Isthmian games arrived,<span class="sidenote">The Isthmian
games, July <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span>
196.</span>
The expectation of what would happen there
drew the men of highest rank from nearly every
quarter of the world; and there was a great deal of talk on the
subject from one end of the assembled multitude to the
other, and expressed in varied language. Some said that
from certain of the places and towns it was impossible that
the Romans could withdraw; while others asserted that they
would withdraw from those considered most important, but
would retain others that were less prominent, though capable
of being quite as serviceable. And such persons even took
upon themselves in their ingenuity to designate the precise
places which would be thus treated. While people were still
in this state of uncertainty, all the world being assembled on
the stadium to watch the games, the herald came forward,
and having proclaimed silence by the sound of a trumpet,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span>
delivered the following proclamation: &#8220;The senate of Rome
and Titus Quintius, proconsul and imperator,<span class="sidenote">Proclamation of
the freedom of
the Greek cities.</span>
having conquered King Philip and the Macedonians
in war, declare the following peoples
free, without garrison, or tribute, in full enjoyment of the laws
of their respective countries: namely, Corinthians, Phocians,
Locrians, Euboeans, Achaeans of Phthiotis, Magnesians, Thessalians,
Perrhaebians.&#8221;</p>

<p>Now as the first words of the proclamation were the signal
for a tremendous outburst of clapping,<span class="sidenote">An exciting scene.</span>
some of
the people could not hear it at all, and some
wanted to hear it again; but the majority feeling incredulous,
and thinking that they heard the words in a kind of dream, so
utterly unexpected was it, another impulse induced every one
to shout to the herald and trumpeter to come into the middle
of the stadium and repeat the words: I suppose because the
people wished not only to hear but to see the speaker, in their
inability to credit the announcement. But when the herald,
having advanced into the middle of the crowd, once more, by
his trumpeter, hushed the clamour, and repeated exactly the
same proclamation as before, there was such an outbreak of clapping
as is difficult to convey to the imagination of my readers
at this time. When at length the clapping ceased, no one paid
any attention whatever to the athletes, but all were talking to
themselves or each other, and seemed like people bereft of
their senses. Nay, after the games were over, in the extravagance
of their joy, they nearly killed Flamininus by the exhibition
of their gratitude. Some wanted to look him in
the face and call him their preserver; others were eager
to touch his hand; most threw garlands and fillets upon him;
until between them they nearly crushed him to death. But
though this expression of popular gratitude was thought to
have been extravagant, one might say with confidence that it fell
short of the importance of the actual event. For that the Romans
and their leader Flamininus should have deliberately incurred
unlimited expense and danger, for the sole purpose of freeing
Greece, deserved their admiration; and it was also a great thing
that their power was equal to their intention. But the greatest
thing of all is that Fortune foiled their attempt by none of her
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span>
usual caprices, but that every single thing came to a successful
issue at the same time: so that all Greeks, Asiatic and
European alike, were by a single proclamation become &#8220;free,
without garrison or tribute, and enjoying their own laws.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b18_47" id="b18_47"><b>47.</b></a> The Isthmian festival having come to an end, the
first persons with whom the commissioners
dealt<span class="sidenote">Answer of commissioners
to
King Antiochus.</span> were the ambassadors from Antiochus.
They instructed them that &#8220;Their master must
abstain from attacking those cities in Asia which were autonomous,
and go to war with none of them; and must evacuate
those that had been subject to Ptolemy or Philip. In addition
to this they forbade him to cross over into Europe with
an army; for no Greek henceforth was to be attacked in war
or to be enslaved to any one. Finally, they said that some of
their own number would go to visit Antiochus.&#8221; With this
answer Hegesianax and Lysias returned to Antiochus.
<span class="sidenote">Final arrangements.</span>
They
next summoned the representatives of all the
nations and cities, and declared to them the
decisions of the commissioners. The Macedonian
tribe of the Orestae, on the ground of their having
joined Rome during the war, they declared autonomous; the
Perrhaebians, Dolopes, and Magnesians they declared to be free.
To the Thessalians, in addition to their freedom, they assigned
the Phthiotid Achaeans, with the exception, however, of Phthiotid
Thebes and Pharsalus: for the Aetolians made such a point
of their claim to Pharsalus, as also to Leucas, on the ground
of the rights secured them by the original treaty, that the
commissioners referred the consideration of their demand in
regard to these places back again to the Senate, but allowed
them to retain Phocis and Locris as members of their league,
as they had been before. Corinth, Triphylia, and Heraea
they handed over to the Achaeans. Oreus and Eretria the
majority wished to give to King Eumenes, but on the instance
of Flamininus this design was not confirmed; and, accordingly,
a short time afterwards these towns, with Carystus, were declared
free by the Senate. To Pleuratus they assigned Lychnis
and Parthus in Illyria, towns which had been subject to
Philip; and Amynandros they allowed to retain all such strongholds
as he had taken from Philip during the war.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b18_48" id="b18_48"><b>48.</b></a> This business completed, the commissioners separated
in various directions: Publius Lentulus sailed<span class="sidenote">The commissioners
separate
and go to various
parts of Greece.</span>
to Bargylia and announced its freedom; Lucius
Stertinius did the same to Hephaestia, Thasus,
and the cities in Thrace;
while Publius Villius
and Lucius Terentius started to visit
Antiochus; and Gnaeus Cornelius with his
colleagues went to king Philip. They met him
<span class="sidenote">Two go to
Antiochus and
others to Philip.</span>near Tempe, and after speaking with him on the other
matters about which they had instructions, they advised him to
send an embassy to Rome, to ask for an alliance, in order to
obviate all suspicion of being on the watch for an opportunity
in expectation of the arrival of Antiochus.<span class="sidenote">Gnaeus Cornelius
at the congress of
the Aetolian
league.</span>
The king
agreeing to follow this advice, Cornelius left
him and went to the league congress at Thermus;
and coming into the public assembly urged the
Aetolians in a lengthy speech to abide by the
policy they had adopted, from the first, and maintain their good
disposition towards the Romans. Many rose to answer: of
whom some expressed dissatisfaction with the Romans in
moderate and decorous language, for not having used their good
fortune with sufficient regard to their joint interests, and for
not observing the original compact; while others delivered
violent invectives, asserting that the Romans would never have
set foot on Greece or conquered Philip if it had not been for
them. Cornelius disdained to answer these speeches in detail,
but he advised them to send ambassadors to Rome, for they
would get full justice in the Senate: which they accordingly
did. Such was the conclusion of the war with Philip....</p>

<h3>ASIA</h3>

<p><a name="b18_49" id="b18_49"><b>49.</b></a> Whenever they are reduced to the last extremity, as the
phrase goes, they will fly to the Romans for protection and
commit themselves and their city to them.<a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">89</a>...</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b18_50" id="b18_50"><b>50.</b></a> Just when the designs of Antiochus in Thrace were succeeding
to his heart&#8217;s desire, Lucius Cornelius<span class="sidenote">Antiochus in the
Chersonesus and
Thrace, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 196.</span>
and his party sailed into Selybria. These were
the envoys sent by the Senate to conclude a
peace between Antiochus and Ptolemy. And at the same
time there arrived Publius Lentulus from Bargylia, Lucius
Terentius and Publius Villius from Thasus, three of the ten
commissioners for Greece. Their arrival having been promptly
announced to Antiochus, they all assembled within the next
few days at Lysimacheia; and it so happened that Hegesianax
and Lysias, who had been on the mission to Flamininus,
arrived about the same time. The private intercourse between
the king and the Romans was informal and friendly; but when
presently they met in conference to discuss public affairs,
things took quite another aspect.<span class="sidenote">Speech of Lucius
Cornelius.</span>
Lucius Cornelius
demanded that Antiochus should
evacuate all the cities subject to Ptolemy which
he had taken in Asia; while he warned him in solemn and
emphatic language that he must do so also to the cities subject
to Philip, &#8220;for it was ridiculous that Antiochus should come in
and take the prizes of the war which Rome had waged with
Philip.&#8221; He also admonished him to abstain from attacking
autonomous cities, and added that &#8220;He was at a loss to conjecture
with what view Antiochus had crossed over to Europe
with such a powerful army and fleet; for if it were not with
the intention of attacking the Romans, there was no explanation
left that any reasonable person could accept.&#8221;
With these words the Romans ceased speaking.</p>

<p><a name="b18_51" id="b18_51"><b>51.</b></a> The king began his reply by saying that &#8220;He did not
understand by what right the Romans raised<span class="sidenote">The reply of
Antiochus.</span>
a
controversy with him in regard to the cities in
Asia. They were the last people in the world
who had any claim to do so.&#8221; Next he claimed that &#8220;They
should refrain entirely from interfering in the affairs of Asia,
seeing that he never in the least degree interposed in those of
Italy. He had crossed into Europe with his army to recover
his possessions in the Chersonese and the cities in Thrace;
his right to the government of these places being superior to
that of any one in the world. For this was originally the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span>
principality of Lysimachus; and as Seleucus waged war with
and conquered that prince, the whole domain
of Lysimachus passed to Seleucus<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">90</a>:<span class="sidenote">Lysimachus
conquered by
Seleucus Nicanor,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 281.</span>
then
owing to the multifarious interests which distracted
the attention of his predecessors, first
Ptolemy and then Philip had managed to wrest this country
from them and secure it for themselves. He had not then
availed himself of Philip&#8217;s difficulties to take it, but had <i>recovered</i>
possession of it in the exercise of his undoubted rights.
It was no injury to the Romans that he should now be
restoring to their homes, and settling again in their city, the
people of Lysimacheia who had been expelled by an unexpected
raid of the Thracians. He was doing this, not from any intention
of attacking the Romans, but to prepare a place of
residence for his son Seleucus. As for the autonomous cities
of Asia, they must acquire their freedom by his free grace, not
by an injunction from Rome. As for Ptolemy, he was about
to settle matters amicably with him: for it was his intention
to confirm their friendship by a matrimonial alliance.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b18_52" id="b18_52"><b>52.</b></a> But upon Lucius expressing an opinion that they ought
to call in the representatives of Lampsacus<span class="sidenote">Antiochus refuses
to acknowledge
the Romans as
arbitrators.</span>
and
Smyrna and give them a hearing, this was done.
The envoys from Lampsacus were Parmenio
and Pythodorus, and from Smyrna Coeranus.
These men expressing themselves with much openness, Antiochus
was irritated at the idea of defending himself against accusers
before a tribunal of Romans, and interrupting Parmenio, said:
&#8220;A truce to your long speeches: I do not choose to have my
controversies with you decided before a Roman but before a
Rhodian court.&#8221; Thereupon they broke up the conference
very far from pleased with each other....</p>

<h3>EGYPT</h3>

<p><a name="b18_53" id="b18_53"><b>53.</b></a> Many people have a yearning for bold and glorious
undertakings, but few dare actually attempt them.<span class="sidenote">Death of Scopas.
See <i>supra</i>,
13, 2; 16, 18,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 196.</span>
Yet Scopas had much fairer opportunities for a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span>hazardous and bold career than Cleomenes.
For the latter, though circumvented by his
enemies, and reduced to depend upon such forces as his
servants and friends could supply, yet left no chance untried,
and tested every one to the best of his ability, valuing an
honourable death more highly than a life of disgrace. But
Scopas, with all the advantages of a formidable body of
soldiers and of the excellent opportunity afforded by the youth
of the king, by his own delays and halting counsels allowed
himself to be circumvented. For having ascertained that he
was holding a meeting of his partisans at his own house, and
was consulting with them, Aristomenes sent some of the royal
bodyguards and summoned him to the king&#8217;s council.
Whereupon Scopas was so infatuated that he was neither bold
enough to carry out his designs, nor able to make up his mind
to obey the king&#8217;s summons,&mdash;which is in itself the most
extreme step,&mdash;until Aristomenes, understanding the blunder
he had made, caused soldiers and elephants to surround his
house, and sent Ptolemy son of Eumenes in with some young
men, with orders to bring him quietly if he would come, but, if
not, by force. When Ptolemy entered the house and informed
Scopas that the king summoned him, he refused at
first to obey, but remained looking fixedly at Ptolemy, and for
a long while preserved a threatening attitude as though he
wondered at his audacity; and when Ptolemy came boldly
up to him and took hold of his chlamys, he called on the bystanders
to help him. But seeing that the number of young
men who had accompanied Ptolemy into the house was large,
and being informed by some one of the military array surrounding
it outside, he yielded to circumstances, and went, accompanied
by his friends, in obedience to the summons.</p>

<p><a name="b18_54" id="b18_54"><b>54.</b></a> On his entering the council chamber the king was the first
to state the accusation against him,<span class="sidenote">Scopas before the
council.</span>
which he did
briefly. He was followed by Polycrates lately
arrived from Cyprus; and he again by Aristomenes.
The charges made by them all were much to the
same effect as what I have just stated; but there was now
added to them the seditious meeting with his friends, and his
refusal to obey the summons of the king. On these charges
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span>
he was unanimously condemned, not only by the members of
the council, but also by the envoys of foreign nations who
were present. And when Aristomenes was about to commence
his accusation he brought in a large number of other Greeks
of rank also to support him, as well as the Aetolian ambassadors
who had come to negotiate a peace, among whom
was Dorimachus son of Nicostratus. When these speeches
had been delivered, Scopas endeavoured to put forward certain
pleas in his defence: but gaining no attention from any one,
owing to the senseless nature of his proceedings, he was taken
along with his friends to prison. There after nightfall Aristomenes
caused Scopas and his family to be put to death by poison;
but did not allow Dicaearchus to die until he had had him
racked and scourged, thus inflicting on him a punishment which
he thoroughly deserved in the name of all Greece.<span class="sidenote">Death of
Dicaearchus.</span>
For this was
the Dicaearchus whom Philip, when he resolved
upon his treacherous attack on the Cyclades
and the cities of the Hellespont, appointed
leader of the whole fleet and the entire enterprise: who being
thus sent out to perform an act of flagrant wickedness, not
only thought that he was doing nothing wrong, but in the
extravagance of his infatuation imagined that he would strike
terror into the gods as well as man. For wherever he
anchored he used to build two altars, to Impiety and Lawlessness,
and, offering sacrifice upon these altars, worshipped them
as his gods. Therefore in my opinion he met with a just
retribution both from gods and men: for as his life had been
spent in defiance to the laws of nature, his end was properly
also one of unnatural horror. All the other Aetolians who
wished to depart were allowed by the king to go in possession
of their property.</p>

<p><a name="b18_55" id="b18_55"><b>55.</b></a> As in the lifetime of Scopas his love of money had
been notorious, for his avarice did in fact surpass<span class="sidenote">Enormous wealth
collected by
Scopas.</span>
that of any man in the world, so after his death
was it made still more conspicuous by the
enormous amount of gold and other property found in his
house; for by the assistance of the coarse manners and
drunken habits of Charimortus he had absolutely pillaged the
kingdom.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span></p>

<p>Having thus settled the Aetolian business to their liking,
the courtiers turned their attention to the ceremony<span class="sidenote">The anacleteria
of Ptolemy
Epiphanes,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 176. Aet. 12.</span>
of instituting the king into the management
of his office, called the <i>Anacleteria</i>. His
age was not indeed yet so far advanced as to
make this necessary; but they thought that the kingdom
would gain a certain degree of firmness and a fresh impulse
towards prosperity, if it were known that the king had assumed
the independent direction of the government. They then made
the preparations for the ceremony with great splendour, and
carried it out in a manner worthy of the greatness of the
kingdom, Polycrates being considered to have contributed very
largely to the accomplishment of their efforts. For this man
had enjoyed even during his youth, in the reign of the late
king, a reputation second to no one in the court for fidelity
and practical ability; and this reputation he had maintained
during the present reign also. For having been entrusted with
the management of Cyprus and its revenues, when its affairs
were in a critical and complicate state, he not only preserved
the island for the young king, but collected a very considerable
sum of money, with which he had just arrived and had paid to the
king, after handing over the government of Cyprus to Ptolemy
of Megalopolis. But though he obtained great applause by
this, and a large fortune immediately afterwards, yet, as he
grew older, he drifted into extravagant debauchery and
scandalous indulgence. Nor was the reputation of Ptolemy,
son of Agesarchus very different in the later part of his life.
But in regard to these men, when we come to the proper time,
I shall not shrink from stating the circumstances which disgraced
their official life....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XIX</h2>

<p class="small"><span class="smcap">The</span> only fragment we possess of the nineteenth book of Polybius is a
statement quoted by Plutarch as to M. Porcius Cato, to the effect that by
his orders the walls of all the numerous Spanish cities north of the Baetis
were dismantled on the same day. Cato was in Spain <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 195. The
means taken by him to secure this simultaneous destruction of fortifications
are told by Frontinus, <i>Strateg</i>. 1, 1, 1.</p>

<p class="small">We thus lose the history of the years <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 195, 194, 193; as well as
the greater part of that of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192, 191, contained in the early part of
book 20, of which only a few fragments remain. Livy, however, has
evidently translated from Polybius in his history of these years, and a
brief abstract of events in Greece may help the reader in following the
fragmentary book which follows with more interest.</p>

<table style="margin-left: 0em; font-size: .9em;" summary="fragmentary book">
<tr>
<td class="center f09" colspan="2"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 195.</td>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Lucius Valerius Flaccus,</td>
<td class="center" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para2.png" width="7" height="35" alt="|" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left" rowspan="2">Coss.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">M. Porcius Cato,</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="small">Flamininus&#8217;s imperium is extended for this year, because of the danger
from Antiochus and Nabis. The Aetolians, still discontented, push their
demand for Pharsalus and Leucas, and are referred by the Senate back to
Flamininus. The latter summons a conference of Greek states at Corinth,
and a war is decreed against Nabis, the Aetolians still expressing their
dislike of Roman interference. The levies are collected; Argos is freed
from Nabis; Sparta all but taken; and Nabis forced to submit to most
humiliating terms: the Aetolians again objecting to his being allowed to
remain at Sparta on any terms at all. In this year also legates from
Antiochus visit Flamininus, but are referred to the Senate.</p>

<table style="margin-left: 0em; font-size: .9em;" summary="fragmentary book">
<tr>
<td class="center" colspan="2"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 194.</td>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Publius Cornelius Scipio II.,</td>
<td class="center" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para2.png" width="7" height="35" alt="|" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left" rowspan="2">Coss.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Tiberius Sempronius Longus,</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="small">Flamininus leaves Greece after a speech at Corinth to the assembled
league advising internal peace and loyalty to Rome, and enters Rome in
triumph. There is a time of comparative tranquillity in Greece.</p>

<table style="margin-left: 0em; font-size: .9em;" summary="fragmentary book">
<tr>
<td class="center" colspan="2"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 193.</td>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">L. Cornelius Merula,</td>
<td class="center" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para2.png" width="7" height="35" alt="|" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left" rowspan="2">Coss.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Q. Minucius Thermus,</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="small">The legates from Antiochus are sent back with the final answer that,
unless the king abstains from entering Europe in arms, the Romans will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span>
free the Asiatic Greek cities from him. Roman legates, P. Sulpicius, P.
Villius, P. Aelius, are sent to him. Hannibal arrives at the court of
Antiochus, and urges him to resist; and the Aetolians urge the same
course, trying also to stir up Nabis and Philip of Macedon. Antiochus
accordingly will give the Roman envoys no satisfactory answer.</p>

<table style="margin-left: 0em; font-size: .9em;" summary="fragmentary book">
<tr>
<td class="center" colspan="2"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192.</td>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">L. Quintius Flamininus,</td>
<td class="center" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para2.png" width="7" height="35" alt="|" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left" rowspan="2">Coss.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus,</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="small">The Romans therefore prepare for war. A fleet under the praetor
Atilius is sent against Nabis: commissioners are sent into Greece&mdash;T.
Quintius Flamininus, C. Octavius, Cn. Servilius, P. Villius&mdash;early in
the year: M. Baebius is ordered to hold his army in readiness at Brundisium.
Then news is brought to Rome by Attalus of Pergamum
(brother of king Eumenes) that Antiochus has crossed the Hellespont,
and the Aetolians on the point of joining him. Therefore Baebius is
ordered to transport his army to Apollonia.</p>

<p class="small">Meanwhile Nabis takes advantage of the alarm caused by Antiochus
to move. He besieges Gythium, and ravages the Achaean territory.
The league, under Philopoemen, proclaim war against him, and, after
losing an unimportant naval battle, decisively defeat him on land and shut
him up in Sparta.</p>

<p class="small">The Aetolians now formally vote to call in Antiochus, &#8220;to liberate
Greece and arbitrate between them and Rome.&#8221; They occupy Demetrias;
and kill Nabis by a stratagem. &#8220;Whereupon Philopoemen annexes Sparta
to the Achaean league. Later in the year Antiochus meets the assembly
of the Aetolians at Lamia in Thessaly, is proclaimed &#8220;Strategus&#8221;; and
after a vain attempt to conciliate the Achaeans seizes Chalcis, where he
winters, and marries a young wife.</p>

<table style="margin-left: 0em; font-size: .9em;" summary="fragmentary book">
<tr>
<td class="center" colspan="2"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 191.</td>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica,</td>
<td class="center" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para2.png" width="7" height="35" alt="|" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left" rowspan="2">Coss.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">M. Acilius Glabrio,</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="small">The Romans declare war with Antiochus. Manius Acilius is selected
to go to Greece, where he takes over the army of Baebius, and after taking
many towns in Thessaly meets and defeats Antiochus at Thermopylae;
where the Aetolian league did after all little service to the king, who
retires to Ephesus.</p>

<p class="small">See Livy, 34, 43&mdash;&mdash;36, 21. See also Plutarch, <i>Philopoemen</i>, and
<i>Flamininus</i>; Appian, <i>Syriacae</i>, 6-21.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XX</h2>

<h3>GREECE</h3>

<p><a name="b20_1" id="b20_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">The</span> Aetolians chose thirty of the Apocleti<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> to confer
with King Antiochus....<span class="sidenote">Antiochus the
Great at a meeting
of Aetolians
at Lamia,
autumn of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192. Livy,
35, 43-46.</span></p>

<p>He accordingly summoned a meeting of the
Apocleti and consulted them on the state of
affairs....</p>

<p><a name="b20_2" id="b20_2"><b>2.</b></a> When Antiochus sent an embassy to the Boeotians,
they answered that they would not consider his proposals
until the king came in person....</p>

<p><a name="b20_3" id="b20_3"><b>3.</b></a> As Antiochus was staying at Chalcis, just as the winter
was beginning, two ambassadors came to visit
him,<span class="sidenote">Antiochus passes
the winter of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192-191 at
Chalcis. Visit of
envoys from
Epirus and Elis.</span>
Charops from Epirus, and Callistratus
from Elis. The prayer of the Epirotes was
that &#8220;The king would not involve them in the
war with Rome for they dwelt on the side of
Greece immediately opposite Italy; but that, if
he could, he would secure their safety by defending the frontier
of Epirus: in that case he should be admitted into all their
towns and harbours: but if he decided not to do so at present,
they asked his indulgence if they shrank from a war with Rome.&#8221;
The Eleans, in their turn, begged him &#8220;To send a reinforcement
to their town; for as the Achaeans had voted war against
them, they were in terror of an attack from the troops of the
league.&#8221; The king answered the Epirotes by saying that he
would send envoys to confer with them on their mutual
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>interests; but to Elis he despatched a thousand foot soldiers
under the command of Euphanes of Crete....</p>

<p><a name="b20_4" id="b20_4"><b>4.</b></a> The Boeotians had long been in a very depressed state,
which offered a strong contrast to the former<span class="sidenote">The decline of
Boeotia,</span>
prosperity and reputation of their country.
They had acquired great glory as well as great
material prosperity at the time of the battle of Leuctra; but
by some means or another from that time forward
they steadily diminished both the one<span class="sidenote">from <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 371-361.</span>
and the other under the leadership of Amaeocritus; and subsequently
not only diminished them, but underwent a complete
change of character, and did all that was possible to wipe out
their previous reputation. For having been incited by the
Achaeans to go to war with the Aetolians, they adopted the
policy of the former and made an alliance with them,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 245.
See Plutarch,
<i>Arat.</i> 16.</span>
and
thenceforth maintained a steady war with the
Aetolians. But on the Aetolians invading
Boeotia, they marched out with their full
available force, and without waiting for the arrival of the
Achaeans, who had mustered their men and were on the
point of marching to their assistance, they attacked the
Aetolians; and being worsted in the battle were so completely
demoralised, that, from the time of that campaign, they never
plucked up spirit to claim any position of honour whatever,
and never shared in any enterprise or contest undertaken by
the common consent of the Greeks. They devoted themselves
entirely to eating and drinking, and thus became effeminate
in their souls as well as in their bodies.</p>

<p><a name="b20_5" id="b20_5"><b>5.</b></a> Such were, briefly, the steps in the degeneracy of
Boeotia. Immediately after the battle just mentioned they
abandoned the Achaeans and joined the Aetolians.<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">92</a><span class="sidenote">Demetrius II.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 239-229.</span>
But on
the latter presently going to war with Philip&#8217;s
father Demetrius, they once more abandoned
the Aetolians; and upon Demetrius entering
Boeotia with an army, without attempting resistance they
submitted completely to the Macedonians. But as a spark of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span>
their ancestral glory still survived, there were found some
who disliked the existing settlement and the complete
subservience to Macedonia: and they accordingly maintained
a violent opposition to the policy of Ascondas and
<span class="sidenote">The rise of the
house of Neon.</span>
Neon, the ancestors of Brachylles, who were the
most prominent in the party which favoured
Macedonia. However, the party of Ascondas
eventually prevailed, owing to the following circumstance. Antigonus
(Doson), who, after the death of Demetrius, was Philip&#8217;s
guardian, happened to be sailing on some business along the
coast of Boeotia; when off Larymna he was surprised by a
sudden ebb of the tide, and his ships were left high and dry.
Now just at that time a rumour had been spread that Antigonus
meant to make a raid upon the country; and therefore
Neon, who was Hipparch at the time, was patrolling the
country at the head of all the Boeotian cavalry to protect it,
and came upon Antigonus in this helpless and embarrassed position:
and having it thus in his power to inflict a serious blow
upon the Macedonians, much to their surprise he resolved to
spare them. His conduct in so doing was approved by the other
Boeotians, but was not at all pleasing to the Thebans. Antigonus,
however, when the tide flowed again and his ships
floated, proceeded to complete the voyage to Asia on which
he was bound, with deep gratitude to Neon for having
abstained from attacking him in his awkward position.
<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222.</span>Accordingly, when at a subsequent period
he conquered the Spartan Cleomenes and
became master of Lacedaemon, he left Brachylles in
charge of the town, by way of paying him for the kindness
done him by his father Neon. This proved to be the beginning
of a great rise in importance of the family of Brachylles.
But this was not all that Antigonus did for him: from that
time forward either he personally, or king Philip, continually
supported him with money and influence; so that before long
this family entirely overpowered the political party opposed to
them in Thebes, and forced all the citizens, with very few exceptions,
to join the party of Macedonia. Such was the origin
of the political adherence to Macedonia of the family of Neon,
and of its rise to prosperity.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b20_6" id="b20_6"><b>6.</b></a> But Boeotia as a nation had come to such a low pitch,
that for nearly twenty-five years the administration<span class="sidenote">Disorganised
state of Boeotia.</span>
of justice had been suspended in private
and public suits alike. Their magistrates were
engaged in despatching bodies of men to guard the country
or in proclaiming national expeditions, and thus continually
postponed their attendance at courts of law. Some of the
Strategi also dispensed allowances to the needy from the public
treasury; whereby the common people learnt to support and
invest with office those who would help them to escape the
penalties of their crimes and undischarged liabilities, and to
be enriched from time to time with some portion of the public
property obtained by official favour. No one contributed to
this lamentable state of things more than Opheltas, who was
always inventing some plan calculated to benefit the masses for
the moment, while perfectly certain to ruin them in the future.
To these evils was added another unfortunate fashion. It
became the practice for those who died childless not to leave
their property to the members of their family, as had been
the custom of the country formerly, but to assign it for the
maintenance of feasts and convivial entertainments to be shared
in by the testator&#8217;s friends in common; and even many who
did possess children left the larger part of their property to the
members of their own club. The result was that there were
many Boeotians who had more feasts to attend in the month
than there were days in it. The people of Megara therefore,
disliking this habit, and remembering their old connexion with
the Achaean league, were inclined once more to renew their
political alliance with it.<span class="sidenote">Antigonus
Gonatas, <i>ob.</i>
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 239.</span>
For the Megarians had been
members of the Achaean league since the time
of Antigonus Gonatas; but upon Cleomenes
blockading the Isthmus, finding themselves cut off
from the Achaeans they joined the Boeotians, with the
consent of the former.<span class="sidenote">Cleomenic war
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 227-221.</span>
But a little before the
time of which we are now speaking, becoming
dissatisfied with the Boeotian constitution, they
again joined the Achaeans. The Boeotians, incensed at what
they considered acts of contempt, sallied out in full force to
attack Megara; and on the Megarians declining to listen to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span>
them, they determined in their anger to besiege and assault
their city. But being attacked by a panic, on a report spreading
that Philopoemen was at hand at the head of a force of
Achaeans, they left their scaling ladders against the walls
and fled back precipitately to their own country.</p>

<p><a name="b20_7" id="b20_7"><b>7.</b></a> Such being the state of Boeotian politics, it was only by
extraordinary good fortune that they evaded destruction in the
dangerous periods of the wars of Philip and Antiochus. But
in the succeeding period they did not escape in the same way.
Fortune, on the contrary, seemed determined to make them
pay for their former good luck by a specially severe retribution,
as I shall relate hereafter....</p>

<p>Many of the Boeotians defended their alienation from
the Romans by alleging the assassination of
Brachylles,<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">93</a><span class="sidenote">Antiochus received
in Thebes,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192.</span>
and the expedition made by Flamininus
upon Coronea owing to the murders of
Romans on the roads.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> But the real reason was their moral
degeneracy, brought about by the causes I have mentioned.
For as soon as the king approached, the Boeotian magistrates
went out to meet him, and after holding a friendly conversation
with him conducted him into Thebes....</p>

<p><a name="b20_8" id="b20_8"><b>8.</b></a> Antiochus the Great came to Chalcis in Euboea, and there
completed his marriage, when he was fifty years
old,<span class="sidenote">Antiochus
wintering in
Chalcis, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
192-191.</span>
and had already undertaken his two most
important labours, the liberation of Greece&mdash;as
he called it&mdash;and the war with Rome. However,
having fallen in love with a young lady of Chalcis, he was
bent on marrying her, though the war was still going on; for
he was much addicted to wine and delighted in excesses. The
lady was a daughter of Cleoptolemus, a man of rank, and was possessed
of extraordinary beauty. He remained in Chalcis all the
winter occupied in marriage festivities, utterly regardless of the
pressing business of the time. He gave the girl the name of
Euboea, and after his defeat<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> fled with his bride to Ephesus....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b20_9" id="b20_9"><b>9.</b></a> When the Romans took Heracleia, Phaeneas the
Aetolian Strategus, in view of the danger
threatening Aetolia,<span class="sidenote">Heracleia
Trachinia taken
by Acilius after
the battle of
Thermopylae,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 191.</span>
and seeing what would
happen to the other towns, determined to send
an embassy to Manius Acilius to demand a
truce and treaty of peace. With this purpose
he despatched Archidamus, Pantaleon and
Chalesus, who on meeting the Roman consul were intending
to enter upon a long argument, but were interrupted in the
middle of their speech and prevented from finishing it.<span class="sidenote">Embassy of the
Aetolians.</span>
For
Acilius remarked that &#8220;For the present he had
no leisure to attend to them, being much engaged
with the distribution of the spoils of Heracleia:
he would, however, grant a ten days&#8217; truce and send Lucius
Valerius Flaccus with them, with instructions as to what he
was to say.&#8221; The truce being thus made, and Valerius having
come to Hypata, a lengthened discussion took place on the
state of affairs. The Aetolians sought to establish their case
by referring to their previous services to Rome. But Valerius
cut this line of argument short by saying that &#8220;Such justification
did not apply to the present circumstances; for as these
old friendly relations had been broken off by them, and the
existing hostility was owing entirely to the Aetolians themselves,
the services of the past could be of no assistance to them in
the present. They must therefore abandon all idea of justification,
and adopt a tone of supplication, and beseech the consul&#8217;s
pardon for their transgressions.&#8221; After a long discussion on
various details, the Aetolians eventually decided to leave the
whole matter to Acilius, and commit themselves without reserve
to the good faith of the Romans. They had no comprehension
of what this really involved; but they were misled by the
word &#8220;faith&#8221; into supposing that the Romans would thereby
be more inclined to grant them terms. But with the Romans
for a man &#8220;to commit himself to their good faith&#8221; is held to
be equivalent to &#8220;surrendering unconditionally.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b20_10" id="b20_10"><b>10.</b></a> Having come to this resolution, Phaeneas despatched
legates with Valerius to announce the decision<span class="sidenote">Aetolian embassy
to Acilius.</span>
of the Aetolians to Acilius. On being admitted
to the presence of the Consul, these legates, after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>
once more entering upon a plea of self-justification, ended by
announcing that the Aetolians had decided to commit themselves
to the good faith of the Romans. Hereupon Acilius
interrupted them by saying, &#8220;Is this really the case, men of
Aetolia?&#8221;<span class="sidenote">Roman terms.</span> And upon their answering in the affirmative, he
said: &#8220;Well then, the first condition is that
none of you, individually or collectively, must
cross to Asia; the second is that you must surrender Menestratus
the Epirote&#8221; (who happened at that time to be at
Naupactus, where he had come to the assistance of the
Aetolians), &#8220;and also King Amynander, with such of the
Athamanians as accompanied him in his desertion to your side.&#8221;
Here Phaeneas interrupted him by saying: &#8220;But it is neither
just nor consonant with Greek customs, O Consul, to do what
you order.&#8221; To which Acilius replied,&mdash;not so much because
he was angry, as because he wished to show him the dangerous
position in which he stood, and to thoroughly frighten him,&mdash;&#8220;Do
you still presume to talk to me about Greek customs,
and about honour and duty, after having committed yourselves
to my good faith? Why, I might if I chose put
you all in chains and commit you to prison!&#8221; With these
words he ordered his men to bring a chain and an iron
collar and put it on the neck of each of them. Thereupon
Phaeneas and his companions stood in speechless amazement,
as though bereft of all power of thought or motion, at
this unexpected turn of affairs. But Valerius and some
others who were present besought Acilius not to inflict any
severity upon the Aetolians then before him, as they were in
the position of ambassadors. And on his yielding to these
representations, Phaeneas broke silence by saying that &#8220;He and
the Apocleti were ready to obey the injunctions, but they must
consult the general assembly if they were to be confirmed.&#8221;
Upon Acilius agreeing to this, he demanded a truce often days
to be granted. This also having been conceded, they departed
with these terms, and on arrival at Hypata told the Apocleti
what had been done and the speeches that had been made.
This report was the first thing which made their error, and the
compulsion under which they were placed, clear to the Aetolians.
It was therefore decided to write round to the various cities
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span>
and call the Aetolians together, to consult on the injunctions
imposed upon them. When the news<span class="sidenote">The Aetolians fail
to ratify the
peace.</span>
of the
reception Phaeneas had met with was noised
abroad, the Aetolian people were so infuriated
that no one would even attend the meeting to discuss the matter
at all. It was thus impossible to hold the discussion. They
were further encouraged by the arrival of Nicander, who just
at that time sailed into Phalara, on the Malian gulf, from
Asia, bringing news of the warm reception given him by
Antiochus, and the promises for the future which the king had
made; they therefore became quite indifferent as to the non-completion
of the peace. Thus when the days of the truce had
elapsed the Aetolians found themselves still at war with Rome.</p>

<p><a name="b20_11" id="b20_11"><b>11.</b></a> But I ought not to omit to describe the subsequent career
and fate of Nicander. He arrived back at Phalara<span class="sidenote">The fate of
Nicander.</span>
on the twelfth day after leaving Ephesus, and
found the Romans still engaged in Heracleia, and
the Macedonians having already evacuated Lamia, but encamped
at no great distance from the town: he thereupon conveyed
his money unexpectedly into Lamia, and attempted himself to
make his way between the two camps into Hypata. But,
falling into the hands of the Macedonian pickets, he was
taken to Philip, while his evening party was still at the midst
of their entertainment, greatly alarmed lest he should meet
with rough treatment from having incurred Philip&#8217;s resentment,
or should be handed over to the Romans. But when
the matter was reported to the king, he at once gave orders
that the proper officers should offer Nicander refreshments, and
show him every politeness and attention. After a time he got
up from table and went personally to visit him; and after
enlarging at great length on &#8220;the folly of the Aetolians, for
having first brought the Romans into Greece, and afterwards
Antiochus,&#8221; he still, even at this hour, urged that &#8220;they should
forget their past, adhere to their loyalty to himself, and not
show a disposition to take advantage of each other&#8217;s difficulties.&#8221;
He bade Nicander convey this message to the leaders of the
Aetolians, and exhorting him personally to remember the favours
which he had received at his hands, he despatched him with
a sufficient escort, which he ordered to see him safe into Hypata.
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span>
This result was far beyond Nicander&#8217;s hopes or expectations.
He was restored in due course to his friends, and from the
moment of this adventure remained devoted to the royal
family of Macedonia. Thus, in the subsequent period of the
war with Perseus, the obligations which this favour had imposed
upon him caused him to offer such an unwilling and lukewarm
opposition to the designs of Perseus, that he exposed
himself to suspicion and denunciation, and at last was summoned
to Rome and died there....</p>

<p><a name="b20_12" id="b20_12"><b>12.</b></a> The Spartans could not find one of their own citizens
willing to address Philopoemen on this subject.<span class="sidenote">The Spartans
wish to offer
Philopoemen the
palace of Nabis
as a reward, and
as an inducement
to defend their
liberty. Plutarch,
<i>Philop.</i> 15.</span>
To men who for the most part undertake work for
what they can get by it there are plenty of people
to offer such rewards, and to regard them as the
means of founding and consolidating friendship:
but in the case of Philipoemen no one could be
found willing to convey this offer to him at all.
Finally, being completely at a loss, they elected
Timolaus to do it, as being his ancestral guest-friend and very
intimate with him. Timolaus twice journeyed to Megalopolis
for this express purpose, without daring to say a word to
Philopoemen about it. But having goaded himself to making
a third attempt, he at length plucked up courage to mention
the proposed gifts. Much to his surprise Philopoemen
received the suggestion with courtesy; and Timolaus was
overjoyed by the belief that he had attained his object.
Philopoemen, however, remarked that he would come to
Sparta himself in the course of the next few days; for he
wished to offer all the magistrates his thanks for this favour.
He accordingly came, and, being invited to attend the Senate, he
said: &#8220;He had long been aware of the kindness with which the
Lacedaemonians regarded him; but was more convinced than
ever by the compliments and extraordinary mark of honour
they now offered him. But while gratefully accepting their
intention, he disliked the particular manner of its exhibition.
They should not bestow such honour and rewards on their
friends, the poison of which would indelibly infect the receiver,
but rather upon their enemies; that the former might retain
their freedom of speech and the confidence of the Achaeans<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>
when proposing to offer assistance to Sparta; while the latter,
by swallowing the bait, might be compelled either to support
their cause, or at any rate to keep silence and do them no
harm....&#8221;</p>

<p class="tb"><i>The remaining events of the war against Antiochus in this
year are related by Livy, 36, 41-45. Acilius was engaged for
two months in the siege of Naupactus: while the Roman fleet
under Gaius Livius defeated that of Antiochus, under his admiral
Polyxenidas, off Phocaea.</i></p>

<p class="tb">To see an operation with one&#8217;s own eyes is not like merely
hearing a description of it. It is, indeed, quite another thing;
and the confidence which such vivid experience gives is always
greatly advantageous....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXI</h2>

<p><a name="b21_1" id="b21_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">At</span> this time also it happened that the embassy, which the
Lacedaemonians had sent to Rome,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 190.
Embassy from
Sparta, and the
answer of the
Roman Senate.</span>
returned
disappointed. The subject of their mission
was the hostages and the villages. As to the
villages the Senate answered that they would give
instructions to envoys sent by themselves; and
as to the hostages they desired to consider further. But as to
the exiles of past times, they said that they wondered why they
were not recalled, now that Sparta had been freed from her
tyrants....</p>

<p><a name="b21_2" id="b21_2"><b>2.</b></a> At the same period the Senate dealt with the ambassadors
from Philip. They had come to set forth the loyalty and zeal
of the king, which he had shown to the Romans in the war
against Antiochus. On hearing what the envoys had to say,
the Senate released the king&#8217;s son Demetrius from his position
as hostage at once, and promised that they would also remit
part of the yearly indemnity, if he kept faith with Rome in
future. The Senate likewise released the Lacedaemonian
hostages, except Armenas, son of Nabis; who subsequently
fell ill and died....</p>

<p><a name="b21_3" id="b21_3"><b>3.</b></a> Directly the news of the victory at sea reached Rome,
the Senate first decreed a public <i>supplicatio</i><span class="sidenote">Supplicatio
for the victory
off Phocaea.</span>
for
nine days,&mdash;which means a public and universal
holiday, accompanied by the sacrifice of thank-offerings
to the gods for the happy success,&mdash;and next gave
audience to the envoys from Aetolia and Manius Acilius.
<span class="sidenote">Answer to the
Aetolian Envoys
sent, on the
intercession of
Flamininus, when
Acilius was about
to take Naupactus.
Livy, 36, 34-35;
37, 1.</span>
When both parties had pleaded their cause
at some length, the Senate decreed to offer the
Aetolians the alternative of committing their
cause unconditionally to the arbitration of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>
Senate, or of paying a thousand talents down and
making an offensive and defensive alliance with
Rome. But on the Aetolians desiring the
Senate to state definitely on what points they
were to submit to such arbitration, the Senate refused to
define them. Accordingly the war with the Aetolians went
on....</p>

<p><a name="b21_4" id="b21_4"><b>4.</b></a> While Amphissa was still being besieged by Manius
Acilius, the Athenians, hearing at that time<span class="sidenote">Spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 190.
Coss. L. Cornelius
Scipio, C. Laelius.</span>
both of the distress of the Amphissians and of
the arrival of Publius Scipio, despatched Echedemus
and others on an embassy to him, with instructions to
pay their respects to both Lucius and Publius
Scipio,<span class="sidenote">P. Cornelius
Scipio Africanus
in Greece as legatus
to his brother
Lucius. (March.)</span>
and at the same time to try what could
be done to get peace for the Aetolians. On
their arrival, Publius welcomed them gladly and
treated them with great courtesy; because he
saw that they would be of assistance to him in carrying out
his plans. For he was very desirous of effecting a settlement
in Aetolia on good terms; but had resolved that, if the Aetolians
refused to comply, he would at all hazards relinquish that
business for the present, and cross to Asia: for he was well
aware that the ultimate object of the war and of the entire
expedition was not to reduce the Aetolian nation to obedience,
but to conquer Antiochus and take possession of Asia.
Therefore, directly the Athenians mentioned the pacification,
he accepted their suggestion with eagerness, and bade them
sound the Aetolians also. Accordingly, Echedemus and his
colleagues, having sent a preliminary deputation to Hypata,
presently followed in person, and entered into a discussion
with the Aetolian magistrates on the subject of
a pacification.<span class="sidenote">Aetolian envoys
visit the consuls.</span>
They, too, readily acquiesced
in the suggestion, and certain envoys were appointed
to meet the Romans. They found Publius and the army
encamped sixty stades from Amphissa, and there discoursed
at great length on their previous services to Rome. Publius
Scipio adopted in reply a still milder and more conciliatory
style, quoting his own conduct in Iberia and Libya, and
explaining how he had treated all who in those countries had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span>
confided to his honour: and finally expressing an opinion that
they had better put themselves in his hands. At first, all who
were present felt very sanguine that the pacification was about
to be accomplished. But when, in answer to the Aetolian
demand to know on what terms they were to make the peace,
Lucius Scipio explained that they had two alternatives&mdash;to
submit their entire case unconditionally to the arbitrament of
Rome, or to pay a thousand talents down and to make an
offensive and defensive alliance with her&mdash;the Aetolians
present were thrown into the state of the most painful perplexity
at the inconsistency of this announcement with the
previous talk: but finally they said that they would consult
the Aetolians on the terms imposed.</p>

<p><a name="b21_5" id="b21_5"><b>5.</b></a> On the return of the Aetolian envoys for the purpose of
consulting their countrymen, Echedemus and his colleagues
joined the council of the <i>apocleti</i> in their deliberations on
this subject. One of the alternatives was impossible owing to
the amount of money demanded, and the other was rendered
alarming in their eyes by the deception they had experienced
before, when, after submitting to the surrender,
<span class="sidenote">See bk. 20, ch. 10.</span>
they had narrowly escaped being thrown into
chains. Being then much perplexed and quite unable to
decide, they sent the same envoys back to beg the Scipios that
they would either abate part of the money, so as to be within
their power to pay, or except from the surrender the persons
of citizens, men and women. But upon their arrival in the
Roman camp and delivering their message, Lucius Scipio merely
replied that &#8220;The only terms on which he was commissioned
by the Senate to treat were those which he had recently
stated.&#8221; They therefore returned once more, and were followed
by Echedemus and his colleagues to Hypata, who advised the
Aetolians that &#8220;Since there was at present a hitch in the
negotiations for peace, they should ask for a truce; and,
having thus at least delayed the evils threatening them, should
send an embassy to the Senate. If they obtained their
request, all would be well; but, if they did not, they must trust
to the chapter of accidents: for their position could not be
worse than it was now, but for many reasons might not impossibly
be better.&#8221; The advice of Echedemus was thought<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span>
sound, and the Aetolians accordingly voted to send envoys
to obtain a truce;<span class="sidenote">A six months&#8217;
truce with the
Aetolians.</span> who, upon reaching Lucius
Scipio, begged that for the present a truce
of six months might be granted them, that
they might send an embassy to the Senate. Publius Scipio,
who had for some time past been anxious to begin the
campaign in Asia, quickly persuaded his brother to grant
their request. The agreement therefore was reduced to
writing, and thereupon Manius Acilius handed over his army
to Lucius Scipio, and returned with his military tribunes to
Rome....</p>

<h3>ASIA</h3>

<p><a name="b21_6" id="b21_6"><b>6.</b></a> Factions became rife at Phocaea,<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> partly because they
suffered from the Romans left with the ships<span class="sidenote">A party at Phocaea
wish to join Antiochus,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 190.</span>
being quartered on them, and partly because
they were annoyed at the tribute imposed on
them....</p>

<p>Then the Phocaean magistrates, alarmed at the state of
popular excitement caused by the dearth of corn, and the
agitation kept up by the partisans of Antiochus, sent envoys
to Seleucus,<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> who was on their frontiers, ordering him not to
approach the town, as they were resolved to remain neutral
and await the final decision of the quarrel, and then obey
orders. Of these ambassadors the partisans of Seleucus and
his faction were Aristarchus, Cassander, and Rhodon; those,
on the contrary, who inclined to Rome were Hegias and Gelias.
On their arrival Seleucus at once showed every attention to
Aristarchus and his partisans, but treated Hegias and Gelias
with complete neglect. But when he was informed of the
state of popular feeling, and the shortness of provisions in
Phocaea, he threw aside all negotiation or discussion with the
envoys, and marched towards the town....</p>

<p><span class="sidenote">The Roman Fleet
at Sestos. Intercession
of the
Galli or priests
of Cybele.
Livy, 37, 9.</span>Two Galli, with sacred images and figures
on their breasts,
advanced from the town, and besought
them not to adopt any extreme measures
against the city.<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a>...</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b21_7" id="b21_7"><b>7.</b></a> The fire-carrier used by Pausistratus, the navarch of
the Rhodians, was a scoop or basket.<span class="sidenote">The Rhodian
firing apparatus.</span>
On
either side of the prow two staples were fixed
into the inner part of the two sides of the ship,
into which poles were fitted with their extremities extending
out to sea. To the end of these the scoop filled with fire
was attached by an iron chain, in such a way that in charging
the enemy&#8217;s ship, whether on the prow or the broadside, fire
was thrown upon it, while it was kept a long way off from his
own ship by the slope of the poles....</p>

<p>The Rhodian admiral Pamphilidas was thought to be
better capable than Pausistratus of adapting
himself to all possible contingencies, because
<span class="sidenote">Pausistratus
beaten by Polyxenidas,
the admiral of the king.
Livy, 37, 10, 11.</span>his character was more remarkable for its
depth and solidity than for its boldness. For
most men judge not from any fixed principle
but by results. Thus, though they had recently elected
Pausistratus to the command, on the ground of his possessing
these very qualities of energy and boldness, their opinions at
once underwent a complete revolution when he met with his
disaster....</p>

<p><a name="b21_8" id="b21_8"><b>8.</b></a> At this time a letter arrived at Samos for Lucius
Aemilius and Eumenes from the consul Lucius
Scipio,<span class="sidenote">The Aetolian truce
announced to
Eumenes and
Antiochus.</span>
announcing the agreement made with
the Aetolians for the truce, and the approaching
advance of the land forces to the Hellespont.
Another to the same effect was sent to Antiochus and
Seleucus from the Aetolians....</p>

<p><a name="b21_9" id="b21_9"><b>9.</b></a> An embassy from King Eumenes having arrived in
Achaia proposing an alliance,<span class="sidenote">Achaean contingent
sent to
the war.
Livy, 37, 20.</span>
the Achaeans
met in public assembly and ratified it, and
sent out some soldiers, a thousand foot and a
hundred horse, under the command of Diophanes
of Megalopolis....</p>

<p>Diophanes was a man of great experience in war; for
during the protracted hostilities with Nabis in the neighbourhood
of Megalopolis, he had served throughout under
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span>
Philopoemen, and accordingly had gained a real familiarity
with the operations of actual warfare. And besides this
advantage, his appearance and physical prowess were impressive;
and, most important of all, he was a man of personal
courage and exceedingly expert in the use of arms....</p>

<p><a name="b21_10" id="b21_10"><b>10.</b></a> King Antiochus had already penetrated into the territory
of Pergamum; but when he heard that
king Eumenes was close at hand,<span class="sidenote">Antiochus proposes
peace with
Rome, Eumenes,
and Rhodes.</span>
and saw that
the land forces as well as the fleet were ready
to attack him, he began to consider the propriety
of proposing a pacification with the Romans, Eumenes,
and the Rhodians at once. He therefore removed with his
whole army to Elaea, and having seized a hill facing that
town, he encamped his infantry upon it, while he entrenched
his cavalry, amounting to over six thousand, close under the
walls of the town. He took up his own position between these
two, and proceeded to send messengers to Lucius Aemilius
in the town, proposing a peace. The Roman imperator
thereupon called Eumenes and the Rhodians to a meeting,
and desired them to give their opinions on the proposal.
Eudemus and Pamphilidas were not averse to making terms;
but the king said that<span class="sidenote">Eumenes opposes
the peace, on the grounds
of honour and prudence.</span>
&#8220;To make peace at the present
moment was neither honourable nor possible.
How could it be an honourable conclusion of
the war that they should make terms while
confined within the walls of a town? And
how was it possible to give validity to those
terms without waiting for the Consul and obtaining his
consent? Besides, even if they did give any indication of
coming to an agreement with Antiochus, neither the naval nor
military forces could of course return home until the Senate
and people had ratified the terms of it. All that would be
left for them to do would be to spend the winter where they
were, waiting idly for the decision from home, doing nothing,
and exhausting the wealth and resources of their allies. And
then, if the Senate withheld its approval of the terms, they
would have to begin the war all over again, having let the
opportunity pass, which, with God&#8217;s help, would have enabled
them to put a period to the whole war.&#8221; Such was the speech
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span>
of king Eumenes. Lucius Aemilius accepted the advice, and
answered the envoys of Antiochus that the peace could not
possibly be made until the Proconsul arrived. On hearing
this Antiochus immediately began devastating the territory of
Elaea; and subsequently, while Seleucus remained in occupation
of that district, Antiochus continued his march through
the country as far as the plain of Thebe, and having there
entered upon an exceedingly fertile and wealthy district, he
gorged his army with spoil of every description....</p>

<p><a name="b21_11" id="b21_11"><b>11.</b></a> On his arrival at Sardis after this expedition, Antiochus
at once sent to Prusias to urge him to an alliance.<span class="sidenote">Prusias, King of
Bithynia.</span>
Now in former times Prusias had by no means
been disinclined to join Antiochus, because he
was much alarmed lest the Romans should cross over to Asia
for the purpose of putting down all crowned heads. But the
perusal of a letter received from Lucius and Publius Scipio
had served to a great extent to relieve his anxiety, and give
him a tolerably correct forecast of the result of the war.<span class="sidenote">Letter of the
Scipios to
Prusias.</span>
For
the Scipios had put the case with great clearness
in their letter, and had supported their assertions
by numerous proofs. They entered not only
upon a defence of the policy adopted by themselves, but of that
also of the Roman people generally; by which they showed
that, so far from depriving any of the existing kings of their
sovereignties, they had themselves been the authors in some
cases of their establishment, in others of the extension of their
powers and the large increase of their dominions. To prove this
they quoted the instances of Andobales and Colichas in Iberia,
of Massanissa in Libya, and of Pleuratus in Illyria, all of whom
they said they had raised from petty and insignificant princes
to the position of undisputed royalty. They further mentioned
the cases of Philip and Nabis in Greece. As to Philip, they had
conquered him in war and reduced him to the necessity of
giving hostages and paying tribute: yet, after receiving a slight
proof of his good disposition, they had restored his son and
the young men who were hostages with him, had remitted the
tribute, and given him back several of the towns that had been
taken in the course of war. While as for Nabis, though they
might have utterly destroyed him, they had not done so, but
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span>
had spared him, tyrant as he was, on receiving the usual
security for his good faith. With these facts before his eyes
they urged Prusias in their letter not to be in any fear for his
kingdom, but to adopt the Roman alliance without misgiving,
for he would never have reason to regret his choice. This
letter worked an entire change in the feelings of Prusias; and
when, besides, Caius Livius and the other legates arrived at his
court, after conversation with them, he entirely relinquished
all ideas of looking for support from Antiochus. Foiled,
therefore, of hope in this quarter, Antiochus retired to Ephesus:
and being convinced on reflection that the only way of preventing
<span class="sidenote">On its voyage
from Samos to
Teos the Roman
fleet sight some
pirate vessels.<br />
Livy, 37, 27.</span>
the transport of the enemy&#8217;s army, and in fact of
repelling an invasion of Asia at all, was to keep
a firm mastery of the sea, he determined to
fight a naval battle and leave the issue of the
struggle to be decided by his success in that....</p>

<p><a name="b21_12" id="b21_12"><b>12.</b></a> When the pirates saw that the Roman
fleet was coming they turned and fled....<br /><br /><br /></p>

<p class="tb"><i>The battle between the fleets of Rome and Antiochus took
place between the promontories Myonnesus and Corycum, which
form the bay of Teos. Antiochus was beaten with a loss of forty-two
ships early in</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>190. Livy, 37, 30.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b21_13" id="b21_13"><b>13.</b></a> After sustaining this defeat at sea, Antiochus remained
in Sardis, neglecting to avail himself of such
opportunities as he had left,<span class="sidenote">Antiochus
despairs of
resistance, and
sends an envoy
to the Scipios to
treat of peace.</span>
and taking no
steps whatever to prosecute the war; and when
he learnt that the enemy had crossed into
Asia he lost all heart, and determined in despair
to send an envoy to Lucius and Publius Scipio
to treat of peace. He selected Heracleides of Byzantium for
this purpose, and despatched him with instructions to offer to
surrender the territories of Lampsacus and Smyrna as well as
Alexandria (Troas), which were the original cause of the war,
and any other cities in Aeolis and Ionia of which they might
wish to deprive him, as having embraced their side in the
war; and in addition to this to promise an indemnity of half
the expenses they had incurred in their quarrel with him. Such
were the offers which the envoy was instructed to make in his
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span>
public audience; but, besides these, there were others to be
committed to Publius Scipio&#8217;s private ear, of which I will speak
in detail later on. On his arrival at the Hellespont the envoy
found the Romans still occupying the camp which they had
constructed immediately after crossing. At first he was much
cheered by this fact, for he thought it would materially aid his
negotiation that the enemy were exactly where they were at
first, and had not as yet taken any further action. But when
he learnt that Publius Scipio was still on the other side of the
water he was much disturbed, because the turn which his
negotiations were to take depended principally on Scipio&#8217;s view
of the matter.<span class="sidenote">The laws relating
to the Salii or
priests of Mars.</span>
The reason of the army being still in their
first camp, and of Publius Scipio&#8217;s absence
from the army, was that he was one of the Salii.
These are, as I have before stated, one of the
three colleges of priests by whom the most important sacrifices
to the gods are offered at Rome. And it is the law that, at
the time of these sacrifices, they must not quit the spot for
thirty days in which it happens to find them.<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> This was the
case at the present time with Publius Scipio; for just as the
army was on the point of crossing this season arrived, and
prevented him from changing his place of abode. Thus it
came about that he was separated from the legions and remained
in Europe, while, though the army crossed, it remained
encamped, and could take no further step, because they were
waiting for him.</p>

<p><a name="b21_14" id="b21_14"><b>14.</b></a> However, Publius arrived a few days afterwards, and
Heracleides being summoned to attend the
Council<span class="sidenote">Speech
of Heracleides.</span>
delivered the message with which
he was charged, announcing that Antiochus
abandoned Lampsacus, Smyrna, and Alexandria; and also all
such towns in Aeolis and Ionia as had sided with Rome; and
that he offered, further, an indemnity of half their expenses in
the present war. He added many arguments besides, urging
the Romans &#8220;Not to tempt fortune too far, as they were but
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span>
men; nor to extend their empire indefinitely, but rather to keep
it within limits, if possible those of Europe,&mdash;for even then
they would have an enormous and unprecedented dominion,
such as no nation before them had attained;&mdash;but if they were
determined at all hazards to grasp parts of Asia also, let them
say definitely what parts those were, for the king would go to
the utmost stretch of his power to meet their wishes.&#8221; After
the delivery of this speech the council decided that the
Consul should answer that<span class="sidenote">The Consul&#8217;s
answer.</span>
&#8220;It was only fair
that Antiochus should pay, not the half, but
the whole expense of the war, seeing that he,
and not they, had originally begun it; and as to the cities, he
must not only liberate those in Aeolis and Ionia, but must
surrender his whole dominion on this side of Mount Taurus.&#8221;
On receiving this answer from the council, conveying demands
which went far beyond his instructions, the envoy,
without answering a word, abstained from a public audience
thenceforth, but exerted himself to conciliate Publius Scipio.</p>

<p><a name="b21_15" id="b21_15"><b>15.</b></a> Having at length got a suitable opportunity, he disclosed
to him the offers with which he was charged.<span class="sidenote">The secret offers
of Antiochus to
Publius Scipio.</span>
These were that the king would first restore his
son without ransom, who had been taken
prisoner in the early part of the war; and was prepared, secondly,
to pay him any sum of money he might name, and thenceforth
share with him the wealth of his kingdom, if he would
only support the acceptance of the terms offered by the king.
<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s reply.</span>
Publius replied that the promise as to his son
he accepted, and would feel under an obligation
to the king if he fulfilled it; but as to the rest he assured him
that the king, among his other delusions, was under a complete
mistake as to the course demanded by his own interests.
&#8220;For if he had made these offers while still master of Lysimacheia
and the entrance into the Chersonese, he would at once
have got what he asked: and so too, even after evacuating
these places, if he had appeared with his army at the Hellespont
and shown that he meant to prevent our crossing, and
then had sent his envoys, he might even thus have obtained
his demands. But when he comes with his proposals of
equitable terms, after allowing our troops to set foot in Asia,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>
and having so not only submitted to the bridle, but allowed
the rider to mount, he must expect to fail and be disappointed
of his hopes. Therefore, I advise him to adopt wiser measures,
and look at the facts in their true light. In return for his
promise in regard to my son, I will give him a hint which is well
worth the favour he offers me: make any concession, do anything,
rather than fight with the Romans.&#8221; With this answer
Heracleides returned and told the king everything. And
Antiochus, considering that no severer terms could be imposed
on him if he were beaten in the field, abandoned all idea of
negotiation, and began making preparations of all sorts and in
every direction for the battle....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Antiochus sent Scipio&#8217;s son back. The decisive battle took
place in the neighbourhood of Thyatira, and proved a decisive
victory for the Romans. This was in the late autumn of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
<i>190. See Livy, 37, 38-44.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b21_16" id="b21_16"><b>16.</b></a> After the victory the Romans took Sardis and its Acropolis,
and there they were visited by Musaeus bringing a
message from Antiochus. Being politely received by the
Scipios, he announced that Antiochus wished to send envoys
to treat on the terms of peace, and therefore desired that a
safe conduct should be given them. This was granted and the
herald returned; and some days after, Zeuxis, formerly Satrap
of Lydia, and Antipater, his nephew, came as ambassadors
from king Antiochus. Their first anxiety was to meet king
Eumenes, because they feared that his old quarrel would cause
him to be only too ready to do them a bad turn. But when
they found him, contrary to their expectation, disposed to
moderate and gentle methods, they at once addressed themselves
to meeting the council. Being summoned to attend it
they made a lengthy speech, among other things exhorting the
Romans to use their victory with mildness and generosity;
and alleging that such a course was still more to the interest
of the Romans than of Antiochus, since Fortune had committed
to them the empire and lordship of the world. Finally,
they asked &#8220;What they were to do to obtain peace and the
friendship of Rome?&#8221; The members of the council had
already in a previous sitting discussed and agreed upon this
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>
point, and now bade Publius Scipio deliver their decision.</p>

<p><a name="b21_17" id="b21_17"><b>17.</b></a> Scipio began by saying that victory never made the
Romans more severe than before, and accordingly<span class="sidenote">The Roman terms
imposed on
Antiochus.</span>
the envoys would receive the same
answer as they had previously received when they
came to the Hellespont before the battle. &#8220;They must
evacuate Europe and all Asia this side Taurus: must pay the
Romans fifteen thousand Euboic talents as an indemnity for
the expenses of the war, five hundred at once, two thousand
five hundred on the ratification of the treaty by the people,
and the rest in twelve yearly instalments of a thousand talents.
Further, Antiochus must pay Eumenes the four hundred
talents owing to him, and the balance of the corn due in
accordance with the treaty made with his father Attalus. He
must at the same time deliver Hannibal the Carthaginian,
Thoas the Aetolian, Mnasilochus the Acarnanian, and Philo
and Eubulides the Chalcidians. As security for the fulfilment
of these terms, Antiochus must at once give twenty hostages
named in the treaty.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">The terms are
accepted, and
missions sent to
Rome.</span>
Such was the decision
announced by Publius Scipio in the name of
the whole Council. Antipater and Zeuxis having
expressed their consent to them, it was agreed
by all to send envoys to Rome to appeal to the Senate and
people to confirm the treaty. The ambassadors of Antiochus
departed with this understanding: and during the following
days the Roman commanders divided their forces into their
winter quarters; and when some few days later the hostages
arrived, both Eumenes and the envoys of Antiochus started on
their voyage to Rome. Nor were they alone in their mission;
for Rhodes also, and Smyrna, and nearly all the nations and
states on this side Taurus sent ambassadors to Rome....</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b21_18" id="b21_18"><b>18.</b></a><a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> At the beginning of the summer following the victory
of the Romans over Antiochus,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189. Coss.
Cn. Manlius
Vulso,
M. Fulvius Nobilior. Reception
of king
Eumenes and the
ambassadors at
Rome.</span>
the ambassadors
of that king, and those from Rhodes, as well as
from the other states arrived in Rome. For, as I
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>
said, nearly all the states in Asia began sending envoys
to Rome immediately after the battle, because
the hopes of all as to their future position rested
at that time on the Senate. All who arrived
were graciously received by the Senate; but the most imposing
reception was that accorded to king Eumenes, both in the complimentary
processions sent out to meet him and the arrangements
made for his entertainment;<span class="sidenote">The audiences in
the Senate.</span>
and next in cordiality to
his reception was that given to the Rhodians.
When the time for the audiences came, they first
called in the king and bade him say freely what
he wished to obtain at the hands of the Senate.
<span class="sidenote">Eumenes.</span> But Eumenes at first evaded the task by saying:
&#8220;If I had been desirous of obtaining any favour from others,
I should have looked to the Romans for advice, that I might
neither desire anything that was wrong nor ask anything unfair;
but seeing that I am here to prefer my request to the Romans
themselves, I think it better to leave the interests of myself and
my brothers unreservedly in their hands.&#8221; And though one
of the Senators rose and begged him to have no apprehension,
but to speak his mind, he still adhered to this view. And so
after a certain time had elapsed the king withdrew; and the
Senate, remaining in the curia, debated what was to be done.
Eventually it was decreed to call upon Eumenes to declare
with his own mouth the objects of his visit without reserve,
on the ground that he knew best what his own kingdom required,
and what was the state of things in Asia. He was then called
in; and, one of the Senators having informed him of the vote,
he was compelled to speak on the business.</p>

<p><a name="b21_19" id="b21_19"><b>19.</b></a> He said therefore that &#8220;He would not say another
word on his own concerns,<span class="sidenote">Speech of
Eumenes.</span>
but would adhere
strictly to his resolution of leaving the decision
as to them entirely in the hands of the Romans.
But there was one subject on which he felt anxiety, namely,
the policy of Rhodes; and it was this that induced him to
address the Senate on the present occasion. These Rhodians
had come to Rome to further the interests of their own
country, and their own prosperity, quite as much as he had
come to promote those of his own kingdom at that moment;
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>
but their professions were entirely at variance with their real
purpose. And it was easy to satisfy one&#8217;s self of this: for, when
they enter the Senate house, they will say that they come
neither to ask anything for themselves nor to thwart Eumenes
in any way whatever; but are ambassadors for the liberty of
the Greek inhabitants of Asia. &#8216;To secure this,&#8217; they will say,
&#8216;is not so much a favour to themselves as an act incumbent
on the Romans, and in consonance with their former achievements.&#8217;
Such will be their specious professions; but the real
truth of the case will be wholly different. For if these cities
are once set free, the result will be that their dominion will
be many times increased, while his own would be in a manner
entirely broken up. For the attractive name of liberty and
autonomy would draw from his rule not only the cities to be
freed at present, but those also which had been under his rule
from of old, directly it is made apparent that the Senate has
adopted that policy, and would add them to the dominion of
Rhodes. That was the natural course for things to take.
Imagining that they owed their freedom to Rhodes, those
cities would become in name its allies, but in reality entirely
subservient, owing to the heavy obligation under which they will
find themselves. He begged the Senators, therefore, to be on
their guard on that point: lest they should find that they had
unwittingly aggrandised one friendly nation too much, and disproportionately
weakened another; or even that they were
benefiting men who had once been their foes, to the neglect
and contempt of their genuine friends.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b21_20" id="b21_20"><b>20.</b></a> &#8220;For myself,&#8221; he continued, &#8220;though in every other
point I would yield, if it were necessary, to my neighbours,
yet in the matter of your friendship and of my goodwill
towards you I will never, if I can help it, yield to any one alive.
And I think that my father, if he had been living, would have
said the same: for as he was the first to become your friend
and ally, so of all the inhabitants of Asia and Greece he was the
most nobly loyal to you to the last day of his life, not only in
heart but in deed. For he took his part in all your wars in
Greece, and furnished the largest contingents of men and
ships of all your allies; contributed the largest share of supplies;
and faced the most serious dangers: and to sum up all,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span>
ended his life actually engaged in the war with Philip, while
employed in urging the Boeotians to join your alliance. I,
too, when I succeeded to his kingdom, while fully maintaining
my father&#8217;s views, for it was impossible to do more, have yet
gone even beyond him in actual achievements: for the state
of the times brought me to a more fiery test than they did
him. Antiochus offered me his daughter and a share in his
whole kingdom: offered me immediate restoration of all the
cities that had been before wrested from me: and finally
promised me any price I chose if I would join him in his
war with you. But so far from accepting any one of these
offers, I joined you in your struggle against Antiochus with
the largest military and naval contingents of any of your allies;
contributed the largest share of supplies at the time of your
utmost need; and exposed myself unreservedly to every
danger along with your generals. Finally, I submitted to
being invested in Pergamos itself, and risked my life as well
as my crown in my loyalty to your people.</p>

<p><a name="b21_21" id="b21_21"><b>21.</b></a> &#8220;Therefore, men of Rome, as many of you have been
eye-witnesses of the truth of my words, and all of you know it,
it is but just that you should have a corresponding regard for
my interests. You have made Massanissa king of the greater
part of Libya, though he had once been your enemy and at
last deserted to your side accompanied only by a few horsemen,
only because he kept faith with you in one war: you
have raised Pleuratus to the first position among the princes
of Illyria, though he had done absolutely nothing for you
beyond keeping loyal; it would be the height of inconsistency
if you should neglect me and my family, who from generation to
generation have co-operated in your most important and glorious
undertakings. What is it, then, that I am asking you to do, and
what do I claim at your hands? I will tell you openly, since
you have called upon me to speak my mind to you. If you
decide, then, to continue holding certain parts of Asia which
are on this side Taurus, and were formerly subject to Antiochus,
that is what I should wish to see best of all: for I consider
that the security of my realm would best be secured by having
you for neighbours, and especially by my sharing in your
prestige. But if you decide not to do this, but to evacuate
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span>
Asia entirely, there is no one to whom you may with greater
justice surrender the prizes you have won in the field than to
me. But it may be said, it is a more honourable thing still
to set the enslaved free. Yes! if they had not ventured to
join Antiochus in the war against you. But since they had
the hardihood to do so, it is a much more honourable course
to make a proper return to your sincere friends, than to
benefit those who have shown themselves your enemies.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b21_22" id="b21_22"><b>22.</b></a> After the delivery of this effective speech Eumenes
retired. The Senate received both the king himself and the
speech with every mark of favour, and were enthusiastic for
doing everything in their power to gratify him.
<span class="sidenote">The legates from
Smyrna.</span>
They wished to call in the Rhodians next after
him; but one of the Rhodian ambassadors not
being there in time, they called in those from Smyrna, who
delivered a long disquisition on the goodwill and zeal which
they had displayed towards Rome during the late war. But
as there are no two opinions about the fact of their having
been, of all the autonomous states in Asia, the most strenuous
in the cause, I do not think it necessary to set forth their
speech in detail.</p>

<p>But next to them came in the Rhodians: who, after a short
preamble as to their services to the Romans,<span class="sidenote">Speech of the
Rhodians.</span>
quickly came to the discussion of the position
of their own country. They said that &#8220;It was
a very great embarrassment to them, in the discharge of their
ambassadorial duties, to find themselves placed by the necessities
of the case in opposition to a sovereign with whom their
public and private relations were of the most friendly description.
It was the opinion of their countrymen that the most
honourable course, and the one which above all others would
redound to the credit of Rome, was, that the Greeks in Asia
should be set free, and should recover that possession dearest
to all mankind&mdash;autonomy: but this was the last thing to suit
Eumenes and his brothers. It was the nature of monarchy
to hate equality, and to endeavour to have everybody, or at
least as many as possible, subject and obedient. But though
that was the case now, still they felt convinced that they should
gain their object, not because they had greater influence with
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span>
the Romans than Eumenes, but because they would be shown
to be suggesting a course more just in itself and more indisputably
advantageous to all concerned. If, indeed, the
only way the Romans could requite Eumenes was by handing
over to him the autonomous towns, they might reasonably be
at a loss to determine what to do; for they would have had
to decide between neglecting a sincere friend and disregarding
their own honour and duty, and thus entirely obscuring
and degrading the glory of their great achievements. But if,
on the other hand, it were possible adequately to consult for
both these objects at the same time, who could doubt about
the matter any longer? Yet the fact was that, as in a costly
banquet, there was enough and to spare for all. Lycaonia,
Phrygia on the Hellespont, and Pisidia, the Chersonese also
and the districts bordering on it, were at the disposal of the
Romans to give to whom they chose; only a few of which
added to the kingdom of Eumenes would double its present
extent, while if all, or even the great part were assigned to him,
it would become second to that of no other prince in Asia.</p>

<p><a name="b21_23" id="b21_23"><b>23.</b></a> &#8220;It was therefore in the power of the Romans to
strengthen their friends very materially without destroying the
glory of their own policy. For the end which they proposed
to themselves in their war was not the same as that of
other nations, but widely different. The rest of the world all
entered upon war with the view of conquering and seizing
cities, wealth, or ships: but heaven had ordained that they
should want none of these things, by having put everything
in the whole world under their rule. What was it, then, that
they had still occasion to wish for, and to take the securest
means to obtain? Plainly praise and glory among mankind;
which it was difficult indeed to gain, but most difficult of
all to preserve when gained. Their war with Philip might
show them their meaning. That war they had, as they
professed, undertaken with the sole object of liberating
Greece; and that was in fact the only prize they gained in it,
and no other whatever: yet the glory they got by it was
greater than that which the tribute of the Carthaginians had
brought them. And justly so: for money is a possession
common to all mankind, but honour and praise and glory are
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>
attributes of the gods and of those men who approach nearest
to them. Therefore, the most glorious of all their achievements
was the liberation of Greece; and if they now completed
that work their fame would receive its consummation:
but if they neglected to do so, even what they had already
accomplished would lose its lustre.&#8221; They finally wound up
by saying, &#8220;As for us, gentlemen, having once deliberately
adopted this policy and joined with you in the severest battles
and in genuine dangers, we do not now propose to abandon the
part of friends; but have not hesitated to say openly what we
believe to be for your honour and your interests alike, with no
ulterior design whatever, and with a single eye to our duty as
the highest earthly object.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b21_24" id="b21_24"><b>24.</b></a> This speech of the Rhodians was universally regarded
as temperate and fair.<span class="sidenote">Treaty with
Antiochus
confirmed.</span>
The Senate next
caused Antipater and Zeuxis, the ambassadors
of Antiochus, to be introduced: and
on their speaking in a tone of entreaty and supplication,
an approval of the agreement made by him with Scipio in
Asia was voted. A few days later the people also ratified it,
and oaths were accordingly interchanged with Antipater and
his colleague. This done, the other ambassadors from Asia
were introduced into the Senate: but a very brief hearing was
given to each, and the same answer was returned to all; namely,
that ten commissioners would be sent to decide on all points
of dispute between the cities.<span class="sidenote">Settlement of
Asia,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189.</span>
The Senate
then appointed ten commissioners, to whom
they gave the entire settlement of particulars;
while as a general principle they decided that of Asia
this side Taurus such inhabitants as had been subject to
Antiochus were to be assigned to Eumenes, except Lycia and
Caria up to the Maeander, which were to belong to the
Rhodians; while of the Greek cities, such of them as had
been accustomed to pay tribute to Attalus were to pay the
same to Eumenes; and only those who had done so to
Antiochus were to be relieved of tribute altogether. Having
given the ten commissioners these outlines of the general
settlement, they sent them out to join the consul, Cnaeus
Manlius Vulso, in Asia.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span></p>

<p>After these arrangements had been completed, the Rhodian
envoys came to the Senate again with a request
in regard to Soli in Cilicia,<span class="sidenote">Soli
in Cilicia.</span>
alleging that they
were called upon by ties of kindred to think of the interests
of that city; for the people of Soli were, like the Rhodians,
colonists from Argos. Having listened to what they had to
say, the Senate invited the attendance of the ambassadors
from Antiochus, and at first were inclined to order Antiochus
to evacuate the whole of Cilicia; but upon these ambassadors
resisting this order, on the ground of its being contrary to the
treaty, they once more discussed the case of Soli by itself.
The king&#8217;s ambassadors still vehemently maintaining their
rights, the Senate dismissed them and called in the Rhodians.
Having informed them of the opposition raised by Antipater,
they added that they were ready to go any length in the
matter, if the Rhodians, on a review of the whole case, determined
to push their claim. The Rhodian envoys, however,
were much gratified by the spirit shown by the Senate, and
said that they would ask nothing more. This question, therefore,
was left as it was; and just as the ten commissioners
and the other ambassadors were on the point of starting,<span class="sidenote">Summer <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189.</span>
the
two Scipios, and Lucius Aemilius, the victor
in the sea fight with Antiochus, arrived at
Brundisium; and after certain days all three entered Rome in
triumph....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Amynandrus was restored to the kingdom of Athamania,
which was occupied by a garrison of Philip&#8217;s, by the aid of the
Aetolians, who then proceeded to invade Amphilochia and the
Dolopes. Hence the Aetolian war, beginning with the siege of
Ambracia by M. Fulvius Nobilior. Livy, 38, 1-11.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b21_25" id="b21_25"><b>25.</b></a> Amynandrus, king of the Athamanes, thinking that he
had now permanently recovered his kingdom,<span class="sidenote">Summer of
190.</span>
sent envoys to Rome and to the Scipios in
Asia, for they were still in the neighbourhood
of Ephesus, partly to excuse himself for having, as it appeared,
secured his recall by the help of the Aetolians, but chiefly to
entreat that he might be received again into the Roman
alliance. But the Aetolians, imagining that they had now a
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span>
good opportunity of once more annexing Amphilochia and
Aperantia, determined on an expedition against those countries;
and when Nicander their Strategus had mustered the
league army, they invaded Amphilochia. Finding most of the
people willing to join them, they advanced into Aperantia;
and the Aperantians also willingly yielding to them, they continued
their expedition into Dolopia. The Dolopians for a
time made a show of resistance, and of keeping loyal to
Philip; but on considering what had happened to the Athamanes,
and the check which Philip had received there, they
quickly changed their minds and gave in their adhesion to
the Aetolians. After this successful issue of his expedition
Nicander led his army home, believing that Aetolia was
secured by the subjection of these tribes and places, against
the possibility of any one injuring its territory. But immediately
after these events, and when the Aetolians were
still in the full elation of their successes,<span class="sidenote">Late autumn of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 190.</span>
a
report reached them of the battle in Asia, in
which they learnt that Antiochus had been
utterly defeated. This caused a great revulsion of feeling;
and when presently Damoteles came from Rome and announced
that a continuation of the war was decreed against
them,<span class="sidenote">Spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
189.</span> and that Marcus Fulvius and an army had
crossed to attack them, they were reduced to
state of complete despair; and not knowing
how to meet the danger which was impending over them,
they resolved to send to Rhodes and Athens, begging them to
despatch envoys to Rome to intercede in their behalf, and, by
softening the anger of the Romans, to find some means of
averting the evils that threatened Aetolia. They also sent
ambassadors of their own to Rome once more, Alexander
Isius, and Phaeneas, accompanied by Callippus of Ambracia
and Lycopus....</p>

<p><a name="b21_26" id="b21_26"><b>26.</b></a> Some envoys from Epirus having visited the Roman
Consul, he consulted with them as to<span class="sidenote">M. Fulvius Nobilior
at Apollonia.</span>
the best
way of attacking the Aetolians. They advised
that he should begin by attacking Ambracia,
which was at that time a member of the Aetolian league. They
gave as their reasons that, if the Aetolians ventured to give
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span>
battle, the neighbourhood of Ambracia was very favourable for
the legions to fight in; and that if, on the other hand, the
Aetolians avoided an engagement, the town was an excellent one
to besiege: for the district round it would supply abundant timber
for the construction of siege artillery; and the river Arachthus,
which flowed right under the walls, would be of great use in conveying
supplies to the army in the summer season, and serve
as a protection to their works.<span class="sidenote">Fulvius advances
upon Ambracia.</span>
Fulvius thought
the advice good, and accordingly marched
through Epirus to attack Ambracia. On his
arrival there, as the Aetolians did not venture to meet him,
he reconnoitred the city, and set vigorously to work on the
siege.<span class="sidenote">The Aetolian envoys
intercepted.</span> Meanwhile the Aetolian envoys that
had been sent to Rome were caught off
Cephallenia by Sibyrtus, son of Petraeus, and
brought into Charadrus. The Epirotes first resolved to place
these men at Buchetus and keep them under strict guard.
But a few days afterwards they demanded a ransom of them
on the ground that they were at war with the Aetolians. It
happened that one of them, Alexander, was the richest man
in Greece, while the others were badly off, and far inferior to
Alexander in the amount of their property. At first the
Epirotes demanded five talents from each. The others did
not absolutely refuse this, but were willing to pay if they
could, because they cared above everything to secure their
own safety. But Alexander refused to consent, for it seemed
a large sum of money, and he lay awake at night bewailing
himself at the idea of being obliged to pay five talents. The
Epirotes, however, foresaw what would happen, and were
extremely alarmed lest the Romans should hear that they had
detained men who were on a mission to themselves, and
should send a despatch ordering their release; they, therefore,
lowered their demand to three talents a-piece. The others
gladly accepted the offer, gave security, and departed: but
Alexander said that he would not pay more than a talent, and
that was too much; and at last, giving up all thought of saving
himself, remained in custody, though he was an old man, and
possessed property worth more than two hundred talents;
and I think he would have died rather than pay the three
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>
talents. So extraordinarily strong in some men is the passion
for accumulating money. But on this occasion Fortune so
favoured his greed, that the result secured all men&#8217;s praise and
approval for his infatuation. For, a few days afterwards, a
despatch arrived from Rome ordering the release of the
ambassadors; and, accordingly, he was the only one of them
that was set free without ransom. When the Aetolians learnt
what had happened to him, they elected Damoteles as their
ambassador to Rome; who, however, when as far as Leucas
on his voyage, was informed that Marcus Fulvius was marching
through Epirus upon Ambracia, and, therefore, gave up
the mission as useless, and returned back to Aetolia....</p>

<p><a name="b21_27" id="b21_27"><b>27.</b></a> The Aetolians being besieged by the consul Marcus
Fulvius, offered a gallant resistance to the assault of the siege
artillery and battering rams.<span class="sidenote">Siege of Ambracia,
and the gallant
resistance of the
Aetolians.</span>
Marcus having
first strongly secured his camp began the siege
on an extensive scale; he opened three separate
parallel works across the plain against the
Pyrrheium, and a fourth opposite the temple of Asclepius, and
a fifth directed against the Acropolis. And the attack being
pushed on energetically at all these points at once, the besieged
became terribly alarmed at the prospect before them. Still, as
the rams vigorously battered the walls, and the long poles with
their iron sickles tore off the battlements, they tried to invent
machines to baffle them, letting down huge masses of lead and
stones and oak logs by means of levers upon the battering
rams; and putting iron hooks upon the sickles and hauling
them inside the walls, so that the poles to which they were
fastened broke against the battlements, and the sickles fell into
their hands. Moreover they made frequent sallies, in which
they fought with great courage: sometimes making a descent
by night upon the pickets quartered at the works, and at others
attacking in broad daylight the day-parties of the besiegers:
and by these means they managed to protract the siege....</p>

<p>Nicander was outside the city, and sent five hundred horse
into it. They carried the intervening entrenchment of the
enemy and forced their way into the town. With these he
had fixed on a day on which they were to sally out, and he was
to be ready to support them. They accordingly made the sally
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span>
with great courage and fought gallantly; but either from fear of
the danger, or because he conceived that what he was engaged
upon at the time could not be neglected, Nicander failed to
come up to time, and accordingly the attempt failed....<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">101</a></p>

<p><a name="b21_28" id="b21_28"><b>28.</b></a> By assiduously working the battering rams the Romans
were always breaking down this or that part of the wall. But
yet they could not succeed in storming any of these breaches,
because the besieged were energetic in raising counter walls,
and the Aetolians fought with determined gallantry on the
d&eacute;bris.<span class="sidenote">The Romans
begin mining
operations.</span>
They, therefore, in despair had recourse to mines and
underground tunnels. Having safely secured
the central one of their three works, and carefully
concealed the shaft with wattle screens, they
erected in front of it a covered walk or stoa about two hundred
feet long, parallel with the wall; and beginning their digging
from that, they carried it on unceasingly day and night, working
in relays. For a considerable number of days the besieged
did not discover them carrying the earth away through the
shaft;<span class="sidenote">Counter-mines by
the besieged.</span>
but when the heap of earth thus brought out became
too high to be concealed from those inside the
city, the commanders of the besieged garrison
set to work vigorously digging a trench inside,
parallel to the wall and to the stoa which faced the towers.
When the trench was made to the required depth, they next placed
in a row along the side of the trench nearest the wall a number
of brazen vessels made very thin; and, as they walked along the
bottom of the trench past these, they listened for the noise of
the digging outside. Having marked the spot indicated by
any of these brazen vessels, which were extraordinarily sensitive
and vibrated to the sound outside, they began digging from
within, at right angles to the trench, another underground
tunnel leading under the wall, so calculated as to exactly hit
the enemy&#8217;s tunnel. This was soon accomplished, for the
Romans had not only brought their mine up to the wall, but
had underpinned a considerable length of it on either side of
their mine; and thus the two parties found themselves face to
face. At first they conducted this underground fighting with
their spears: but as neither side could do much good, because
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span>
both parties protected themselves with shields and wattles,
some one suggested another plan to the defenders. Putting in
front of them an earthenware jar, made to the width of the
mine,<span class="sidenote">The Romans
smoked out.</span>
they bored a hole in its bottom, and, inserting
an iron funnel of the same length as the
depth of the vessel, they filled the jar itself with
fine feathers, and putting a little fire in it close to the mouth
of the jar, they clapped on an iron lid pierced full of holes.
They carried this without accident through the mine with its
mouth towards the enemy. When they got near the besiegers
they stopped up the space all round the rim of the jar, leaving
only two holes on each side through which they thrust spears
to prevent the enemy coming near the jar. They then took a
pair of bellows such as blacksmiths use, and, having attached
them to the orifice of the funnel, they vigorously blew up the
fire placed on the feathers near the mouth of the jar, continually
withdrawing the funnel in proportion as the feathers
became ignited lower down. The plan was successfully executed;
the volume of smoke created was very great, and, from
the peculiar nature of feathers, exceedingly pungent, and was
all carried into the faces of the enemy. The Romans, therefore,
found themselves in a very distressing and embarrassing
position, as they could neither stop nor endure the smoke in
the mines.<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> The siege being thus still further protracted the
Aetolian commander determined to send an envoy to the
Consul....</p>

<p><a name="b21_29" id="b21_29"><b>29.</b></a> About this time the ambassadors from Athens and
Rhodes came to the Roman camp for the purpose
of furthering,<span class="sidenote">Intercession of
Athens, Rhodes,
and king
Amynandrus.</span>
if they could, the conclusion
of a peace. The Athamanian king, Amynandrus,
also arrived, very eager to relieve the
Ambraciots from their miserable position, and having received
a safe conduct from Marcus Fulvius in consideration of the
urgent nature of the business: For he had a very friendly
feeling towards the Ambraciots, from having passed most of the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span>
time of his exile in that town<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">103</a>. A few days afterwards also
some Acarnanians arrived, bringing Damoteles and his fellow
envoys. For Marcus Fulvius, having been informed of their
misfortunes, had written to the people of Thyreum to bring the
men to him. All these various persons, therefore, having
assembled, the negotiations for peace were pushed on energetically.
For his part, Amynandrus was urgent in his advice to
the Ambraciots to save themselves from the destruction which
would not be long in coming to them unless they adopted
wiser counsels. On his coming again and again up to the wall
and conversing with them on this subject, the Ambraciots
decided to invite him inside the town. The consul having
given the king leave to enter the walls, he went in and discussed
the situation with the inhabitants. Meanwhile the Athenian
and Rhodian envoys got hold of the consul and tried by ingenious
arguments to mollify his anger. Some one also suggested
to Damoteles and Phaeneas to apply to Caius Valerius and
endeavour to win him over. He was the son of that Marcus
Valerius Laevinus who made the first alliance with the Aetolians;
and half brother, by the mother&#8217;s side, of the consul Marcus
Fulvius, and being a young man of vigorous character enjoyed
the greatest confidence of the consul. Being appealed to by
Damoteles, and thinking that in a way he had a family interest
in the matter, and was bound to undertake the patronage of
the Aetolians, he exerted himself with the greatest zeal and
enthusiasm to rescue that people from their perilous position.
The matter then being vigorously pushed forward on all sides at
once was at length accomplished. For the Ambraciots, by the
persuasion of the king, surrendered to the consul unreservedly
as far as they themselves were concerned, and gave up the
town, on the one condition that the Aetolian garrison should
march out under truce. This primary exception they made
that they might keep faith with their allies.</p>

<p><a name="b21_30" id="b21_30"><b>30.</b></a> So the consul agreed to grant the Aetolians peace on
condition of receiving two hundred Euboic talents down, and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span>
three hundred in six yearly instalments of fifty: of the
restoration to the Romans of all prisoners<span class="sidenote">Terms granted to
the Aetolians.</span>
and
deserters within six months without ransom:
of their retaining no city in their league, nor
thenceforth admitting any fresh one, of such as had been
captured by the Romans, or had voluntarily embraced their
friendship since Titus Quinctius crossed into Greece: the
Cephallenians not to be included in these terms.</p>

<p>Such was the sketch in outline of the main points of the treaty.
But it required first the consent of the Aetolians,<span class="sidenote">The Aetolian
people confirm
the treaty.</span>
and then to be referred to Rome: and meanwhile
the Athenian and Rhodian envoys remained
where they were, waiting for the decision of the Aetolians. On
being informed by Damoteles and his colleagues on their
return of the nature of the terms that had been granted them,
the Aetolians consented to the general principle&mdash;for they
were in fact much better than they had expected,&mdash;but in regard
to the towns formerly included in their league they hesitated for
some time; finally, however, they acquiesced. Marcus Fulvius
accordingly took over Ambracia, and allowed the Aetolian
garrison to depart under terms; but removed from the town
the statues and pictures, of which there was a great number,
owing to the fact of Ambracia having been a royal residence
of Pyrrhus. He was also presented with a crown<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> weighing
one hundred and fifty talents. After this settlement of affairs
he directed his march into the interior of Aetolia, feeling
surprised at meeting with no communication from the Aetolians.
But on arriving at Amphilochian Argos, a hundred and eighty
stades from Ambracia, he pitched his camp; and being there
met by Damoteles and his colleagues with the information
that the Aetolians had resolved to ratify the treaty which they
had concluded, they went their several ways, the Aetolians back
to their own country, and Marcus to Ambracia, where he
busied himself about getting his army across to Cephallenia;
while the Aetolians appointed Phaeneas and Nicander ambassadors
to go to Rome about the peace: for not a single line of
the above treaty held good until ratified by the Roman people.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b21_31" id="b21_31"><b>31.</b></a> While these envoys, accompanied by those from Rhodes
and Athens, were on their voyage with this object, Marcus
Fulvius sent Caius Valerius also, and some others of his friends
to Rome to secure the ratification of the treaty. But when
they arrived at Rome they found that a fresh cause of anger
with the Aetolians had arisen by the instrumentality of king
Philip; who, looking upon himself as wronged by the Aetolians
having taken Athamania and Dolopia from him, had sent to
some of his friends at Rome, urging them to share his displeasure
and secure the rejection of the pacification. Accordingly,
on the first arrival of the Aetolians, the Senate would not
listen to them; but afterwards, at the intercession of the
Rhodians and Athenians, changed its mind and consented to
their request: for Damis<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a>, besides other excellences displayed
in his speech, was thought to have introduced a very
apt simile, extremely applicable to the case in hand. He said
<span class="sidenote">Speech of Damis.</span> &#8220;The Romans had good cause for anger with
the Aetolians; for, instead of being grateful for
the many kindnesses received at their hands, they had brought
the Roman Empire into great danger by causing the war with
Antiochus to break out. But the Senate were wrong in one
point, namely in directing their anger against the masses. For
in states the common people were like the sea, which left to
its own nature was ever calm and unmoved, and not in the
least likely ever to trouble any of those who approached or
used it; but directly violent winds blew upon and disturbed
it, and forced it against its nature to become agitated, then
indeed nothing could be more dreadful or formidable than the
sea. This was just the case with the Aetolians. As long
as they were left to themselves, no people in Greece were
more loyal to you or more staunch in supporting your active
measures. But when Thoas and Dicaearchus brought a
storm from Asia, and Mnestas and Damocritus from Europe,
and, disturbing the calm of the Aetolian masses, compelled
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span>
them to become reckless of what they said or did,&mdash;then
indeed their good disposition gave way to bad, and while intending
to do mischief to you they really inflicted damage
upon themselves. It is against these mischief-makers therefore
that you should be implacable; while you should take
pity on the masses and make peace with them: with the assurance
that, if once more left to themselves, with the additional
feeling of having owed their safety on the present occasion to
you, their attachment to you will be the warmest in Greece.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b21_32" id="b21_32"><b>32.</b></a> By these arguments the Athenian envoy persuaded the
Senate to make peace with the Aetolians.<span class="sidenote">Treaty with
Aetolia,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189.</span>
The
decree therefore having been passed and confirmed
by a vote of the people, the treaty was
formally ratified, of which the text was as follows: &#8220;The
people of the Aetolians shall in good faith maintain the
empire and majesty of the people of Rome.</p>

<p>&#8220;They shall not allow hostile forces to pass through their
territory or cities against the Romans, their allies or friends;
nor grant them any supplies from the public fund.</p>

<p>&#8220;They shall have the same enemies as the people of Rome;
and if the Roman people go to war with any, the Aetolian
people shall do so also.</p>

<p>&#8220;The Aetolians shall surrender to the praefectus in Corcyra,
within a hundred days from the completion of the treaty,
runaway slaves, and prisoners of the Romans and their allies,
except such as having been taken during the war have returned
to their own land and been subsequently captured;
and except such as were in arms against Rome during the
time that the Aetolians were fighting on the side of the
Romans.</p>

<p>&#8220;If there should be any not found within that time, they
shall hand them over as soon as they are forthcoming, without
deceit or fraud. And such persons, after the completion of
the treaty, shall not be allowed to return to Aetolia.</p>

<p>&#8220;The Aetolians shall pay the consul in Greece at once two
hundred Euboic talents of silver, of a standard not inferior to
the Attic. In place of one third of this silver, they may, if
they so choose, pay gold, at the rate of a mina of gold to ten
minae of silver. They shall pay the money in the six years<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span>
next following the completion of the treaty in yearly installments
of fifty talents; and shall deliver the money in Rome.</p>

<p>&#8220;The Aetolians shall give the Consul forty hostages, not
less than ten or more than forty years old, to remain for the
six years; they shall be selected by the Romans freely, excepting
only the Strategus, Hipparch, public secretary, and such as
have already been hostages at Rome.</p>

<p>&#8220;The Aetolians shall deliver such hostages in Rome; and
if any one of them die, they shall give another in his place.</p>

<p>&#8220;Cephallenia shall not be included in this treaty.</p>

<p>&#8220;Of such territories, cities, and men as once belonged
to the Aetolians, and,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192.</span> in the consulship of Titus
Quinctius and Cnaeus Domitius, or subsequently,
were either captured by the Roman or voluntarily embraced
their friendship, the Aetolians shall not annex any, whether
city or men therein.</p>

<p>&#8220;The city and territory of Oeniadae shall belong to the
Acarnanians.&#8221;</p>

<p>The treaty having been solemnly sworn, peace was concluded,
and the war in Aetolia, as in the rest of Greece,
thus came to an end....</p>

<h3>THE WAR WITH THE GAULS OF ASIA</h3>

<p><a name="b21_33" id="b21_33"><b>33.</b></a> While the negotiations for peace with Antiochus, and
for the settlement of Asia generally were going on at Rome,
and the Aetolian war was being fought in Greece, it happened
that another war in Asia, that, namely, against the Gauls, was
brought to a conclusion, the account of which I am now about
to give....</p>

<p><a name="b21_34" id="b21_34"><b>34.</b></a> Moag&#277;tes was Tyrant of Cibyra, a cruel and crafty man,
whose career deserves somewhat more than a passing reference....</p>

<p>When Cnaeus Manlius was approaching Cibyra and had
sent Helvius to find out the intentions of
Moag&#277;tes,<span class="sidenote">Coss. Cn. Manlius
Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189; Moag&#277;tes
reduced to
submission.</span>
the latter begged him by ambassadors
not to damage the country, because he was
a friend of Rome, and ready to do anything
that was required of him; and, at the same
time, he offered Helvius a compliment of fifteen
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span>
talents. In answer to this, Helvius said that he would refrain
from damaging the territory; but that as to the general question
Moag&#277;tes must communicate with the Consul, for he was
close behind with his army. Moag&#277;tes accordingly sent ambassadors
to Cnaeus, his own brother being one of them.
When the Consul met them in the road, he addressed them
in threatening and reproachful terms, asserting that &#8220;Not only
had Moag&#277;tes shown himself the most determined enemy of
Rome, of all the princes in Asia, but had done his very best
to overthrow their empire, and deserved punishment rather
then friendship.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> Terrified by this display of anger, the ambassadors
abstained from delivering the rest of the message
with which they were charged, and merely begged him to have
an interview with Moag&#277;tes: and when Cnaeus consented they
returned to Cibyra. Next morning the Tyrant came out of
the town accompanied by his friends, displaying his humility
by a mean dress and absence of all pomp; and, in conducting
his defence, descanted in melancholy terms on his own helplessness
and the poverty of the towns under his rule (which consisted
of Cibyra, Syleium, and the town in the Marsh), and
entreated Cnaeus to accept the fifteen talents. Astonished at
his assurance, Cnaeus made no answer, except that, &#8220;If he did
not pay five hundred talents, and be thankful that he was
allowed to do so, he would not loot the country, but he would
storm and sack the city.&#8221; In abject terror Moag&#277;tes begged
him not to do anything of the sort; and kept adding to his
offer little by little, until at last he persuaded Cnaeus to take
one hundred talents, and one thousand medimni of corn, and
admit him to friendship<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">107</a>....</p>

<p><a name="b21_35" id="b21_35"><b>35.</b></a> When Cnaeus Manlius was crossing the River Colobatus,
ambassadors came to him from the town
of Sinda (in Pisidia)<span class="sidenote">Pacification of
Pamphylia.</span>
begging for help, because
the people of Termessus had called in the aid of
the people of Philomelus, and had depopulated their territory
and sacked their town; and were at that very moment besieging
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span>
its citadel, into which all the citizens, with wives and children,
had retreated. On hearing this, Cnaeus immediately
promised them aid with the greatest readiness; and thinking
the affair was a stroke of luck for himself, directed his march
towards Pamphylia. On his arrival in the neighbourhood of
Termessus, he admitted the Termessians to friendship on the
payment of fifty talents. He did the same with the Aspendians:
and having received the ambassadors of the other towns in
Pamphylia, he impressed on them in these interviews the conviction
mentioned above,<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> and having relieved the Sindians
from their siege, he once more directed his march against the
Gauls....</p>

<p><a name="b21_36" id="b21_36"><b>36.</b></a> After taking the town of Cyrmasa (in Pisidia), and a
very large booty, Cnaeus Manlius continued his
advance.<span class="sidenote">Conquest of
Pisidia.</span>
And as he was marching along the
marsh, envoys came from Lysinoe, offering an
unconditional surrender. After accepting this, Cnaeus entered
the territory of Sagalassus, and having driven off a vast quantity
of spoil waited to see what the Sagalassians were prepared
to do. When their ambassadors arrived he received them;
and accepting a compliment of fifty talents, twenty thousand
medimni of barley, and twenty thousand of wheat, admitted
them to friendship with Rome....</p>

<p><a name="b21_37" id="b21_37"><b>37.</b></a> Cnaeus sent envoys to Eposognatus the Gaul, desiring
him to send embassies to the kings of the Gauls.<span class="sidenote">Cnaeus Manlius
in Galatia.</span>
Eposognatus in his turn sent envoys to Cnaeus
begging him not to move his quarters or attack
the Tolistobogian Gauls; and assuring him that he would send
embassies to the kings, and propose peace to them, and felt
quite certain that he would be able to bring them to a proper
view of affairs in all respects....</p>

<p>In the course of his march through the country Cnaeus
made a bridge over the River Sangorius, which was extremely
deep and difficult to cross. And having encamped on the bank
of the river, he was visited by some Galli<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> sent by Attis and
Battacus, the priests of the mother of the gods at Pesinus,
wearing figures and images on their breasts, and announcing
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span>
that the goddess promised him victory and power; to whom
Cnaeus gave a courteous reception....</p>

<p>When Cnaeus was at the small town of Gordieium, ambassadors
came from Eposognatus, announcing that he had
been round and talked with the kings of the Gauls, but that
they would not consent to make any overtures of friendship
whatever; on the contrary, they had collected their children
and women on Mount Olympus, and were prepared to give
battle....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>The victory of the Romans over the Tolistoboii at Mount
Olympus is described by Livy, 38, 19-23; that over the Tectosages,
a few miles from Ancyra, in 38, 24-27. The second battle took
place in mid-autumn</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>189; and the result was that the
Gauls gave in their submission at Ephesus, and were forced to
engage to leave off predatory excursions, and to confine themselves
to their own frontiers. Livy, 38, 27 and 40.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b21_38" id="b21_38"><b>38.</b></a> It chanced that among the prisoners made when
the Romans won the victory at Olympus<span class="sidenote">The vengeance of
Chiomara, wife of
the Gallic chief
Ortiago. See
Livy, 38, 24.</span>
over the Gauls of Asia, was Chiomara, wife of
Ortiago. The centurion who had charge of
her availed himself of his chance in soldierly
fashion, and violated her.</p>

<p>He was a slave indeed both to lust and money: but
eventually his love of money got the upper hand; and, on
a large sum of gold being agreed to be paid for the woman,
he led her off to put her to ransom. There being a river
between the two camps, when the Gauls had crossed it, paid
the man the money, and received the woman, she ordered
one of them by a nod to strike the Roman as he was in the
act of taking a polite and affectionate farewell of her. The
man obeyed, and cut off the centurion&#8217;s head, which she
picked up and drove off with, wrapped in the folds of her
dress. On reaching her husband she threw the head at his
feet; and when he expressed astonishment and said: &#8220;Wife to
keep faith is a good thing,&#8221; she replied: &#8220;Yes; but it is a
better thing that there should be only one man alive who has
lain with me!&#8221; [Polybius says that he conversed with the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span>
woman at Sardis, and was struck with her dignified demeanour
and intelligence.]<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b21_39" id="b21_39"><b>39.</b></a> After the victory over the Gauls at Olympus, when the
Romans were encamped at Ancyra, and Cnaeus<span class="sidenote">The Gauls try to
take Cnaeus Manlius
by a stratagem,
but are
foiled. See Livy,
38, 25.</span>
was on the point of continuing his advance,
ambassadors came from the Tectosages asking
that Cnaeus would leave his troops in their
quarters, and advance himself in the course of
the next day into the space between the two
camps; and promising that their kings would come to meet
him, and discuss the terms of a peace. But when Cnaeus
consented, and duly arrived at the appointed place with five
hundred horse, the kings did not appear. After his return
to the camp, however, the ambassadors came again, and, offering
some excuses for the kings, begged him to come once more,
as they would send some of their chief men to discuss the
whole question. Cnaeus consented; but, without leaving the
camp himself, sent Attalus and some tribunes with three
hundred horse. The envoys of the Gauls duly appeared and
discussed the business: but finally said that it was impossible
for them to conclude the matter or ratify anything they agreed
upon; but they engaged that the kings would come next day
to agree on the terms, and finally settle the treaty, if the
Consul would also come to them. Attalus promised that
Cnaeus would come, and they separated for that day. But
the Gauls were deliberately contriving these postponements,
and amusing the Romans, because they wanted to get some
part of their families and property beyond the river Halys;
and, first of all, to get the Roman Consul into their hands if
they could, but if not, at any rate to kill him. With this
purpose they watched next day for the coming of the Romans,
with a thousand horse ready to fall upon him. When Cnaeus
heard the result of Attalus&#8217;s interview, believing that the kings
would come, he left the camp, attended as usual by five
hundred horse. Now it happened that, on the days of the
previous interviews, the foraging parties which went out
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span>
from the Roman camp to fetch wood and hay had gone in
the same direction, in order to have the protection of the
squadron which went to the parley. A numerous foraging party
acted in the same way on this third occasion, and the tribunes
ordered them to proceed in the same direction, with the usual
number of horsemen to protect them as they advanced. And
their being out on this duty proved accidentally to be the
salvation of their comrades in the danger which threatened
them....</p>

<h3>CEPHALLENIA.</h3>

<p><span class="sidenote">The citadel of
Same in Cephallenia
taken by a
night surprise.</span>
<a name="b21_40" id="b21_40"><b>40.</b></a> M. Fulvius took the quarter of the town
in which was the citadel by a night surprise,
and introduced the Romans into the town.<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b21_41" id="b21_41"><b>41.</b></a> The good and the expedient are seldom compatible,
and rare indeed are those who can combine and
reconcile them.<span class="sidenote">Philopoemen&#8217;s
policy towards
Sparta. See
above, bk. 19.</span>
For as a general rule we all
know that the good shuns the principles of immediate
profit, and profit those of the good.
However, Philopoemen attempted this task, and succeeded
in his aim. For it was a good thing to restore the captive
exiles to Sparta; and it was an expedient thing to humble
the Lacedaemonian state, and to punish those who had served
as bodyguards to a tyrant. But seeing clearly that money is
ever the support on which every dynasty rests, and having a
clear head and the instincts of a ruler, he took measures to
prevent the introduction into the town of money from outside....</p>

<p><a name="b21_43" id="b21_43"><b>43.</b></a><a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> Meanwhile in Asia the Roman consul Cnaeus Manlius
wintered at Ephesus, in the last year of this
Olympiad,<span class="sidenote">Cnaeus Manlius
spends the winter
of 189-188 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
at Ephesus, the
last year of the
147th Olympiad,
and arranges the
settlement of Asia.</span>
and was there visited by embassies
from the Greek cities in Asia and many others,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span>
bringing complimentary crowns to him for his
victories over the Gauls. For the entire inhabitants
of Asia this side Taurus were not so much
rejoiced at the prospect given them by Antiochus&#8217;s
defeat of being relieved from tribute, garrisons, or
other royal exactions, as at the removal of all fear of the
barbarians, and at their escape from their insolence and lawlessness.
Among the rest Musaeus came from Antiochus,
and some envoys from the Gauls, desiring to ascertain the terms
upon which friendship would be granted them; and also from
Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia. For this latter prince,
having attached himself to the fortunes of Antiochus, and having
taken part in his battle with the Romans, had become alarmed
and dismayed for his own fate, and therefore was endeavouring
by frequent embassies to ascertain what he would have to pay or
do to get pardon for his error. The Consul complimented the
ambassadors from the cities, and dismissed them after a very
favourable reception; but he replied to the Gauls that he would
not make a treaty with them until king Eumenes, whom he
expected, had arrived. To the envoys from Ariarathes he said
that they might have peace on the payment of six hundred
talents. With the ambassador of Antiochus he arranged that he
would come with his army to the frontier of Pamphylia, to receive
the two thousand five hundred talents, and the corn with which
the king had undertaken to furnish the Roman soldiers before
his treaty with Lucius Scipio. This business being thus
settled, he solemnly purified his army;<span class="sidenote">Spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 188.</span> and, as the season for
military operations was now beginning, he broke
up his quarters, and, taking Attalus with him,
arrived at Apameia in eight days&#8217; march, and remained there
three days. On the fourth he continued his advance; and,
pushing on at great speed, arrived on the third day at the
rendezvous with Antiochus, and there pitched his camp. Here
he was visited by Musaeus, who begged him to wait, as the
carts and cattle that were bringing the corn and money were
late. He consented to wait: and, when the supply arrived, he
distributed the corn among the soldiers, and handed over the
money to one of his tribunes, with orders to convey it to
Apameia.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b21_44" id="b21_44"><b>44.</b></a> He himself started in full force for Perga, where he
heard that a commander of a garrison placed in
that town<span class="sidenote">A faithful officer
at Perga.</span>
by Antiochus had neither left it himself
nor withdrawn his garrison. When he
came within a short distance of the place he was met by
the captain of the garrison, who begged Cnaeus not to condemn
him unheard. &#8220;He had received the city from
Antiochus in trust, and was holding it until he should be
instructed what to do by the sovereign who had entrusted it
to him.&#8221; And he therefore begged for thirty days&#8217; respite, to
enable him to send and ask the king for instructions.
Observing that Antiochus was behaving straightforwardly in
other particulars, Cnaeus consented to allow him to send and
ask the king the question. After some days the officer
accordingly received an answer, and surrendered the city.</p>

<p>About this time, just at the beginning of summer, the ten
commissioners and king Eumenes arrived by
sea at Ephesus;<span class="sidenote">Summer, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 188.
The ten Roman
commissioners
arrive in Asia.
See ch. 24.</span>
and, after giving themselves
two days to recover from the voyage, proceeded
up the country to Apameia. When their arrival
was known to Cnaeus Manlius, he sent his
brother Lucius with four thousand men to Oroanda (in Pisidia),
as a forcible hint that they must pay the money owing, in accordance
with the terms agreed on; while he himself marched his
army at full speed to meet Eumenes and the commissioners.
On his arrival he found the king and the ten commissioners,
and immediately held a consultation with them on the
measures to be taken. The first resolution come to was to
confirm the sworn agreement and treaty with Antiochus, about
which I need say no more, beyond giving the actual text of
the treaty, which was as follows:&mdash;</p>

<p><a name="b21_45" id="b21_45"><b>45.</b></a> &#8220;There shall be perpetual peace between Antiochus
and the Romans if he fulfils the provisions of<span class="sidenote">Text of the treaty
between Antiochus
and Rome.</span>
the treaty.</p>

<p>&#8220;Neither Antiochus nor any subject to him
shall allow any to pass through their territories to attack the
Romans or their allies, nor supply them with aught. Neither
shall the Romans or their allies do the like for those attacking
Antiochus or those subject to him.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span></p>

<p>&#8220;Antiochus shall not wage war upon the Islanders or the
dwellers in Europe.</p>

<p>&#8220;He shall evacuate all cities and territory (this side Taurus<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a>).
His soldiers shall take nothing out with them except the arms
they are carrying. If they chance to have taken anything
away they shall restore it to the same cities.</p>

<p>&#8220;He shall receive neither soldiers nor other men from the
territory of king Eumenes.</p>

<p>&#8220;If there be any men in the army of Antiochus coming
from any of the cities taken over by the Romans, he shall
deliver them up at Apameia.</p>

<p>&#8220;If there be any from the kingdom of Antiochus with the
Romans or their allies, they may remain or depart as they
choose.</p>

<p>&#8220;Antiochus and those subject to him shall give back the
slaves, captives, and deserters of the Romans or their allies
and any captive received from any quarter. Antiochus shall
give up, if it be within his power so to do, Hannibal, son of
Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, Mnesilochus the Acarnanian,
Thoas the Aetolian, Euboulidas and Philo the Chalcidians,
and such of the Aetolians as have held national offices.</p>

<p>&#8220;Antiochus shall give up all his elephants, and shall have
none henceforth.</p>

<p>&#8220;Antiochus shall surrender his ships of war, their tackle,
and fittings, and henceforth have only ten decked ships. He
shall not have a vessel rowed by thirty oars, [or by less]<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> for
purposes of war begun by himself.</p>

<p>&#8220;He shall not sail west of the river Calycadnus and
the promontory of Sarpedon, except to convey tribute or
ambassadors or hostages.</p>

<p>&#8220;It shall not be lawful for Antiochus to enlist soldiers or
receive exiles from the territory subject to Rome.</p>

<p>&#8220;Such houses as belonged to the Rhodians or their allies,
in the territory subject to Antiochus, shall continue to belong
to the Rhodians as before the war: any money owed to them
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span>
shall still be recoverable: and any property left behind by
them, if sought for, shall be restored.</p>

<p>&#8220;The Rhodians shall, as before the war, be free from
tribute.</p>

<p>&#8220;If Antiochus has given any of the towns to others which
he is bound to restore, he shall remove from them also his
garrisons and men. And if any shall wish hereafter to desert
to him, he shall not receive them.</p>

<p>&#8220;Antiochus shall pay to the Romans ten thousand talents,
in ten yearly instalments, of the best Attic silver, each talent
to weigh not less than eighty Roman pounds, and ninety
thousand medimni of corn.</p>

<p>&#8220;Antiochus shall pay to king Eumenes three hundred and
fifty talents in the five years next following, in yearly instalments
of seventy talents; and in lieu of the corn, according
to the valuation of Antiochus himself, one hundred and
twenty-seven talents, two hundred and eight drachmae, which
sum Eumenes has consented to accept &#8216;as satisfying his claims.&#8217;</p>

<p>&#8220;Antiochus shall give twenty hostages, not less than
eighteen nor more than forty-five years old, and change them
every three years.</p>

<p>&#8220;If there be in any year a deficit in the instalment paid,
Antiochus shall make it good in the next year.</p>

<p>&#8220;If any of the cities or nations, against whom it has been
hereby provided that Antiochus should not make war, should
commence war against him, it shall be lawful for Antiochus to
war with them; but of such nations and cities he shall not
have sovereignty nor attach them as friends to himself.</p>

<p>&#8220;Such complaints as arise between the parties to this
treaty shall be referred to arbitration.</p>

<p>&#8220;If both parties agree in wishing anything to be added to
or taken from this treaty, it shall be lawful so to do.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b21_46" id="b21_46"><b>46.</b></a> Immediately after this treaty had been solemnly sworn
to, the proconsul Cnaeus sent Quintus Minucius
Thermus<span class="sidenote">Burning of Antiochus&#8217;s
ships at
Patara in Lycia.</span>
and his brother Lucius, who had just
brought the money from Oroanda to Syria, with
orders to receive the oath from the king, and confirm the
several clauses of the treaty. And to Quintus Fabius Labeo,
who was in command of the fleet, he sent a despatch ordering
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span>
him to sail back to Patara, and take over and burn the ships
there....</p>

<p><span class="sidenote">Ariarathes V. King
of Cappadocia.</span>
<a name="b21_47" id="b21_47"><b>47.</b></a> The proconsul Cnaeus Manlius made
Ariarathes a friend of Rome on receipt of
three hundred talents....</p>

<p><a name="b21_48" id="b21_48"><b>48.</b></a> At Apameia the Proconsul and the ten commissioners,
after listening to all who appealed to them,<span class="sidenote">Final settlement
of the affairs of
Asia Minor by the
commissioners.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 188.</span>
assigned in the case of disputed claims to territory,
money, or anything else, certain cities in
which the parties might have their claims settled
by arbitration. The general scheme which they
drew out was as follows: Those of the autonomous cities
which, having formerly paid tribute to Antiochus, had remained
faithful to Rome, they relieved from tribute altogether.
Those that had been tributary to Attalus they ordered to pay
the same tribute to his successor Eumenes. Such as had
abandoned the Roman friendship and joined Antiochus in the
war, they ordered to pay Eumenes the amount of tribute imposed
on them by Antiochus. The people of Colophon,
Notium, Cymae, and Mylae, they freed from tribute. To
the Clazomenians, besides this relief, they gave the Island
Drymussa. To the Ephesians they restored the sacred district
which they had been obliged by the enemy to evacuate<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a>....
To the people of Chios, Smyrna, and Erythrae, besides other
marks of honour, they assigned the territory which they
severally expressed a wish to have at the time, and alleged
was their right, from regard for their loyalty and zeal which
they had shown to Rome during the war. To the Phocaeans
they restored their ancestral city and the territory which they
possessed of old. They next transacted business with the
Rhodians, giving them Lycia and Caria up to the river
Maeander, except Telmissus. As to king Eumenes and his
brothers, not content with the liberal provision made for them
in their treaty with Antiochus, they now assigned him in
addition the Chersonese, Lysimacheia, and the castles on the
borders of these districts, and such country as had been subject
to Antiochus in Europe; and in Asia, Phrygia on the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span>
Hellespont, Great Phrygia, so much of Mysia as he had before
subjugated, Lycaonia, Milyas, Lydia, Tralles, Ephesus, and
Telmissus: all these they gave to Eumenes. As to Pamphylia,
Eumenes alleged that it was on this side Taurus, the
ambassadors of Antiochus on the other; and the commissioners
feeling unable to decide, referred the question to the Senate.
Having thus decided the largest number and most important
of the matters brought before them, they started on the road
towards the Hellespont, intending on their journey to still
further secure the settlement arrived at with the Gauls....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXII</h2>

<h3>CONTENTS</h3>

<p><a name="b22_1" id="b22_1" /><a name="b22_2" id="b22_2" /><i>In the 148th Olympiad</i> (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>188-184</i>) <i>embassies came from
Philip and the tribes bordering on Macedonia to Rome. The decrees
of the Senate concerning them. In Greece the quarrel of Philip
with the Thessalians and Perrhaebians about the cities held by
Philip in their countries from the time of the war with Antiochus.
The decision concerning them before Q. Caecilius at Tempe. Decisions
of Caecilius. A difference of Philip with the ambassadors
of Eumenes and the exiles from Maroneia; the pleadings on
these points at Thessalonica and the decision of Caecilius. The
massacre at Maroneia instigated by king Philip. The arrival
of the Roman legates, and their decisions. The causes of the
war between the Romans and Perseus. Arrival of ambassadors
from kings Ptolemy and Eumenes and Seleucus in the Peloponnese.
The decision of the Achaeans on the alliance with Ptolemy,
and on the gifts offered them by these kings. Arrival of Q.
Caecilius and his disapprobation of the measures taken in regard
to Sparta. Embassy of Areus and Alcibiades, two of the earlier
exiles from Sparta, to Rome, and their accusations against Philopoemen
and the Achaeans. The Roman envoys come to Cleitor,
where there is an Achaean assembly. The speeches delivered for
both parties, and the Achaean decrees in the affair of Sparta.</i><a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">116</a></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b22_3" id="b22_3"><b>3.</b></a> <span class="smcap">After</span> the execution of the men at Compasium,<a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> some of
the Lacedaemonians, incensed at what had been done, and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>
believing that the power and authority of the Romans had
been set at naught by Philopoemen,<span class="sidenote">An appeal to
Rome against
Philopoemen.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 187. Coss. M.
Aemilius Lepidus,
C. Flamininus.</span>
went to
Rome and accused Philopoemen and his proceedings;
and finally obtained a letter addressed
to the Achaeans from Marcus Lepidus, the
consul of the year, and afterwards Pontifex
Maximus, in which he told the Achaeans that
they had not acted equitably in the matters of the Lacedaemonians.
At the same time as this mission from Sparta,
Philopoemen also appointed Nicodemus of Elis and others to
go on an embassy to Rome.</p>

<p>Just at that time Demetrius of Athens came on a mission
from Ptolemy, to renew the existing alliance<span class="sidenote">Renewal of the
treaty between
the Achaean
league and
Ptolemy.</span>
between the king and the Achaean league.
This was eagerly accepted, and my father,
Lycortas, and Theodoridas, and Rhositeles of
Sicyon were appointed ambassadors to take the
oaths on behalf of the Achaeans, and receive those of the
king.<span class="sidenote">The accomplishments
of Ptolemy
Epiphanes.</span>
And on that occasion a circumstance
occurred, which, though not important perhaps,
is still worth recording. After the completion
of this renewal of alliance on behalf of the Achaeans, Philopoemen
entertained the ambassador; and in the course of the
banquet the ambassador introduced the king&#8217;s name, and said
a great deal in his praise, quoting anecdotes of his skill and
boldness in hunting, as well as his excellence in riding and the
use of arms; and ended by quoting, as a proof of what he said,
that the king on horseback once transfixed a bull with a
javelin....</p>

<p><a name="b22_4" id="b22_4"><b>4.</b></a> In Boeotia, after the formation of the treaty between
Rome and Antiochus, the hopes of the whole<span class="sidenote">The effect of the
collapse of
Antiochus upon
Boeotia.</span>
revolutionary party were destroyed. Politics
therefore began to assume a new aspect; and
whereas the administration of justice among
them had been postponed for nearly the last twenty years,
voices began to make themselves heard in the cities to the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span>
effect that &#8220;there ought to be an end and settlement of their
mutual disputes.&#8221; But after considerable controversy on this
point, because the discontented were more numerous than the
wealthy, the following circumstance occurred which helped
accidently to support the party of order. Titus Flamininus
had for some time past been zealously working in Rome to
secure the restoration of Zeuxippus to Boeotia,<span class="sidenote">Resistance to the
recall of
Zeuxippus.</span>
because he had found him serviceable on many
occasions during the wars with Antiochus and
Philip. And just at this time he had induced the Senate to
send a despatch to the Boeotians ordering them to recall
Zeuxippus and his fellow exiles. When this despatch arrived,
the Boeotians, fearing that, if these men were restored, they
would become detached from their good understanding with
Macedonia, determined that the legal sentence upon
Zeuxippus and the rest should be publicly proclaimed,<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">118</a>
which they had formerly drawn up against them. Thus they
condemned them on two charges, first, of sacrilege for
having stripped off the silver from the plated table of Zeus,
<span class="sidenote">See 18, 43. Livy,
33, 28.</span> and, secondly, of murder for having killed
Brachylles. Having made this arrangement,
they assumed that they need pay no further attention to the
despatch of the Senate, but contented themselves with sending
Callicritus and others to Rome with the message that they
were unable to rescind what had been settled by their laws.
Zeuxippus having sent an embassy to the Senate at the same
time, the Romans wrote to the Aetolians and Achaeans an
account of the attitude assumed by the Boeotians, and ordered
them to restore Zeuxippus to his country. The Achaeans refrained
from invading the country with an army, but selected
some ambassadors to go and persuade the Boeotians to obey
the orders from Rome; and also to settle the legal disputes
existing between them and the Achaeans, on the same principles
as they conducted the administration of justice at home:
for it happened that there were some controversies between
the two nations that had been dragging on for a long time.
On receiving this message the Boeotians, whose Strategus was
then Hippias, promised at the moment that they would do
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span>
what was demanded of them, but shortly afterwards neglected
it at every point. Therefore, when Hippias had laid down his
office and Alcetas had succeeded him, Philopoemen gave all
who chose license to make reprisals on the territories of the
Boeotians; which proved the beginning of a serious quarrel
between the two nations. For on the cattle of Myrrhichus and
Simon being driven off,<a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> and a struggle arising over this
transaction, the contest soon ceased to be political, and became
the beginning and prelude of open war. If indeed the
Senate had persisted in carrying out the restoration of
Zeuxippus, war would quickly have been kindled; but as it
maintained silence on the subject, the Megareans were induced
by an embassy proposing terms to stop the reprisals.<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b22_5" id="b22_5"><b>5.</b></a> A quarrel arose between the Lycians and Rhodians from
the following causes. When the ten commissioners
were employed in the settlement of Asia,<span class="sidenote">Rhodes and the
Lycians.</span>
they were visited by Theaetetus and Philophron
on a mission from Rhodes, demanding that Lycia and
Caria should be given to them in return for the goodwill
and zeal displayed by them in the war with Antiochus. At
the same time Hipparchus and Satyrus came from Ilium
begging, on the ground of their kindred with the Lycians, that
the latter should receive pardon for their transgressions. The
commissioners listened to these pleadings, and tried to do what
they could to satisfy both. For the sake of the people of
Ilium, they inflicted no severity on the Lycians, but gratified
the Rhodians by presenting them with the sovereignty over
that people. This decision was the origin of a serious division
and controversy between the Lycians and Rhodians. For the
envoys of Ilium visited the Lycian cities, giving out that they
had succeeded in pacifying the Roman anger, and that they
owed their liberty to them; while Theaetetus and his colleague
took back word to their countrymen that Lycia and all Caria
south of the Maeander had been given as a free gift by the
Romans to Rhodes. Presently an embassy came from Lycia to
Rhodes desiring an alliance; while the Rhodians on their part
had elected certain of their citizens to go to Lycia and give
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span>
orders to the several cities as to what they were to do. They
were thus entirely at cross purposes, and for some time the
cause of the misunderstanding was not generally intelligible.
But when the Lycian ambassadors appeared in the assembly
and began talking about an alliance, and Pothion the Prytanis
rose after them and explained the different ideas which the two
people entertained on the subject, and moreover, sternly rebuked
the Lycian envoys,<a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> the latter declared that they would
endure anything rather than be subject to the Rhodians....</p>

<h3>EGYPT UNDER PTOLEMY EPIPHANES AFTER THE DEATH OF
ARISTOMENES (<b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_53">53</a>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a>)</h3>

<p><a name="b22_6" id="b22_6"><b>6.</b></a> All men admire the magnanimity of Philip towards
Athens; for though he had been injured as well as
abused by them,<span class="sidenote">Contrast of the
conduct of Philip
II. of Macedon
to Athens in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 338
with that of
Ptolemy.</span>
yet when he conquered them at
Chaeroneia, so far from using this opportunity
for injuring his opponents, he caused the corpses
of the Athenians to be buried with the proper
ceremonies; while those of them who had been
taken prisoners he actually presented with clothes, and
restored to their friends without ransom. But though men
praise they do not imitate such conduct. They rather try to
outdo those with whom they are at war, in bitterness of passion
and severity of vengeance. Ptolemy, for instance, had men
tied naked to carts and dragged at their tail, and then put to
death with torture....</p>

<p><a name="b22_7" id="b22_7"><b>7.</b></a> When this same Ptolemy was besieging Lycopolis, the
Egyptian nobles surrendered to the king at
discretion;<span class="sidenote">Suppression of
the revolt in
Lower Egypt,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 186-185.</span>
and his cruel treatment of them involved
him in manifold dangers. The same was
the result at the time Polycrates suppressed the
revolt. For Athinis, Pausiras, Chesuphus, and
Irobastus, who still survived of the rebellious
<span class="sidenote">Lycopolis in the
Thebaid.</span>nobles, yielding to necessity, appeared at the city of Sais and
surrendered at discretion to the king. But Ptolemy, regardless
of all pledges, had them tied naked to the carts and dragged
off, and then put to death with torture. He then went to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>
Naucratis with his army, where he received the mercenaries
enlisted for him by Aristonicus from Greece, and thence sailed
to Alexandria, without having taken any part whatever in the
actual operations of the war, thanks to the dishonest advice of
Polycrates, though he was now twenty-five years old....</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b22_8" id="b22_8"><b>8.</b></a> At this time were sowed the seeds of fatal evils to the
royal house of Macedonia.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 186. The
origin of the last
Macedonian war.</span>
I am aware that
some historians of the war between Rome and
Perseus, when they wish to set forth the causes
of the quarrel for our information, assign as the primary one
the expulsion of Abrupolis from his principality,
<span class="sidenote">Abrupolis, a
Thracian prince
and friend of the
Romans. See
Livy, 42, 13, 40.
Death of Philip
V. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 179.</span>
on the ground of having made a raid upon the
mines at Pangaeum after the death of Philip,
which Perseus repulsed, finally expelling him
entirely out of his own dominions. Next they
mention the invasion of Dolopia, and the visit
of Perseus to Delphi, the plot against Eumenes at Delphi, and
the murder of the ambassadors in Boeotia;<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 176-172.</span>
and
from these they say sprang the war between
Perseus and the Romans. But my contention is that it is of
most decisive advantage, both to historians and their readers,
to know the causes from which the several events are born and
spring. Most historians confound these, because they do not
keep a firm hold upon the distinction between a pretext and
a cause, or again between a pretext and a beginning of a war.
And since events at the present time recall this distinction
I feel compelled to renew my discussion of this subject.<span class="sidenote">See bk. 3, ch. 6.</span> For
instance, of the events just referred to, the first
three are pretexts; the last two&mdash;the plot against
Eumenes, the murder of the ambassadors, and other similar
things that happened during the same period&mdash;are clear <i>beginnings</i>
of the war between Rome and Perseus, and of the final
overthrow of the Macedonian kingdom; but not one of them
is a <i>cause</i> of these things. I will illustrate by examples. Just
as we say that Philip son of Amyntas contemplated and
determined upon accomplishing the war with Persia, while
Alexander put into execution what he had projected, so in the
present instance we say that Philip son of Demetrius first projected
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span>
the last war against Rome, and had all his preparations
ready for the execution of his design, but that after his death
Perseus became the agent in carrying out the undertaking
itself. If this be true, the following also is clear: it is impossible
that the causes of the war should have been subsequent
to the death of him who resolved upon and projected it;
which would be the case if we accepted the account of these
historians; for the events alleged by them as its causes were
subsequent to the death of Philip....</p>

<p><a name="b22_9" id="b22_9"><b>9.</b></a> About the same time ambassadors came to Rome from
king Eumenes, informing the Senate<span class="sidenote">Complaints
lodged against
Philip at Rome,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 185.</span>
of the
encroachment of Philip upon the cities in
Thrace. There came also the exiles of the
Maronitae denouncing Philip, and charging him
with being the cause of their expulsion. These were followed
by Athamanians, Perrhaebians, and Thessalians, demanding the
restoration of their cities which Philip had taken from them
during the war with Antiochus. Ambassadors also came from
Philip to make answer to all accusers. After repeated debates
between all these envoys and the ambassadors of Philip,<span class="sidenote">A commission
of investigation
appointed.</span>
the
Senate decided to appoint a commission at once,
to investigate the actions of Philip, and to protect
all who chose to state their views and their
complaints of the king to his face. The legates thus appointed
were Quintus Caecilius, Marcus Baebius, and Tiberius
Claudius.<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a>...</p>

<p>There was again a war of parties among the
Aenii,<span class="sidenote">Aenus in
Thrace.</span>
one side inclining to Eumenes, the other
to Macedonia....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>The result of these embassies was the Congress of Tempe, at
which no definite settlement was made. Livy, 39, 25-28.</i></p>

<h3>A MEETING OF THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE PARLIAMENT</h3>

<p><span class="sidenote">Philopoemen
Achaean Strategus
for two years
running, from
May <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189 to
May <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 187.</span>
<a name="b22_10" id="b22_10"><b>10.</b></a> I have already stated that in the Peloponnese,
while Philopoemen was still Strategus,
the Achaean league sent an embassy to Rome
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span>on the subject of Sparta, and another to king
Ptolemy to renew their ancient alliance.</p>

<p>Immediately after Philopoemen had been succeeded by
Aristaenus as Strategus, the ambassadors of king Ptolemy
arrived, while the league meeting was assembled
at Megalopolis.<span class="sidenote">Aristaenus.
May, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 187 to
May, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 186.</span>
King Eumenes also had despatched
an embassy offering to give the Achaeans
one hundred and twenty talents, on condition that it was invested
and the interest used to pay the council of the league at the time
of the federal assemblies.<span class="sidenote">Seleucus Philopator succeeded
his father
Antiochus the
Great, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 187.</span>
Ambassadors came
also from king Seleucus, to renew his friendship
with them, and offering a present of a fleet of ten
ships of war. But when the assembly got to
business, the first to come forward to speak
was Nicodemus of Elis,<span class="sidenote">Business of the
Achaean
assembly.</span> who recounted to the
Achaeans what he and his colleagues had said
in the Roman Senate about Sparta, and read
the answer of the Senate;
which was to the
effect that the Senate disapproved of the destruction
<span class="sidenote">Letter from the
Senate on the
subject of
Philopoemen&#8217;s
actions at
Sparta.</span>of the walls, and of the execution of the
men put to death at Compasium, but that it
did not rescind any arrangement made. No
one saying a word for or against this, the subject was allowed
to pass.</p>

<p>Next came the ambassadors from Eumenes, who renewed
the ancestral friendship of the king with the
Achaeans,<span class="sidenote">The offer of
Eumenes.</span>
and stated to the assembly the offer
made by him. They spoke at great length on
these subjects, and retired after setting forth the greatness of
the king&#8217;s kindness and affection to the nation.</p>

<p><a name="b22_11" id="b22_11"><b>11.</b></a> After they had finished their speech, Apollonidas of Sicyon
rose and said that: &#8220;As far as the amount of the
money was concerned,<span class="sidenote">Answer of
Apollonidas.</span> it was a present worthy
of the Achaeans. But if they looked to the intention
of the donor, or the purpose to which the gift was to
be applied, none could well be more insulting and more unconstitutional.
The laws prohibited any one, whether a private
individual or magistrate, from accepting presents from a king
on any pretence whatever; but if they took this money they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span>
would every one of them be plainly accepting a present, which
was at once the gravest possible breach of the law, and confessedly
the deepest possible personal disgrace. For that the
council should take a great wage from Eumenes, and meet to
deliberate on the interests of the league after swallowing such a
bait, was manifestly disgraceful and injurious. It was Eumenes
that offered money now; presently it would be Prusias;
and then Seleucus. But as the interests of democracies and of
kings are quite opposite to each other, and as our most frequent
and most important deliberations concern the points of controversy
arising between us and the kings, one of two things must
necessarily happen; either the interests of the king will have
precedence over our own, or we must incur the reproach of
ingratitude for opposing our paymasters.&#8221; He therefore urged
the Achaeans not only to decline the offer, but to hold
Eumenes in detestation for thinking of making it.</p>

<p>Next rose Cassander of Aegina and reminded the Achaeans
of &#8220;The misfortunes which the Aeginetans had
met<span class="sidenote">Speech of
Cassander of
Aegina.</span>
with through being members of the Achaean
league; when Publius Sulpicius sailed against
them with the Roman fleet, and sold all the unhappy Aeginetans
into slavery.&#8221; In regard to this subject I have already related
how the Aetolians, having got possession of Aegina in virtue of
their treaty with Rome, sold it to Attalus for thirty talents.
Cassander therefore drew the attention of the Achaeans to
these facts; and demanded that Eumenes should not seek to
gain the affection of the Achaeans by offering them money, but
that he should establish an incontestable claim to every sign of
devotion by giving back Aegina. He urged the Achaeans not
to accept presents which would place them in the position of
being the destroyers of the hopes of Aeginetan restoration for
all time.</p>

<p>After these speeches had been delivered, the people showed
such signs of enthusiastic approval that<span class="sidenote">The present of
Eumenes is
refused.</span>
no one
ventured to speak on the side of the king; but
the whole assembly rejected the offer by acclamation,
though its amount certainly made it exceedingly tempting.</p>

<p><a name="b22_12" id="b22_12"><b>12.</b></a> The next subject introduced for debate was that of
king Ptolemy. The ambassadors who had been on the mission<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span>
to Ptolemy were called forward, and Lycortas, acting as spokesman,
<span class="sidenote">Ptolemy. The
speech of
Lycortas.</span>
began by stating how they had interchanged
oaths of alliance with the king; and next announced
that they brought a present from the
king to the Achaean league of six thousand stands of arms for
peltasts, and two thousand talents in bronze coinage. He
added a panegyric on the king, and finished his speech by a
brief reference to the goodwill and active benevolence of the
king towards the Achaeans.<span class="sidenote">A mistake
discovered.</span> Upon this the Strategus of the
Achaeans, Aristaenus, stood up and asked
Lycortas and his colleagues in the embassy to
Ptolemy &#8220;which alliance it was that he had thus renewed?&#8221;</p>

<p>No one answering the question, but all the assembly
beginning to converse with each other, the Council chamber
was filled with confusion. The cause of this absurd state
of things was this. There had been several treaties of
alliance formed between the Achaeans and Ptolemy&#8217;s
kingdom, as widely different in their provision as in the
circumstances which gave rise to them: but neither had
Ptolemy&#8217;s envoy made any distinction when arranging for the
renewal, merely speaking in general terms on the matter, nor had
the ambassadors sent from Achaia; but they had interchanged
the oaths on the assumption of there being but one treaty.
The result was, that, on the Strategus quoting all the treaties,
and pointing out in detail the differences between them, which
turned out to be important, the assembly demanded to know
which it was that it was renewing. And when no one was able
to explain, not even Philopoemen himself, who had been in office
when the renewal was made, nor Lycortas and his colleagues
who had been on the mission to Alexandria, these men all
began to be regarded as careless in conducting the business of
the league; while Aristaenus acquired great reputation as being
the only man who knew what he was talking about; and finally,
the assembly refused to allow the ratification, voting on account
of this blunder that the business should be postponed.</p>

<p>Then the ambassadors from Seleucus entered with their
proposal. The Achaeans,<span class="sidenote">Offer of
Seleucus.</span>
however, voted to
renew the friendship with Seleucus, but to
decline for the present the gift of the ships.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b22_13" id="b22_13"><b>13.</b></a> Having thus finished their deliberations, the assembly
broke up and the people separated to their
several cities.<span class="sidenote">Winter of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 185.</span>
But subsequently, while the
(Nemean) games were in course of celebration,
Quintus Caecilius arrived from Macedonia, on his way back
from the embassy which he had been conducting to Philip.
Aristaenus having called a meeting of the league magistrates in
Argos, Quintus attended and upbraided them for having exceeded
justice in the harshness and severity with which they had
treated the Lacedaemonians, and urged them strongly to repair
the error. Aristaenus said not a word, showing clearly by his
silence that he disapproved of what had been done and agreed
with the words of Caecilius. But Diophanes of Megalopolis,
who was more of a soldier than a statesman, stood up to speak,
and so far from offering any defence of the Achaeans, suggested
to Caecilius, from hostility to Philopoemen, another charge that
might be brought against them. For he said that &#8220;the Lacedaemonians
were not the only people who had been badly treated;
the Messenians had been so also.&#8221; There were as a fact some
controversies going on among the Messenians, in regard to the
decree of Flamininus concerning the exiles, and the execution
of it by Philopoemen: and Caecilius, thinking that he
now had a party among the Achaeans themselves of the same
opinion as himself, expressed still greater anger at the hesitation
on the part of the assembled magistrates in obeying his
orders. However, when Philopoemen, Lycortas, and Archon
argued long and elaborately to prove that what had been done
at Sparta was right, and advantageous to the Lacedaemonians
themselves more than to any one else, and that it was impossible
to disturb any existing arrangements without violating justice
to man and piety to the gods, they came to the decision that
they would maintain them, and give an answer to that
effect to the Roman legate. Seeing what the disposition of
the magistrates was, Caecilius demanded that the public
assembly should be summoned, to which the Achaean magistrates
demanded to see the instructions which he had from the
Senate on these points: and when he gave no answer to this
demand, they said that they would not summon the assembly
for him, as their laws forbade them to do so unless a man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span>
brought written instructions from the Senate, stating the subject
on which they were to summon it. Caecilius was so angry at
this uncompromising opposition to his orders, that he refused
to receive his answer from the magistrates, and so departed
without any answer at all. The Achaeans laid the blame
both of the former visit of Marcus Fulvius and the present
one of Caecilius on Aristaenus and Diophanes, on the ground
that they had invited them on account of their political opposition
to Philopoemen; and accordingly the general public felt
a certain suspicion of these two men. Such was the state of
the Peloponnese....</p>

<p><a name="b22_14" id="b22_14"><b>14.</b></a> Philopoemen had a sharp difference in debate with
Archon the Strategus. In course of time, however,<span class="sidenote">Philopoemen
on Archon.</span>
Philopoemen was convinced by Archon&#8217;s
arguments, and, changing his mind, spoke in
warm commendation of Archon as having managed his business
with skill and address. But when I heard the speech at the
time it did not seem to me right to praise a man and yet do
him an injury, nor do I think so now in my maturer years. For
I think that there is as wide a distinction in point of morality
between practical ability and success secured by absence of
scruples, as there is between skill and mere cunning. The former
are in a manner the highest attainments possible, the latter the
reverse. But owing to the lack of discernment so general in
our day, these qualities, which have little in common, excite
the same amount of commendation and emulation in the
world....</p>

<p><a name="b22_15" id="b22_15"><b>15.</b></a> When Caecilius returned from Greece and made his
report to the Senate concerning Macedonia and
the Peloponnese,<span class="sidenote">Ambassadors
from Philip and
the Achaeans
heard on the
report of
Caecilius,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 185-184.</span>
the ambassadors who had
come to Rome on these matters were introduced
into the Senate. First came those from
Philip and Eumenes, as well as the exiles from
Aenus and Maroneia; and on their saying
much the same as they had said before Caecilius
and his colleagues at Thessalonica, the Senate voted to send
another deputation to Philip, to see first of all whether he
had evacuated the cities in Perrhaebia in conformity with the
answer he gave to Caecilius: and secondly, to order him to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span>
remove his garrison from Aenus and Maroneia; and in a word,
to abandon all fortresses, positions, and towns on the seaboard
of Thrace.</p>

<p>After these the ambassadors from the Peloponnese were
introduced. For the Achaeans on their part
had sent Apollonidas of Sicyon,<span class="sidenote">The Achaean
ambassadors
make their
defence.</span>
and others, to
justify themselves to Caecilius for his having
received no answer, and generally to inform the
Senate on the question of Sparta; and at the same time Areus
and Alcibiades had come from Sparta as ambassadors,&mdash;two
of the old exiles recently restored by Philopoemen and the
Achaeans. And this was a circumstance that particularly roused
the anger of the Achaeans; because they thought it the height of
ingratitude on the part of the exiles, after receiving so important
and recent a service at their hands, to be now sending a
hostile embassy, and accusing to the sovereign people those
who had been the authors of their unlooked-for preservation
and restoration to their country.</p>

<p><a name="b22_16" id="b22_16"><b>16.</b></a> Both parties were heard in their defence in each
other&#8217;s presence. Apollonidas of Sicyon and his colleagues
tried to convince the Senate that the affairs of
Sparta could not have been better managed
than they were managed by Philopoemen.<span class="sidenote">The Spartan
envoys.</span>
Areus and his colleagues attempted to establish the reverse:
alleging, first of all, that the power of the city was entirely
destroyed by the violent withdrawal of so large a number;
and, in the second place, that even those that were left were
so few that their position was insecure, now that the walls
were pulled down; and that their freedom of speech was
entirely destroyed by the fact that they were not only amenable
to the general decrees of the Achaean league, but were also
made specially subject to the magistrates set over them from
time to time.<span class="sidenote">The decision.</span>
After hearing these envoys also, the Senate
decided to give the same legates instructions
regarding them as well as the others, and appointed
Appius Claudius and his colleagues commissioners for
Greece.</p>

<p>But the ambassadors from the Achaeans offered an explanation
also to Caecilius in the Senate, on behalf of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span>
magistrates, asserting that &#8220;They did not act wrongly or deserve
blame for refusing to summon the assembly,<span class="sidenote">Defence of the
refusal to call the
Achaean assembly.</span>
unless it were requisite to decide on an alliance
or a war, or unless some one brought a letter
from the Senate. The magistrates had therefore impartially
considered the subject of summoning the assembly, but were
prevented from doing so by the laws, because he neither
brought a despatch from the Senate nor would show them any
written instructions.&#8221; At the conclusion of this speech
Caecilius rose and made an attack on Philopoemen and
Lycortas, and the Achaeans generally, and on the policy they
had pursued towards the city of Sparta. After listening to
the arguments, the Senate answered the Achaeans by saying
that they would send commissioners to investigate the matter
of Sparta; and they accompanied this answer by an admonition
to them to pay attention to the ambassadors sent by them
from time to time, and show them proper respect, as the
Romans did to ambassadors who came to them....</p>

<p><a name="b22_17" id="b22_17"><b>17.</b></a> When Philip learnt, by a message from his own
ambassadors at Rome, that he would be obliged
to evacuate the cities in Thrace,<span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s vengeance
on the people of
Maroneia, early
in <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 184.
Livy, 39, 33.</span>
he was extremely
annoyed, because he regarded his
kingdom as being now curtailed on every side;
and he vented his wrath upon the unhappy people
of Maroneia. He sent for Onomastus, his governor in Thrace,
and communicated with him on the subject. And Onomastus
on his return sent Cassander to Maroneia, who, from long
residence there, was familiar with the inhabitants,&mdash;for Philip&#8217;s
practice had long been to place members of his court in these
cities, and accustom the people to their residence among
them. Some few days after his arrival, the Thracians having
been prepared for what they had to do, and having obtained
entrance to the city by night through the instrumentality of
Cassander, a great massacre took place, and many of the
Maronites were killed. Having wreaked this vengeance on
those who opposed him, and satisfied his own anger, Philip
waited for the arrival of the Roman legates, persuaded that no
one would venture for fear of him to denounce his crime.
But when Appius and his colleagues presently arrived, they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span>
were promptly informed of what had happened at Maroneia,
<span class="sidenote">He attempts to
evade responsibility
for it.</span>
and expostulated in severe terms with Philip for
it. The king attempted to defend himself by
asserting that he had nothing to do with this act
of violence; but that the Maronites, being divided into two
hostile parties, one inclined to Eumenes and the other to
himself, inflicted this misfortune upon themselves. He moreover
bade them confront him with any one who wished to
accuse him. He said this from a conviction that no one
would venture to do so; because they would consider that
Philip&#8217;s vengeance upon those who opposed him would be
near at hand, while assistance from Rome would have a long
way to come. But when Appius and his colleagues said that
&#8220;they required to hear no defence, for they were well aware of
what had happened, and who was the cause of it,&#8221; Philip
became much confused.</p>

<p><a name="b22_18" id="b22_18"><b>18.</b></a> They went no further than this in the first interview: but
during the next day Appius ordered Philip<span class="sidenote">The guilty agents
are to be sent
to Rome.</span>
to
send Onomastus and Cassander at once to
Rome, that the Senate might inform itself on
what had happened. The king was disturbed at this to the
greatest possible degree, and for some time did not know what
to say; but at last he said that he would send Cassander, who
was the actual author of the business, that the Senate might
learn the truth from him; but he tried to get Onomastus
excused, both in this and subsequent interviews with the
legates, alleging as a reason that not only had Onomastus not
been in Maroneia at the time of the massacre, but not even
in any part of the country in its neighbourhood.<span class="sidenote">Another crime.</span>
His real
motive, however, was fear lest, if he got to Rome,
having been engaged with him in many similar
transactions, he would not only tell the Romans the story of
Maroneia, but all the others also.<span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s hostility
to Rome.</span>
Eventually he did get
Onomastus excused; and having, after the departure
of the legates, sent off Cassander, he
sent some agents with him as far as Epirus,
and there had him poisoned.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> But Appius and his colleagues
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>left Philip with their minds fully made up both as to his guilt
in the matter of Maroneia and his alienation from Rome.</p>

<p>The king, thus relieved of the presence of the legates, after
consulting with his friends Apelles and Philocles<span class="sidenote">King Philip meditates
a breach
with Rome.</span>
became clearly conscious that his quarrel with
Rome had now become serious, and that it
could no longer be concealed, but was become notorious to
most people in the world. He was therefore now wholly bent
on measures of self-defence and retaliation. But as he was as
yet unprepared for some of the plans which he had in his
mind, he cast about to find some means of putting matters off,
and gaining time for making his preparations for war.<span class="sidenote">Sends his son
Demetrius there,
in hopes of
putting off the
war for a time.</span>
He
accordingly resolved to send his youngest son
Demetrius to Rome: partly to make his defence
on the charges brought against him, and partly
also to beg pardon for any error which he
might have committed. He felt certain that
everything he wished would be obtained from the Senate by
means of this young prince, because of the extraordinary
attentions which had been shown him when he was acting as
a hostage. He no sooner conceived this idea than he set
about making preparations for sending the prince and those
of his own friends destined to accompany him on his mission.
At the same time he promised the Byzantines to give them
help: not so much because he cared for them, as from a wish
under cover of their name to strike terror into the princes of
the Thracians living beyond the Propontis, as a step towards
the fulfilment of his main purpose....</p>

<p><a name="b22_19" id="b22_19"><b>19.</b></a> In Crete, while Cydas son of Antalces was <i>Cosmus</i>,<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a>
the Gortynians, who sought in every way<span class="sidenote">Disputes in Crete.</span>
to
depress the Gnossians, deprived them of a
portion of their territory called Lycastium, and assigned it
to the Rhaucii, and another portion called Diatonium to
the Lyctii. But when about this time Appius and his
colleagues arrived in the island from Rome, with the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span>view of settling the controversies which existed among
them, and addressed remonstrances to the cities of Gnossus
and Gortyn on these points, the Cretans gave in, and
submitted the settlement of their disputes to Appius. He
accordingly ordered the restoration of their territory to the
Gnossians; and that the Cydoniates should receive back the
hostages which they had formerly left in the hands of
Charmion, and should surrender Phalasarna, without taking
anything out of it. As to sharing in the legal jurisdiction of
the whole island, he left it free to the several cities to do so
or not as they pleased, on condition that in the latter case
they abstained from entering the rest of Crete, they and the
exiles from Phalasarna who murdered Menochius and his
friends, their most illustrious citizens....</p>

<p><a name="b22_20" id="b22_20"><b>20.</b></a> Apollonias, the wife of Attalus, father of king
Eumenes, was a native of Cyzicus, and a woman<span class="sidenote">The Queen-Dowager,
widow
of Attalus, and
her sons.</span>
who for many reasons deserves to be remembered,
and with honour. Her claims upon a
favourable recollection are that, though born of
a private family, she became a queen, and retained that exalted
rank to the end of her life, not by the use of meretricious fascinations,
but by the virtue and integrity of her conduct in private
and public life alike. Above all, she was the mother of four
sons with whom she kept on terms of the most perfect affection
and motherly love to the last day of her life. And so Attalus
and his brother gained a high character, while staying at
Cyzicus, by showing their mother proper respect and honour.
For they took each of them one of her hands and led her
between them on a visit to the temples and on a tour of the
town, accompanied by their suite. At this sight all who saw
it received the young princes with very warm marks of approval,
<span class="sidenote">Herodotus, 1, 31.</span>
and, recalling the story of Cleobis and Biton,
compared their conduct with theirs; and remarked
that the affectionate zeal shown by the young princes,
though perhaps not going so far as theirs, was rendered quite
as illustrious by the fact of their more exalted position.
This took place in Cyzicus, after the peace made with king
Prusias....</p>

<p><a name="b22_21" id="b22_21"><b>21.</b></a> Ostiagon the Gaul, king of the Gauls of Asia, endeavoured<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span>
to transfer to himself the sovereignty of all the
Gauls; and he had many qualifications for such a post, both
natural and acquired.<span class="sidenote">The policy of
Ostiagon in
Galatia.</span>
For he was open-handed
and generous, a man of popular manners and
ready tact; and, what was most important in
the eyes of the Gauls, he was a man of courage and skill in
war....</p>

<p><a name="b22_22" id="b22_22"><b>22.</b></a> Aristonicus was one of the eunuchs of Ptolemy, king
of Egypt, and had been brought up from childhood
with the king.<span class="sidenote">Character of
Aristonicus. See
above, ch. 7.</span>
As he grew up he displayed
more manly courage and tastes than are
generally found in an eunuch. For he had a natural predilection
for a military life, and devoted himself almost exclusively to that
and all that it involved. He was also skilful in dealing with
men, and, what is very rare, took large and liberal views, and
was naturally inclined to bestow favours and kindnesses....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXIII</h2>

<p><a name="b23_1" id="b23_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">In</span> the 149th Olympiad a greater number of embassies
came to Rome from Greece than were
almost ever seen before.<span class="sidenote">149th Olympiad,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 184-180.</span>
For as Philip was
compelled by treaty to submit disputes with
his neighbours to arbitration, and as it was known that the
Romans were willing to receive accusations against Philip,
<span class="sidenote">Coss. P. Claudius
Pulcher, L. Porcius
Licinus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
184.</span>
and would secure the safety of those who had
controversies with him, all who lived near the
frontier of Macedonia came to Rome, some in
their private capacity, some from cities, others
from whole tribes, with complaints against Philip. At the
same time also came ambassadors from Eumenes, accompanied
by his brother Athenaeus, to accuse Philip in regard
to the Thracian cities and the aid sent to Prusias. Philip&#8217;s
son, Demetrius, also came to make answer to all these various
envoys, accompanied by Apelles and Philocles, who were at
that time considered the king&#8217;s first friends. Ambassadors
also came from Sparta, representatives of each faction of the
citizens.</p>

<p>The first summoned to the Senate was Athenaeus, from whom
the Senate accepted the compliments of fifteen
thousand gold pieces,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 183, Coss.
M. Claudius
Marcellus, Q.
Fabius Labeo.</span>
and passed a decree highly
extolling Eumenes and his brothers for their
answer, and exhorting them to continue in the
same mind. Next the praetors called upon all the accusers
of Philip, and brought them forward by one embassy at a
time. But as they were numerous, and their entry occupied
three days, the Senate became embarrassed as to the settlement
to be made in each case. For from Thessaly there
were ambassadors from the whole nation, and also from each<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span>
city separately; so also from the Perrhaebians, Athamanians,
Epirotes, and Illyrians. And of these some brought cases of
dispute as to territory, slaves, or cattle; and some about contracts
or injuries sustained by themselves. Some alleged that
they could not get their rights in accordance with the treaty,
because Philip prevented the administration of justice; while
others impeached the justice of the decisions given, on the
ground that Philip had corrupted the arbitrators. And, in
fact, there was an inextricable confusion and multiplicity of
charges.</p>

<p><a name="b23_2" id="b23_2"><b>2.</b></a> In such a state of things the Senate felt unable to come
to a clear decision itself, and did not think it
fair<span class="sidenote">Demetrius in the
Senate.
Livy, 39, 47.</span>
that Demetrius should have to answer each
of the several indictments; for it regarded him
with great favour, and saw at the same time that his extreme
youth unfitted him to cope with business of such intricacy and
complexity. Besides, what it desired most was not to hear
speeches of Demetrius, but to ascertain with certainty the disposition
of Philip. Excusing him therefore from pleading
his cause, the Senate asked the young man and his friends
whether they were the bearers of any written memoir from
the king; and upon Demetrius answering that he was, and
holding out a paper of no great size, the Senate bade him
give a summary of what the paper contained in answer to
the accusations alleged. It amounted to this, that on each
point Philip asserted that he had carried out the injunctions
of the Senate, or, if he had not done so, laid the
blame upon his accusers; while to the greater number of his
declarations he had added the words, &#8220;though the commissioners
with Caecilius were unfair to me in this point,&#8221; or
again, &#8220;though I am unjustly treated in this respect.&#8221; Such
being Philip&#8217;s mind, as expressed in the several clauses of the
paper, the Senate, after hearing the ambassadors who were
come to Rome, comprehended them all under one measure.
By the mouth of the praetor it offered an honourable and cordial
reception to Demetrius, expressed in ample and emphatic
language, and answered his speech by saying that &#8220;The Senate
fully believe that on all the points mentioned by Demetrius, or
read by him from his paper of instructions, full justice was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span>
already done or would be done. But, in order that Philip
might be made aware that the Senate paid this honour to
Demetrius, ambassadors would be sent to see that everything
was being done in accordance with the will of the Senate, and
at the same time to inform the king that he owed this grace
to his son Demetrius.&#8221; Such was the arrangement come to
on this part of the business.</p>

<p><a name="b23_3" id="b23_3"><b>3.</b></a> The next to enter the Senate were the ambassadors of
king Eumenes, who denounced Philip on
account<span class="sidenote">The ambassadors
of Eumenes complain
that Philip
has not evacuated
Thrace.</span>
of the assistance sent to Prusias, and
concerning his actions in Thrace, alleging that
even at that moment he had not withdrawn his
garrisons from the cities. But upon Philocles
showing his wish to offer a defence on these points, as having
been formerly charged with a mission to Prusias, and being
now sent to the Senate to represent Philip on this business,
the Senate, without listening very long to his speech, answered
that &#8220;With regard to Thrace, unless the legates found everything
there settled in accordance with its will, and all the
cities restored to the entire control of Eumenes, the Senate
would be unable any longer to allow it to pass, or to submit to
being continually disobeyed.&#8221;</p>

<p>Though the ill-feeling between the Romans and Philip
was becoming serious, a check was put to it for
the time<span class="sidenote">The high honour
paid to Demetrius
at Rome, and its
fatal result.</span>
by the presence of Demetrius. And yet
this young prince&#8217;s mission to Rome proved
eventually no slight link in the chain of events
which led to the final ruin of his house. For the Senate, by
thus making much of Demetrius, somewhat turned the young
man&#8217;s head, and at the same time gravely annoyed Perseus
and the king, by making them feel that the kindness they
received from the Romans was not for their own sakes, but
for that of Demetrius. And T. Quintius Flamininus contributed
not a little to the same result by taking the young
prince aside and communicating with him in confidence.
For he flattered him by suggesting that the Romans meant
before long to invest him with the kingdom; while he irritated
Philip and Perseus by sending a letter ordering the king to
send Demetrius to Rome again, with as many friends of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span>
highest character as possible. It was, in fact, by taking advantage
of these circumstances that Perseus shortly afterwards
induced his father to consent to the death of Demetrius.
But I shall relate that event in detail later on.</p>

<p><a name="b23_4" id="b23_4"><b>4.</b></a> The next ambassadors called in were the Lacedaemonians.
Of these there were four distinct factions.<span class="sidenote">The four Spartan
embassies.<br />
1. Lysis, for the
men banished by
Nabis.<br />
2. Areus and
Alcibiades.</span>
Lysis and his colleagues represented the old
exiles, and their contention was that they ought
to have back the possessions from which they
had originally been driven. Areus and Alcibiades,
on the contrary, contended that they
should receive the value of a talent from their original property,
and divide the rest among deserving citizens.
Serippus
<span class="sidenote">3. Serippus.</span>pleaded that things should be left in exactly the
state in which they were when they formerly
belonged to the Achaean league.<span class="sidenote">4. Chaeron, for
the recent exiles.</span>
Lastly, Chaeron and his
colleagues represented those who had been
condemned to death or exile by the votes of
the Achaean league, and demanded their own
recall and the restoration of the constitution. These all
delivered speeches against the Achaeans in conformity with
their several objects. The Senate, finding itself unable to
come to a clear decision on these particular controversies,
appointed a committee of investigation, consisting of the three
who had already been on a mission to the Peloponnese on
these matters, namely Titus Flamininus, Q. Caecilius, and
Appius Claudius Pulcher.<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">124</a><span class="sidenote">Decision of the
IIIviri.</span>
After long discussions before
this committee it was unanimously decided that
the exiles and the condemned were to be recalled,
and that the city should remain a
member of the Achaean league. But as to the property,
whether the exiles were each to select a talent&#8217;s worth from
what had been theirs [or to receive it all back], on this point
they continued to dispute. That they might not, however,
have to begin the whole controversy afresh [the committee]
caused the points agreed upon to be reduced to writing, to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span>which all affixed their seals. But the committee, also wishing
to include the Achaeans in the agreement, called in Xenarchus
and his colleagues, who were at that time on a mission from
the Achaeans, to renew their alliance with Rome, and at the
same time to give an eye to their controversy with the Lacedaemonians.
These men, being unexpectedly asked whether
they consented to the terms contained in the written document,
were somewhat at a loss what to answer. For they did
not approve of the restoration of the exiles and the condemned
persons, as being contrary to the decree of the league,
and the contents of the tablet on which that decree was engraved;
and yet they approved of the document as a whole,
because it contained the clause providing that Sparta should
remain a member of the league. Finally, however, partly
from this difficulty, and partly from awe of the Roman commissioners,
they affixed their seal. The Senate, therefore,
selected Quintus Marcius to go as legate to settle the affairs
of Macedonia and the Peloponnese....</p>

<p><a name="b23_5" id="b23_5"><b>5.</b></a> When Deinocrates of Messene arrived on a mission at
Rome, he was delighted to find that Titus
Flamininus<span class="sidenote">Deinocrates of
Messene.</span>
had been appointed by the Senate
to go as ambassador to Prusias and Seleucus.
For having been very intimate with Titus during the Lacedaemonian
war, he thought that this friendship, combined with
his disagreements with Philopoemen, would induce him on
his arrival in Greece to settle the affairs of Messene in accordance
with his own views. He therefore gave up everything
else to attach himself exclusively to Titus, on whom he rested
all his hopes....</p>

<p>This same Deinocrates was a courtier and a soldier by nature
as well as habit, but he assumed the air of consummate
statesmanship. His parts, however, were showy rather than
solid. In war his fertility of resource and boldness were
beyond the common run; and he shone in feats of personal
bravery. Nor were these his only accomplishments: he was
attractive and ready in conversation, versatile and courteous
in society. But at the same time he was devoted to licentious
intrigue, and in public affairs and questions of policy was quite
incapable of sustained attention or far-sighted views, of fortifying
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span>
himself with well-considered arguments, or putting them
before the public. On this occasion, for instance, though he
had really given the initiative to grave misfortunes, he did not
think that he was doing anything of importance; but followed
his usual manner of life, quite regardless of the future, indulging
day after day in amours, wine, and song. Flamininus,
however, did once force him to catch a glimpse of the seriousness
of his position. For seeing him on a certain occasion in
a party of revellers dancing in long robes, he said nothing at
the time; but next morning, being visited by him with some
request in behalf of his country, he said: &#8220;I will do my best,
Deinocrates; but it does astonish me that you can drink and
dance after having given the start to such serious troubles for
Greece.&#8221; He appears, indeed, at that to have a little recovered
his soberer senses, and to have understood what an improper
display he had been making of his tastes and habits. However,
he arrived at this period in Greece in company with Flamininus,
fully persuaded that the affairs of Messene would be
settled at a blow in accordance with his views. But Philopoemen
and his party were fully aware that Flamininus had no
commission from the Senate in regard to affairs in Greece;
they therefore awaited his arrival without taking any step of any
sort. Having landed at Naupactus, Flamininus addressed a
despatch to the Strategus and Demiurgi<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> bidding them summon
the Achaeans to an assembly; to which they wrote back that
&#8220;they would do so, if he would write them word what the
subjects were on which he wished to confer with the Achaeans;
for the laws enjoined that limitation on the magistrates.&#8221; As
Flamininus did not venture to write this, the hopes of Deinocrates
and the so-called &#8220;old exiles,&#8221; but who had at that time
been recently banished from Sparta, came to nothing, as in fact
did the visit of Flamininus and the plans which he had formed....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b23_6" id="b23_6"><b>6.</b></a> About the same period some ambassadors were sent by
the exiled citizens of Sparta to Rome, among whom was
Arcesilaus and Agesipolis who, when quite a boy,<span class="sidenote">See 4, 35.</span>
had been made king in Sparta. These two
men were fallen upon and killed by pirates on the high seas;
but their colleagues arrived safely at Rome....</p>

<p><a name="b23_7" id="b23_7"><b>7.</b></a> On the return of Demetrius from Rome, bringing with
him the formal reply, in which the Romans referred
<span class="sidenote">The popularity of
Demetrius in
Macedonia. His
father&#8217;s anger and
his brother&#8217;s
jealousy.</span>
all the favour and confidence which they
avowed to their regard for Demetrius, saying
that all they had done or would do was for his
sake,&mdash;the Macedonians gave Demetrius a
cordial reception, believing that they were relieved
from all fear and danger: for they had looked upon
war with Rome as all but at their doors, owing to the provocations
given by Philip. But Philip and Perseus were far from
pleased, and were much offended at the idea of the Romans
taking no account of them, and referring all their favour to
Demetrius. Philip however concealed his displeasure; but
Perseus, who was not only behind his brother in good feelings
to Rome, but much his inferior in other respects, both in
natural ability and acquired accomplishments, made no secret
of his anger: and was beginning to be thoroughly alarmed as
to his succession to the crown, and lest, in spite of being the
elder, he should be excluded. Therefore he commenced by
bribing the friends of Demetrius....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>The end of this fraternal jealousy is described in Livy, 40,
5-24. By a forged letter purporting to come from Flamininus,
Philip is persuaded that his son played the traitor at Rome and
gives an order or a permission for his being put to death; which
is accordingly done, partly by poison and partly by violence, at
Heracleia</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>181</i>.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b23_8" id="b23_8"><b>8.</b></a> Upon Quintus Marcius arriving on his mission in
Macedonia, Philip evacuated the Greek cities in
Thrace entirely and withdrew his garrisons,<span class="sidenote">Philip feigns submission
to Rome,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 183.</span>
though in deep anger and heaviness of spirit;
and he put on a right footing everything else to which the
Roman injunctions referred, wishing to give them no indication
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span>
of his estrangement, but to secure time for making his
preparations for war. In pursuance of this design he led out
an army against the barbarians, and marching through the
centre of Thrace he invaded the Odrysae, Bessi, and Dentheleti.
Coming to Philippopolis, the inhabitants flying for safety to
the heights, he took it without a blow.<span class="sidenote">The plain of the
Hebrus.</span>
And thence, after
traversing the plain, and sacking some of the
villages, and exacting a pledge of submission
from others, he returned home, leaving a garrison
in Philippopolis, which was after a time expelled by the
Odrysae in defiance of their pledge of fidelity to Philip....</p>

<p><a name="b23_9" id="b23_9"><b>9.</b></a> In the second year of this Olympiad, on the arrival of
ambassadors from Eumenes, Pharnaces,<span class="sidenote">After midsummer
of <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span>
183.</span>
and
the Achaean league, and also from the Lacedaemonians
who had been banished from
Sparta,<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> and from those who were in actual possession of it, the
Senate despatched their business. But there came after them
a mission from Rhodes in regard to the disaster at Sinope;
to whom the Senate replied that it would send legates to investigate
the case of the Sinopeans and their grievances against
those kings. And Quintus Marcius having recently arrived
from Greece and made his report on the state of affairs in
Macedonia and the Peloponnese, the Senate did not require
to hear much more; but having called in the envoys from
the Peloponnese and Macedonia they listened indeed to what
they had to say,<span class="sidenote">February, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
182.</span>
but founded its reply, without
any reference to their speeches, wholly on the
report of Marcius, in which he had stated, in
reference to king Philip, that he had indeed done all that
was enjoined on him, but with great reluctance; and that, if he
got an opportunity, he would go all lengths against the Romans.
The Senate accordingly composed a reply to the king&#8217;s envoys
in which, while praising Philip for what he had done, they
warned him for the future to be careful not to be found acting
in opposition to the Romans. As to the Peloponnese, Marcius
had reported that, as the Achaeans were unwilling to refer any
matter whatever to the Senate, but were haughtily inclined
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span>
and desirous of managing all their affairs themselves, if the
Senate would only reject their present application and give
ever so slight an indication of displeasure, Sparta would
promptly come to an understanding with Messene; and then
the Achaeans would be glad enough to appeal to the protection
of Rome. In consequence of this report they answered
the Lacedaemonian Serippus and his colleagues, wishing to
leave this city in a state of suspense, that they had done their
best for them, but that for the present they did not think this
matter concerned them. But when the Achaeans besought
for help against the Messenians<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">127</a> in virtue of their alliance with
Rome, or at least that they would take precautions to prevent
any arms or corn from being brought from Italy into Messene,
the Senate refused compliance with either request and
answered that the Achaeans ought not to be surprised if
Sparta or Corinth or Argos renounced their league, if they
would not conduct their hegemony in accordance with the
Senate&#8217;s views. This answer the Senate made public, as
a kind of proclamation that any people who chose might
break off from the Achaeans for all the Romans cared;
and they further retained the ambassadors in Rome, waiting
to see the issue of the quarrel between the Achaeans and
Messenians....</p>

<p><a name="b23_10" id="b23_10"><b>10.</b></a> In this period a certain dreadful foreshadowing of misfortune
fell upon king Philip and the whole of
Macedonia,<span class="sidenote">The conflict of
feelings in
Philip&#8217;s mind.</span>
of a kind well worthy of close attention
and record. As though Fortune had
resolved to exact from him at once the penalties for all the
impieties and crimes which he had committed in the whole
course of his life, she now visited him with furies, those deities
of retribution, those powers that had listened to the prayers of
the victims of his cruelties, who, haunting him day and night,
so plagued him to the last day of his life, that all the world was
forced to acknowledge the truth of the proverb, that &#8220;Justice
has an eye&#8221; which mere men should never despise. The first
idea suggested to him by this evil power was that, as he
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span>
was about to go to war with Rome, he had better remove from
the most important cities, and those along the sea-coast, the
leading citizens, with their wives and children, and place them
in Emathia, formerly called Paeonia, and fill up the cities with
Thracians and other barbarians, as likely to be more securely
loyal to him in the coming hour of danger. The actual
carrying out of this measure, and the uprooting of these men
and their families, caused such an outburst of grief, and so
violent an outcry, that one might have supposed the whole district
to have been taken by the sword. Curses and appeals to
heaven were rained upon the head of the king without any
further attempt at concealment. His next step, prompted by
the wish to leave no element of hostility or disaffection in the
kingdom, was to write to the governors of the several cities
ordering them to search out the sons and daughters of such
Macedonians as had been put to death by him, and place them
in ward;<span class="sidenote">See 5, 9.</span> in which he referred especially to
Admetus, Pyrrhicus, and Samus, and those who
had perished with them: but he also included all others whosoever
that had been put to death by order of the king, quoting
this verse, we are told:&mdash;<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">128</a></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line">&#8220;Oh fool! to slay the sire and leave the sons.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>Most of these men being persons of distinguished families, their
fate made a great noise and excited universal pity. But Fortune
had a third act in this bloody drama in reserve for Philip, in
which the young princes plotted against each other; and their
quarrels being referred to him, he was forced to choose between
becoming the murderer of his sons and living the rest of his
life in dread of being murdered by them in his old age; and
to decide which of the two he had the greater reason to fear.
Tortured day and night by these anxieties, the miseries and
perturbations of his spirit lead to the inevitable reflection that
the wrath of heaven fell upon his old age for the sins of his
previous life: which will be rendered still more evident by
what remains to be told.... Just when his soul was stung
to madness by these circumstances, the quarrel between his
sons blazed out: Fortune, as it were of set purpose, bringing
their misfortunes upon the scene all at one time....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span></p>

<p><span class="sidenote">Fragment referring
to the military
sham fight in
which Perseus
and Demetrius
quarrelled,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 182.
See Livy, 40, 6.</span>
The Macedonians make offerings to Xanthus
as a hero, and perform a purification of the
army with horses fully equipped....</p>

<p><a name="b23_11" id="b23_11"><b>11.</b></a> &#8220;One should not merely read tragedies, tales, and
histories, but should understand and ponder over
them.
In all of them one may learn that whenever
brothers fall out and allow their quarrel to
go any great length, they invariably end not only
by destroying themselves but in the utter ruin
<span class="sidenote">Part of a speech
of Philip to his
two sons after the
quarrel at the
man&#339;uvres.
See Livy, 40, 8.</span>of their property, children, and cities; while
those who keep their self-love within reasonable bounds, and
put up with each other&#8217;s weaknesses, are the preservers of
these, and live in the fairest reputation and fame. I have
often directed your attention to the kings in Sparta, telling you
that they preserved the hegemony in Greece for their country
just so long as they obeyed the ephors, as though they were
their parents, and were content to reign jointly. But directly
they in their folly tried to change the government to a
monarchy, they caused Sparta to experience every misery
possible. Finally, I have pointed out to you as an example
the case of Eumenes and Attalus; showing you that, though
they succeeded to but a small and insignificant realm, they
have raised it to a level with the best, simply by the harmony and
unity of sentiment, and mutual respect which they maintained
towards each other. But so far from taking my words to heart,
you are, as it seems to me, whetting your angry passions against
each other....&#8221;</p>

<h3>THE FALL OF PHILOPOEMEN</h3>

<p><a name="b23_12" id="b23_12"><b>12.</b></a> Philopoemen rose<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> and proceeded on his way, though he
was oppressed at once by illness and the weight
of years,<span class="sidenote">The death of
Philopoemen,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 183,
or perhaps early in
<span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 182.</span>
being now in the seventieth year of
his age. Conquering his weakness, however,
by the force of his previous habits he reached
Megalopolis, from Argos, in one day&#8217;s journey....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span></p>

<p><span class="sidenote">Philopoemen was
murdered by the
Messenians, who
had abandoned the
league and were
at war with it. See
Livy, 39, 49-50.</span>
He was captured, when Achaean Strategus, by the Messenians
and poisoned. Thus, though second to none
that ever lived before him in excellence, his
fortune was less happy; yet in his previous life
he seemed ever to have enjoyed her favour and
assistance. But it was, I suppose, a case of the
common proverb, &#8220;a man may have a stroke of
luck, but no man can be lucky always.&#8221; We must, therefore,
call our predecessors fortunate, without pretending that they
were so invariably&mdash;for what need is there to flatter Fortune
by a meaningless and false compliment? It is those who
have enjoyed Fortune&#8217;s smiles in their life for the longest
time, and who, when she changes her mind, meet with only
moderate mishaps, that we must speak of as fortunate....</p>

<p>Philopoemen was succeeded by Lycortas,<a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> ... and though
he had spent forty years of an active career<span class="sidenote">Character of
Philopoemen. He
is succeeded by
Lycortas as
Strategus.</span>
in
a state at once democratic and composed of
many various elements, he had entirely avoided
giving rise to the jealousy of the citizens in any
direction: and yet he had not flattered their
inclinations, but for the most part had used great freedom of
speech, which is a case of very rare occurrence....</p>

<p><span class="sidenote">Character of
Hannibal, who
poisoned himself
at the court of
Prusias, <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 183.
See Livy, 39, 1.</span>
<a name="b23_13" id="b23_13"><b>13.</b></a> An admirable feature in Hannibal&#8217;s
character, and the strongest proof of his having
been a born ruler of men, and having possessed
statesmanlike qualities of an unusual kind, is
that, though he was for seventeen years engaged
in actual warfare, and though he had to make his way through
numerous barbaric tribes, and to employ innumerable men of
different nationalities in what appeared desperate and hazardous
enterprises, he was never made the object of a conspiracy by
any of them, nor deserted by any of those who had joined him
and put themselves under his command....</p>

<p><a name="b23_14" id="b23_14"><b>14.</b></a> Publius Scipio, in the course of an active career in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span>
an aristocratic state, secured such popularity with the multitude
<span class="sidenote">Character of P.
Cornelius Scipio
Africanus, whose
death Polybius
places in this year,
but according to
Livy wrongly, who
assigns it to the
previous year (39, 52.)</span>
and such credit with the Senate, that when
some one took upon himself to bring him to
trial before the people in the manner usual at
Rome, and produced many bitter accusations
against him, he came forward and said nothing
but that &#8220;It ill became the Roman people to
listen to accusations against P. Cornelius
Scipio, to whom his accusers owed it that they
had the power of speech at all.&#8221; At this the populace dispersed,
and quitting the assembly, left the accuser alone....
Once when there was a sum of money required in the Senate
for some pressing business, and the quaestor, on the ground
of a legal difficulty, refused to open the treasury on that particular
day, Scipio said that &#8220;he would take the keys himself and
open it; for he was the cause of the treasury being locked at all.&#8221;
And again, when some one in the Senate demanded an account
of the money which he had received from Antiochus before the
treaty for the pay of his army, he said that he had the ledger,
but that he ought not to be called to account by any one. But
on his questioner persisting, and urging him to produce it, he
bade his brother bring it. When the schedule was brought, he
held it out in front of him, and tearing it to pieces in the sight
of everybody bade the man who asked for it seek it out of these
fragments, and he demanded of the rest &#8220;How they could ask
for the items of the expenditure of these three thousand talents,
and yet no longer ask for an account of how and by whose
agency the fifteen thousand talents which they received from
Antiochus came into the treasury, nor how it is that they have
become masters of Asia, Libya, and Iberia?&#8221; This speech
not only made a strong impression on the rest, but also reduced
the man who demanded the account to silence.</p>

<p>These anecdotes have been related by me for the double
purpose of enhancing the fame of the departed, and of encouraging
future generations in the paths of honour....</p>

<p><a name="b23_15" id="b23_15"><b>15.</b></a> For my part, I never concur with those who indulge
their anger against men of their own blood to the length of
not only depriving them of the year&#8217;s harvest when at war with
them, but even of cutting down their trees and destroying
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span>
their buildings, and of leaving them no opportunity for repentance.
Such proceedings seem to me to be rank folly. For,
while they imagine that they are dismaying the enemy by the
devastation of their territory, and the deprivation of their future
as well as their present means of getting the necessaries of life,
they are all the while exasperating the men, and converting an
isolated ebullition of anger into a lasting hatred....</p>

<p><a name="b23_16" id="b23_16"><b>16.</b></a> Lycortas the Achaean Strategus crushed the spirits of
the Messenians in the war.<span class="sidenote">Lycortas, the
successor of
Philopoemen,
compels the Messenians
to sue
for peace,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 183-182.</span>
Up to this time
the populace at Messene had been afraid of
their magistrates; but now at length, relying on
the protection of the enemy, some of them
plucked up courage to break silence and to say
that the time was come to send an embassy
to negotiate a peace. Deinocrates and his colleagues, being
no longer able to face the people under this storm of popular
odium, yielded to circumstances and retired to their own houses.
Thereupon the people, acting under the advice of the older
men, and especially under that of Epaenetus and Apollodorus,
the ambassadors from Boeotia,&mdash;who, having arrived some
time before to negotiate a peace, happened fortunately to be at
that time at Messene,&mdash;appointed and despatched envoys,
begging forgiveness for their transgressions. The Achaean
Strategus, having summoned his colleagues<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> to council, and
given the envoys a hearing, answered that &#8220;There was but
one way in which the Messenians could reconcile themselves to
the league, and that was by at once surrendering to him the
authors of the revolt and of the murder of Philopoemen, leave
the rest to the authority of the league assembly, and at once
receive a garrison into their citadel.&#8221; When this message was
announced to the Messenian populace, those who had long
been bitterly opposed to the authors of the war were ready
enough to surrender them and to arrest them; while the rest,
being persuaded that they would not be severely dealt with by
the Achaeans, readily consented to submit the general question
to the decision of the assembly. But what chiefly induced
them to unanimously accept the proposal was, that they in
fact had no choice in the matter. The Strategus accordingly
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span>
at once took over the citadel and marched his peltasts into it;
and then, taking some picked troops with him, entered the city;
and having summoned a meeting of the people, addressed them
in terms befitting the occasion, promising that &#8220;they would
never have reason to repent having committed themselves
to the honour of the Achaeans.&#8221; The general question of
what was to be done he thus referred to the league,&mdash;for it
happened conveniently that the Achaeans were just then reassembling
at Megalopolis for the second Congress,<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a>&mdash;but of
those who were guilty of the disturbances,<span class="sidenote">Summer <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 182.</span>
he
ordered all such as were actually implicated in
the summary execution of Philopoemen to put an end to their
own lives....</p>

<p><a name="b23_17" id="b23_17"><b>17.</b></a> The Messenians were reduced by their own folly to
the brink of ruin, but were restored to<span class="sidenote">Abia, Thuria, and
Pharae make a
separate league.</span>
their
former position in the league by the magnanimity
of Lycortas and the Achaeans. But the
towns of Abia, Thuria, and Pharae during these transactions
abandoned their connection with Messene, and, setting up a pillar
engraved with a treaty of alliance between themselves, formed
a separate league. When the Romans were informed that
the Messenian war had turned out successfully for the Achaeans,
without taking any account of their previous declaration they
gave a different answer to the same ambassadors, asserting
that they had taken measures to prevent any one from conveying
arms or corn from Italy into Messene. By this they
showed clearly that, so far from avoiding or disregarding the
affairs of foreign nations not directly concerning themselves,
they were, on the contrary, annoyed at everything not being
referred to them and carried out in accordance with their
opinion.</p>

<p>When the ambassadors arrived in Sparta with their answer,
the Achaean Strategus as soon as he had settled<span class="sidenote">Achaean meeting
at Sicyon.</span>
the Messenian business, summoned a congress
at Sicyon, and on its assembling, proposed a
resolution for the reception of Sparta into the league, alleging
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span>
that &#8220;The Romans had declined the arbitration which had
previously been offered to them in regard to this city,&mdash;for
they had answered that they had now no concern with any
of the affairs of Sparta. Those, however, at present in power
at Sparta were desirous of being admitted to the privileges
of the league. Therefore he advised that they should
admit the town; for this would be advantageous in two
ways: first, because they would be thus admitting men who
had remained unshaken in their loyalty to the league; and
secondly, because they would not be admitting those of the
old exiles, who had behaved with ingratitude and impiety
towards them, to any share of their privileges; but by confirming
the measures of those who had excluded them, would at the
same time be showing, with God&#8217;s help, due gratitude to the
latter.&#8221; With these words Lycortas exhorted the Achaeans to
receive the city of Sparta into the league. But Diophanes
and some others attempted to put in a word for the exiles, and
urged the Achaeans &#8220;Not to join in pressing heavily upon these
banished men; and not to be influenced by a mere handful of
men to strengthen the hands of those who had impiously and
lawlessly expelled them from their country.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b23_18" id="b23_18"><b>18.</b></a> Such were the arguments employed on either side.
The Achaeans, after listening to both,<span class="sidenote">Sparta admitted
to the league.</span>
decided
to admit the city, and accordingly the agreement
was engraved on a tablet, and Sparta became
a member of the Achaean league: the existing citizens having
agreed to admit such of the old exiles as were not considered
to have acted in a hostile spirit against the Achaeans. After
confirming this arrangement the Achaeans sent Bippus of
Argos and others as ambassadors to Rome, to explain to the
Senate what had been done in the matter. The Lacedaemonians
also sent Chaeron and others; while the exiles too
sent a mission led by Cletis Diactorius<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> to oppose the Achaean
ambassadors in the Senate.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXIV</h2>

<p><a name="b24_1" id="b24_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">The</span> ambassadors from the Spartan exiles and from the
Achaeans arrived in Rome simultaneously
with those of Eumenes, king Ariarathes,<span class="sidenote">Embassies at
Rome from the
Achaeans, the
Spartan exiles,
Eumenes of Pergamus,
Ariarathes,
king of Cappadocia,
and Pharnaces,
king of Pontus,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 182.</span>
and
Pharnaces; and the Senate attended to these
latter first. A short time previously a report
had been made to the Senate by Marcus,<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> who
had been despatched on a mission respecting
the war that had broken out between Eumenes
and Pharnaces, speaking highly of the moderation
of Eumenes in every particular, and the
grasping temper and insolence of Pharnaces. The Senate
accordingly did not require any lengthened arguments; but,
after listening to the ambassadors, answered that they would
once more send legates to examine more minutely into the
points in dispute between the kings. Then came in the ambassadors
from the Lacedaemonian exiles, and with them the
ambassadors from the citizens actually in the city; and after
giving them a long hearing, the Senate expressed no disapproval
of what had been done, but promised the exiles to
write to the Achaeans on the subject of their restoration to
their country. Some days afterwards, Bippus of Argos and his
colleagues, sent by the Achaeans, entered the Senate with a
statement as to the restoration of order in Messene; and the
Senate, without showing displeasure at any part of the arrangement,
gave the ambassadors a cordial reception....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b24_2" id="b24_2"><b>2.</b></a> When the ambassadors of the Spartan exiles arrived in
the Peloponnese from Rome with a letter from
the Senate to the Achaeans,<span class="sidenote">Terms granted
to the
Messenians.</span>
desiring that measures
should be taken for their recall and restoration
to their country, the Achaeans resolved to postpone the
consideration of the question until their own ambassadors
should return. After making this answer, they caused the
agreement between themselves and the Messenians to be
engraved on a tablet: granting them, among other favours, a
three years&#8217; remission of taxes, in order that the damage done
to their territory should fall upon the Achaeans equally with
the Messenians.<span class="sidenote">The request of
the Spartan
exiles refused.</span>
But when Bippus and his
colleagues arrived from Rome, and reported that
the letter in regard to the exiles was not due to
any strong feeling on the part of the Senate, but to the
importunity of the exiles themselves, the Achaeans voted to
make no change....</p>

<p><a name="b24_3" id="b24_3"><b>3.</b></a> Mount Haemus is close to the Pontus, the most extensive
and loftiest of the ranges in Thrace,<span class="sidenote">M. Haemus.
Livy, 46, 21.</span>
which it
divides into two nearly equal parts, from which
a view of both seas may be obtained....<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a></p>

<p><a name="b24_4" id="b24_4"><b>4.</b></a> In Crete there was the beginning of great troubles set
in motion, if one should speak of &#8220;a beginning
of troubles&#8221; in Crete:<span class="sidenote">Crete in
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 182. See
bk. 22, ch. 19.</span>
for owing to the persistency
of civil wars and the acts of savagery
practised against each other, beginning and end are much the
same in Crete; and what appears to some people to be an
incredible story is a spectacle of everyday occurrence
there....</p>

<p><a name="b24_5" id="b24_5"><b>5.</b></a> Having come to terms with each other, Pharnaces,
Attalus, and the rest returned home.<span class="sidenote">End of the war
between Eumenes
and Pharnaces,
which the former
had undertaken
to support his
father-in-law
Ariarathes. See
Livy, 38, 39,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 182-181.</span>
While
this was going on, Eumenes had recovered
from his illness, and was staying at Pergamus;
and when his brother arrived to announce the
arrangements that had been made, he approved
of what had been done, and resolved to send
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span>
his brothers to Rome: partly because he hoped
to put and end to the war with Pharnaces by
means of their mission, and partly because he wished to introduce
his brothers to his own private friends at Rome, and
officially to the Senate. Attalus and his brother were eager
for this tour; and when they arrived in Rome the young men
met with a cordial reception from everybody in private society,
owing to the intimacies which they had formed during the
Roman wars in Asia, and a still more honourable welcome
from the Senate, which made liberal provision for their entertainment
and maintenance, and treated them with marked
respect in such conferences as it had with them. Thus,
when the young men came formally before the Senate, and,
after speaking at considerable length of the renewal of their
ancient ties of friendship with Rome and inveighing against
Pharnaces, begged the Senate to adopt some active measures
to inflict on him the punishment he deserved, the Senate gave
them a favourable hearing, and promised in reply to send
legates to use every possible means of putting an end to
the war....</p>

<p><a name="b24_6" id="b24_6"><b>6.</b></a> About the same time king Ptolemy, wishing to make
friends with the Achaean league,<span class="sidenote">Ptolemy
Epiphanes sends
a present to
the Achaeans.
Lycortas,
Polybius, and
Aratus sent to
return thanks,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181.</span>
sent an ambassador
to them with an offer of a fleet of ten
penteconters fully equipped; and the Achaeans,
thinking the present worthy of their thanks, for
the cost could not be much less than ten talents,
gladly accepted the offer. Having come to this
resolution, they selected Lycortas, Polybius, and
Aratus, son of Aratus of Sicyon, to go on a
mission to the king, partly to thank him for the arms which
he had sent on a former occasion,<span class="sidenote">Bk. 22, ch. 12.</span>
and partly to
receive the ships and make arrangements for
bringing them across. They appointed Lycortas, because, as
Strategus at the time that Ptolemy renewed the alliance, he
had worked energetically on the king&#8217;s side; and Polybius,
though below the legal age for acting as ambassador,<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> because
his father has been ambassador at the renewal of the alliance
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span>
with Ptolemy, and had brought the present of arms and of
money to the Achaeans;<span class="sidenote">Ptolemy
Epiphanes
poisoned in
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181.</span>
and Aratus, similarly,
on account of his former intercourse with the
king. However, this mission never went after
all as Ptolemy died just at this time....</p>

<p><a name="b24_7" id="b24_7"><b>7.</b></a> There was at this time in Sparta a man named Chaeron,
who in the previous year had been on an
embassy to Rome,<span class="sidenote">Chaeron&#8217;s
malversations
at Sparta.</span>
a man of ready wit and great
ability in affairs, but still young, in a humble
position of life, and without the advantages of a liberal education.
By flattering the mob, and starting questions which no
one else had the assurance to move, he soon acquired a certain
notoriety with the people. The first use he made of his power
was to confiscate the land granted by the tyrants to the sisters,
wives, mothers, and children of the exiles, and to distribute it
on his own authority among the poor without any fixed rule or
regard to equality. He next squandered the revenue, using the
public money as though it were his own, without the authority
of law, public decree, or magistrate. Annoyed at these proceedings,
certain men managed to get themselves appointed
auditors of the treasury in accordance with the laws. Seeing
this, and conscious of his maladministration of the government,
<span class="sidenote">Assassination of
Apollonides.</span>
Chaeron sent some men to attack Apollonides,
the most illustrious of the auditors, and the most
able to expose his embezzlements, who stabbed
him to death in broad daylight as he was coming from the
bath. Upon this being reported to the Achaeans, and the
people expressing great indignation at what had been done,
the Strategus at once started for Sparta; and when he arrived
there he brought Chaeron to trial for the murder of Apollonides,
and having condemned him, threw him into prison. He then
incited the remaining auditors to make a real investigation into
the public funds, and to see that the relations of the exiles got
back the property of which Chaeron had shortly before deprived
them....</p>

<p><a name="b24_8" id="b24_8"><b>8.</b></a> In Asia king Pharnaces, once more treating the reference
to Rome with contempt, sent Leocritus<span class="sidenote">Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
181-180.</span>
in
the course of the winter with ten thousand men
to ravage Galatia, while he himself at the beginning
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span>
of spring collected his forces and invaded Cappadocia.
<span class="sidenote">Spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 180.</span>
When Eumenes heard of it, he was much enraged
at Pharnaces thus breaking through the terms
of the agreement to which he was pledged, but
was compelled to retaliate by acting in the same way.<span class="sidenote">Eumenes enters
Cappadocia.</span>
When
he had already collected his forces, Attalus and
his brother landed from their voyage from Rome,
and the three brothers, after meeting and interchanging
views, marched out at once with the army. But on
reaching Galatia they found Leocritus no longer there;<span class="sidenote">Two Galatian
chiefs.</span> and
when Carsignatus and Gaesotorius, who had
before embraced the cause of Pharnaces, sent
them a message desiring that their lives might
be spared, and promising that they would do anything that
might be required of them, they refused the request on the
ground of the treachery of which they had been guilty,<span class="sidenote">Calpitus in
Galatia (?).
Parnassus, a
town on the
Halys.</span>
and
advanced with their full force against Pharnaces;
and having performed the distance from Calpitus
to the river Halys in five days, they
reached Parnassus in six more, and being there
joined by Ariarathes, the king of the Cappadocians,
with his own army, they entered the territory of the
Mocissians.<span class="sidenote">Mocissus, N.
of the Halys.</span> Just as they had pitched their
camp, news came that the ambassadors from
Rome had arrived to effect a pacification.
When the heard this, Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to
receive them; while he devoted himself to doubling the number
of his troops, and improving them to the utmost: partly with a
view to prepare them for actual service, and partly to impress
the Romans with the belief that he was able to defend himself
against Pharnaces, and beat him in war.</p>

<p><a name="b24_9" id="b24_9"><b>9.</b></a> When the Roman legates arrived and urged the putting
an end to the war, Eumenes and Ariarathes
professed to be ready to obey;<span class="sidenote">The Roman
legates arrive
and undertake
to negotiate.</span> but begged the
Romans to bring them, if possible, to an interview
with Pharnaces, that they might see fully
from what was said in their own presence how faithless and cruel
a man Pharnaces was; and, if this proved to be impossible,
to take a fair and impartial view of the controversy and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span>
decide it themselves. The legates replied that they would
do everything that was in their power and was consistent
with honour; but they required the kings to remove their
army from the country: for it was inconsistent that, when
they were there with proposals for a peace, operations of war
should be going on and mutual acts of hostility be committed.
Eumenes and his ally yielded to this representation, and immediately
marched off in the direction of Galatia. The Roman
legates then visited Pharnaces, and first demanded that he
should meet Eumenes and Ariarathes in a conference, as that
would be the surest way of settling the affair; but when he
expressed repugnance to that measure, and absolutely refused
to do so, the Romans at once perceived that he plainly thought
himself in the wrong, and distrusted his own cause; but, being
anxious in any and every way to put an end to the war, they continued
to press him until he consented to send plenipotentiaries
to the coast, to conclude a peace on such terms as the legates
might command.<span class="sidenote">The negotiation
fails.</span>
When these plenipotentiaries,
the Roman legates, and Eumenes and Ariarathes
met, the latter showed themselves ready
to consent to any proposal for the sake of concluding a peace.
But the envoys of Pharnaces disputed every point, and did
not hold even to what they had once accepted, but continually
brought forward some fresh demand, and altered their
mind again and again. The Roman legates, therefore, quickly
came to the conclusion that they were wasting their labour, as
Pharnaces could not be induced to consent to the pacification.
The conference accordingly having come to nothing, and the
Roman legates having left Pergamum, and the envoys of
Pharnaces having gone home, the war went on,
<span class="sidenote">The Rhodians
engaged in
putting down a
rising of the
Lycians. See
Bk. 22, ch. 5.</span> Eumenes and his allies proceeding in their
preparations for it. Meanwhile, however, the
Rhodians earnestly requested Eumenes to help
them; and he accordingly set out in great haste
to carry on a war against the Lycians....</p>

<p><a name="b24_10" id="b24_10"><b>10.</b></a> This year the Achaean Strategus Hyperbatus brought
before the assembly the question of the letter<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 180.
Debate in the
Achaean assembly on the Roman
despatch.</span>
from Rome as to the recall of the Lacedaemonian
exiles. Lycortas and his party recommended
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span>
that no change should be made, on
the ground that &#8220;The Romans had only acted
as they were bound to do in listening to the petition of men
who, on the face of it, were deprived of their rights, so far as
that petition seemed reasonable; but when they were convinced
that of a petition some points were impossible, and
others such as to inflict great disgrace and damage upon their
friends, it had never been their custom to insist upon them
peremptorily, or force their adoption. So in this case also, if
it were shown to them that the Achaeans by obeying their
letter would be breaking their oaths, their laws, and the provisions
engraved on the tablets, the very bonds of our league,
they will retract their orders, and will admit that we are right
to hesitate and to ask to be excused from carrying out its injunctions.&#8221;
Such was the speech of Lycortas. But Hyperbatus
and Callicrates advised submission to the letter, and
that they should hold its authority superior to law or tablet or
anything else. Such being the division of opinion, the
Achaeans voted to send ambassadors to the Senate, to put
before it the points contained in the speech of Lycortas.
Callicrates of Leontium, Lydiades of Megalopolis, and Aratus
of Sicyon were forthwith nominated for this mission, and were
despatched with instructions to this effect. But on their
arrival at Rome Callicrates went before the Senate, and, so far
from addressing it in accordance with his instructions, he on
the contrary entered upon an elaborate denunciation of his
political opponents; and, not contented with that, he undertook
to rebuke the Senate itself.</p>

<p><a name="b24_11" id="b24_11"><b>11.</b></a> For he said that &#8220;The Romans were themselves responsible
for the Greeks neglecting their letters
and orders instead of obeying them.<span class="sidenote">Callicrates, instead
of obeying
his instructions,
denounces his
opponents, and
persuades the
Senate that their
interference is
necessary.</span>
For in
all the democratic states of the day there were
two parties,&mdash;one recommending obedience to
the Roman rescripts, and holding neither law
nor tablet nor anything else to be superior to the
will of Rome; the other always quoting oaths and
tablets, and exhorting the people to be careful
about breaking them. Now the latter policy was by far the
most popular in Achaia, and the most influential with the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span>
multitude; consequently the Romanisers were discredited and
denounced among the populace&mdash;their opponents glorified.
If then the Senate would give some sign of their interest in
the matter, the leaders, in the first place, would quickly change
to the Romanising party, and, in the next place, would be
followed by the populace from fear. But if this were neglected
by the Senate, the tendency towards the latter of the two
parties would be universal, as the more creditable and honourable
in the eyes of the populace. Thus it came about that at
that very time certain statesmen, without any other claims whatever,
had obtained the highest offices in their own cities, merely
from coming forward to speak against the rescripts of the
Senate, with the view of maintaining the validity of the laws
and decrees made in the country. If then the Senate was
indifferent about having their rescripts obeyed by the Greeks, by
all means let it go on as it is now doing. But if the Senate
wished that its orders should be carried out, and its rescripts
be despised by no one, it must give serious attention to that
subject. If it did not do so, he knew only too well that the
exact opposite of the Senate&#8217;s wishes would come about, as
in fact had already been the case. For but lately, in the
Messenian disturbance, though Quintus Marcius had taken
many precautions to prevent the Achaeans adopting any
measures with regard to the Messenians without the consent of
the Romans, they had disobeyed that order; had voted the war
on their own authority; had not only wasted the whole country
in defiance of justice, but had in some cases driven its noblest
citizens into exile, and in others put them to death with every
extremity of torture, though they had surrendered, and were
guilty of no crime but that of appealing to Rome on the points
in dispute. Again, too, though the Senate had repeatedly
written to order the restoration of the Lacedaemonian exiles,
the Achaeans were so far from obeying, that they had actually
set up an engraved tablet, and made a sworn agreement with the
men actually in possession of the city that these exiles should
never return. With these instances before their eyes, the
Romans should take measures of precaution for the future.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b24_12" id="b24_12"><b>12.</b></a> After delivering a speech in these words, or to this
effect, Callicrates left the Senate-house. He was followed by
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">344</a></span>
the envoys of the exiles, who retired after delivering a short
address, stating their case, and containing some of the ordinary
appeals to pity.<span class="sidenote">The Romans
adopt the policy
of raising a party
in Greece against
the Achaean
league.</span>
The Senate was persuaded that
much of what Callicrates had said touched the
interests of Rome, and that it was incumbent
upon it to exalt those who supported its own
decrees, and to humble those who resisted them.
It was with this conviction, therefore, and at this
time that it first adopted the policy of depressing those who in
their several states took the patriotic and honourable side, and
promoting those who were for appealing to its authority on
every occasion, right or wrong. The result of which was that
gradually, as time went on,the Senate had abundance of flatterers,
but a great scarcity of genuine friends. However, on this
occasion the Senate did not write about the restoration of the
exiles to the Achaeans only, but also to the Aetolians, Epirotes,
Athenians, Boeotians, and Acarnanians, calling them all as it
were to witness, in order to break down the power of the
Achaeans. Moreover, they added to their answer, without saying
a word to his colleagues, a remark confined entirely to Callicrates
himself, that &#8220;everybody in the various states should be
as Callicrates.&#8221; This man accordingly arrived in Greece with
his answer, in a great state of exultation, little thinking that
he had become the initiator of great miseries to all the Greeks,
but especially to the Achaeans. This nation had still at that
time the privilege of dealing on something like equal terms with
Rome, because it had kept faith with her from the time that it
had elected to maintain the Roman cause, in the hour of her
greatest danger&mdash;I mean during the wars with Philip and
Antiochus.... The league, too, had made progress in material
strength and in every direction from the period from which my
history commences; but the audacious proceeding of Callicrates
proved the beginning of a change for the worse....</p>

<p>The Romans having the feelings of men, with a noble
spirit and generous principles, commiserate all who have met
with misfortunes, and show favour to all who fly to them for
protection; but directly any one claims anything as of right,
on the ground of having been faithful to their alliance, they
at once draw in and correct their error to the best of their
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span>
ability. Thus then Calibrates, who had been sent to Rome to
plead for the rights of the Achaeans, acted in exactly the
opposite spirit; and dragging in the subject of the Messenian
war, on which the Romans themselves had made no complaint,
returned to Achaia to overawe the people with the
threat of the hostility of Rome. Having therefore by his official
report frightened and dismayed the spirits of the populace,
who were of course ignorant of what he had really said in the
Senate, he was first of all elected Strategus,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 180-179.</span>
and,
to make matters worse, proved to be open to
bribery; and then, having got the office, carried out the
restoration of the Lacedaemonian and Messenian exiles.<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">137</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b24_13" id="b24_13"><b>13.</b></a> Philopoemen and Aristaenus, the Achaeans, were unlike
both in character and policy.<span class="sidenote">Comparison between
the characters
of Philopoemen
and
Aristaenus.</span>
Philopoemen
was formed by nature in body and mind for the
life of a soldier, Aristaenus for a statesman and
debater. In politics they differed in this, that
whereas during the periods of the wars with
Philip and Antiochus, Roman influence had become supreme
in Greece, Aristaenus directed his policy with the idea of
carrying out with alacrity every order from Rome, and sometimes
even of anticipating it. Still he endeavoured to keep
up the appearance of abiding by the laws, and did, in fact,
maintain the reputation of doing so, only giving way when any
one of them proved to plainly militate against the rescripts
from Rome. But Philopoemen accepted, and loyally performed,
all Roman orders which were in harmony with the
laws and the terms of their alliance; but when such orders
exceeded these limits, he could not make up his mind to yield
a willing obedience, but was wont first to demand an arbitration,
and to repeat the demand a second time; and if this
proved unavailing, to give in at length under protest, and so
finally carry out the order....</p>

<p><a name="b24_14" id="b24_14"><b>14.</b></a> Aristaenus used to defend his policy before the Achaeans
by some such arguments as these:<span class="sidenote">The view of Aristaenus
on the
right attitude
towards Rome.</span>
&#8220;It was impossible
to maintain the Roman friendship by holding
out the spear and the herald&#8217;s staff together.
If we have the resolution to withstand them face
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">346</a></span>
to face, and can do so, well and good. But if Philopoemen
himself does not venture to assert this,(138)... why should we
lose what is possible in striving for the impossible? There
are but two marks that every policy must aim at&mdash;honour and
expediency. Those to whom honour is a possible attainment
should stick to that, if they have political wisdom; those to
whom it is not must take refuge in expediency. To miss
both is the surest proof of unwisdom: and the men to do
that are clearly those who, while ostensibly consenting to obey
orders, carry them out with reluctance and hesitation. Therefore
we must either show that we are strong enough to refuse
obedience, or, if we dare not venture even to suggest that, we
must give a ready submission to orders.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b24_15" id="b24_15"><b>15.</b></a> Philopoemen, however, said that &#8220;People should not
suppose him so stupid as not to be able<span class="sidenote">Philopoemen&#8217;s
answer in defence
of his policy.</span>
to
estimate the difference between the Achaean
and Roman states, or the superiority of the
power of the latter. But as it is the inevitable tendency of
the stronger to oppress the weaker, can it be expedient to assist
the designs of the superior power, and to put no obstacle in
their way, so as to experience as soon as possible the utmost
of their tyranny? Is it not, on the contrary, better to resist
and struggle to the utmost of our power?... And if they
persist in forcing their injunctions upon us,<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a>... and if, by
reminding them of the facts we do something to soften their
resolution, we shall at any rate mitigate the harshness of their
rule to a certain extent; especially as up to this time the
Romans, as you yourself say, Aristaenus, have always made a
great point of fidelity to oaths, treaties, and promises to allies.
But if we at once condemn the justice of our own cause, and,
like captives of the spear, offer an unquestioning submission
to every order, what will be the difference between the
Achaeans and the Sicilians or Capuans, who have been notoriously
slaves this long time past? Therefore it must either be
admitted that the justice of a cause has no weight with the
Romans, or, if we do not venture to say that, we must stand
by our rights, and not abandon our own cause, especially as
our position in regard to Rome is exceedingly strong and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">347</a></span>
honourable. That the time will come when the Greeks will
be forced to give unlimited obedience, I know full well. But
would one wish to see this time as soon or as late as possible?
Surely as late as possible! In this, then, my policy differs
from that of Aristaenus. He wishes to see the inevitable
arrive as quickly as possible, and even to help it to come: I
wish to the best of my power to resist and ward it off.&#8221;</p>

<p>From these speeches it was made clear that while the
policy of the one was honourable, of the other undignified, both
were founded on considerations of safety. Wherefore while
both Romans and Greeks were at that time threatened with
serious dangers from Philip and Antiochus, yet both these
statesmen maintained the rights of the Achaeans in regard to
the Romans undiminished; though a report found its way
about that Aristaenus was better affected to the Romans than
Philopoemen....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">348</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXV</h2>

<p><a name="b25_1" id="b25_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">Tiberius Gracchus</span> destroyed three hundred cities of the
Celtiberes.<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">139</a>...</p>

<p><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 179. Coss.
Q. Fulvius, L.
Manlius.<br />
The ex-praetors
Ti. Sempronius
Gracchus and L.
Postumius were
still in Spain,
where they had
been since <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
182. Livy, 40, 1,
44.<br />
Renewed war of
Eumenes and
Ariarathes upon
Pharnaces. See
bk. 24, chs. 8, 9.</span>
<a name="b25_2" id="b25_2"><b>2.</b></a> The attack upon him being sudden and
formidable, Pharnaces was reduced to submit
to almost any terms; and on his sending an
embassy, Eumenes and Ariarathes immediately
accepted his proposals, and sent ambassadors
to Pharnaces in return. When this had been
repeated several times, the pacification was
concluded on the following terms: &#8220;Eumenes,
Prusias, and Ariarathes, shall maintain perpetual
peace with Pharnaces and Mithridates.</p>

<p>&#8220;Pharnaces shall not enter Galatia on any
pretence.</p>

<p>&#8220;Such treaties as exist between Pharnaces
and Gauls are hereby rescinded.</p>

<p>&#8220;Pharnaces shall likewise evacuate Paphlagonia, after restoring
the inhabitants whom he had previously expelled, with
their shields, javelins, and other equipment.</p>

<p>&#8220;Pharnaces shall restore to Ariarathes all territory of which
he has deprived him, with the property thereon and the hostages.</p>

<p>&#8220;He shall restore Tium by the Pontus, which some time<span class="sidenote">See bk. 5, ch. 77.</span>
before was given freely and liberally by Eumenes
to Prusias.</p>

<p>&#8220;Pharnaces shall restore, without ransom, all prisoners of
war and all deserters.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">349</a></span></p>

<p>&#8220;He shall repay to Morzius and Ariarathes, in lieu of all
money and treasure taken from them, the sum of nine hundred
talents, and shall add thereto three hundred talents for
Eumenes towards the expenses of the war.</p>

<p>&#8220;Mithridates, the Satrap of Armenia, shall also pay three
hundred talents, because he attacked Ariarathes in defiance of
the treaty with Eumenes.</p>

<p>&#8220;The persons included under this treaty are, of the princes
in Asia, Artaxias, lord of the greater part of Armenia, and
Acusilochus: of those in Europe, Gatalus the Sarmatian: of
the autonomous peoples, the Heracleotes, the Mesembrians in
the Chersonese, and the Cyzicenes.&#8221;</p>

<p>The number and quality of hostages to be given by
Pharnaces was also specified. The armies of the several
parties then marched away, and thus was concluded the war
of Eumenes and Ariarathes against Pharnaces.</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Philip V. died at Amphipolis towards the end of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 179.
His last days were embittered by remorse for the death of his son
Demetrius, whose innocence had been demonstrated to him. He
wished to leave his crown to Antigonus, the son of Echecrates and
nephew of Antigonus Doson, in order to punish his elder son
Perseus for his treachery in securing his brother&#8217;s death. But
Philip died suddenly before this could be secured, and Perseus
succeeded him without opposition. See Livy, 40, 55-57.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b25_3" id="b25_3"><b>3.</b></a> Having renewed the alliance with Rome, Perseus immediately
began intriguing in Greece.<span class="sidenote">The opening of
the reign of
Perseus.</span>
He
invited back into Macedonia absconding debtors,
condemned exiles, and those who had been
compelled to leave their country on charges of treason. He
caused notices to be put up to that effect at Delos, Delphi,
and the temple of Athena at Iton,<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> offering not only indemnity
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">350</a></span>to all who returned, but also the restoration of the property
lost by their exile. Such also as still remained in Macedonia
he released from their debts to the Royal exchequer, and set
free those who had been confined in fortresses upon charges of
treason. By these measures he raised expectations in the
minds of many, and was considered to be holding out great
hopes to all the Greeks. Nor were other parts of his life
and habits wanting in a certain royal magnificence. His
outward appearance was striking, and he was well endowed
with all the physical advantages requisite for a statesman. His
look and mien were alike dignified and such as became his
age. He had moreover avoided his father&#8217;s weakness for wine
and women, and not only drank moderately at dinner himself,
but was imitated in this respect by his intimates and friends.
Such was the commencement of the reign of Perseus....</p>

<p>When king Philip had become powerful and had obtained
supremacy over the Greeks, he showed<span class="sidenote">Philip V. in
misfortune.</span>
the most
utter disregard of faith and principle; but when
the breeze of fortune again set against him, his
moderation was as conspicuous in its turn. But after his final
and complete defeat, he tried by every possible expedient to
consolidate the strength of his kingdom.</p>

<p><a name="b25_4" id="b25_4"><b>4.</b></a> After despatching the consuls Tiberius and Claudius
<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 177. Coss.
C. Claudius
Pulcher, Ti.
Sempronius
Gracchus.</span>against the Istri and Agrii,<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> the Senate towards
the end of summer
transacted business with
the ambassadors that had come from the
Lycians. They had not arrived at Rome until
the Lycians had been completely conquered,
but they had been despatched a considerable
<span class="sidenote">Embassy from
Lycia against
Rhodes. See bk.
24, ch. 9.</span>time before. For the people of Xanthus in
Lycia, when about to embark upon the war, had
sent Nicostratus and others to Achaia and Rome as ambassadors:
who coming to Rome at that time moved many of the
Senators to pity them, by laying before them the oppressiveness
of the Rhodians and their own danger; and at length induced the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">351</a></span>
Senate to send envoys to Rhodes to declare that &#8220;On inspecting
the record of the arrangements made by the ten commissioners
in Asia, when settling the dominions of Antiochus, it appeared
that the Lycians had been given to the Rhodians, not as a
gift, but rather as friends and allies.&#8221; But many were still dissatisfied
with this solution of the matter. For the Romans
seemed to wish, by thus pitting Rhodes against Lycia, to exhaust
the accumulations and treasures of the Rhodians, because they
had heard of the recent conveyance of the bride of Perseus by
the Rhodians, and of their grand naval review. For shortly
before this the Rhodians had been holding, with great splendour
and elaboration of equipment, a review of all vessels belonging
to them; the fact being that a vast quantity of timber
for shipbuilding had been presented to them by Perseus.<span class="sidenote">Laodice, daughter
of Seleucus IV.
Livy, 42, 12.</span>
Moreover
he had presented a gold tiara to each
of the rowers on the upper bench in the ship
that had brought him his bride Laodice.<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">142</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b25_5" id="b25_5"><b>5.</b></a> When the envoys from Rome reached Rhodes and
announced the decrees of the Senate,<span class="sidenote">Excitement at
Rhodes; and a
fresh determination
of the
Lycians to assert
independence.</span>
there was
a great excitement in the island, and much confused
discussion among the leading politicians.
They were much annoyed at the allegation that
the Lycians had not been given them as a gift
but as allies; for having just satisfied themselves
that the Lycian war was successfully concluded, they saw the
commencement of fresh trouble for themselves growing up.
For no sooner had the Romans arrived and made this
announcement to the Rhodians, than the Lycians began a
fresh revolt, and showed a determination of fighting to the last
extremity for autonomy and freedom. However, after hearing
the Roman envoys, the Rhodians made up their minds that the
Romans had been deceived by the Lycians, and forthwith
appointed Lycophron to lead an embassy to offer an explanation
to the Senate. And the state of affairs was such that
there was momentary expectation of a fresh rising of the
Lycians....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">352</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b25_6" id="b25_6"><b>6.</b></a> When the Rhodian envoys arrived in Rome the Senate,
after listening to their address, deferred its
answer.<span class="sidenote">Rhodian question
deferred.</span>
Meanwhile the Dardanian envoys
came with reports as to the number of the
Bastarnae, the size of their men, and their courage in the field.
<span class="sidenote">Reports of the
intrigues of
Perseus. See
Livy, 41, 19,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 176-175.</span>
They gave information also of the treacherous
practices of Perseus and the Gauls, and said
that they were more afraid of him than of the
Bastarnae, and therefore begged the help of the
Romans. The report of the Dardani being
supported by that of the Thessalian envoys who arrived at that
time, and who also begged for help, the Senators determined
to send some commissioners to see with their own eyes the
truth of these reports; and they accordingly at once appointed
and despatched Aulus Postumius, accompanied by some
young men....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">353</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXVI</h2>

<p class="small"><span class="smcap">Seleucus Philopator</span>, whom we last heard of as king of Syria, was
assassinated by one of his nobles&mdash;Heliodorus&mdash;in the twelfth year of his
reign. Antiochus his younger brother had been a hostage at Rome, and
being, according to agreement, exchanged in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 175 for Philopator&#8217;s son
Demetrius, he was returning to Syria. At Athens, on his journey home, he
heard of the death of Seleucus, and the attempt of Heliodorus to usurp the
kingdom. By the help of Eumenes Heliodorus was expelled and Antiochus
installed, to the satisfaction of the people, who gave him at first the surname
of Epiphanes. He is the Antiochus Epiphanes whose cruelties are recorded
in the books of the Maccabees. He died mad at Tabae in Persia, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 164.
See <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_11">11</a>. For the following extract preserved by Athenaeus, see the
translation of Livy, 41, 19.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b26_1" id="b26_1"><b>1.</b></a> Antiochus Epiphanes, nicknamed from his actions
Epimanes (the Madman), would sometimes
steal from the court,<span class="sidenote">Antiochus
Epiphanes, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
175-164.</span>
avoiding his attendants,
and appear roaming wildly about in any
chance part of the city with one or two companions. His
favourite place to be found was the shops of the silversmiths
or goldsmiths, chatting and discussing questions of art
with the workers in relief and other artists; at another time he
would join groups of the people of the town and converse with
any one he came across, and would drink with foreign visitors
of the humblest description. Whenever he found any young
men carousing together he would come to the place without
giving notice, with fife and band, like a rout of revellers, and
often by his unexpected appearance cause the guests to rise and
run away. He would often also lay aside his royal robes, and,
putting on a tebenna,<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> go round the market-place as though
a candidate for office, shaking hands and embracing various
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">354</a></span>people whom he intreated to vote for him, sometime as aedile,
and sometimes as tribune. And when he got the office and
took his seat on an ivory curule chair, after the fashion of the
Romans, he heard law cases which came on in the agora, and
decided them with the utmost seriousness and attention. This
conduct was very embarrassing to respectable people, some of
whom regarded him as a good natured easy-going man, and others
as a madman. In regard to making presents, too, his behaviour
was on a par with this. Some he presented with dice made
of gazelle horn, some with dates, others with gold. There
were even instances of his making unexpected presents to
men whom he met casually, and whom he had never seen
before. In regard to public sacrifices and the honours paid to
the gods, he surpassed all his predecessors on the throne; as
witness the Olympieium at Athens and the statues placed
round the altar at Delos. He used also to bathe in the
public baths, when they were full of the townspeople, pots of
the most expensive unguents being brought in for him; and on
one occasion on some one saying, &#8220;Lucky fellows you kings,
to use such things and smell so sweet!&#8221; without saying a
word to the man, he waited till he was bathing the next day,
and then coming into the bath caused a pot of the largest
size and of the most costly kind of unguent called <i>stact&egrave;</i> to be
poured over his head, so that there was a general rush of the
bathers to roll themselves in it; and when they all tumbled
down, the king himself among them, from its stickiness, there
was loud laughter....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">355</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXVII</h2>

<p class="small"><i>The events of the years</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>174, 173, 172, which gradually led up to
the war with Perseus, to be described in the twenty-seventh book, were briefly
these</i>:&mdash;</p>

<p class="small">In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 174 Perseus forced the Dolopes, who had appealed against him
to Rome, to submit to his authority. After this successful expedition he
marched through Central and Northern Greece, visiting Delphi, where he
stayed three days, Phthiotid Achaia, and Thessaly. He carefully abstained
from inflicting any damage in the districts through which he
passed, and tried to gain the confidence of the various states. In the
same year he made friendly advances to the Achaeans, who had forbidden
any Lacedaemonian to enter their territory, by offering to restore their
fugitive slaves. But in spite of the exertions of Xenarchus the Strategus,
the Achaeans refuse to make any change (Livy, 41, 22-24).</p>

<p class="small">The same year saw also commotions in Aetolia, which were settled by
five Roman commissioners: and in Crete, on the old score of the status
of the Lycians. Q. Minucius was sent to settle this also (Livy, 41, 25).</p>

<p class="small">In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 173 Perseus entered on still more active intrigues in Greece,
and in spite of the wildest scandals that were afloat as to his tyranny, he
gained a powerful hold in Aetolia, Thessaly, and Perrhaebia. The Senate
accordingly sent Marcellus to Aetolia and Achaia, and App. Claudius to
Thessaly, to inquire into the facts; and a commission of five into Macedonia,
with directions to proceed afterwards to Alexandria (Livy, 42, 5, 6).</p>

<p class="small">In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 172 king Eumenes visited Rome and urged the Senate to take
measures in time to counteract the attempts of Perseus; warning them that
he had already obtained strong hold upon the Boeotians and Aetolians,
and had an inexhaustible recruiting ground in Thrace. That everywhere
he had secured the death or exile of the partisans of Rome, and was overrunning
in arms Thessaly and Perrhaebia (Livy, 42, 11-13).</p>

<p class="small">The Senate, already inclined to listen to these representations, was
still more inclined to do so by the defiant tone of Harpalus, the representative
of king Perseus; by the attempted assassination of Eumenes by
emissaries of Perseus at Delphi on his home journey; by receiving a report
from Greece from C. Valerius confirming the speech of Eumenes; and
lastly by the confession of one L. Rammius of Brundisium, that he had been
requested to poison certain Roman envoys who were accustomed to stay
at his house on their journeys to and from Macedonia and Greece (Livy,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">356</a></span>42, 15-17).</p>

<p class="small">War was now determined on for the next year, and the praetor ordered
to enroll troops. And Eumenes also, now recovered from the wounds of
the assassins, made preparations to join in the struggle (Livy, 42, 18-27).</p>

<p class="small">In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171, fresh legions having been enrolled, and an army of sixteen
thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry ordered to Macedonia, envoys
appeared from Perseus demanding the reason. The Senate would not allow
them to enter the Pomoerium, but received them in the temple of Bellona:
and after listening to a report from Sp. Cavilius that Perseus had, among
other acts of hostility, taken cities in Thessaly and entered Perrhaebia in arms,
the Senate answered the Macedonian envoys that any complaint they had to
make must be made to the consul, P. Licinius, who would presently be in
Macedonia, but that they must not come into Italy again (Livy, 42, 36).</p>

<p class="small">A few days afterwards five commissioners were sent into Greece, who
distributed the districts to be visited among themselves: Servius and
Publius Lentulus and Lucius Decimius were to go to Cephallenia, the
Peloponnese, and the west coast generally; Q. Marcius and Aulus Atilius
to Epirus, Aetolia, Thessaly, and thence to Boeotia and Euboea, where they
were to meet the Lentuli. Meanwhile a letter from Perseus, demanding the
cause of their coming and of the presence of troops in Macedonia, was received
and left unanswered. After visiting the districts assigned to them,
in the course of doing which Marcius and Atilius had met Perseus on the
river Peneus, and granted him a truce to enable him to send envoys to
Rome (Marcius knowing well that the Romans were not yet fully prepared
for war<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">144</a>), the commissioners reached their destination at Chalcis, where the
earlier events narrated in the following extracts occurred (Livy, 42, 36-43).</p>

<h3>THE WAR WITH PERSEUS</h3>

<p><a name="b27_1" id="b27_1"><b>1.</b></a> At this time Lases and Callias arrived at the head of
an embassy from the Thespians, and Ismenias<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a>
from Neon.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171. Coss.
P. Licinius Crassus,
C. Cassius
Longinus.</span>
Lases and his colleagues offered
to put their city wholly into the hands of the
Romans; Ismenias proposed to submit all the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">357</a></span>
cities of Boeotia as one nation to the discretion of the commissioners.
<span class="sidenote">The Roman
commissioners at
Chalcis: ambassadors
from
Thespiae and
Neon of Boeotia.</span>
But this latter proposal was diametrically
opposed to the policy of Marcius and his
colleagues. What suited that policy best was
to split up Boeotia into separate cities: and
they therefore received Lases and his party, as
well as the envoys from Chaeronea and Lebadea,
and all who came from single cities, with great favour and lavish
courtesy; but treated Ismenias with ostentatious neglect and
coldness. Some of the exiles<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> also attacked Ismenias and were
very near stoning him to death, and would have done so if he
had not saved himself by taking refuge through the door<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> of the
chamber where the commissioners were sitting.<span class="sidenote">Thebes.</span>
At the same
period there were disturbances and party contests
at Thebes. One party were for committing
the town unconditionally to Rome; but the Coroneans
and Haliartians flocked to Thebes and vehemently maintained
that they ought to maintain the alliance with Perseus. For a
time neither of the two parties showed any disposition to give
in to each other; but when Olympichus of Coronea set the
example of changing sides and asserting that they ought to
cleave to the Romans, a great change and revolution came
over the feelings of the populace. First, they compelled
Dicetas to go on an embassy to Marcius and the other commissioners
to excuse them for their alliance with Perseus. Next,
they expelled Neon and Hippias, crowding to their houses, and
bidding them go and make their own defence for the terms that
they had made; for they were the men who had negotiated the
alliance. When these men had left the town, the people immediately
collected into the assembly and first voted honours and
gifts to the Romans, and then ordered the magistrates to push
on the alliance. Last of all they appointed ambassadors to
hand over the city to the Romans and to restore their exiles.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">358</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b27_2" id="b27_2"><b>2.</b></a> Whilst these things were being accomplished at Thebes,
the exiles in Chalcis appointed Pompides<span class="sidenote">The cause of the
exiles&#8217; triumph
at Chalcis.</span>
to
state their grievances against Ismenias, Neon,
and Dicetas. The bad policy of these men
being manifest, and the Romans lending their support to the
exiles, Hippias and his party were rendered so odious that
they were in danger of falling victims to the fury of the populace,
until the Romans, by checking the assaults of the mob,
secured them a certain degree of safety.</p>

<p>When the Theban envoys arrived, bringing with them to
the commissioners the decrees and honours I
have mentioned,<span class="sidenote">Dissolution of
the Boeotian
league, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171.</span>
a rapid change passed over
the face of things in each of the towns, for
they were separated by a very narrow interval from each other.
The commissioners with Marcius received the Theban envoys,
complimented their town and counselled them to restore
the exiles, and bade the several towns send embassies to Rome
submitting themselves individually and unreservedly to the
protection of the Romans. Their policy, therefore, of splitting
up the league of the Boeotian towns, and of destroying the
popularity of the Macedonian royal house with the Boeotian
populace having thus completely succeeded, the commissioners
sent for Servius Lentulus from Argos, and leaving him in
charge at Chalcis went themselves to the Peloponnese; while
Neon a few days afterwards retired to Macedonia; and
Ismenias and Dicetas, being thrown at once into prison,
shortly afterwards put an end to their lives. Thus it came
about that the Boeotians, who had for a long period of
years, and through many strange vicissitudes, maintained a
national league, by now rashly and inconsiderately adopting
the cause of Perseus, and giving way to an outburst of unreasoning
excitement, were entirely disintegrated and split up
into separate cities.</p>

<p>When Aulus and Marcius arrived at Argos, after communication
with the council of the Achaean league,<span class="sidenote">The Commissioners
in the
Peloponnese.</span>
they called upon Archon the Strategus to despatch
a thousand men to Chalcis, to garrison
the town until the arrival of the Romans; an order which
Archon readily obeyed. Having thus settled affairs in Greece<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">359</a></span>
during the winter, and met Publius Lentulus and his two
colleagues, the commissioners sailed back to Rome....</p>

<p><a name="b27_3" id="b27_3"><b>3.</b></a> Meanwhile Tiberius Claudius and Aulus Postumius
had been engaged on a visitation of the islands
and Greek cities in Asia,<span class="sidenote">The Rhodians
prepare to
co-operate
with Rome.</span>
and had spent the
longest time in Rhodes; though the Rhodians
at that time did not require any supervision, for
the prytanis that year was Agesilochus, a man of high rank,
who had once been on an embassy to Rome. Even before
the legates came, as soon as it became clear that the Romans
intended to go to war with Perseus he had urged his people
to throw in their fortunes with those of Rome; and, among
other things, had counselled them to repair forty ships, in order
that, if any occasion for using them should arise, it should not
find them still in the midst of preparations, but ready to
answer to the call and to carry out their resolve at once. By
stating these facts to the Roman envoys, and showing them
the preparations visibly progressing, he let them return to
Rome in a high state of satisfaction with Rhodes....</p>

<p><a name="b27_4" id="b27_4"><b>4.</b></a> After the conferences had been held between the Roman
envoys and the Greeks, Perseus drew up<span class="sidenote">Perseus sends a
circular despatch
to the Greek
States.</span>
a
despatch containing a statement of his case, and
the arguments employed on either side; partly
from an idea that he would thus be shown to
have the superiority of right on his side, and partly because he
wished to test the feelings of the several states.<span class="sidenote">The reply of the
Rhodians.</span>
Copies of
this despatch he sent to the other states by his
ordinary letter-carriers; but to Rhodes he sent
also Antenor and Philip as ambassadors, who, on
their arrival in the island, handed over the document to the
magistrates, and a few days afterwards entered the Council
chamber and urged the Rhodians &#8220;To remain neutral for the
present and watch what happened; and, if the Romans attacked
Perseus in violation of the treaty, to endeavour to mediate.
For this was the interest of all, and pre-eminently of the
Rhodians, who more than most peoples desired equality and
freedom of speech, and were ever the protectors, not only of
their own liberty, but of that of the rest of Greece also; and
therefore ought to be proportionally careful to provide and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">360</a></span>
guard against a policy of an opposite tendency.&#8221; These and
similar arguments of the envoys found favour with the Rhodian
people. But, as they were already pledged to an attitude of
friendship to Rome, the influence of the upper classes so far
prevailed that, though a friendly reception was given to the
Macedonian envoys, they demanded in their formal answer
that Perseus should not ask them to take any measure which
would involve the appearance of hostility to Rome. Antenor
and his colleagues would not accept this reply, but with thanks
for the kindness of their general reception, sailed back to
Macedonia....</p>

<p><a name="b27_5" id="b27_5"><b>5.</b></a> Being informed that some of the cities of Boeotia remained
faithful to him, Perseus sent Alexander
on a mission to them.<span class="sidenote">Mission of Perseus
to Boeotia.</span>
On his arrival in
Boeotia, Alexander was obliged to abstain from
visiting any of the cities except Coronea, Thisbae,<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> and
Haliartus, finding that they offered him no facilities for securing
close relations. But he entered those three towns and exhorted
their inhabitants to cling to their loyalty to the Macedonians.
They received his words with enthusiasm, and voted to send
ambassadors to Macedonia. Alexander accordingly returned
to the king and reported the state of things in Boeotia. A
short time afterwards the ambassadors arrived, desiring the
king to send aid to the cities which favoured the Macedonian
cause; for the Thebans were oppressing them severely,<span class="sidenote">Truce made with
Q. Marcius.
See Livy, 42, 43,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171.</span>
because
they would not agree with them and side with
Rome. But Perseus replied that he was precluded
by the truce from sending any aid to any
one; but he begged them to resist the Thebans
to the best of their power, and yet not to go to war with the
Romans, but to remain neutral....</p>

<p><a name="b27_6" id="b27_6"><b>6.</b></a> When the report of the commissioners from Asia concerning
Rhodes and the other states had been
made at Rome,<span class="sidenote">War is decided
upon at the expiration
of the truce.</span>
the Senate called in the ambassadors
of Perseus, Solon and Hippias: who endeavoured
to argue the whole case and to deprecate the anger
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">361</a></span>
of the Senate; and particularly to defend their master on the
subject of the attempt upon the life of Eumenes.<span class="sidenote">Attempted assassination
of Eumenes
at Delphi.
Livy, 42, 16,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 172.</span>
When
they had finished all they had to urge, the Senate,
which had all the while been resolved on war,
bade them depart forthwith from Rome; and
ordered all other Macedonians also that happened
to be staying in the country to quit Italy
within thirty days. The Senate then called upon the Consuls
to act at once and see that they moved in good time....</p>

<p><a name="b27_7" id="b27_7"><b>7.</b></a> Caius Lucretius<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> being at anchor off Cephallenia, wrote
a letter to the Rhodians, requesting them to
despatch some ships,<span class="sidenote">Politics at Rhodes.</span>
and entrusted the letter
to a certain trainer named Socrates. This letter arrived at
Rhodes in the second six months of the Prytany of Stratocles.
<span class="sidenote">The Romanising
party.</span>
When the question came on for discussion,
Agathagetus, Rhodophon, Astymedes,
and
many others were for sending the ships and
taking part in the war from the first, without
any further pretence; but Deinon and Polyaratus,
<span class="sidenote">The Macedonian
party.</span>though really displeased at the favour already
shown to Rome, now for the present used the case of Eumenes
as their pretext, and began by that means to alienate the feelings
of the populace. There had in fact been a long standing feeling
of suspicion and dislike in the minds of the Rhodians against
Eumenes, dating from the time of his war with Pharnaces; when,
<span class="sidenote">Jealousy of
Eumenes.</span>
upon king Eumenes blockading the entrance
of the Hellespont to prevent ships sailing into
the Pontus, the Rhodians had interfered with
his design and thwarted him. This ill-feeling had again been
recently exasperated during the Lycian war on the question of
certain forts, and a strip of territory on the frontier of the
Rhodian Peraea, which was being damaged by some of
Eumenes&#8217;s subjects. These incidents taken together made
the Rhodians ready to listen to anything against the king.
Seizing on this pretext, the party of Deinon tried to discredit
the despatch, asserting that it did not come from the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">362</a></span>
Romans but from Eumenes, who wished to involve them
on any possible pretext in a war, and bring expense and
perfectly unnecessary suffering upon the people. In support
of their contention they put forward the fact that the man who
brought the letter was some obscure trainer or another; and
asserted that the Romans were not accustomed to employ such
messengers, but were rather inclined to act with unnecessary
care and dignity in the despatch of such missives. When
they said this they were perfectly aware that the letter had
really been written by Lucretius: their object was to persuade
the Rhodian people to do nothing for the Romans readily, but
rather to perpetually make difficulties, and thus give occasions
for offence and displeasure to crop up between the two nations.
For their deliberate purpose was to alienate Rhodes from the
Roman friendship, and to join it to that of Perseus, by every
means in their power. Their motives for thus clinging to
Perseus were that Polyaratus, who was ostentatious and vain,
had become heavily in debt; and that Deinon, who was
avaricious and unscrupulous, had from the first relied on
increasing his wealth by getting presents from princes and
kings. These speeches having been delivered, the Prytanis
Stratocles rose, and, after inveighing at some length against
Perseus, and speaking with equal warmth in praise of the
Romans, induced the people to confirm the decree for the
despatch of the ships. Forthwith six quadriremes were prepared,
five of which were sent to Chalcis under the command
of Timagoras, and the other under the command of another
Timagoras to Tenedos. This latter commander fell in at
Tenedos with Diophanes, who had been despatched by
Perseus to Antiochus, and captured both him and his crew.
All such allies as arrived with offers of help by sea Lucretius
thanked warmly, but excused from taking part in this service,
observing that the Romans had no need of naval support....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Perseus now collected a large army at Citium, thirty-nine
thousand foot and four thousand horse, and advanced through the
north of Thessaly taking many towns, and finally taking up
his quarters at Sicyrium, at the foot of Mount Ossa. The Roman
consul, P. Licinius, marched from the south-west through Gomphi,</i>
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">363</a></span>
<i>and thence to Larisa, where he crossed the river Peneus. After
some cavalry skirmishes, which were generally favourable to the
king, Perseus advanced nearer to the Roman camp, and a more
important battle was fought, in which the king again scored a considerable
success with his cavalry and light-armed troops. The
Romans lost two hundred cavalry killed and as many prisoners
and two thousand infantry, while Perseus only had twenty cavalry
and forty infantry killed. He did not, however, follow up the
victory sufficiently to inflict a crushing blow upon the Roman
army; and though the Consul withdrew to the south of the Peneus,
after some days&#8217; reflection the king made proposals of peace. See
Livy</i>, 42, 51-62. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171 (<i>summer</i>).</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b27_8" id="b27_8"><b>8.</b></a> After the Macedonian victory Perseus summoned
his Council, when some of his friends expressed<span class="sidenote">After beating
the Roman cavalry on
the Peneus, and
obliging Licinius
to retire south of
the river, Perseus
endeavours to
make terms.</span>
an opinion that he ought to send an
embassy to the Roman general, to signify his
readiness even now to pay the Romans the
same amount of tribute as his father had formerly
undertaken to pay when beaten in war, and to
evacuate the same places. &#8220;For if,&#8221; they argued,
&#8220;the Romans accept the terms the war will be ended in a
manner honourable to the king after his victory in the field;
and the Romans, after this taste of Macedonian valour, will be
much more careful in the future not to impose an unjust or
harsh burden upon the Macedonians. And if, on the other
hand, in spite of the past, they prove obstinate and refuse to
accept them, the anger of heaven will with justice fall on them;
while the king by his moderation will gain the support of
Gods and men alike.&#8221; The majority of his friends held this
view, and Perseus expressing his assent to it, Pantauchus, son
of Balacrus, and Midon of Beroea, were forthwith sent as
ambassadors to Licinius.<span class="sidenote">The Romans are
inexorable.</span>
On their arrival,
Licinius summoned his Council, and the ambassadors
having stated their proposals in accordance
with their instructions, Pantauchus and his colleague
were requested to withdraw, and they deliberated on the proposition
thus made to them. They decided unanimously to
return as stern an answer as possible. For this is a peculiarity
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">364</a></span>
of the Romans, which they have inherited from their ancestors,
and are continually displaying,&mdash;to show themselves most
peremptory and imperious in the presence of defeat, and most
moderate when successful: a very noble peculiarity, as every
one will acknowledge; but whether it be feasible under certain
circumstances may be doubted. However that may be, on the
present occasion they made answer that Perseus must submit
without reserve himself, and give the Senate full power to take
whatever measures it might think good concerning Macedonia
and all in it. On this being communicated to Pantauchus and
Midon, they returned and informed Perseus and his friends;
some of whom were roused to anger at this astonishing display
of haughtiness, and advised Perseus to send no more embassies
or messages about anything whatever. Perseus, however,
was not the man to take such a line. He sent again and
again to Licinius, with continually enhanced offers, and promising
a larger and larger sum of money. But as nothing that he
could do had any effect, and as his friends found fault with
him, and told him that, though he had won a victory,<span class="sidenote">Perseus returns to
Sicyrium.</span>
he was
acting like one who had been defeated and lost
all, he was at length compelled to renounce the
sending of embassies, and remove his camp back
to Sicyrium. Such was the position of the campaign....</p>

<p><a name="b27_9" id="b27_9"><b>9.</b></a> When the report of the favourable result for Perseus of
the cavalry engagement, and of the victory of
the Macedonians,<span class="sidenote">The effect of the
success of Perseus
upon the
Greeks.</span>
spread through Greece, the
inclination of the populace to the cause of
Perseus blazed out like a fire, most of them
having up to that time concealed their real feelings. Their
conduct, to my mind, was like what one sees at gymnastic
contests. When some obscure and far inferior combatant
descends into the arena with a famous champion reputed to
be invincible, the spectators immediately bestow their favour
upon the weaker of the two, and try to keep up his spirits by
applause, and eagerly second his efforts by their enthusiasm.
And if he succeeds so far as even to touch the face of his
opponent, and make a mark to prove the blow, the whole of
the spectators again show themselves on his side. Sometimes
they even jeer at his antagonist: not because they dislike or
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span>
undervalue him, but because their sympathies are roused by the
unexpected, and they are naturally inclined to take the weaker
side. But if any one checks them at the right moment, they
are quick to change and see their mistake. And this is what
Cleitomachus is said to have done.<span class="sidenote">A scene at
Olympia.</span>
He had
the character of being an invincible athlete,
and, as his reputation was spread all over the
world, King Ptolemy is said to have been inspired with the
ambition of putting an end to it. He therefore had Aristonicus
the boxer, who was thought to have unusual
physical capabilities for that kind of thing trained with extraordinary
care, and sent to Greece. When he appeared on the
arena at Olympia a great number of the spectators, it seems,
immediately showed their favour for him, and cheered him on,
being rejoiced that some one should have had the courage to
make some sort of stand against Cleitomachus. But when, as
the fight went on, he showed that he was a match for his
antagonist, and even gave him a well-placed wound, there was
a general clapping of hands, and the popular enthusiasm
showed itself loudly on his side, the spectators calling out to
Aristonicus to keep up his spirits. Thereupon they say that
Cleitomachus stepped aside, and after waiting a short time to
recover his breath, turned to the crowd and asked them
&#8220;Why, they cheered Aristonicus, and supported him all they
could? Had they detected him in playing foul in the combat?
Or were they not aware that Cleitomachus was at that moment
fighting for the honour of Greece, Aristonicus for that of king
Ptolemy? Would they prefer an Egyptian to carry off the
crown by beating Greeks, or that a Theban and Boeotian
should be proclaimed victor in boxing over all comers?&#8221;
Upon this speech of Cleitomachus, they say that such a revulsion
of feeling came over the spectators, that Aristonicus in
his turn was conquered more by the display of popular feeling
than by Cleitomachus.</p>

<p><a name="b27_10" id="b27_10"><b>10.</b></a> What happened in the case of Perseus in regard to the
feeling of the multitude was very similar to this. For if any one
had pulled them up and asked them plainly, in so many words,
whether they wished such great power to fall to one man, and
were desirous of trying the effect of an utterly irresponsible despotism,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">366</a></span>
I presume that they would have promptly bethought
themselves, recanted all they had said, and gone to the other
extreme of feeling. Or if some one had briefly recalled to their
recollection all the tyrannical acts of the royal house of Macedonia
from which the Greeks had suffered, and all the benefits they
had received from the Romans, I imagine they would have at
once and decisively changed their minds. However, for the
present, at the first burst of thoughtless enthusiasm, the people
showed unmistakable signs of joy at the news, being delighted at
the unlooked-for appearance of a champion able to cope with
Rome. I say this much to prevent anyone, in ignorance of human
nature, from bringing a rash charge of ingratitude against the
Greeks for the feelings which they displayed at that time....</p>

<p><a name="b27_11" id="b27_11"><b>11.</b></a> The <i>cestros</i> was a novel invention, made during the war
with Perseus. This weapon consisted of an
iron bolt two palms long,<span class="sidenote">A new kind of
missile used in the
army of Perseus.</span>
half of which was
spike, and half a tube for the reception of the
wooden shaft which was fixed into the tube, and measured a
span in length and a finger-breadth in diameter. At the
middle point of the shaft three wooden &#8220;plumes&#8221; were
morticed in. The sling had thongs of unequal length, and
on the leather between them the missile was loosely set.
When the sling was being swung round, with the two thongs
taut, the missile kept its place; but when the slinger let go one
of the thongs, it flew from the leather like a leaden bullet, and
was projected from the sling with such force as to inflict a
very grievous wound upon any one whom it hit.<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">150</a></p>

<p><a name="b27_12" id="b27_12"><b>12.</b></a> Cotys was a man of distinguished appearance and of
great ability in military affairs, and besides,<span class="sidenote">Character of
Cotys, king of the
Odrysae, an ally
of Perseus.</span>
quite unlike a Thracian in character. For he
was of sober habits, and gave evidence of a
gentleness of temper and a steadiness of disposition
worthy of a man of gentle birth....</p>

<p><a name="b27_13" id="b27_13"><b>13.</b></a> Ptolemy, the general serving in Cyprus, was by no
means like an Egyptian, but was a man of sense
and administrative ability.<span class="sidenote">A prudent governor
of Cyprus.
See above, bk.
18, ch. 55.</span>
He received the
governorship of the island when the king of
Egypt was quite a child, and devoted himself
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">367</a></span>with great zeal to the collection of money, refusing payments of
any kind to any one, though he was often asked for them by
the king&#8217;s agents, and subjected to bitter abuse for refusing to
part with any. But when the king came of age he made up
a large sum and sent it to Alexandria, so that both king
Ptolemy himself and his courtiers expressed their approval of
his previous parsimony and determination not to part with
any money....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>The battle on the Peneus was followed by other engagements
of no great importance; and finally Perseus returned to Macedonia,
and the Romans went into winter quarters in various
towns in Thessaly, without a decisive blow having been struck on
either side. Winter of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>171-170. Livy, 42, 64-67.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b27_14" id="b27_14"><b>14.</b></a> Just about the time when Perseus retired for the
winter from the Roman war, Antenor arrived
at Rhodes from him,<span class="sidenote">Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
171-17O. Dispute
at Rhodes as
to the release of
Diophanes, the
envoy of Perseus,
captured at Tenedos.
See ch. 7.</span>
to negotiate for the ransom
of Diophanes and those who were on board
with him. Thereupon there arose a great dispute
among the statesmen as to what course
they ought to take. Philophron, Theaetetus,
and their party were against entering into such
arrangement on any terms; Deinon and Polyaratus and
their party were for doing so. Finally they did enter upon an
arrangement with Perseus for their redemption....</p>

<p><a name="b27_15" id="b27_15"><b>15.</b></a> Cephalus came [to Pella] from Epirus. He had long
been connected by friendship with the royal
house of Macedonia,<span class="sidenote">What induced the
leading men in
Epirus to join
Perseus.</span>
but was now compelled
by the force of circumstances to embrace the
side of Perseus, the cause of which was as follows:
There was a certain Epirote named Charops, a man
of high character, and well disposed to Rome, who, when
Philip was holding the passes into Epirus, was the cause of
his being driven from the country, and of Titus Flamininus
conquering Epirus and Macedonia. Charops had a son
named Machatus, who had a son also named Charops.
Machatus having died when this son was quite a youth, the
elder Charops sent his grandson with a suitable retinue to
Rome to learn to speak and read Latin. In the course of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">368</a></span>
time the young man returned home, having made many intimate
friendships at Rome.<span class="sidenote">Charops.</span>
The elder Charops
then died, and the young man, being of a restless
and designing character, began giving himself airs and attacking
the distinguished men in the country. At first he was not
much noticed, Antinous and Cephalus, his superiors in age and
reputation, managing public affairs as they thought right. But
when the war with Perseus broke out, the young man at once
began laying information against these statesmen at Rome,
grounding his accusations on their former intimacy with the
Macedonian royal family; and by watching everything they said
or did, and putting the worst construction on it, suppressing
some facts and adding others, he succeeded in getting his accusations
against them believed. Now Cephalus had always shown
good sense and consistency, and at the present crisis had
adhered to a course of the highest wisdom. He had begun
by praying heaven that the war might not take place, or the
question come to the arbitrament of arms; but when the war
was actually begun, he was for performing all treaty obligations
towards Rome, but for not going a step beyond this, or showing
any unbecoming subservience or officiousness. When
Charops then vehemently accused Cephalus at Rome, and represented
everything that happened contrary to the wishes of the
Romans as malice prepense on his part, at first he and others
like him thought little of the matter, being not conscious of
entertaining any designs hostile to Rome. <span class="sidenote">Aetolian leaders
arrested.</span> But when they saw
Hippolochus, Nicander, and Lochagus arrested
without cause, and conveyed to Rome after
the cavalry battle, and that the accusations
made against them by Lyciscus were believed,&mdash;Lyciscus
being a leader of the same party in Aetolia as Charops was
in Epirus,&mdash;they at length began to be anxious about what
would happen, and to consider their position. They resolved
therefore to try every possible means to prevent themselves
from being similarly arrested without trial and carried to
Rome, owing to the slanders of Charops. It was thus that
Cephalus and his friends were compelled, contrary to their
original policy, to embrace the cause of Perseus....</p>

<p><a name="b27_16" id="b27_16"><b>16.</b></a> Theodotus and Philostratus committed an act of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">369</a></span>
flagrant impiety and treachery.<span class="sidenote">Coss. A. Hostilius
Mancinus, A.
Atilius Serranus,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 170.</span>
They learnt that the Roman
consul Aulus Hostilius was on his way to
Thessaly to join the army; and thinking that,
if they could deliver Aulus to Perseus, they would
have given the latter the strongest possible
proof of their devotion,<span class="sidenote">Attempt of two
Molossian leaders
to seize the consul.</span> and have done the
greatest possible damage to the Romans at this
crisis, they wrote urgently to Perseus to make
haste. The king was desirous of advancing at once and joining
them; but he was hindered by the fact that the Molossians
had seized the bridge over the Aous, and was obliged to give
them battle first. Now it chanced that Aulus had arrived at
Phanota,<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> and put up at the house of Nestor the Cropian,<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">152</a>
and thus gave his enemies an excellent opportunity; and had
not fortune interfered on his behalf, I do not think that he
would have escaped. But, in fact, Nestor providentially
suspected what was brewing, and compelled him to change
his quarters for the night to the house of a neighbour.
Accordingly he gave up the idea of going by land through
Epirus, and, having sailed to Anticyra,<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> thence made his way
into Thessaly....</p>

<p><span class="sidenote">Pharnaces, king
of Pontus.</span>
<a name="b27_17" id="b27_17"><b>17.</b></a> Pharnaces was the worst of all his predecessors
on the throne....</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b27_18" id="b27_18"><b>18.</b></a> While Attalus was spending the winter in Elateia (in
Phocis), knowing that his brother Eumenes was
annoyed<span class="sidenote">Attalus desires
that his brother
Eumenes should
be restored to
honour in the
Peloponnese.</span>
in the highest possible degree at the
splendid honours which had been awarded to him
having been annulled by a public decree of the
Peloponnesians, though he concealed his annoyance
from every one,&mdash;he took upon himself to
send messages to certain of the Achaeans, urging that not
only the statues of honour, but the complimentary inscriptions
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">370</a></span>also, which had been placed in his brother&#8217;s honour, should be
restored. His motive in acting thus was the belief that he
could give his brother no greater gratification, and at the same
time would display to the Greeks by this act his own brotherly
affection and generosity.<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b27_19" id="b27_19"><b>19.</b></a> When Antiochus saw that the government of Alexandria
was openly making preparations for a war
of annexation in Coele-Syria,<span class="sidenote">Preparations for
the attack upon
Coele-Syria by
the ministers of
Ptolemy
Philometor.</span>
he sent Meleager
at the head of an embassy to Rome, with instructions
to inform the Senate of the fact, and
to protest that Ptolemy was attacking him without
the least justification....</p>

<p><a name="b27_20" id="b27_20"><b>20.</b></a> In all human affairs perhaps one ought to regulate
every undertaking by considerations of time;<span class="sidenote">The need of
promptness,</span>
but this is especially true in war, in which a
moment makes all the difference between success
and failure, and to miss this is the most fatal of errors....</p>

<p>Many men desire honour, but it is only the few who
venture to attempt it;<span class="sidenote">and of persistency.</span>
and of those who do so,
it is rare to find any that have the resolution to
persevere to the end....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">371</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXVIII</h2>

<p><a name="b28_1" id="b28_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">When</span> the war between the kings Antiochus and Ptolemy<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a>
for the possession of Coele-Syria had just
begun,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169, Antiochus
and Ptolemy
both appeal to
Rome on the subject
of Coele-Syria.</span>
Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heracleides
came as ambassadors from Antiochus, and
Timotheos and Damon from Ptolemy. The
one actually in possession of Coele-Syria and
Phoenicia was Antiochus; for ever since his father&#8217;s victory
over the generals of Ptolemy at Panium<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> all those districts had
been subject to the Syrian kings. Antiochus, accordingly,
regarding the right of conquest as the strongest and most
honourable of all claims, was now eager to defend these places
as unquestionably belonging to himself: while Ptolemy, conceiving
that the late king Antiochus had unjustly taken
advantage of his father&#8217;s orphan condition to wrest the cities in
Coele-Syria from him, was resolved not to acquiesce in his
possession of them. Therefore Meleager and his colleagues
came to Rome with instructions to protest before the Senate
that Ptolemy had, in breach of all equity, attacked him first;
while Timotheos and Damon came to renew their master&#8217;s
friendship with the Romans, and to offer their mediation for
putting an end to the war with Perseus; but, above all, to
watch the communications made by Meleager&#8217;s embassy. As
to putting an end to the war, by the advice of Marcus
Aemilius they did not venture to speak of it; but after formally
renewing the friendly relations between Ptolemy and Rome,
and receiving a favourable answer, they returned to Alexandria.
To Meleager and his colleagues the Senate answered
that Quintus Marcius should be commissioned to write to</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">372</a></span></p><p>Ptolemy on the subject, as he should think it most to the
interest of Rome and his own honour. Thus was the business
settled for the time....</p>

<p><a name="b28_2" id="b28_2"><b>2.</b></a> About this time there came also ambassadors from the
Rhodians towards the end of summer, Agesilochus,
Nicagoras, and Nicander.<span class="sidenote">The Rhodians ask
for license to
import corn.</span>
The objects
of their mission were to renew the friendship
of Rhodes and Rome; to obtain a license for importing
corn from the Roman dominions; and to defend their
state from certain charges that had been brought against
it. For there were most violent party contests going on in
Rhodes: Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon, and Theaetetus
resting all their hopes on the Romans, and Deinon and
Polyaratus on Perseus and the Macedonians; and as these
divisions gave rise to frequent debates in the course of their
public business, and many contradictory expressions were
used in their deliberations, plenty of opportunities were
afforded to those who wished to make up stories against the
state. On this occasion, however, the Senate affected to be
ignorant of all this, though perfectly acquainted with what
went on in the island, and granted them a license to import
one hundred thousand medimni of corn from Sicily. This
answer was given by the Senate to the Rhodians separately.
Audience was then given collectively to all the envoys from
the rest of Greece that were united in the same policy....</p>

<p><a name="b28_3" id="b28_3"><b>3.</b></a> Aulus being thus Proconsul, and wintering in Thessaly
with the army, sent Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus
Octavius<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169.
Aulus Hostilius,
in Greece with
proconsular
authority, sends
Popilius and
Octavius to visit
the Greek towns
and read the decree
of the Senate.</span>
to visit certain places in Greece.
They first came to Thebes, where, after speaking
in complimentary terms of the Thebans, they exhorted
them to maintain their good disposition
towards Rome. They then went a round of
the cities in the Peloponnese, and endeavoured
to convince the people of the clemency and
humanity of the Senate by producing the<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> decree<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">373</a></span>
which I recently mentioned. At the same time they
made it clearly understood that the Senate was
<span class="sidenote">They visit the
Peloponnese, and
express some
dissatisfaction at
the backward
policy of certain
Achaeans.</span>aware who in the several states were hanging
back and trying to evade their obligations, and
who were forward and zealous; and they let it be
seen that they were as much displeased with those
who thus hung back as with those who openly
took the opposite side. This brought hesitation and doubt to
the minds of the people at large, as to how to frame their
words and actions so as to exactly suit the necessities of the
times. Gaius and Gnaeus were reported to have resolved, as
soon as the Achaean congress was assembled, to accuse<span class="sidenote">Lycortas, Archon,
and Polybius are
supposed to be
particularly
aimed at.</span> Lycortas,
Archon, and Polybius, and to point out
that they were opposed to the policy of Rome;
and were at the present moment refraining from
active measures, not because that was their
genuine inclination, but because they were watching
the turn of events, and waiting their opportunity. They did
not, however, venture to do this, because they had no well-founded
pretext for attacking these men. Accordingly, when
the council<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> met at Aegium, after delivering a speech of mingled
compliments and exhortation, they took ship for Aetolia.</p>

<p><a name="b28_4" id="b28_4"><b>4.</b></a> The Aetolian congress being summoned to meet them
at Thermum,<span class="sidenote">The legates in
Aetolia.</span>
they came before the assembled
people, and again delivered a speech in which
expressions of benevolence were mixed with
exhortations. But the real cause of summoning the congress
<span class="sidenote">Various Aetolians
accuse each other.</span>
was to announce that the Aetolians must give
hostages. On their leaving the speakers&#8217; platform,
Proandrus stood forward and desired
leave to mention certain services performed by himself to the
Romans,<span class="sidenote">Proandrus.</span>
and to denounce those who accused
him. Gaius thereupon rose; and, though he well
knew that Proandrus was opposed to Rome, he paid him some
compliments, and acknowledged the truth of everything he
had said.<span class="sidenote">Lyciscus.</span>
After this, Lyciscus stood forward,
and, without accusing any one person by name,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">374</a></span>
yet cast suspicion on a great many. For he said that &#8220;The
Romans had been quite right to arrest the ringleaders and
take them to Rome&#8221; (whereby he meant Eupolemus, Nicander,
and the rest): &#8220;but members of their party still remained
in Aetolia, all of whom ought to meet with the same correction,
unless they gave up their children as hostages to the Romans.&#8221;
In these words he meant to point especially to Archedamus
and Pantaleon; and, accordingly, when he retired,<span class="sidenote">Pantaleon.</span> Pantaleon
stood up, and, after a brief denunciation of
Lyciscus for his shameless and despicable flattery
of the stronger side, turned to Thoas, conceiving him to be the
man whose accusations of himself obtained the greater credit
from the fact that he had never been supposed to be at enmity
with him. He reminded Thoas first of the events in
the time of Antiochus; and then reproached him for ingratitude
to himself, because, when he had been surrendered to
Rome, he obtained an unexpected release at the intercession
of Nicander and himself. He ended by calling upon the
Aetolians, not only to hoot Thoas down if he tried to speak,
but to join with one accord in stoning him.<span class="sidenote">Thoas stoned.</span> This was done;
and Gaius, after administering a brief reproof
to the Aetolians for stoning Thoas, departed
with his colleague to Acarnania, without any more being said
about hostages. Aetolia, however, was filled with mutual
suspicions and violent factions.</p>

<p><a name="b28_5" id="b28_5"><b>5.</b></a> In Acarnania the assembly was held at Thurium, at
which Aeschrion, Glaucus, and Chremes, who were all partisans
of Rome, begged Gaius and Gnaeus to
place a garrison in Acarnania;<span class="sidenote">Acarnania.</span> for they had
among them certain persons who were for putting the
country in the hands of Perseus and the Macedonians. The
advice of Diogenes was the opposite. &#8220;A garrison,&#8221; he
said, &#8220;ought not to be put into any of their cities, for that
was what was done to those who had been at war with
Rome and had been beaten; whereas the Acarnanians had
done no wrong, and did not deserve in any respect to have
a garrison thrust upon them. Chremes and Glaucus and
their partisans were slandering their political opponents, and
desired to bring in a garrison which would support their self
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">375</a></span>seeking
policy, in order to establish their own tyrannical
power.&#8221; After these speeches, Gaius and his colleague, seeing
that the populace disliked the idea of having garrisons, and
wishing to follow the line of policy marked out by the Senate,
expressed their adherence to the view of Diogenes; and departed
to join the Proconsul at Larisa, after paying some
compliments to the Acarnanians....</p>

<p><a name="b28_6" id="b28_6"><b>6.</b></a> The Greeks made up their minds that this embassy
required much consideration on their part.<span class="sidenote">Meeting of
Achaean statesmen
to consider
their policy,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169.</span>
They therefore called to council such men as
were of one mind in other political questions,&mdash;Arcesilaus
and Ariston of Megalopolis, Stratius
of Tritaea, Xenon of Patrae and Apollonides of
Sicyon.
But Lycortas stood firm to his original
<span class="sidenote">Lycortas is for
complete neutrality.</span>view: which was that they should send no help
to either Perseus or Rome in any way, nor, on
the other hand, take part against either. For he held that
co-operation with either would be disadvantageous to the
Greeks at large, because he foresaw the overwhelming power
which the successful nation would possess; while active
hostility, he thought, would be dangerous, because they had
<span class="sidenote">Apollonides and
Stratius for suppressing
rash declarations for
Rome, and yet
not openly opposing
her.</span>already in former times been in opposition to many of the
most illustrious Romans in their state policy.
Apollonides
and Stratius did not recommend open and
avowed hostility to Rome, but thought that
&#8220;Those who were for plunging headlong into
the contest, and wished to use the action
of the nation to secure their own personal
favour at Rome, ought to be put down and
boldly resisted.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">The Strategus
Archon is for
bending to the
storm, and acting
frankly for Rome.</span>
Archon said that &#8220;They must yield to
circumstances, and not give their personal
enemies a handle for accusations; nor allow
themselves to fall into the same misfortune as
Nicander, who, before he had learnt what the
power of Rome really was, had met with the
gravest calamities.&#8221; With this last view, Polyaenus, Arcesilaus,
Ariston, and Xenon agreed.<span class="sidenote">Polybius
Hipparch.</span>
It was thereupon decided
that Archon should go without delay to his duties
as Strategus, and Polybius to those of Hipparch.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">376</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b28_7" id="b28_7"><b>7.</b></a> Very soon after these events, and when Archon had made
up his mind that the Achaeans must take active
part with Rome and her allies,<span class="sidenote">Embassy from
Attalus to the
Achaeans desiring
the restoration of
the honours formally
decreed to his
brother Eumenes.
See 27, 18.</span>
it happened most
conveniently that Attalus made his proposal to
him and found him ready to accept it. Archon
at once eagerly promised his support to Attalus&#8217;s
request: and when thereupon that prince&#8217;s envoys
appeared at the next congress, and addressed
the Achaeans about the restoration of king Eumenes&#8217;s honours,
begging them to do this for the sake of Attalus, the people did
not show clearly what their feeling was, but a good many rose
to speak against the proposal from many various motives.
Those who were originally the advisers of the honours being
paid to the king were now desirous to confirm the wisdom of
their own policy; while those who had private reasons for
animosity against the king thought this a good opportunity
for revenging themselves upon him; while others again, from
spite against those who supported him, were determined that
Attalus should not obtain his request. Archon, however, the
Strategus, rose to support the envoys,&mdash;for it was a matter
that called for an expression of opinion from the Strategus,&mdash;but
after a few words he stood down, afraid of being thought
to be giving his advice from interested motives and the hope
of making money, because he had spent a large sum on his
office. Amidst a general feeling of doubt and hesitation,
Polybius rose and delivered a long speech. But that part of it
which best fell in with the feelings of the populace was that in
which<span class="sidenote">Speech of
Polybius.</span>
he showed that &#8220;The original decree of the
Achaeans in regard to these honours enacted that
such honours as were <i>improper and contrary to law</i>
were to be abolished, but not <i>all</i> honours by any means. That
Sosigenes and Diopeithes and their colleagues, however, who
were at the time judges, and for private reasons personally hostile
to Eumenes, seized the opportunity of overturning all the erections
put up in honour of the king; and in doing so had gone
beyond the meaning of the decree of the Achaeans, and beyond
the powers entrusted to them, and, what was worst of all, beyond
the demands of justice and right. For the Achaeans
had not resolved upon doing away with the honours of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">377</a></span>
Eumenes on the ground of having received any injury at his
hands; but had taken offence at his making demands beyond
what his services warranted, and had accordingly voted to
remove everything that seemed excessive. As then these
judges had overthrown these honours, because they had a greater
regard for the gratification of their private enmity than for the
honour of the Achaeans, so the Achaeans, from the conviction
that duty and honour must be their highest consideration, were
bound to correct the error of the judges, and the unjustifiable
insult inflicted upon Eumenes: especially as, in doing so, they
would not be bestowing this favour on Eumenes only, but on
his brother Attalus also.&#8221; The assembly having expressed their
agreement with this speech, a decree was written out ordering
the magistrates to restore all the honours of king Eumenes,
except such as were dishonourable to the Achaean league or
contrary to their law. It was thus, and at this time, that
Attalus secured the reversal of the insult to his brother
Eumenes in regard to the honours once given him in the
Peloponnese....</p>

<p><a name="b28_8" id="b28_8"><b>8.</b></a> Perseus sent Pleuratus the Illyrian, an exile living at his
court, and Adaeus of Beroea on a mission to
king Genthius,<span class="sidenote">Early in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169,<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a>
after taking Hyscana
in Illyria,
Perseus advances
to Stubera,
and thence sends
envoys to king
Genthius at Lissus.
Livy, 43, 19.</span>
with instructions to inform him
of what he had achieved in his war with the
Romans, Dardani, Epirotes, and Illyrians up to
the present time; and to urge him to make a
friendship and alliance with him in Macedonia.
These envoys journeyed beyond Mount Scardus,
through Illyria Deserta, as it is called,&mdash;a region
a short time back depopulated by the Macedonians, in order
to make an invasion of Illyria and Macedonia difficult for the
Dardani. Their journey through this region was accompanied
by much suffering; but they reached Scodra, and being there
informed that Genthius was at Lissus, they sent a message to
him.<span class="sidenote">Genthius
temporises.</span>
He promptly responded: and having been admitted to an
interview with him, they discussed the business
to which their instructions referred. Genthius
had no wish to forfeit the friendship of Perseus;
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">378</a></span>
but he alleged want of means as an excuse for not complying
with the request at once, and his inability to undertake a war
with Rome without money. With this answer, Adaeus and his
colleagues returned home. Meanwhile Perseus arrived at
Stubera, and sold the booty and gave his army a rest while
waiting for the return of Pleuratus and Adaeus.<span class="sidenote">A second mission
to Genthius.</span>
On their
arrival with the answer from Genthius, he immediately
sent another mission, consisting again of
Adaeus, Glaucias, one of his bodyguards, and
the Illyrian (Pleuratus) also, because he knew the Illyrian language,
with the same instructions as before:<span class="sidenote">Perseus goes
back to Hyscana
in Illyria.</span> on the ground that
Genthius had not stated distinctly what he
wanted, and what would enable him to consent
to the proposals. When these envoys had
started the king himself removed with his army to Hyscana.<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">160</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b28_9" id="b28_9"><b>9.</b></a> The ambassador sent to Genthius returned without
having accomplished anything more than the
previous envoys,<span class="sidenote">Genthius being
unpersuaded by
the second mission,
Perseus
sends a third, but
still without offering
money.</span>
and without any fresh answer;
for Genthius remained of the same mind,&mdash;willing
to join with Perseus in his war, but professing
to be in want of money. Perseus disregarded
the hint, and sent another mission
under Hippias to conclude the treaty, without taking any notice
of the main point, while professing a wish to do whatever
Genthius wished. It is not easy to decide whether to ascribe
such conduct to mere folly, or to a spiritual delusion. For my
part, I am inclined to regard it as a sheer spiritual delusion when
men aim at bold enterprises, and risk their life, and yet neglect
the most important point in their plans, though they see it
all the time and have the power to execute it.
<span class="sidenote">The dislike of
Perseus to give
money turned out
happily for
Greece.</span>
For I do not think it will be denied by any
man of reflection that, had Perseus at that time
been willing to make grants of money either to
states as such, or individually to kings and
statesmen, I do not say on a great scale, but even to a moderate
extent, they would all&mdash;Greeks and kings alike&mdash;have
yielded to the temptation. As it was, he happily did not take
that course, which would have given him, if successful, an
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">379</a></span>
overweening supremacy; or, if unsuccessful, would have involved
many others in his disaster. But he took the opposite
course: which resulted in confining the numbers of the Greeks
who adopted the unwise policy at this crisis to very narrow
limits....</p>

<p class="small"><br />[Perseus now returned from Stubera to Hyscana, and after a vain
attempt upon Stratus in Aetolia, retired into Macedonia for the rest of the
winter. In the early spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169 Q. Marcius Philippus began his
advance upon Macedonia from his permanent camp in Perrhaebia. Perseus
stationed Asclepiodotus and Hippias to defend two passes of the Cambunian
mountains, while he himself held Dium, which commanded the
coast road from Thessaly into Macedonia. Marcius however, after only a
rather severe skirmish with the light-armed troops of Hippias, effected the
passage of the mountains and descended upon Dium. The king was taken
by surprise: he had not secured the pass of Tempe, which would have cut
off the Romans from retreat; and he now hastily retired to Pydna. Q.
Marcius occupied Dium, but after a short stay there retired upon Phila, to
get provisions and secure the coast road. Whereupon Perseus reoccupied
Dium, and contemplated staying there to the end of the summer. Q.
Marcius took Heracleum, which was between Phila and Dium, and made
preparations for a second advance on Dium. But the winter (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169-168)
was now approaching, and he contented himself with seeing that the
roads through Thessaly were put in a proper state for the conveyance of
provisions. Livy, 43, 19-23; 44, 1-9.]</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b28_10" id="b28_10"><b>10.</b></a> Having been completely worsted on the entrance of the
Romans into Macedonia, Perseus found fault
with Hippias.<span class="sidenote">Perseus lays the
blame of his
failure on his
generals.
Livy, 44, 8.</span>
But in my opinion it is easy to
find fault with others and to see their mistakes,
but it is the hardest thing in the world to do
everything that can be done one&#8217;s self, and to
be thoroughly acquainted with one&#8217;s own affairs. And Perseus
was now an instance in point....</p>

<p><a name="b28_11" id="b28_11"><b>11.</b></a> The capture of Heracleum was effected in a very
peculiar manner. The city wall at one part<span class="sidenote">The testudo.
Livy, 44, 9.</span>
and for a short distance was low. The Romans
attacked with three picked maniples: and the first made a
protection for their heads by locking their shields together
over them so closely, that they presented the appearance of a
sloping tiled roof....</p>

<p>This man&#339;uvre the Romans used also in mock fights....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>While C. Marcius Figulus, the praetor, was engaged in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">380</a></span>
Chalcidice, Q. Marcius sent M. Popilius to besiege Meliboea in
Magnesia. Perseus sent Euphranor to relieve it, and, if he
succeeded, to enter Demetrias. This he did, and was not
attacked at the latter place by Popilius or Eumenes&mdash;scandal
saying that the latter was in secret communication with Perseus.
Livy</i>, <i>44, 10-13</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>169</i>.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b28_12" id="b28_12"><b>12.</b></a> Upon Perseus designing to come into Thessaly and
there decide the war by a general engagement,<span class="sidenote">The Achaeans
decide to co-operate
actively
with the Romans
in Thessaly.</span>
as he probably would have done, Archon and his
colleagues resolved to defend themselves against
the suspicions and slanders that had been
thrown upon them, by taking some practical
steps. They therefore brought a decree before the Achaean
congress, ordering an advance into Thessaly, with the full force
of the league, to co-operate energetically with the Romans. The
decree being confirmed, the Achaeans also voted that Archon
should superintend the collection of the army and the necessary
preparations for the expedition, and should also send envoys to
the Consul in Thessaly,<span class="sidenote">Polybius sent to
the Consul.</span>
to communicate to him the decree of
the Achaeans, and to ask when and where their
army was to join him. Polybius and others
were forthwith appointed, and strictly instructed
that, if the Consul approved of the army joining him, they
should at once send some messengers to communicate the fact,
that they might not be too late on the field; and meanwhile,
that Polybius himself should see that the whole army found
provisions in the various cities through which it was to pass,
and that the soldiers should have no lack of any necessaries.
With these instructions the envoys started. The Achaeans
also appointed Telocritus to conduct an embassy to Attalus,
bearing the decree concerning the restoration of the honours
of Eumenes.<span class="sidenote">Ptolemy Physcon
celebrates his
anacleteria.</span>
And as news arrived about the
same time that king Ptolemy had just celebrated
his <i>anacleteria</i>, the usual ceremony when the
kings come of age, they voted to send some ambassadors to
confirm the friendly relations existing between the league and
the kingdom of Egypt, and thereupon appointed Alcithus and
Pasiadas for this duty.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">381</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b28_13" id="b28_13"><b>13.</b></a> Polybius and his colleagues found the Romans moved
from Thessaly and encamped in Perrhaebia,<span class="sidenote">Summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
169.</span>
between Azorium and Doliche. They therefore
postponed communication with the Consul,
owing to the critical nature of the occasion, but shared in the
dangers of the invasion of Macedonia. When the Roman army
at length reached the district of Heracleum,<span class="sidenote">Autumn of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169.</span>
it
seemed the right moment for their interview
with Q. Marcius, because he considered that the
most serious part of his undertaking was accomplished. The
Achaean envoys therefore took the opportunity of presenting
the decree to Marcius, and declaring the intention of the
Achaeans, to the effect that they wished with their full force to
take part in his contests and dangers.<span class="sidenote">Q. Marcius declines
the offered
army of Achaeans.</span>
In addition to this they
demonstrated to him that every command of
the Romans, whether sent by letter or messenger,
had been during the present war accepted by
the Achaeans without dispute. Marcius acknowledged with
great warmth the good feeling of the Achaeans, but excused
them from taking part in his labours and expenses, as there
was no longer any need for the assistance of allies. The other
ambassadors accordingly returned home; but Polybius stayed
there and took part in the campaign,<span class="sidenote">Appius Claudius
Cento defeated at
Hyscana in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
170. Livy, 43, 10.</span>
until
Marcius, hearing that Appius Cento asked for five
thousand Achaean soldiers to be sent to Epirus,
despatched Polybius with orders to prevent the
soldiers being granted, or such a heavy expense being causelessly
imposed on the Achaeans; for Appius had no reason
whatever for asking for these soldiers. Whether he did this
from consideration for the Achaeans, or from a desire to prevent
Appius from obtaining any success, it is difficult to say. Polybius,
however, returned to the Peloponnese and found that the
letter from Epirus had arrived, and that the Achaean congress
had been soon afterwards assembled at Sicyon. He was
therefore in a situation of great embarrassment. When Cento&#8217;s
demand of soldiers was brought before the Congress he did
not think it by any means proper to reveal the charge which
Q. Marcius had given him privately: and on the other hand to
oppose the demand, without some clear pretext, was exceedingly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">382</a></span>
dangerous.<span class="sidenote">See above,
p. 372.</span>
In this difficult and delicate position he called to
his aid the decree of the Roman Senate, forbidding
compliance with the written demands of
commanders unless made in accordance with its
own decree. Now, no mention of such a decree occurred in the
despatch from Appius. By this argument he prevailed with the
people to refer the matter to the Consul, and by his means to
get the nation relieved of an expense which would amount to
over a hundred and twenty talents. Still he gave a great
handle to those who wished to denounce him to Appius, as
having thwarted his design of obtaining a reinforcement....</p>

<p><a name="b28_14" id="b28_14"><b>14.</b></a> The people of Cydon at this time committed a shocking
act of indisputable treachery. Though
many such have occurred in Crete,<span class="sidenote">Crete. The
Cydonians attack
and take
Apollonia
near Cnossus.</span>
yet this
appeared to go beyond them all. For though
they were bound to Apollonia, not only by the ties
of friendship, but by those of common institutions
also, and in fact by everything which mankind regard as sacred,
and though these obligations were confirmed by a sworn treaty
engraved and preserved in the temple of Idaean Zeus, yet they
treacherously seized Apollonia, put the men to the sword,
plundered the property, and divided among themselves the
women, children, city, and territory....</p>

<p><a name="b28_15" id="b28_15"><b>15.</b></a> Afraid of the Gortynians, because they had narrowly
escaped losing their city in the previous year
by an attack led by Nothocrates,<span class="sidenote">The Cydonians
ask help from
Eumenes.</span> the Cydonians
sent envoys to Eumenes demanding his assistance
in virtue of their alliance with him. The king selected
Leon and some soldiers, and sent them in haste to Crete; and
on their arrival the Cydonians delivered the keys of their city
to Leon, and put the town entirely in his hands....</p>

<p><a name="b28_16" id="b28_16"><b>16.</b></a> The factions in Rhodes kept continually becoming
more and more violent. For when the decree
of the Senate,<span class="sidenote">The Rhodians
determine to send
a mission to
Rome, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 170.</span>
directing that they should no
longer conform to the demands of the military
magistrates but only to those contained in the
Senate&#8217;s decrees, was communicated to them, and the people at
large expressed satisfaction at the care of the Senate for their interests;
Philophron and Theaetetus seized the occasion to carry<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">383</a></span>
out their policy further, declaring that they ought to send envoys
to the Senate, and to Q. Marcius Philippus the Consul, and
Gaius Marcius Figulus, the commander of the fleet. For it
was by that time known to everybody which of the magistrates
designate in Rome were to come to Greece.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169.</span>
The proposal
was loudly applauded, though some dissent was
expressed: and at the beginning of the summer
Agesilochus, son of Hegesias, and Nicagoras, son of Nicander,
were sent to Rome; Agepolis, Ariston, and Pancrates to the
Consul and commander of the fleet, with instructions to renew
the friendship of the Cretans with Rome, and to make their
defence against the accusations that were being uttered against
their state; while Agesilochus and his colleagues were at the
same time to make a proposal about a license to export corn
from the Roman dominions. The speech made by these
envoys to the Senate, and the reply made by the Senate, and
the successful termination of their mission,<span class="sidenote">See <i>supra</i>, ch. 2.</span> I
have already mentioned in the section devoted
to Italian affairs. But it is useful to repeat such points, as I
am careful to do, because I am obliged frequently to record
the actual negotiations of ambassadors before mentioning the
circumstances attending their appointment and despatch.
For since I am recording under each year the contemporary
events in several countries, and endeavouring to take a summary
review of them all together at the end, this must of necessity
form a feature in my history.</p>

<p><a name="b28_17" id="b28_17"><b>17.</b></a> Agepolis and his colleagues found Q. Marcius himself
encamped near Heracleum in Macedonia,<span class="sidenote">The envoys visit
Q. Marcius
Philippus at
Heracleum.</span>
and
delivered their commission to him there. In
answer, he said that &#8220;He himself paid no attention
to those calumnies, and advised them not
to pay any to those who ventured to speak against Rome.&#8221;
He added many other expressions of kindness, and even wrote
them in a despatch to the people of Rhodes. Agepolis was
much charmed by his whole reception; and observing this, the
Consul took him aside and said to him privately<span class="sidenote">Why do not the
Rhodians stop the war between
Antiochus and
Ptolemy?</span>
that &#8220;He
wondered at the Rhodians not trying to put an
end to the war,<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> which it would be eminently in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">384</a></span>their interests to do.&#8221; Did the Consul act
thus because he was suspicious of Antiochus,
and was afraid, if he conquered Alexandria, that
he would prove a formidable second enemy to themselves, seeing
that the war with Perseus was becoming protracted, and the war
for Coele-Syria had already broken out? Or was it because he
saw that the war with Perseus was all but decided, now that
the Roman legions had entered Macedonia, and because he
had confident hopes of its result; and therefore wished, by
instigating the Rhodians to interfere between the kings, to give
the Romans a pretext for taking any measures they might
think good concerning them? It would not be easy to say
for certain; but I am inclined to believe that it was the latter,
judging from what shortly afterwards happened to the Rhodians.
However, Agepolis and his colleagues immediately afterwards
proceeded to visit Gaius Marcius Figulus: and, having received
from him still more extraordinary marks of favour than from
Quintus Marcius, returned with all speed to Rhodes. When
they received the report of the embassy,<span class="sidenote">Effect of the
warm reception
of their
ambassadors on
the Rhodians.</span> and knew that the
two commanders had vied with each other in
warmth, both by word of mouth and in their
formal answers, the Rhodians were universally
elated and filled with pleasing expectation. But
not all in the same spirit: the sober-minded
were delighted at the good feeling of the Romans towards
them; but the restless and fractious calculated in their own
minds that this excessive complaisance was a sign that the
Romans were alarmed at the dangers in which they found
themselves, and at their success not having answered to their
expectations.<span class="sidenote">They endeavour
to make peace
between
Antiochus Epiphanes
and
Ptolemy Physcon.</span> But when Agepolis communicated to his friends
that he had a private message from Q. Marcius
to the Cretan Council about putting an end to
the war (in Syria), then Deinon and his friends
felt fully convinced that the Romans were in a
great strait; and they accordingly sent envoys
also to Alexandria to put an end to the war
then existing between Antiochus and Ptolemy....</p>

<p class="tb"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">385</a></span><i>Ptolemy Epiphanes, who died</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>181, left two sons, Ptolemy
Philometor and Ptolemy Physcon, and a daughter, Cleopatra, by
his wife Cleopatra, sister of Antiochus Epiphanes. After the
death of Ptolemy&#8217;s mother Cleopatra, his ministers, Eulaeus and
Lenaeus, engaged in a war with Antiochus for the recovery of
Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, which had been taken by Antiochus
the Great, and which they alleged had been assigned as a dower
to the late Cleopatra. Their war was singularly unsuccessful.
Antiochus Epiphanes defeated their troops at Pelusium, took
young Ptolemy Philometor captive, and advanced as far as
Memphis. Thereupon Ptolemy Physcon assumed the royal title
at Alexandria as Euergetes II., and sent envoys to Antiochus at
Memphis. Antiochus, however, treated Ptolemy Philometor with
kindness, established him as king at Memphis, and advanced to
Naucratis, and thence to Alexandria, which he besieged on the
pretext of re-establishing Philometor</i>. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171. See <i>infra</i>,
bk. <b>29</b>. ch. <a href="#b29_23">23</a>.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b28_18" id="b28_18"><b>18.</b></a> King Antiochus was a man of ability in the field and
daring in design,<span class="sidenote">Character of
Antiochus IV.
(Epiphanes).</span>
and showed himself worthy
of the royal name, except in regard to his
man&#339;uvres at Pelusium....</p>

<p><a name="b28_19" id="b28_19"><b>19.</b></a> When Antiochus was actually in occupation of Egypt,
Comanus and Cineas, after consultation with
king Ptolemy Physcon,<span class="sidenote">Comanus and
Cineas, Physcon&#8217;s
ministers, determine
to send
embassies to
Antiochus,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 169.</span>
determined upon summoning
a conference of the most distinguished
Egyptian nobles to consult about the danger
which threatened them. The first resolution
the conference came to was to send the Greek
envoys who were then at Alexandria as envoys to Antiochus
to conclude a pacification. There were at that time in the
country two embassies from the Achaean league, one which
had been sent to renew the alliance between the league and
Egypt, and which was composed of Alcithus of Aegium, son of
Xenophon, and Pasiodes, and another sent to give notice of
the festival of the Antigoneia.<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> There was also an embassy
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">386</a></span>from Athens led by Demaratus on the subject of some
present, and two sacred embassies, one in connexion with the
Panathenaea under the presidency of Callias the pancratiast,
and the other on the subject of the mysteries, of which
Cleostratus was the active member and spokesman. There
were also there Eudemus and Hicesius from Miletus, and
Apollonides and Apollonius from Clazomenae. The king
also sent with them Tlepolemus and Ptolemy the rhetorician
as envoys. These men accordingly sailed up the river to meet
Antiochus....</p>

<p><a name="b28_20" id="b28_20"><b>20.</b></a> While Antiochus was occupying Egypt,<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> he was visited
by the Greek envoys sent to conclude terms of
peace.<span class="sidenote">The Greek
envoys visit
Antiochus and
endeavour to
make peace.</span>
He received them courteously, devoted
the first day to giving them a splendid entertainment
and on the next granted them an
interview, and bade them deliver their instructions.
The first to speak were the Achaeans, the next the
Athenian Demaratus, and after him Eudemus of Miletus. And
as the occasion and subject of their speeches were the same,
the substance of them was also nearly identical.<span class="sidenote">Their arguments.</span>
They all laid
the blame of what had occurred on Eulaeus, and
referring to Ptolemy&#8217;s youth and his relationship
to himself, they intreated the king to lay aside his anger.
Thereupon Antiochus,<span class="sidenote">Reply of
Antiochus.</span>
after acknowledging the general truth
of their remarks, and even supporting them by
additional arguments of his own, entered upon
a defence of the justice of his original demands.
He attempted to establish the claim of the king of Syria on
Coele-Syria, &#8220;Insisting upon the fact that Antigonus, the
founder of the Syrian kingdom, exercised authority in that
country; and referring to the formal cession of it to Seleucus,<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">164</a>
after the death of Antigonus, by the sovereigns of Macedonia.
Next he dwelt on the last conquest of it by his father
Antiochus; and finally he denied that any such agreement
was made between the late king Ptolemy and his father as
the Alexandrian ministers asserted, to the effect that Ptolemy
was to take Coele-Syria as a dowry when he married Cleopatra,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">387</a></span>
the mother of the present king.&#8221; Having by these arguments
not only persuaded himself, but the envoys also,<span class="sidenote">Antiochus occupies
Naucratis
and thence
advances to
Alexandria.</span>
of the justice of his claim, he sailed down the
river to Naucratis. There he treated the inhabitants
with humanity, and gave each of the Greeks
living there a gold piece, and then advanced
towards Alexandria. He told the envoys that he would give
them an answer on the return of Aristeides and Thesis, whom
he had sent on a mission to Ptolemy; and he wished, he said,
that the Greek envoys should all be cognisant and witnesses of
their report....</p>

<p><a name="b28_21" id="b28_21"><b>21.</b></a> The eunuch Eulaeus persuaded Ptolemy to collect his
money, give up his kingdom to his enemies,<span class="sidenote">The evil influence
of Eulaeus upon
Ptolemy
Philometor. He
advises him to
yield to
Antiochus and
retire to
Samothrace.</span>
and retire to Samothrace. This will be to any
one who reflects upon it a convincing proof of
the supreme mischief done by evil companions
of boyhood. That a monarch so entirely out of
reach of personal danger and so far removed
from his enemies, should not make one effort to
save his honour, while in possession too of such
abundant resources, and master over such wide territory and
such numerous subjects, but should at once without a blow
surrender a most splendid and wealthy kingdom,&mdash;is not this
the sign of a spirit utterly effeminate and corrupted? And if
this had been Ptolemy&#8217;s natural character, we must have laid
the blame upon nature and not upon any external influence.
But since by his subsequent achievements his natural character
has vindicated itself, by proving Ptolemy to be sufficiently
resolute and courageous in the hour of danger, we may clearly,
without any improbability, attribute to this eunuch, and his companionship
with the king in his boyhood, the ignoble spirit
displayed by him on that occasion, and his idea of going to
Samothrace....</p>

<p><a name="b28_22" id="b28_22"><b>22.</b></a> After raising the siege of Alexandria, Antiochus sent
envoys to Rome, whose names were Meleager,<span class="sidenote">Antiochus leaves
Alexandria
for a time, being
met by some
Roman envoys.
See 29, 25.</span>
Sosiphanes, and Heracleides, agreeing to pay one
hundred and fifty talents, fifty as a complimentary
present to the Romans, and the rest as a gift
to be divided among certain cities in Greece....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">388</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b28_23" id="b28_23"><b>23.</b></a> In the course of these same days envoys sailed in from
Rhodes to Alexandria, headed by Pration, to negotiate
a pacification;<span class="sidenote">Envoys from
Rhodes visit
Antiochus in his
camp not far
from Alexandria.</span>
and a few days afterwards
presented themselves at the camp of Antiochus.
Admitted to an interview, they argued at considerable
length, mentioning their own country&#8217;s
friendly feelings to both kingdoms, and the ties of blood
existing between the two kings themselves, and the advantage
which a peace would be to both. But the king interrupted
the envoy in the middle of his speech by saying that there
was no need of much talking, for the kingdom belonged to the
elder Ptolemy, and with him he had long ago made terms, and
they were friends, and if the people wished now to recall
him Antiochus would not prevent them. And he kept his
word....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">389</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXIX</h2>

<p><a name="b29_1" id="b29_1"><b>1.</b></a> &#8220;<span class="smcap">Their</span> one idea, expressed at parties or conversations in
the street, was, that they should manage the war
in Macedonia<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 168.
Coss. L. Aemilius
Paullus, C.
Licinius Crassus.
A fragment of
the speech of L.
Aemilius before
starting for Macedonia.
See
Livy, 44, 22.</span>
while remaining quietly at home
in Rome, sometimes by criticising what the
generals were doing, at others what they were
leaving undone. From this the public interests
never got any good, and often a great deal of
harm. The generals themselves were at times
greatly hampered by this ill-timed loquacity.
For as it is the invariable nature of slander to
spread rapidly and stop at nothing, the people got thoroughly
infected by this idle talk, and the generals were consequently
rendered contemptible in the eyes of the enemy.&#8221;...</p>

<p><a name="b29_2" id="b29_2"><b>2.</b></a><span class="sidenote">In answer to an
embassy from
Ptolemy Physcon
and his sister
Cleopatra, the
Senate sends Gaius
Popilius Laenas
to Alexandria.
Livy, 44, 19.</span>
The Senate being informed that Antiochus
had become master of Egypt,
and all but taken
Alexandria, and conceiving that the aggrandisement
of that king was a matter affecting themselves,
appointed Gaius Popilius and others
to go as ambassadors to put an end to the
war, and generally to inspect the state of
affairs....</p>

<p><br /><a name="b29_3" id="b29_3"><b>3.</b></a> Hippias, and the other ambassadors sent by Perseus, to
Genthius to make an alliance with him, returned
before the winter,<span class="sidenote">Genthius joins
Perseus on being
supplied with 300
talents;</span>
and reported that Genthius
would undertake to join in the war with Rome if
he was paid three hundred talents and received
proper securities. Thereupon Perseus sent Pantauchus, one
of his chief friends, with the following instructions: He was
to agree to pay Genthius the money; to interchange oaths of
alliance; to take from Genthius such hostages as he himself<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">390</a></span>
might select, and send them at once to Macedonia; and to allow
Genthius to have such hostages from Perseus as he might name
in the text of the treaty; further, he was to make arrangements
for the transport of the three hundred talents. Pantauchus immediately
started and met Genthius at Mebe&#333;n, in the country of
the Labeates, and quickly bought the young monarch over to
join in the projects of Perseus. The treaty having been sworn
to and reduced to writing, Genthius at once sent the hostages
whose names Pantauchus had caused to be entered in the
text of the treaty; and with them he despatched Olympion to
receive the oaths and hostages from Perseus, with others who
were to have charge of the money.<span class="sidenote">and also consents
to join in a
mission to
Rhodes.</span>
Pantauchus persuaded
him to send also some ambassadors to join in
a mission to Rhodes with some sent by Perseus,
in order to negotiate a mutual alliance between
the three states. For if this were effected, and
the Rhodians consented to embark upon the war, he showed that
they would be easily able to conquer the Romans. Genthius
listened to the suggestion, and appointed Parmenio and Morcus
to undertake the mission; with instructions that, as soon as
they had received the oaths and hostages from Perseus, and
the question of the money had been settled, they were to
proceed on the embassy to Rhodes.</p>

<p><a name="b29_4" id="b29_4"><b>4.</b></a> So these various ambassadors started together for
Macedonia. But Pantauchus stayed by the side
of the young king,<span class="sidenote">Perseus meets
the envoys from
Genthius;</span>
and kept reminding him of
the necessity of making warlike preparations,
and urging him not to be too late with them. He was
especially urgent that he should prepare for a contest at sea;
for, as the Romans were quite unprepared in that department
on the coasts both of Epirus and Illyria, any purpose he might
form would be easily accomplished by himself and the forces
he might despatch. Genthius yielded to the advice and set
about his preparations, naval and military alike: and Perseus,
as soon as the ambassadors and hostages from Genthius
entered Macedonia, set off from his camp on the River
Elpeius,<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> with his whole cavalry, to meet them at Dium. His
first act on meeting them was to take the oaths to the alliance
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">391</a></span>in the presence of the whole body of cavalry; for he was very
anxious that the Macedonians should know of the adhesion of
Genthius, hoping that this additional advantage would have
the effect of raising their courage: and next he received the
hostages and handed over his own to Olympion and his
colleagues, the noblest of whom were Limnaeus, the son of
Polemocrates, and Balacrus, son of Pantauchus. Lastly, he
sent the agents who had come for the money to Pella, assuring
them that they would receive it there: and appointed the ambassadors
for Rhodes to join Metrodorus at Thessalonica, and
hold themselves in readiness to embark.</p>

<p>This embassy succeeded in persuading the Rhodians to
join in the war. And, having accomplished this,
Perseus next sent Herophon,<span class="sidenote">and sends others
to Eumenes and
Antiochus.</span> who had been
similarly employed before, on a mission to
Eumenes; and Telemnastos of Crete to Antiochus to urge
him &#8220;Not to let the opportunity escape; nor to imagine that
Perseus was the only person affected by the overbearing and
oppressive conduct of Rome: but to be quite sure that, if he
did not now assist Perseus, if possible by putting an end to
the war, or, if not, by supporting him in it, he would quickly
meet with the same fate himself.&#8221;...</p>

<p><a name="b29_5" id="b29_5"><b>5.</b></a> In venturing upon a narrative of the intrigues of Perseus
and Eumenes, I have felt myself in a position
of great embarrassment.<span class="sidenote">The intrigues of
Perseus and
Eumenes.</span>
For to give full and
accurate details of the negotiations, which these
two kings conducted in secret between themselves, appeared
to me to be an attempt open to many obvious criticisms and
exceedingly liable to error: and yet to pass over in complete
silence what seemed to have exercised the most decisive influence
in the war, and which alone can explain many of the
subsequent events, seemed to me to wear the appearance of
a certain sluggishness and entire want of enterprise. On the
whole, I decided to state briefly what I believed to be truth,
and the probabilities and surmises on which I founded that
opinion; for I was, in fact, during this period more struck
than most people at what happened.</p>

<p><a name="b29_6" id="b29_6"><b>6.</b></a> I have already stated<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">166</a> that Cydas of Crete, while, serving<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">392</a></span>
in the army of Eumenes and held in especial honour by him,<span class="sidenote">The Romans become
suspicious
of Eumenes, and
ostentatiously
transfer their
favour to his
brother Attalus.</span>
had in the first place had interviews with
Cheimarus, one of the Cretans in the army of
Perseus, and again had approached the walls of
Demetrias, and conversed first with Menecrates,
and then with Antimachus. Again, that
Herophon had been twice on a mission from
Perseus to Eumenes, and that the Romans on that account
began to have reasonable suspicions of king Eumenes, is
rendered clear from what happened to Attalus. For they
allowed this prince to come to Rome from Brundisium, and
to transact the business he had on hand, and finally gave him
a favourable answer and dismissed him with every mark of
kindness, although he had done them no service of any importance
in the war with Perseus; while Eumenes, who had
rendered them the most important services, and had assisted
them again and again in their wars with Antiochus and
Perseus, they not only prevented from coming to Rome, but
bade him leave Italy within a certain number of days, though
it was mid-winter. Therefore it is quite plain that some intriguing
had been taking place between Perseus and Eumenes
to account for the alienation of the Romans from the latter.
What this was, and how far it went, is our present subject of
inquiry.</p>

<p><a name="b29_7" id="b29_7"><b>7.</b></a> We can easily satisfy ourselves that Eumenes cannot
have wished Perseus to be the victor in the war
<span class="sidenote">The origin of the
intrigue between
Eumenes and
Perseus was the
idea of the former
that, both sides
being tired of the
war, he might
intervene with
profit to himself.</span>
and become supreme in Greece. For to say
nothing of the traditional enmity and dislike
existing between these two, the similarity of
their respective powers was sufficient to breed
distrust, jealousy, and, in fact, the bitterest animosity
between them. It was always open to
them to intrigue and scheme against each other
secretly, and that they were both doing. For
when Eumenes saw that Perseus was in a bad way, and was
hemmed in on every side by his enemies, and would accept
any terms for the sake of putting an end to the war, and was
sending envoys to the Roman generals year after year with
this view; while the Romans also were uneasy about the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">393</a></span>
result, because they made no real progress in the war until
Paulus took the command,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168.</span>
and because
Aetolia was in a dangerous state of excitement,
he conceived that it would not be impossible that the
Romans would consent to some means of ending the war and
making terms: and he looked upon himself as the most proper
person to act as mediator and effect the reconciliation. With
these secret ideas in his mind, he began sounding Perseus by
means of Cydas of Crete, the year before, to find out how
much he would be inclined to pay for such a chance. This
appears to me to be the origin of their connexion with each
other.</p>

<p><a name="b29_8" id="b29_8"><b>8.</b></a> Two kings, one of whom was the most unprincipled
and the other the most avaricious in the world,<span class="sidenote">The bargain
attempted between
Eumenes and
Perseus.</span>
being now pitted against each other, their
mutual struggles presented a spectacle truly
ridiculous. Eumenes held out every kind of
hope, and threw out every species of bait, believing that he
would catch Perseus by such promises. Perseus, without
waiting to be approached, rushed to the bait held out to him,
and made for it greedily; yet he could not make up his mind
to swallow it, to such an extent as to give up any money.
The sort of huckstering contest that went on between them
was as follows. Eumenes demanded five hundred talents as
the price of his abstention from co-operating with the Romans
by land and sea during the fourth year of the war, and fifteen
hundred for putting an end to the war altogether, and promised
to give hostages and securities for his promise at once.
Perseus accepted the proposal of hostages, named the
number, the time at which they were to be sent, and the
manner of their safe custody at Cnosus. But as to the money,
he said that it would be disgraceful to the one who paid, and
still more to the one who received it, to be supposed to remain
neutral for hire; but the fifteen hundred talents he would
send in charge of Polemocrates and others to Samothrace,
to be held as a deposit there. Now Perseus was master of
Samothrace; but as Eumenes, like a poor physician, preferred
a retaining-fee to a payment after work, he finally gave up
the attempt, when he found that his own craftiness was no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">394</a></span>
match for the meanness of Perseus. They thus parted on
equal terms, leaving, like good athletes, the battle of avarice
a drawn one. Some of these details leaked out at the time,
and others were communicated subsequently to Perseus&#8217;s
intimate friends; and he has taught us by them that every
vice is clinched, so to speak, by avarice.</p>

<p><a name="b29_9" id="b29_9"><b>9.</b></a> I add the further question from my own reflexions,
whether avarice is not also short-sighted?<span class="sidenote">Reflexions on the
blindness of the
avaricious kings.</span>
For
who could fail to remark the folly of both the
kings? How could Eumenes on the one hand
expect to be trusted by a man with whom he was on such bad
terms; and to get so large a sum of money, when he was
able to give Perseus absolutely no security for recovering
it, in case of his not carrying out his promises? And
how could he expect not to be detected by the Romans in
taking so large a sum? If he had concealed it at the time he
certainly would not have done so long. Moreover, he would
have been bound at any rate, in return for it, to have adopted
the quarrel with Rome; in which he would have been certain
to have lost the money and his kingdom together, and very
probably his life also, by coming forward as an enemy of the
Romans. For if, even as it was, when he accomplished
nothing, but only imagined it, he fell into the gravest dangers,
what would have happened to him if this design had been
brought to perfection? And again, as to Perseus&mdash;who could
fail to be surprised at his thinking anything of higher importance,
or more to his advantage, than to give the money and
allow Eumenes to swallow the bait? For if, on the one hand,
Eumenes had performed any part of his promises, and had
put an end to the war, the gift would have been well bestowed;
and if, on the other hand, he had been deceived of that
hope, he could at least have involved him in the certain
enmity of Rome; for he would have had it entirely in his
own power to make these transactions public. And one may
easily calculate how valuable this would have been to Perseus,
whether he succeeded or failed in the war: for he would
have regarded Eumenes as the guilty cause of all his misfortunes,
and could in no way have retaliated upon him more
effectually than by making him an enemy of Rome. What<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">395</a></span>
then was the root of all this blind folly? Nothing but
avarice. It could have been nothing else; for, to save himself
from giving money,<span class="sidenote">See Plutarch,
<i>Aemilius</i>, ch. 12.</span>
Perseus was content to suffer
anything, and neglect every other consideration.
On a par too with this was his conduct
to the Gauls and Genthius....</p>

<p><a name="b29_10" id="b29_10"><b>10.</b></a> The question being put to the vote at Rhodes, it was
carried to send envoys to negotiate a peace;<span class="sidenote">The Rhodians
take active steps
to form a confederation
against
Rome, in case their
intervention fails.</span>
and this decree thus decided the relative
strength of the opposite political parties at
Rhodes [as has been stated in my essay on
public speaking], showing that the party for
siding with Perseus was stronger than that
which was for preserving their country and its laws. The
Prytanies immediately appointed ambassadors to negotiate
the cessation of the war: Agepolis, Diocles, and Cleombrotus
were sent to Rome; Damon, Nicostratus, Agesilochus, and
Telephus to Perseus and the consul. The Rhodians went on
in the same spirit to take further steps, so that they eventually
committed themselves past all excuse. For they at once
sent ambassadors to Crete, to renew their friendly relations
with the entire Cretan people, and to urge that, in view of the
dangers that threatened them, they should throw in their lot with
the people of Rhodes, and hold the same people to be friends
and enemies as they did, and also to address the separate cities
to the same effect....</p>

<p><a name="b29_11" id="b29_11"><b>11.</b></a> When the embassy led by Parmenio and Morcus
from Genthius, accompanied by those led by
Metrodorus,<span class="sidenote">The manner in
which this vote of
the Rhodians was
carried, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168.</span>
arrived in Rhodes, the assembly
summoned to meet them proved very turbulent,
the party of Deinon venturing openly to plead
the cause of Perseus, whilst that of Theaetetus was quite overpowered
and dismayed. For the presence of the Illyrian
galleys, the number of the Roman cavalry that had been
killed, and the fact of Genthius having changed sides, quite
crushed them. Thus it was that the result of the meeting of
the assembly was as I have described it. For the Rhodians
voted to return a favourable answer to both kings, to state
that they had resolved to put an end to the war, and to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">396</a></span>
exhort the kings themselves to make no difficulty about the
terms. They also received the ambassadors of Genthius
at the common altar-hearth or Prytaneum of the city with
every mark of friendship....</p>

<p><a name="b29_12" id="b29_12"><b>12.</b></a> Other historians [have spoken in exaggerated terms]<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a>
of the Syrian war. And the reason is one
which I have often mentioned.<span class="sidenote">A digression on
Polybius&#8217;s method
in writing history,
and his avoidance
of imaginary
details.</span>
Though their
subjects are simple and without complications,
they seek the name and reputation of historians
not from the truth of their facts, but the number
of their books; and accordingly they are obliged
to give petty affairs an air of importance, and fill out and give
rhetorical flourishes to what was originally expressed briefly;
dress up actions and achievements which were originally quite
secondary; expatiate on struggles; and describe pitched battles,
in which sometimes ten or a few more infantry fell, and still
fewer cavalry. As for sieges, local descriptions, and the like
one cannot say that their treatment is adequate, because they
have no facts to give. But a writer of universal history must
pursue a different plan; and therefore I ought not to be condemned
for minimising the importance of events, if I sometimes
pass over affairs that have met with wide fame and
laboured description, or for mentioning them with brevity; but
I ought to be trusted to give to each subject the amount of discussion
which it deserves. Such historians as I refer to, when
they are describing in the course of their work the siege, say
of Phanoteia, or Coroneia, or [Haliartus], are forced to display
all the contrivances, bold strokes, and other features of a
siege; and when they come to the capture of Tarentum, the
sieges of Corinth, Sardis, Gaza, Bactra, and, above all, of
Carthage, they must draw on their own resources to prolong
the agony and heighten the picture, and are not at all satisfied
with me for giving a more truthful relation of such events as they
really occurred. Let this statement hold good also as to my
description of pitched battles and public harangues, as well as
other departments of history; in all of which I might fairly
claim considerable indulgence, as also in what is now about to
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">397</a></span>
be narrated, if I am detected in some inconsistency in the
substance of my story, the treatment of my facts, or the style
of language; and also if I make some mistakes in the names
of mountains or rivers, or the special features of localities: for
indeed the magnitude of my work is a sufficient excuse in all
these points, unless, indeed, I am ever detected in deliberate
or interested misstatements in my writings: for such I ask no
indulgence, as I have repeatedly and explicitly remarked in
the course of my history....</p>

<p><a name="b29_13" id="b29_13"><b>13.</b></a> Genthius, king of the Illyrians, disgraced himself by
many abominable actions in the course<span class="sidenote">Intemperance
and brutality of
Genthius.</span>
of his
life from his addiction to drink, in which he indulged
continually day and night. Among other
things he killed his brother Plastor, who was about to marry
the daughter of Monunius, and married the girl himself. He
also behaved with great cruelty to his subjects....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>In the spring of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>168 Genthius was forced to surrender to
the praetor L. Anicius Gallus (Livy, 44, 30-31). The consul
L. Aemilius Paulus found Perseus on the left bank of the Macedonian
river Enipeus in a very strong position, which was however
turned by a gallant exploit of Nasica and Q. Fabius
Maximus, who made their way with a considerable force over the
mountains, thus getting on the rear of Perseus. Livy, 44
30-35. Plutarch</i>, Aemil. 15.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b29_14" id="b29_14"><b>14.</b></a> The first man to volunteer to make the outflanking
movement was Scipio Nasica, son-in-law of
Scipio Africanus,<span class="sidenote">Nasica, Fabius,
and others volunteer
to cross the
mountains into
Macedonia by
Gytheum.</span>
who afterwards became the
most influential man in the Senate,<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> and who
now undertook to lead the party. The second
was Fabius Maximus, the eldest of the sons of
the consul Aemilius Paulus,<a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> still quite a young
man, who stood forward and offered to join with great
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">398</a></span>enthusiasm. Aemilius was therefore delighted and assigned
them a body of soldiers.<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">170</a>...</p>

<p><span class="sidenote">Struggle in the
bed of the Enipeus.
Livy, 44, 35.</span>
<a name="b29_15" id="b29_15"><b>15.</b></a> The Romans offered a gallant resistance
by aid of their strong targets or Ligurian
shields....</p>

<p>Perseus saw that Aemilius had not moved, and did not
reckon on what was taking place,<span class="sidenote">The Romans
force the heights
by way of
Gytheum.</span>
when suddenly
a Cretan, who had deserted from the Roman
army on its march, came to him with the information
that the Romans were getting on his
rear. Though thrown into the utmost panic he did not strike
his camp, but despatched ten thousand mercenaries and two
thousand Macedonians under Milo, with orders to advance with
speed and seize the heights. The Romans fell upon these as
they were lying asleep.<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b29_16" id="b29_16"><b>16.</b></a> An eclipse of the moon occurring, the report went
abroad, and was believed by many, that it signified an eclipse
of the king. And this circumstance raised the spirits of the
Romans and depressed those of the Macedonians. So true is the
common saying that &#8220;war has many a groundless scare.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a>...</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Perseus finding himself thus on the point of being outflanked
retired on Pydna, near which town Aemilius Paulus, after
considerable delay, about midsummer inflicted a crushing defeat
upon him. Perseus fled to Amphipolis, and thence to Samothrace,
where he was captured by Paulus and taken to Rome to adorn
his triumph, and afterwards allowed to live as a private person
at Alba. This was the end of the Macedonian kingdom. (Livy,
44, 36-43; 45, 1-8. Plutarch</i>, Aemil. 16-23.)</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">399</a></span></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b29_17" id="b29_17"><b>17.</b></a> The consul Lucius Aemilius had never seen a phalanx
until he saw it in the army of Perseus on this
occasion;<span class="sidenote">The phalanx
the battle of
Pydna,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168.</span>
and he often confessed to some of his
friends at Rome subsequently, that he had never
beheld anything more alarming and terrible than
the Macedonian phalanx: and yet he had been, if any one ever
had not only a spectator but an actor in many battles....</p>

<p>Many plans which look plausible and feasible, when
brought to the test of actual experience, like base coins
when brought to the furnace, cease to answer in any way to
their original conceptions....</p>

<p>When Perseus came to the hour of trial his courage all left
him, like that of an athlete in bad training. For when the
danger was approaching, and it became necessary to fight a
decisive battle, his resolution gave way....</p>

<p>As soon as the battle began, the Macedonian king played
the coward and rode off to the town, under the pretext of
sacrificing to Hercules,&mdash;who certainly does not accept craven
gifts from cravens, nor fulfil unworthy prayers....</p>

<p><a name="b29_18" id="b29_18"><b>18.</b></a> He was then very young, and it was his first experience
of actual service in the field,<span class="sidenote">Scipio Africanus
the younger, cf.
Livy, 44, 44 (?)</span>
and having but
recently begun to taste the sweets of promotion,
he was keen, ambitious, and eager to be first....</p>

<p><a name="b29_19" id="b29_19"><b>19.</b></a> Just when Perseus had been beaten and was trying to
save himself by flight, the Senate determined to
admit the ambassadors,<span class="sidenote">The Rhodian
mission deliver
their message too
late.</span>
who had come from
Rhodes to negotiate a peace, to an audience:
Fortune thus appearing designedly to parade
the folly of the Rhodians on the stage,&mdash;if we may say &#8220;of the
Rhodians,&#8221; and not rather &#8220;of the individuals who were then
in the ascendant at Rhodes.&#8221; When Agesipolis and his
colleagues entered the Senate, they said that &#8220;They had come
to arrange an end to the war; for the people of Rhodes,&mdash;seeing
that the war was become protracted to a considerable length
of time, and seeing that it was disadvantageous to all the Greeks,
as well as to the Romans themselves, on account of its enormous
expenses,&mdash;had come to that conclusion. But as the war was
already ended, and the wish of the Rhodians was thus fulfilled,
they had only to congratulate the Romans.&#8221; Such was the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">400</a></span>
brief speech of Agesipolis. But the Senate seized the opportunity
of making an example of the Rhodians, and produced an
answer of which the upshot was that<span class="sidenote">Uncompromising
answer of the
Senate.</span>
&#8220;They did not regard this
embassy as having been sent by the Rhodians
in the interests either of the Greeks or themselves,
but in those of Perseus. For if they had
meant to send an embassy in behalf of the Greeks, the proper
time for doing so was when Perseus was plundering the territory
and cities of Greece, while encamped for nearly two years in
Thessaly. But to let that time pass without notice, and to
come now desiring to put an end to the war, at a time when
the Roman legions had entered Macedonia, and Perseus was
closely beleagured and almost at the end of his hopes, was a
clear proof to any one of observation that the Rhodians had
sent their embassy, not with the desire of ending the war, but
to rescue and save Perseus to the best of their ability. Therefore
they deserved no indulgence at the hands of the Romans
at this time, nor any favourable reply.&#8221; Such was the Senate&#8217;s
answer to the Rhodians....</p>

<p><a name="b29_20" id="b29_20"><b>20.</b></a> Then Aemilius Paulus speaking once more in Latin bade
the members of his council,<span class="sidenote">Perseus, being
brought a
prisoner before
Aemilius Paulus
and his council,
refuses to reply
to his questions,
Paulus addresses
the king in Greek
and then his
council in Latin.
Livy, 45, 8.</span>
&#8220;With such a sight
before their eyes,&#8221;&mdash;pointing to Perseus,&mdash;&#8220;not
to be too boastful in the hour of success, nor to
take any extreme or inhuman measures against
any one, nor in fact ever to feel confidence in
the permanence of their present good fortune.
Rather it was precisely at the time of greatest
success, either private or public, that a man
should be most alive to the possibility of a
reverse. Even so it was difficult for a man to
exhibit moderation in good fortune. But the distinction
between fools and wise was that the former only learnt by their
own misfortunes, the latter by those of others.&#8221;...</p>

<p><a name="b29_21" id="b29_21"><b>21.</b></a> One is often reminded of the words of Demetrius of
Phalerum. In his treatise on Fortune,<span class="sidenote">Demetrius of
Phalerum on
mutability.</span>
wishing
to give the world a distinct view of her mutability,
he fixed upon the period of Alexander, when
that monarch destroyed the Persian dynasty, and thus expresses
himself: &#8220;If you will take, I don&#8217;t say unlimited time or many
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">401</a></span>
generations, but only these last fifty years immediately preceding
our generation, you will be able to understand the cruelty of
Fortune. For can you suppose, if some god had warned
the Persians or their king, or the Macedonians or their king,
that in fifty years the very name of the Persians, who once
were masters of the world, would have been lost, and that the
Macedonians, whose name was before scarcely known, would
become masters of it all, that they would have believed it?
Nevertheless it is true that Fortune, whose influence on our life
is incalculable, who displays her power by surprises, is even
now I think, showing all mankind, by her elevation of the
Macedonians into the high prosperity once enjoyed by the
Persians, that she has merely lent them these advantages until
she may otherwise determine concerning them.&#8221; And this has
now come to pass in the person of Perseus; and indeed
Demetrius has spoken prophetically of the future as though he
were inspired. And as the course of my history brought me to
the period which witnessed the ruin of the Macedonian kingdom,
I judged it to be right not to pass it over without proper
remark, especially as I was an eye-witness of the transaction.
It was a case I thought both for enlarging on the theme
myself, and for recalling the words of Demetrius, who appeared
to me to have shown something more than mere human
sagacity in his remarks; for he made a true forecast of the
future almost a hundred and fifty years before the event....</p>

<p><a name="b29_22" id="b29_22"><b>22.</b></a> After the conclusion of the battle between Perseus and
the Romans, king Eumenes found himself in
what people call<span class="sidenote">The unexpected
always happens.</span>
an unexpected and extraordinary
trouble, but what, if we regard the natural
course of human concerns, was quite an everyday affair. For
it is quite the way of Fortune to confound human calculations
by surprises; and when she has helped a man for a time, and
caused her balance to incline in his favour, to turn round
upon him as though she repented, throw her weight into the
opposite scale, and mar all his successes.<span class="sidenote">Eumenes disappointed
of his
hope of quiet by
a rising in Galatia.</span>
And
was the case now with Eumenes. He imagined
that at last his own kingdom was safe,
and that he might look forward to a time of
ease, now that Perseus and the whole kingdom of Macedonia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">402</a></span>
were utterly destroyed; yet it was then that he was confronted
with the gravest dangers, by the Gauls in Asia seizing the
opportunity for an unexpected rising....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>After reigning in Memphis for a time Philometor made
terms with his brother and sister, returned to Alexandria, and
there all three were being besieged by Antiochus. See above</i>, <b>28</b>,
<a href="#b28_18">18</a>.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b29_23" id="b29_23"><b>23.</b></a> In the Peloponnesus a mission arrived before the end
of the winter from the two kings,<span class="sidenote">Autumn of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
169.</span>
Ptolemy (Philometor)
and Ptolemy (Physcon), asking for help.
This gave rise to repeated and animated discussions.
The party of Callicrates and Diophanes were against
granting the help; while Archon, Lycortas, and Polybius were
for sending it to the kings in accordance with the terms of their
alliance. For by this time it had come to pass that the younger
Ptolemy had been proclaimed king by the people (at Alexandria),
owing to the danger which threatened them; and that the
elder had subsequently returned from Memphis, and was reigning
jointly with his sister. As they stood in need of every
kind of assistance, they sent Eumenes and Dionysodorus to
the Achaeans, asking a thousand foot and two hundred horse,
with Lycortas to command the foot and Polybius the horse.
They sent a message also to Theodoridas of Sicyon, urging
him to hire them a thousand mercenaries. For the kings
chanced to have become intimately acquainted with these particular
men, owing to the transactions I have related before.
The ambassadors arrived when the Achaean congress was in
session in Corinth. They therefore came forward, and after
recalling the many evidences of friendship shown by the
Achaeans to the kingdom of Egypt, and describing to them
the danger in which the kings then were, they entreated them
to send help. The Achaeans generally were ready enough to
go to the help of the kings (for both now wore the diadem
and exercised regal functions), and not only with a detachment,
but with their full levy.<span class="sidenote">Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
169-168.</span>
But Callicrates and
his party spoke against it; alleging that they
ought not to meddle in such affairs at all, and
certainly not at that time, but should reserve their undivided<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">403</a></span>
forces for the service of Rome. For there was a general
expectation just then of a decisive battle being fought, as Q.
Philippus was wintering in Macedonia.</p>

<p><a name="b29_24" id="b29_24"><b>24.</b></a> The people were alarmed lest they should be thought
to fail the Romans in any way:<span class="sidenote">Polybius advocates
the cause of
the Ptolemies.</span>
and accordingly
Lycortas and Polybius rose in their turn, and,
among other advice which they impressed upon
them, argued that &#8220;When in the previous year the Achaeans
had voted to join the Roman army with their full levy, and
sent Polybius to announce that resolution, Quintus Marcius,
while accepting the kindness of their intention, had yet stated
that the assistance was not needed, since he had won the pass
into Macedonia. Their opponents therefore were manifestly
using the need of helping the Romans merely as a pretext for
preventing this aid being sent to Alexandria. They entreated
the Achaeans, in view of the greatness of the danger surrounding
the king of Egypt, not to neglect the right moment for acting;
but keeping in mind their mutual agreement and good services,
and above all their oaths, to fulfil the terms of their agreement.&#8221;</p>

<p>The people were once more inclined to grant the aid when
they heard this: but Callicrates and his party<span class="sidenote">Callicrates defeats
the motion,</span>
managed to prevent the decree being passed, by
staggering the magistrates with the assertion
that it was unconstitutional to discuss the question of sending
help abroad in public assembly.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> But a short time afterwards
a meeting was summoned at Sicyon,<span class="sidenote">but at a smaller
meeting at Sicyon
Polybius prevails.</span>
which was
attended not only by the members of the council,
but by all citizens over thirty years of age;
and after a lengthened debate, Polybius especially dwelling on
the fact that the Romans did not require assistance,&mdash;in which he
was believed not to be speaking without good reason, as he had
spent the previous summer in Macedonia at the headquarters
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">404</a></span>of Marcius Philippus,&mdash;and also alleging that, even supposing
the Romans did turn out to require their active support, the
Achaeans would not be rendered incapable of furnishing it by
the two hundred horse and one thousand foot which were to
be despatched to Alexandria,&mdash;for they could, without any inconvenience,
put thirty or forty thousand men into the field,&mdash;the
majority of the meeting were convinced, and were inclined
to the idea of sending the aid. Accordingly, on the second of
the two days on which, according to the laws, those who
wished to do so were bound to bring forward their motions,
Lycortas and Polybius proposed that the aid should be sent.
Callicrates, on the other hand, proposed to send ambassadors
to reconcile the two Egyptian kings with Antiochus. So once
more, on these two motions being put, there was an animated
contest; in which, however, Lycortas and Polybius got a considerable
majority on their side. For there was a very wide
distinction between the claims of the two kingdoms. There
were very few instances to be found in past times of any act
of friendship on the part of Syria to the Greeks,&mdash;though the
liberality of the present king was well known in Greece,&mdash;but
from Egypt the acts of kindness in past times to the Achaeans
had been as numerous and important as any one could possibly
expect. By dwelling on this point Lycortas made a great
impression, because the distinction between the two kingdoms
in this respect was shown to be immense. For it was as difficult
to count up all the benefactions of the Alexandrine kings,
as it was impossible to find a single act of friendship done by
the dynasty of Antiochus to the Achaeans....</p>

<p><a name="b29_25" id="b29_25"><b>25.</b></a> For a time Andronidas and Callicrates kept on arguing
in support of the plan of putting an end to
the war:<span class="sidenote">The measure is
again defeated by
a trick of Callicrates.</span>
but as no one was persuaded by
them, they employed a stratagem. A letter-carrier
came into the theatre (where the meeting
was being held) who had just arrived with a despatch from
Quintus Marcius, urging those Achaeans who were of the pro-Roman
party to reconcile the kings; for it was a fact that the
Senate had sent a mission under T. Numisius to do so. But
this really made against their argument: for Titus Numisius
and his colleagues had been unable to effect the pacification, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">405</a></span>
had returned to Rome completely unsuccessful in the object
of their mission. However, as Polybius and his party did
not wish to speak against the despatch, from consideration for
Marcius, they retired from the discussion: and it was thus
that the proposal to send an aid to the kings fell through.<span class="sidenote">The kings ask
for Lycortas and
Polybius.</span>
The
Achaeans voted to send ambassadors to effect
the pacification: and Archon of Aegeira, and
Arcesilaus and Ariston of Megalopolis were
appointed to the duty. Whereupon the envoys of Ptolemy,
being disappointed of obtaining the help, handed over to the
magistrate the despatch from the kings, in which they asked
that they would send Lycortas and Polybius to take part in
the war....</p>

<p><a name="b29_26" id="b29_26"><b>26.</b></a> Forgetful of all he had written and said Antiochus
began preparing for a renewal of the war
against Ptolemy.<span class="sidenote">Annoyed by the
two Ptolemies
thus joining each
other, Antiochus
renews the war,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168.</span>
So true are the words of
Simonides,&mdash;&#8220;&#8216;Tis hard to be good.&#8221; For to
have certain impulses towards virtue, and even
to hold to it up to a certain point, is easy; but
to be uniformly consistent, and to allow no
circumstances of danger to shake a resolute integrity, which
regards honour and justice as the highest considerations, is
indeed difficult....</p>

<p><a name="b29_27" id="b29_27"><b>27.</b></a> When Antiochus had advanced to attack Ptolemy in order
to possess himself of Pelusium,<span class="sidenote">Antiochus is met
near Alexandria
(Livy, 45, 12) by
C. Popilius
Laenas, who
forces him to abstain
from the
war.</span>
he was met by
the Roman commander Gaius Popilius Laenas.
Upon the king greeting him from some distance,
and holding out his right hand to him, Popilius
answered by holding out the tablets which contained
the decree of the Senate, and bade
Antiochus read that first: not thinking it right,
I suppose, to give the usual sign of friendship until he knew
the mind of the recipient, whether he were to be regarded as a
friend or foe. On the king, after reading the despatch, saying
that he desired to consult with his friends on the situation,
Popilius did a thing which was looked upon as exceedingly
overbearing and insolent. Happening to have a vine stick in
his hand, he drew a circle round Antiochus with it, and ordered
him to give his answer to the letter before he stepped out of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">406</a></span>
that circumference. The king was taken aback by this haughty
proceeding. After a brief interval of embarrassed silence, he
replied that he would do whatever the Romans demanded.
Then Popilius and his colleagues shook him by the hand, and
one and all greeted him with warmth. The contents of the
despatch was an order to put an end to the war with Ptolemy
at once. Accordingly a stated number of days was allowed
him, within which he withdrew his army into Syria, in high
dudgeon indeed, and groaning in spirit, but yielding to the
necessities of the time.</p>

<p>Popilius and his colleagues then restored order in
Alexandria; and after exhorting the two kings<span class="sidenote">Popilius goes on
to Cyprus and
forces the army
of Antiochus to
evacuate it.</span>
to
maintain peaceful relations with each other, and
charging them at the same time to send Polyaratus
to Rome, they took ship and sailed
towards Cyprus, with the intention of promptly
ejecting from the island the forces that were also gathered
there. When they arrived, they found that Ptolemy&#8217;s generals
had already sustained a defeat, and that the whole island was
in a state of excitement. They promptly caused the invading
army to evacuate the country, and remained there to keep
watch until the forces had sailed away for Syria. Thus did
the Romans save the kingdom of Ptolemy, when it was all but
sinking under its disasters.<span class="sidenote">The previous
defeat of Perseus
really secured the
salvation of Egypt.</span>
Fortune indeed so
disposed of the fate of Perseus and the Macedonians,
that the restoration of Alexandria and
the whole of Egypt was decided by it; that is
to say, by the fate of Perseus being decided previously: for if
that had not taken place, or had not been certain, I do not
think that Antiochus would have obeyed these orders.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">407</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXX</h2>

<p><a name="b30_1" id="b30_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">Attalus</span>, brother of king Eumenes, came to Rome this
year, pretending that, even if the disaster<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167. Coss. Q.
Aelius Paetus, M.
Junius Pennus.</span>
of the
Gallic rising had not happened to the kingdom,
he should have come to Rome, to congratulate
the Senate,
and to receive some mark of its
approval for having been actively engaged on
<span class="sidenote">Attalus at Rome,
is persuaded to
try by the Roman
help to supplant
his brother.</span>
their side and loyally shared in all their dangers;
but, as it happened, he had been forced to come
at that time to Rome owing to the danger from
the Gauls. Upon finding a general welcome from everybody,
owing to the acquaintance formed with him on the campaign,
and the belief that he was well disposed to them, and meeting
with a reception that surpassed his expectation, the young
man&#8217;s hopes were extraordinarily raised, because he did not
know the true reason of this friendly warmth. The result was
that he narrowly escaped ruining his own and his brother&#8217;s
fortunes, and indeed the entire kingdom. The majority at Rome
were thoroughly angry with king Eumenes, and believed that
he had been playing a double game during the war, keeping up
communications with Perseus, and watching his opportunity
against them: and accordingly some men of high rank got
Attalus under their influence, and urged him to lay aside the
character of ambassador for his brother, and to speak in his
own behalf; as the Senate was minded to secure a separate
kingdom and royal government for him, because of their displeasure
with his brother. This excited the ambition of
Attalus still more, and in private conversation he signified his
assent to those who advised this course. Finally, he arranged
with some men of position that he would actually appear
before the Senate and deliver a speech on the subject.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">408</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b30_2" id="b30_2"><b>2.</b></a> While Attalus was engaged on this intrigue, Eumenes,
fearing what would happen, sent his physician
Stratius to Rome,<span class="sidenote">Stratius is sent to
dissuade Attalus
from his meditated
treason.</span>
putting him in possession of
the facts and charging him to employ every means
to prevent Attalus from following the advice
of those who wished to ruin their kingdom. On arriving at
Rome and getting Attalus by himself, he used a great variety
of arguments to him (and he was a man of great sense
and powers of persuasion), and at length, with much trouble,
succeeded in his object, and in recalling him from his
mad project. He represented to him that &#8220;he was already
practically joint-king with his brother, and only differed from
him in the fact that he wore no diadem, and was not called
king, though in everything else he possessed an equal and
identical authority: that in the future he was the acknowledged
heir to the crown, and with no very distant prospect of possession;
as the king, from the weak state of his health, was in constant
expectation of his departure, and being childless could
not, even if he wished it, leave the crown to any one else.&#8221;
(For in fact that natural son of his, who afterwards succeeded
to the crown, had not as yet been acknowledged.) &#8220;Above all,
he was surprised at the hindrance Attalus was thus interposing
to the measures necessary at that particular crisis. For they
ought to thank heaven exceedingly if they proved able, even
with hearty co-operation and unanimity, to repel the threatened
attack of the Gauls; but if he should at such a time quarrel
with and oppose his brother, it was quite clear that he would
ruin the kingdom, and deprive himself both of his present
power and his future expectations, and his other brothers also
of the kingdom and the power they possessed in it.&#8221; By these
and similar arguments Stratius dissuaded Attalus from taking
any revolutionary steps.</p>

<p><a name="b30_3" id="b30_3"><b>3.</b></a> Accordingly, when Attalus appeared before the Senate,
he congratulated it on what had happened; expatiated on the
loyalty and zeal shown by himself in the war with Perseus; and
urged at some length that the Senate should send envoys to
restrain the audacity of the Gauls, and compel them to confine
themselves once more to their original boundaries. He also
said something about the cities of Aeneus and Maronea, desiring<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">409</a></span>
that they might be given as a free gift to himself. But he said
not a single word against the king, or about the partition of the
kingdom. The senators, supposing that he would interview
them privately on a future occasion upon these points, promised
to send the envoys, and loaded him lavishly with the
customary presents, and, moreover, promised him these cities.
But when, after receiving these marks of favour, he at once
left Rome without fulfilling any of its expectations, the
Senate, though foiled in its hopes, had nothing else which it
could do; but before he had got out of Italy it declared
<span class="sidenote">Embassy to
Galatia.</span>
Aeneus and Maronea free cities,&mdash;thus rescinding
its promise,&mdash;and sent Publius Licinius at
the head of a mission to the Gauls. And what
instructions these ambassadors had given to them it is not easy
to say, but it may be guessed without difficulty from what subsequently
happened. And this will be rendered clear from the
transactions themselves.</p>

<p><a name="b30_4" id="b30_4"><b>4.</b></a> There also came embassies from Rhodes, the first headed
by Philocrates, the second by Philophron<span class="sidenote">Fresh embassies
from Rhodes,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167.
See <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>.</span>
and Astymedes. For when the Rhodians received
the answer given to the embassy of
Agesipolis immediately after the battle of Pydna,
they understood the anger and threatening
attitude of the Senate towards them, and promptly despatched
these embassies. Astymedes and Philophron, observing in
the course of public and private conversations the suspicions
and anger entertained towards them at Rome, were reduced to
a state of great discouragement and distress.
<span class="sidenote">Terror of the
Rhodian envoys at
the threat of war.</span>
But when one of the praetors mounted the
Rostra and urged the people to declare war
against Rhodes, then indeed they were beside themselves with
terror at the danger that threatened their country. They
assumed mourning garments, and in their various interviews
with their friends dropped the tone of persuasion or demand,
and pleaded instead, with tears and prayers, that they would not
adopt any measure of supreme severity towards them. A few
days afterwards Antony, one of the tribunes, introduced them
to the Senate, and dragged the praetor who advised the war
down from the Rostra. Philophron spoke first, and was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">410</a></span>
followed by Astymedes; and, having thus uttered the
proverbial &#8220;swan&#8217;s song,&#8221; they received an answer which, while
freeing them from actual fear of war, conveyed a bitter and
stern rebuke from the Senate for their conduct. Now Astymedes
<span class="sidenote">A criticism on the
speech of the
Rhodian
Astymedes.</span>
considered himself to have made a good speech on
behalf of his country, but did not at all satisfy
the Greeks visiting or residing at Rome. For
he afterwards published the speech containing
his argument in defence, which, to all those
into whose hands it fell, appeared absurd and quite unconvincing.
For he rested his plea not alone on the merits of his
country, but still more on an accusation of others. Comparing
the good services done and the co-operation undertaken by
the others, he endeavoured to deny or minimise them; while
he exaggerated those of Rhodes as far above their actual
amount as he could. The errors of others, on the contrary,
he inveighed against in bitter and hostile terms, while those of
the Rhodians he attempted to cloak and conceal, in order
that, by this comparison, those of his own country might appear
insignificant and pardonable, those of others grave and beyond
excuse, &#8220;all of whom,&#8221; he added, &#8220;had already been pardoned
before.&#8221; But this sort of pleading can in no circumstances be
considered becoming to a statesman. Take the case of the
betrayal of secrets. It is not those who, for fear or gain, turn
informers that we commend; but those who endure any torture
and punishment rather than involve an accomplice in the same
misfortune. These are the men whom we approve and consider
noble. But a man who, from some undefined alarm,
exposes to the view of the party in power all the errors of
others, and who recalls what time had obliterated from the
minds of the ruling people, cannot fail to be an object of dislike
to all who hear of it.</p>

<p><a name="b30_5" id="b30_5"><b>5.</b></a> After receiving the above answer Philocrates and his
colleagues immediately started home;<span class="sidenote">Dismayed by this
answer the
Rhodians endeavour
to propitiate
the Senate.
Livy, 45, 25.</span>
but Astymedes
and his fellows stayed where they were and
kept on the watch, that no report or observation
against their country might be made unknown
to them. But when this answer of the Senate
was reported at Rhodes, the people, considering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">411</a></span>
themselves relieved of the worst fear&mdash;that, namely, of war&mdash;made
light of the rest, though extremely unfavourable. So true
it ever is that a dread of worse makes men forget lighter misfortunes.
They immediately voted a complimentary crown
worth ten thousand gold pieces<a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> to Rome, and appointed
Theaetetus at once envoy and navarch to convey it at the beginning
of summer, accompanied by an embassy under Rhodophon,
to attempt in every possible way to make an alliance
with the Romans. They acted thus because they wished that,
if the embassy failed by an adverse answer at Rome, the failure
might take place without the people having passed a formal
decree, the attempt being made solely on the initiative of the
navarch, and the navarch having by the law power to act in
such a case.<span class="sidenote">The astuteness of
the Rhodian
policy.</span>
For the fact was that the republic
of Rhodes had been administered with such
consummate statesmanship, that, though it had
for nearly a hundred and forty years been engaged in conjunction
with Rome in actions of the greatest importance and
glory, it had never yet made an alliance with her. Nor
ought I to omit stating the reason of this policy of the
Rhodians. They wished that no ruler or prince should be
entirely without hope of gaining their support or alliance; and
they therefore did not choose to bind or hamper themselves
beforehand with oaths and treaties; but, by remaining uncommitted,
to be able to avail themselves of all advantages as they
arose. But on this occasion they were much bent upon
securing this mark of honour from Rome, not because they
were anxious for the alliance, or because they were afraid of
any one else at the time except the Romans, but because they
wished, by giving an air of special importance to their design,
to remove the suspicions of such as were inclined to entertain
unfavourable thoughts of their state.<span class="sidenote">Caunus, in Peraea,
and Mylassa, in
Caria, revolt.</span> For immediately after
the return of the ambassadors under Theaetetus,
the Caunians revolted and the Mylassians seized
on the cities in Eur&#333;mus. And about the same
time the Roman Senate published a decree declaring all
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">412</a></span>
Carians and Lycians free who had been assigned to the Rhodians
after the war with Antiochus.<span class="sidenote">The Senate declare
Caria and
Lycia free. See
<b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a>.</span>
The Caunian and
Mylassian revolts were speedily put down by
the Rhodians; for they compelled the Caunians,
by sending Lycus with a body of soldiers, to
return to their allegiance, though the people of Cibyra had
come to their assistance; and in an expedition into Eur&#333;mus
they conquered the Mylassians and Alabandians in the field,
these two peoples having combined their forces to attack
Orthosia. But when the decree concerning the Lycians and
Carians was announced they were once more in a state of
dismay, fearing that their gift of the crown had proved in
vain, as well as their hopes of an alliance....</p>

<p><a name="b30_6" id="b30_6"><b>6.</b></a> I have already directed my readers&#8217; attention to the
policy of Deinon and Polyaratus.<span class="sidenote">The three classes
of men who in the
various states got
into trouble for
their conduct
during the Macedonian
war.</span>
For Rhodes
was not the only place which experienced grave
danger and important changes. Nearly all the
states suffered in the same way. It will therefore
be instructive to take a review of the
policy adopted by the statesmen in the several
countries, and to ascertain which of them will be proved to
have acted with wisdom, and which to have done otherwise:
in order that posterity in similar circumstances of danger may,
with these examples as models, so to speak, before their eyes,
be able to choose the good and avoid the bad with a genuine
insight; and may not in the last hour of their lives dishonour
their previous character and achievements, from failing to perceive
where the path of honour lies. There were, then,
three different classes of persons who incurred blame for their
conduct in the war with Perseus. One consisted of those
who, while displeased at seeing the controversy brought to a
decisive end, and the control of the world fall into the power of
one government, nevertheless took absolutely no active steps for
or against the Romans, but left the decision entirely to Fortune.
A second consisted of those who were glad to see the
question settled, and wished Perseus to win, but were unable to
convert the citizens of their own states or the members of
their race to their sentiments. And a third class consisted of
those who actually succeeded in inducing their several states<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">413</a></span>
to change round and join the alliance of Perseus. Our
present task is to examine how each of these conducted their
respective policies.</p>

<p><a name="b30_7" id="b30_7"><b>7.</b></a> In the last class were Antinous, Theodotus, and Cephalus,
who induced the Molossians to join Perseus.
These men,<span class="sidenote">Antinous, Theodotus,
and Cephalus
of the Molossi
are instances of
the third class.</span>
when the results of the campaign
went completely against them, and they found
themselves in imminent danger of the worst
consequences, put a bold face upon it and met
an honourable death in the field. These men deserve our
commendation for their self-respect, in refusing to allow themselves
to lapse into a position unworthy of their previous life.</p>

<p>Again, in Achaia and Thessaly and Perrhaebia several
persons incurred blame by remaining neutral,<span class="sidenote">Several instances
of the first class
in Achaia
Phthiotis, Thessaly,
and Perrhaebia.</span>
on the ground that they were watching their
opportunity, and were in heart on the side of
Perseus; and yet they never let a word to that
effect get abroad, nor were ever detected in
sending letter or message to Perseus on any subject whatever,
but conducted themselves with unexceptionable discretion.
Such men as these therefore very properly determined to face
judicial inquiry and stand their judgment, and to make every
effort to save themselves. For it is quite as great a sign of
cowardice to abandon life voluntarily when a man is conscious
of no crime, from fear of the threats of political opponents or
of the power of the conquerors, as it is to cling to life to the
loss of honour.</p>

<p>Again, in Rhodes and Cos, and several other cities, there
were men who favoured the cause of Perseus,<span class="sidenote">Instances of the
second class in
Rhodes, Cos, and
other places.</span>
and who were bold enough to speak in behalf
of the Macedonians in their own cities, and to
inveigh against the Romans, and to actually
advise active steps in alliance with Perseus, but who were not
able to induce their states to transfer themselves to alliance
with the king. The most conspicuous of such men were in
Cos the two brothers Hippias and Diomedon, and in Rhodes
Deinon and Polyaratus.</p>

<p><a name="b30_8" id="b30_8"><b>8.</b></a> And it is impossible not to view the policy of these
men with disapproval. To begin with, all their fellow-citizens<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">414</a></span>
were aware of everything they had done or said;
in the next place, the letters were intercepted and made
public which were coming from Perseus to them, and
from themselves to Perseus, as well as the messengers from
both sides: yet they could not make up their minds to
yield and put themselves out of the way, but still disputed
the point. The result of this persistence and clinging
to life, in the face of a desperate position, was that they
quite ruined their character for courage and resolution,
and left not the least ground for pity or sympathy in the
minds of posterity. For being confronted with their own
letters and agents, they were regarded as not merely unfortunate,
but rather as shameless. One of those who went
on these voyages was a man named Thoas. He had frequently
sailed to Macedonia on a mission from these men, and when
the decisive change in the state of affairs took place, conscious
of what he had done, and fearing the consequences, he retired
to Cnidos. But the Cnidians having thrown him into prison,
he was demanded by the Rhodians, and on coming to Rhodes
and being put to the torture, confessed his crime; and his
story was found to agree with everything in the cipher of
the intercepted letters, and with the despatches from Perseus
to Deinon, and from Deinon and Polyaratus to him. Therefore
it was a matter of surprise that Deinon persuaded himself
to cling to life and submit to so signal an exposure.</p>

<p><a name="b30_9" id="b30_9"><b>9.</b></a> But in respect to folly and baseness of spirit, Polyaratus
surpassed Deinon. For when Popilius Laenas<span class="sidenote">The vain attempts
of Polyaratus to
escape,</span>
charged king Ptolemy to send Polyaratus to
Rome, the king, from a regard both to Polyaratus
himself and his country, determined not to send him
to Rome but to Rhodes, this being also what Polyaratus himself
asked him to do. Having therefore caused a galley to
be prepared, the king handed him over to Demetrius, one of
his own friends, and despatched him, and wrote a despatch to
the Rhodians notifying the fact.<span class="sidenote">at Phaselis,</span> But touching at Phaselis in
the course of the voyage, Polyaratus, from some
notion or another which he had conceived,
took suppliant branches in his hand, and fled for safety to the
city altar. If any one had asked him his intention in thus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">415</a></span>
acting, I am persuaded that he could not have told it. For if
he wanted to go to his own country, where was the need of suppliant
branches? For his conductors were charged to take him
there. But if he wished to go to Rome, that was sure to take
place whether he wished it or no. What other alternative was
there? Other place that could receive him with safety to himself
there was none. However, on the people of Phaselis sending
to Rhodes to beg that they would receive Polyaratus, and take
him away, the Rhodians came to the prudent resolution of
sending an open vessel to convoy him; but forbade the captain
of it to actually take him on board, on the ground that the
officers from Alexandria had it in charge to deliver the man
in Rhodes. When the vessel arrived at Phaselis, and its captain,
Epichares, refused to take the man on board, and
Demetrius, who had been deputed by the king for that business,
urged him to leave the altar and resume his voyage; and
when the people of Phaselis supported his command, because
they were afraid they would incur some blame from Rome on
that account, Polyaratus could no longer resist the pressure of
circumstances, but once more went on board Demetrius&#8217;s galley.
But in the course of the voyage he seized an opportunity of
doing the same again at Caunus,<span class="sidenote">at Caunus,</span> flying for
safety there in the same way, and begging the
Caunians to save him. Upon the Caunians rejecting him, on
the grounds of their being leagued with Rhodes, he sent
messages to Cibyra, begging them to receive him in their
city, and to send him an escort. He had some claim upon
this city, because the sons of its tyrant, Pancrates, had been
educated at his house; accordingly, they listened to his request,
and did what he asked.<span class="sidenote">and at Cibyra.</span> But when he
got to Cibyra, he placed himself and the
Cibyratae into a still greater difficulty than that which he
caused before when at Phaselis. For they neither dared to
retain him in their town for fear of Rome, nor had the
power of sending him to Rome, because of their ignorance
of the sea, being an entirely inland folk. Eventually
they were reduced to send envoys to Rhodes and the
Roman proconsul in Macedonia, begging them to take over
the man. Lucius Aemilius wrote to the Cibyratae, ordering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">416</a></span>
them to keep Polyaratus in safe custody; and to the Rhodians
to make provision for his conveyance by sea and his safe
delivery upon Roman territory. Both peoples obeyed the
despatch: and thus Polyaratus eventually came to Rome, after
making a spectacle of his folly and cowardice to the best of
his ability; and after having been, thanks to his own folly,
four times surrendered&mdash;by king Ptolemy, the people of
Phaselis, the Cibyratae, and the Rhodians.</p>

<p>The reason of my having dwelt at some length on the
story of Polyaratus and Deinon is not that I have any desire
to trample upon their misfortunes, for that would be ungenerous
in the last degree; but in order that, by clearly showing
their folly, I might instruct those who fall into similar difficulties
and dangers how to take a better and wiser course....</p>

<p><a name="b30_10" id="b30_10"><b>10.</b></a> The most striking illustration of the mutability and
capriciousness of Fortune is when a man, within
a brief period,<span class="sidenote">The columns constructed
at Delphi
for statues of Perseus
used by
Aemilius.
Autumn of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
167. Livy, 45, 27.</span>
turns out to have been preparing
for the use of his enemies the very things which
he imagined that he was elaborating in his own
honour. Thus Perseus was having some columns
made, which Lucius Aemilius, finding unfinished,
caused to be completed, and placed statues of himself on
them....</p>

<p>He admired the situation of the city, and the excellent
position of the acropolis for commanding the<span class="sidenote">Aemilius at
Corinth.</span>
districts on both sides of the Isthmus....</p>

<p>Having been long anxious to see Olympia,<span class="sidenote">At Olympia.</span>
he set out thither....</p>

<p>Aemilius entered the sacred enclosure at Olympia, and
was struck with admiration at the statue of the god, remarking
that, to his mind, Pheidias was the only artist who had
represented the Zeus of Homer; and that, though he had had
great expectations of Olympia, he found the reality far surpassed
them....</p>

<p><a name="b30_11" id="b30_11"><b>11.</b></a> The Aetolians had been accustomed to get their livelihood
from plundering and such like lawless
occupations;<span class="sidenote">The disturbed
state of Aetolia,</span>
and as long as they were permitted
to plunder and loot the Greeks, they got all
they required from them, regarding every country as that of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">417</a></span>
an enemy. But subsequently, when the Romans obtained the
supremacy, they were prevented from this means of support,
and accordingly turned upon each other. Even before this,
in their civil war, there was no horror which they did not commit;
and a little earlier still they had had a taste of mutual
slaughter in the massacres at Arsinoe;<a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> they were, therefore,
ready for anything, and their minds were so infuriated that
they would not allow their magistrates to have even a voice in
their business. Aetolia, accordingly, was a scene of turbulence,
lawlessness, and blood: nothing they undertook was
done on any calculation or fixed plan; everything was conducted
at haphazard and in confusion, as though a hurricane
had burst upon them....</p>

<p><a name="b30_12" id="b30_12"><b>12.</b></a> The state of Epirus was much the same. For in proportion
as the majority of its people are more<span class="sidenote">and of Epirus.
See <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a>.</span>
law-abiding than those of Aetolia, so their chief
magistrate surpassed every one else in wickedness
and contempt for law. For, I think, there never was
and never will be a character more ferocious and brutal than
that of Charops....</p>

<p><a name="b30_13" id="b30_13"><b>13.</b></a> After the destruction of Perseus, immediately after the
decisive battle, embassies were sent on all sides<span class="sidenote">The selection of
suspected Greeks,
especially
Achaeans, to be
sent to Italy,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167.</span>
to congratulate the Roman commanders on the
event. And as now all power tended towards
Rome, in every city those who were regarded
as of the Romanising party were in the
ascendant, and were appointed to embassies
and other services. Accordingly they flocked into Macedonia&mdash;from
Achaia, Callicrates, Aristodamus, Agesias, and
Philippus; from Boeotia, Mnasippos; from Acarnania, Chremas;
from Epirus, Charops and Nicias; from Aetolia, Lyciscus
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">418</a></span>and Tisippus. These all having met, and eagerly viewing with
each other in attaining a common object; and there being no
one to oppose them, since their political opponents had all
yielded to the times and completely retired, they accomplished
their purpose without trouble. So the ten commissioners
issued orders to the other cities and leagues through the
mouths of the strategi themselves as to what citizens were to go
to Rome. And these turned out to be, for the most part, those
whom the men I have named had made a list of on party grounds,
except a very few of such as had done something conspicuous.
But to the Achaean league they sent two men of the highest
rank of their own number, Gaius Claudius and Gnaeus
Domitius. They had two reasons for doing so: the first was
that they were uneasy lest the Achaeans should refuse to obey
the written order, and lest Callicrates and his colleagues should
be in absolute danger from being reputed to be the authors
of the accusations against all the Greeks,&mdash;which was about
true; and in the second place, because in the intercepted
despatches nothing distinct had been discovered against any
Achaean. Accordingly, after a while, the proconsul sent the
letter and envoys with reference to these men, although in his
private opinion he did not agree with the charges brought by
Lyciscus and Callicrates, as was afterwards made clear by
what took place....</p>

<p><a name="b30_14" id="b30_14"><b>14.</b></a> Lucius Anicius, who had been praetor, after his victory
over the Illyrians, and on bringing Genthius<span class="sidenote">Triumph of L.
Anicius Gallus
over the Illyrians
at the Quirinalia,
February 17,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167.</span>
prisoner to Rome with his children, while
celebrating his triumph, did a very ridiculous
thing. He sent for the most famous artists
from Greece, and having constructed an immense
theatre in the circus, he brought all the
flute-players on the stage together first. Their names were
Theodorus the Boeotian, Theopompus and Hermippus of
Lysimacheia, the most celebrated of the day. He placed them
on the proscenium with the chorus, and bid them all play at
once.<span class="sidenote">A scene in a
Roman theatre.</span>
But on their beginning to play the
tune, accompanied by appropriate movements,
he sent to them to say that they were not playing
well, and must put more excitement into it. At first they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">419</a></span>
did not know what to make of this, until one of the lictors
showed them that they must form themselves into two companies,
and facing round, advance against each other as
though in a battle. The flute-players caught the idea at
once, and, adopting a motion suitable to their own wild strains,
produced a scene of great confusion. They made the middle
group of the chorus face round upon the two extreme groups,
and the flute-players, blowing with inconceivable violence and
discordance, led these groups against each other. The members
of the chorus meanwhile rushed, with a violent stamping
which shook the stage, against those opposite them, and
then faced round and retired. But when one of the chorus,
whose dress was closely girt up, turned round on the spur of
the moment and raised his hands, like a boxer, in the face of
the flute-player who was approaching him, then the spectators
clapped their hands and cheered loudly. Whilst this sort of
sham fight was going on, two dancers were brought into the
orchestra to the sound of music; and four boxers mounted
upon the stage, accompanied by trumpeters and clarion
players. The effect of these various contests all going on
together was indescribable. But if I were to speak about
their tragic actors, I should be thought by some to be
jesting.<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b30_15" id="b30_15"><b>15.</b></a> It requires the same sort of spirit to arrange public
games well, and to set out great banquets and wine with fitting
splendour, as it does to draw up an army in presence of the
enemy with strategic skill....</p>

<p><a name="b30_16" id="b30_16"><b>16.</b></a> Aemilius Paulus took seventy cities in Epirus after the
conquest of the Macedonians and Perseus,<span class="sidenote">Aemilius in
Epirus.</span>
most of which were in the country of the
Molossi; and enslaved one hundred and fifty
thousand men....</p>

<p><a name="b30_17" id="b30_17"><b>17.</b></a> In Egypt the first thing the kings did after being<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">420</a></span>
relieved from the war with Antiochus was to send Numenius,<span class="sidenote">Release of
Menalcidas.</span>
one of their friends, as an envoy to Rome to
return thanks for the favours received; and
they next released the Lacedaemonian Menalcidas,
who had made active use of the occasion against the
kingdom for his own advantage; Gaius Popilius Laenas asked
the king for his release as a favour to himself.<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">177</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b30_18" id="b30_18"><b>18.</b></a> At this period Cotys, king of the Odrysae, sent ambassadors
to Rome, asking for the restoration
of his son,<span class="sidenote">Cotys, king of
the Odrysae, cp.
bk. 27, ch. 12.</span>
and pleading his defence for having
acted on the side of Perseus. The Romans,
considering that they had effected their purpose by the successful
issue of the war against Perseus, and that they had no
need to press their quarrel with Cotys any further, allowed
him to take his son back&mdash;who, having been sent as a hostage
to Macedonia, had been captured with the children of Perseus,&mdash;wishing
to display their clemency and magnanimity, and with
the idea at the same time of binding Cotys to themselves by
so great a favour....</p>

<p><a name="b30_19" id="b30_19"><b>19.</b></a> About the same time king Prusias also came to Rome
to congratulate the Senate and the generals on
their success.<span class="sidenote">The abject conduct
of king
Prusias.</span>
This Prusias was in no sense
worthy of the royal title, as we may judge from
the following facts: When the Roman envoys first appeared
at his court, he met them with shorn head and wearing a cap,
toga, and shoes, and in fact exactly in the garb worn by those
recently manumitted at Rome, whom they call <i>liberti</i>: and
greeting the envoys respectfully, he exclaimed, &#8220;Behold your
freedman, who is willing to obey you in all things and to
imitate your fashions!&#8221; than which a more contemptible
speech it would be difficult to imagine. And now, again,
when he reached the entrance of the Senate-house he stopped
at the door facing the senators, and, dropping both his hands
he paid reverence to the threshold and the seated Fathers,
exclaiming, &#8220;Hail, ye gods my preservers!&#8221; seeming bent
on surpassing all who might come after him in meanness of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">421</a></span>spirit, unmanliness, and servility. And his behaviour in the
conference which he held when he had entered the Senate-house
was on a par with this; and was such as might make
one blush even to write. However this contemptible display
served in itself to secure him a favourable answer.</p>

<p><a name="b30_20" id="b30_20"><b>20.</b></a> Just as he had got his answer, news came that
Eumenes was on his way. This caused the
Senators much embarrassment.<span class="sidenote">To prevent a visit
from Eumenes
the Senate pass a
decree forbidding
all kings to visit
Rome.</span>
They were
thoroughly incensed with him, and were entirely
fixed in their sentiments towards him;
and yet they did not wish to betray themselves.
For having proclaimed to all the world that
this king was their foremost and most esteemed friend, if they
now admitted him to an interview and allowed him to plead
his cause, they must either, by answering as they really thought
and in harmony with their sentiments, signalise their own
folly in having marked out such a man in past times for
special honour; or if, in deference to appearances, they gave
him a friendly answer, they must disregard truth and the
interests of their country. Therefore, as both these methods of
proceeding could have consequences of a disagreeable nature,
they hit upon the following solution of the difficulty. On the
ground of a general dislike of the visits of kings, they published
a decree that &#8220;no king was to visit Rome.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">Eumenes
stopped at
Brundisium.</span>
Having been
informed subsequently that Eumenes had landed
at Brundisium in Italy, they sent the quaestor to
convey the decree to him, and to bid him to
communicate with himself if he wanted anything from the
Senate; or, if he did not want anything, to bid him depart at
the earliest possible opportunity from Italy. When the
quaestor met the king and informed him of the decree, the
latter, thoroughly understanding the intention of the Senate,
said not a single word, except that &#8220;he wanted nothing.&#8221;</p>

<p>This is the way in which Eumenes was prevented from
coming to Rome. And it was not the only important
result of this decree. For the Gauls were at that time threatening
the kingdom of Eumenes; and it was soon made
apparent that by this repulse the king&#8217;s allies were all greatly
depressed, while the Gauls were doubly encouraged to press<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">422</a></span>
on the war. And it was in fact their desire to humiliate him
in every possible way that induced the Senate to adopt this
resolution.<span class="sidenote">Winter of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167-166.</span>
These things were going on at the
beginning of the winter: but to all other ambassadors
who arrived&mdash;and there was no city
or prince or king who had not at that time sent an embassy
of congratulation&mdash;the Senate returned a gracious and friendly
answer, except to the Rhodians; and these they dismissed
with displeasure, and with ambiguous declarations as to the
future. As to the Athenians again the Senate hesitated....</p>

<p><a name="b30_21" id="b30_21"><b>21.</b></a> The first object of the Athenian embassy was the
restoration of Haliartus;<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> but when they met<span class="sidenote">The Athenians
ask for the
restoration of
Haliartus; failing
that, to have its
territory, with
Delos and
Lemnos themselves.</span>
with a refusal on that point, they changed
the subject of their appeal and put forward
their own claim to the possession of Delos,
Lemnos, and the territory of Haliartus. No
one could properly find fault with them for this,
as far as Delos and Lemnos were concerned, for
they had of old laid claim to them; but there
is good reason for reproaching them in respect to the territory
of Haliartus. Haliartus was nearly the most ancient city in
Boeotia; had met with a heavy misfortune: instead of endeavouring
in every possible way to restore it,&mdash;to contribute
to its utter annihilation, and to deprive its dispossessed inhabitants
of even their hopes for the future, was an act which
would be thought worthy of no Greek nation, and least of
all of the Athenians. They open their own territory to all
comers; and to take away that of others can never appear
consonant with the spirit of their State. However, the Senate
granted them Delos and Lemnos. Such was the decision in
the Athenian business....</p>

<p><span class="sidenote">The possession
of these places a
misfortune to
Athens.
See <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_17">17</a>.</span>
As to Lemnos and Delos they had, according
to the proverb, &#8220;got the wolf by the ears:&#8221;
for they suffered much ill fortune from their
quarrels with the Delians; and from the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">423</a></span>territory of Haliartus they reaped shame rather than
profit....</p>

<p><a name="b30_22" id="b30_22"><b>22.</b></a> At this time Theaetetus being admitted into the
Senate spoke on the subject of the alliance.<span class="sidenote">Death of
Theaetetus of
Rhodes.</span>
The Senate, however, postponed the consideration
of the proposal, and in the meantime
Theaetetus died in the course of nature, for he was more than
eighty years old.<span class="sidenote">Caunus and
Stratoniceia in
Caria.</span>
But on the arrival in Rome
of exiles from Caunus and Stratoniceia, and
their admission to the Senate, a decree was
passed ordering the Rhodians to withdraw their garrisons
from Caunus and Stratoniceia. And the embassy of Philophron
and Astymedes having received this answer sailed with
all speed home, alarmed lest the Rhodians should disregard
the order for withdrawing the garrisons, and so give a fresh
ground for complaints....</p>

<p><a name="b30_23" id="b30_23"><b>23.</b></a><span class="sidenote">The effect of the
message from
the Romans in
the Achaean
league. <i>Supra</i>
ch. 13.</span> In the Peloponnese, when the ambassadors
arrived and announced the answers from
Rome, there was no longer mere clamour, but
downright rage and hatred against Callicrates
and his party....</p>

<p>An instance of the hatred entertained for Callicrates and
Adronidas, and the others who agreed with
them,<span class="sidenote">Unpopularity of
Callicrates,
Adronidas, and
their party.</span>
was this. The festival of the Antigoneia
was being held at Sicyon,&mdash;the baths being all
supplied with large public bathing tubs, and
smaller ones placed by them used by bathers of the better
sort,&mdash;if Adronidas or Callicrates entered one of these, not a
single one of the bystanders would get into it any more, until
the bathman had let every drop of water run out and filled it
with fresh. They did this from the idea that they would be
polluted by entering the same water as these men. Nor
would it be easy to describe the hissing and hooting that
took place at the public games in Greece when any one
attempted to proclaim one of them victor. The very children
in the streets as they returned from school ventured to call
them traitors to their faces. To such height did the anger
and hatred of these men go....</p>

<p><a name="b30_24" id="b30_24"><b>24.</b></a> The inhabitants of Peraea were like slaves unexpectedly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">424</a></span>
released from chains,<span class="sidenote">Joy of the people
of Peraea at the
Roman decree
emancipating
them from
Rhodes.</span>
who are scarcely able to believe their
present good fortune, thinking it a change
almost too great to be natural; and cannot
believe that those they meet can understand
or fully see that they are really released,
unless they do something strange and out of the
ordinary course....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">425</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXXI</h2>

<p><a name="b31_1" id="b31_1"><b>1.</b></a><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 165. War in
Crete of Cnosus
and Gortyn
against Rhaucus.</span>
<span class="smcap">At</span> this time the Cnosians, in alliance with the
Gortynians, made war upon the Rhaucians, and
swore a mutual oath that they would not end
the war until they had taken Rhaucus.</p>

<p>But when the Rhodians received the decree regarding
Caunus, and saw that the anger of the Romans
was not abating,<span class="sidenote">The Rhodians are
again refused an
alliance.</span>
after having scrupulously carried
out the orders contained in the Senate&#8217;s replies,
they forthwith sent Aristotle at the head of an embassy to
Rome, with instructions to make another attempt to secure the
alliance. They arrived in Rome at the height of summer, and,
having been admitted to the Senate, at once declared how
their people had obeyed the Senate&#8217;s orders, and pleaded for
the alliance, using a great variety of arguments in a speech of
considerable length. But the Senate returned them a reply in
which, without a word about their friendship, they said that, as
to the alliance, it was not proper for them to grant the Rhodians
this favour at present....</p>

<p><a name="b31_2" id="b31_2"><b>2.</b></a> To the ambassadors of the Gauls in Asia they granted
autonomy,<span class="sidenote">Autonomy to
Galatia on
conditions.</span>
on condition that they remained
within their dwellings, and went on no warlike
expeditions beyond their own frontiers....</p>

<p><a name="b31_3" id="b31_3"><b>3.</b></a> When this same king (Antiochus Epiphanes) heard of the
games in Macedonia held by the Roman proconsul Aemilius
Paulus, wishing to outdo Paulus by the splendour of his
liberality,<span class="sidenote">The grand festival
held by Antiochus
Epiphanes at
Daphne, a suburb
of Antioch, sacred
to Apollo.</span>
he sent envoys to the several cities
announcing games to be held by him at
Daphne; and it became the rage in Greece
to attend them. The public ceremonies began
with a procession composed as follows: first<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">426</a></span>
came some men armed in the Roman fashion, with their
coats made of chain armour, five thousand in the prime of
life. Next came five thousand Mysians, who were followed
by three thousand Cilicians armed like light infantry, and
wearing gold crowns. Next to them came three thousand
Thracians and five thousand Gauls. They were followed by
twenty-thousand Macedonians, and five thousand armed with
brass shields, and others with silver shields, who were followed
by two hundred and forty pairs of gladiators. Behind these
were a thousand Nisaean cavalry and three thousand native
horsemen, most of whom had gold plumes and gold crowns,
the rest having them of silver. Next to them came what are
called &#8220;companion cavalry,&#8221; to the number of a thousand,
closely followed by the corps of king&#8217;s &#8220;friends&#8221; of about the
same number, who were again followed by a thousand picked
men; next to whom came the <i>Agema</i> or guard, which was
considered the flower of the cavalry, and numbered about a
thousand. Next came the &#8220;cataphract&#8221; cavalry, both men
and horses acquiring that name from the nature of their
panoply; they numbered fifteen hundred. All the above men
had purple surcoats, in many cases embroidered with gold and
heraldic designs. And behind them came a hundred six-horsed,
and forty four-horsed chariots; a chariot drawn by four elephants
and another by two; and then thirty-six elephants in single file
with all their furniture on.</p>

<p>The rest of the procession was almost beyond description,
but I must give a summary account of it. It consisted of
eight hundred young men wearing gold crowns, about a thousand
fine oxen, foreign delegates to the number of nearly three
hundred, and eight hundred ivory tusks. The number of
images of the gods it is impossible to tell completely: for representations
of every god or demigod or hero accepted by mankind
were carried there, some gilded and others adorned with
gold-embroidered robes; and the myths, belonging to each,
according to accepted tradition, were represented by the most
costly symbols. Behind them were carried representations of
Night and Day, Earth, Heaven, Morning and Noon. The best
idea that I can give of the amount of gold and silver plate is this:
one of the king&#8217;s friends, Dionysius his secretary, had a thousand<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">427</a></span>
boys in the procession carrying silver vessels, none of which
weighed less than a thousand drachmae;<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> and by their side
walked six hundred young slaves of the king holding gold
vessels. There were also two hundred women sprinkling unguents
from gold boxes; and after them came eighty women
sitting in litters with gold feet, and five hundred in litters with
silver feet, all adorned with great costliness. These were the
most remarkable features of the procession.</p>

<p><a name="b31_4" id="b31_4"><b>4.</b></a> The festival, including the gladiatorial shows and hunting,
lasted thirty days, in the course of which there was continual
round of spectacles. During the first five of these everybody
in the gymnasium anointed himself with oil scented with
saffron in gold vessels, of which there were fifteen, and the
same number scented with cinnamon and nard. On the
following days other vessels were brought in scented with
fenugreek, marjoram, and lily, all of extraordinary fragrancy.
Public banquets were also given, at which couches were prepared,
sometimes for a thousand and sometimes for fifteen
hundred, with the utmost splendour and costliness.</p>

<p>The whole of the arrangements were made personally by the
king. He rode on an inferior horse by the side of the procession,
ordering one part to advance, and another to halt, as
occasion required; so that, if his diadem had been removed,
no one would have believed that he was the king and the master
of all; for his appearance was not equal to that of a moderately
good servant. At the feasts also he stood himself at the
entrance, and admitted some and assigned others their places;
he personally ushered in the servants bringing the dishes; and
walking about among the company sometimes sat down and
sometimes lay down on the couches. Sometimes he would
jump up, lay down the morsel of food or the cup that he was
raising to his lips, and go to another part of the hall; and
walking among the guests acknowledge the compliment, as
now one and now another pledged him in wine, or jest at any
recitations that might be going on. And when the festivity
had gone on for a long time, and a good many of the guests had
departed, the king was carried in by the mummers, completely
shrouded in a robe, and laid upon the ground, as though he
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">428</a></span>
were one of the actors; then, at the signal given by the music,
he leapt up, stripped, and began to dance with the jesters; so
that all the guests were scandalised and retired. In fact every
one who attended the festival, when they saw the extraordinary
wealth which was displayed at it, the arrangements made in the
processions and games, and the scale of the splendour on which
the whole was managed, were struck with amazement and
wonder both at the king and the greatness of his kingdom:
but when they fixed their eyes on the man himself, and the
contemptible conduct to which he condescended, they could
scarcely believe that so much excellence and baseness could
exist in one and the same breast.<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">180</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b31_5" id="b31_5"><b>5.</b></a> After the completion of the festival, the envoys with
Tiberius Gracchus arrived,<span class="sidenote">Roman envoys
at Antioch.
Antiochus affects
extreme cordiality.</span>
who had been sent
from Rome to investigate the state of affairs in
Syria. Antiochus received them with such tact
and with so many expressions of kindness, that
Tiberius not only had no suspicion that he was meditating any
active step, or cherishing any sinister feeling on account of what
had happened at Alexandria, but was even induced by the extraordinary
kindness of his reception to discredit those who made
any such suggestion. For, besides other courtesies, the king
gave up his own hall for the use of the envoys, and almost his
crown in appearance; although his true sentiments were not at
all of this kind, and he was on the contrary profoundly incensed
with the Romans....</p>

<p><a name="b31_6" id="b31_6"><b>6.</b></a> A large number of ambassadors from various quarters having
arrived at Rome, the most important of which<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 164. Complaints
against
Eumenes at Rome
from Prusias of
Bithynia, and
other parts of
Asia.</span>
were those with Astymedes from Rhodes, Eureus,
Anaxidamus and Satyrus from the Achaeans,
and those with Pytho from Prusias,&mdash;the Senate
gave audience to these last. The ambassadors
from Prusias complained of king Eumenes,
alleging that he had taken certain places belonging to their
country, and had not in any sense evacuated Galatia, or obeyed
the decrees of the Senate; but had been supporting all who
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">429</a></span>
favoured himself, and depressing in every possible way those
who wished to shape their policy in accordance with the
Senate&#8217;s decrees. There were also some ambassadors from
certain towns in Asia, who accused the king on the grounds of
his intimate association with Antiochus. The Senate listened
to the accusers, and neither rejected their accusations nor
openly expressed its own opinion; but acted with close reserve,
thoroughly distrusting both Eumenes and Antiochus:
<span class="sidenote">The Senate&#8217;s
policy in Galatia.</span> and meanwhile contented itself by continually
supporting Galatia and contriving some
fresh security for its freedom. But the envoys under Tiberius
<span class="sidenote">Failure of the
mission of
Gracchus.</span>Gracchus, on their return from their mission, had
no clearer idea themselves in regard to Eumenes
and Antiochus than before they left Rome, nor
could they give the Senate one either. So completely had the
kings hoodwinked them by the cordiality of their reception.</p>

<p><a name="b31_7" id="b31_7"><b>7.</b></a> The Senate next called in the Rhodians and heard
what they had to say.<span class="sidenote">Rhodians appeal
against the injury
done to their trade,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 165.</span>
When Astymedes entered,
he adopted a more moderate and more effective
line of argument than on his former embassy. He
omitted the invectives against others, and took
the humble tone of men who are being flogged, begging to be forgiven,
and declaring that his country had suffered sufficient
punishment, and a more severe one than its crime deserved. And
then he went briefly through the list of the Rhodian
losses.<span class="sidenote">Speech of
Astymedes.</span>
&#8220;First, they have lost Lycia and Caria,
which had already cost them a large sum of
money, having been forced to support three wars against them;
while at the present moment they have been deprived of a considerable
revenue which they used to draw from those countries.
But perhaps,&#8221; he added, &#8220;this is as it should be: you gave
them to our people as a free gift, because you regarded us
with favour; and in now recalling your gift, because you suspect
and are at variance with us, you may seem only to be acting
reasonably. But Caunus, at any rate, we purchased from
Ptolemy&#8217;s officers for two hundred talents; and Stratoniceia we
received as a great favour from Antiochus, son of Seleucus;
and from those two towns our people had a revenue of a
hundred and twenty talents a year. All these sources of revenue
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">430</a></span>
we have surrendered, in our submission to your injunctions.
From which it appears that you have imposed a heavier
penalty on the Rhodians for one act of folly, than on the
Macedonians that have been continually at war with you. But
the greatest disaster of all to our State is that the revenue
from its harbour has been abolished by your making Delos a
free port; and by your depriving our people of that independence
by which the harbour, as well as other interests of the
States, were maintained in suitable dignity.<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> And it is easy
to satisfy yourselves of the truth of my words. Our revenue
from harbour dues amounted in past years to one million
drachmae, from which you have now taken one hundred
and fifty thousand; so that it is only too true, gentlemen
of Rome, that your anger has affected the resources
of the country. Now, if the mistake committed, and the
alienation from Rome, had been shared in by the entire
people, you might perhaps have seemed to be acting rightly
in maintaining a lasting and irreconcilable anger against
us; but if the fact is made clear to you that it was an exceedingly
small number who shared in this foolish policy, and that
these have all been put to death by this very people itself,
why still be irreconcilable to those who are in no respect
guilty? Especially when to every one else you are reputed
to exhibit the highest possible clemency and magnanimity.
Wherefore, gentlemen, our people having lost their revenues,
their freedom of debate, and their position of independence, in
defence of which in time past they have been ever willing to
make any sacrifices, now beg and beseech you all, as having
been smitten sufficiently, to relax your anger, and to be reconciled
and make this alliance with them: that it may be made
manifest to all the world that you have put away your anger
against Rhodes, and have returned to your old feelings and
friendship towards them.&#8221; Such among others were the
words of Astymedes.<span class="sidenote">The Senate is
mollified by this
speech and by
the report of
Gracchus, and
grants the
alliance.</span>
He was thought to have
spoken much to the point in the circumstances;
but what helped the Rhodians to the alliance
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">431</a></span>
more than anything else was the recent return
of the embassy under Tiberius Gracchus. For
he gave evidence, in the first place, that the
Rhodians had obeyed all the decrees of the Senate; and in
the next place, that the men who were the authors of their
hostile policy had all been condemned to death; and by this
testimony overcame all opposition, and secured the alliance
between Rome and Rhodes....</p>

<p><a name="b31_8" id="b31_8"><b>8.</b></a> After an interval the envoys of the Achaeans were
admitted with instructions conformable to the
last reply received,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 165.
Embassy from
Achaia asking for
the trial or release
of the Achaean
<i>d&eacute;tenus</i>, who to
the number of
over 1000 had
been summoned
to Italy in <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span>
167. See <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>.
Pausan. 7, 10, 11.</span>
which was to the effect that
&#8220;The Senate were surprised that they should
apply to them for a decision on matters which they
had already decided for themselves.&#8221; Accordingly
another embassy under Eureus now appeared
to explain that &#8220;The league had neither heard
the defence of the accused persons, nor given
any decision whatever concerning them; but
wished the Senate to take measures in regard
to these men, that they might have a trial and not perish
uncondemned. They begged that, if possible, the Senate
should itself conduct the investigation, and declare who are the
persons guilty of those charges; but, if its variety of business
made it impossible to do this itself, that it should intrust the
business to the Achaeans, who would show by their treatment
of the guilty their detestation of their crime.&#8221; The Senate
recognised that the tone of the embassy was in conformity
with its own injunctions, but still felt embarrassed how to act.
Both courses were open to objection. To judge the case of
the men was, it thought, not a task it ought to undertake; and
to release them without any trial at all evidently involved ruin
to the friends of Rome. In this strait the Senate, wishing
to take all hope from the Achaean people of the restitution of
the men who were detained, in order that they might obey
without a murmur Callicrates in Achaia, and in the other
states those who sided with Rome, wrote the following answer:
&#8220;We do not consider it advisable either for ourselves or
for your nationalities that these men should return home.&#8221;
The publication of this answer not only reduced the men who
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">432</a></span>
had been summoned to Italy to complete despair and dejection,
but was regarded by all Greeks as a common sorrow, for
it seemed to take away all hope of restoration from these
unfortunate men. When it was announced in Greece the
people were quite crushed, and a kind of desperation invaded
the minds of all; but Charops and Callicrates, and
all who shared their policy, were once more in high
spirits....</p>

<p><a name="b31_9" id="b31_9"><b>9.</b></a> Tiberius Gracchus, partly by force and partly by persuasion,<span class="sidenote">Reduction of the
Cammani in
Cappadocia.</span>
reduced the Cammani to obedience to
Rome....</p>

<p>A large number of embassies having come to
Rome, the Senate gave a reply to Attalus and Athenaeus. For
Prusias, not content with earnestly pressing his accusations himself
against Eumenes and Attalus, had also instigated the Gauls
and Selgians (in Pisidia), and many others in Asia, to adopt
the same policy; consequently king Eumenes had sent his
brothers to defend him against the accusations thus brought.
On their admission to the Senate they were thought to have
made a satisfactory defence against all accusers; and finally
returned to Asia, after not only rebutting the accusations,
but with marks of special honour. The Senate, however, did
not altogether cease to be suspicious of Eumenes and Antiochus.
They sent Gaius Sulpicius and Manius Sergius as envoys to
investigate the state of Greece; to decide the question of
territory that had arisen between Megalopolis and the Lacedaemonians;
but, above all, to give attention to the proceedings
of Antiochus and Eumenes, and to discover whether any
warlike preparations were being made by either of them, or any
combination being formed between them against Rome....</p>

<p><a name="b31_10" id="b31_10"><b>10.</b></a> Besides his other follies, Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, on
arriving in Asia, put up notices in the most
important cities,<span class="sidenote">The mission,
Sulpicius Gallus
in Asia; he
collects facts
against Eumenes.</span>
ordering any one who wished
to bring any accusation against king Eumenes
to meet him at Sardis within a specified time.
He then went to Sardis, and, taking his seat in
the Gymnasium, gave audience for ten days to those who had
such accusations to make: admitting every kind of foul and
abusive language against the king, and, generally, making the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">433</a></span>
most of every fact and every accusation; for he was frantic
and inveterate in his hatred of Eumenes....</p>

<p>But the harder the Romans appeared to bear upon Eumenes,
the more popular did he become in Greece, from the natural
tendency of mankind to feel for the side that is oppressed....</p>

<p><a name="b31_11" id="b31_11"><b>11.</b></a> In Syria king Antiochus, wishing to enrich himself,
determined on an armed attack upon the temple
of Artemis,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 164.
Death of Antiochus
Epiphanes on his
return from
Susiana. See <b>26</b>, <a href="#b26_1">1</a>.</span>
in Elymais. But having arrived in
this country and failed in his purpose, because
the native barbarians resisted his lawless attempt,
he died in the course of his return at Tabae, in
Persia, driven mad, as some say, by some manifestations of
divine wrath in the course of his wicked attempt upon this
temple....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Antiochus Epiphanes left a son and daughter; the former,
nine years old, was called Antiochus Eupator, and succeeded to the
kingdom, Lysias acting as his guardian. Demetrius, his cousin,
son of Seleucus Philopator, being at Rome as a hostage in place of
the late Antiochus Epiphanes, endeavoured to persuade the Senate
to make him king of Syria instead of the boy.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b31_12" id="b31_12"><b>12.</b></a> Demetrius, son of Seleucus, who had been long
detained at Rome as an hostage, had been<span class="sidenote">Demetrius, son of
Seleucus, and
grandson of Antiochus
the Great,
wishes to be restored
to the kingdom
of Syria.</span>
for
some time past of opinion that his detention
was unjust. He had been given by his father
Seleucus as a pledge of his good faith; but,
when Antiochus (Epiphanes) succeeded to the
throne, he considered that he ought not to be a
hostage in behalf of that monarch&#8217;s children. However, up to
this time he kept quiet, especially as he was unable, being still
a mere boy, to do anything. But now, being in the very prime
of youthful manhood, he entered the Senate and made a speech:
demanding that the Romans should restore him to his kingdom,
which belonged to him by a far better right than to the
children of Antiochus. He entered at great length upon
arguments to the same effect, affirming that Rome was his
country and the nurse of his youth; that the sons of the
Senators were all to him as brothers, and the Senators as
fathers, because he had come to Rome a child, and was then
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">434</a></span>
twenty-three years old.<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> All who heard him were disposed in
their hearts to take his part: the Senate however, as a body
voted to detain Demetrius, and to assist in securing the crown
for the boy left by the late king. Their motive in thus acting
was, it seems to me, a mistrust inspired by the vigorous time
of life to which Demetrius had attained, and an opinion that
the youth and weakness of the boy who had succeeded to the
kingdom were more to their interest. And this was presently
made manifest.<span class="sidenote">A Syrian commission
appointed.</span>
For they appointed Gnaeus
Octavius, Spurius Lucretius, and Lucius Aurelius
as commissioners to arrange the affairs of
the kingdom in accordance with the will of the Senate, on the
ground that no one would resist their injunctions, the king
being a mere child, and the nobles being quite satisfied at the
government not being given to Demetrius, for that was what
they had been most expecting. Gnaeus and his colleagues therefore
started with instructions, first of all to burn the decked ships,
next to hamstring the elephants, and generally to weaken the
forces of the kingdom.<span class="sidenote">The commissioners
are also
to visit Galatia,
Cappadocia, and
Alexandria.</span> They were also charged
with the additional task of making an inspection
of Macedonia; for the Macedonians, unaccustomed
to democracy and a government
by popular assembly, were splitting up into
hostile factions.<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> Gnaeus and his colleagues were also to
inspect the state of Galatia and of the kingdom of Ariarathes.
After a time the further task was imposed on them, by despatch
from the Senate, of reconciling as well as they could the two
kings in Alexandria....</p>

<p><a name="b31_13" id="b31_13"><b>13.</b></a> While this was going on at Rome, envoys from the
city, under Marcus Junius, had arrived to<span class="sidenote">Mission to Ariarathes,
king of
Cappadocia, in
regard to the encroachments
of
the Gauls.</span>
arbitrate on the disputes between the Gauls
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">435</a></span>
and king Ariarathes. For the Trocmi, having
found themselves unable to annex any portion
of Cappadocia by their unaided efforts, and
having been promptly foiled in their audacious
attempts,<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> sought refuge with the Romans, and endeavoured
to bring Ariarathes into discredit there. On this account an
embassy under M. Junius was sent to Cappadocia. The
king gave them a satisfactory account of the affair, treated
them with great courtesy, and sent them away loud in his
praises. And when subsequently Gnaeus Octavius and
Spurius Lucretius arrived, and again addressed the king on
the subject of his controversies with the Gauls, after a brief
conversation on that subject, and saying that he would
acquiesce in their decision without difficulty, he
directed the rest of his remarks to the state of
Syria, being aware that Octavius and his
colleagues were going thither. He pointed
out to them the unsettled state of the kingdom and the unprincipled
character of the men at the head of affairs there;
and added that he would escort them with an army, and
remain on the watch for all emergencies, until they returned
from Syria in safety. Gnaeus and his colleagues acknowledged
the king&#8217;s kindness and zeal, but said that for the present
they did not need the escort: on a future occasion, however,
if need should arise, they would let him know without delay;
for they considered him as one of the true friends of Rome....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Ariarathes died soon after this embassy, and was succeeded by
his son Ariarathes Philopator.</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>164. Livy</i>, Ep. 46.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b31_14" id="b31_14"><b>14.</b></a> About this time ambassadors arrived from Ariarathes,
who had recently succeeded to the kingdom of
Cappadocia,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 163.
Ariarathes Philopator
continues
his father&#8217;s policy
of friendship with
Rome.</span>
to renew the existing friendship
and alliance with Rome, and in general to
exhort the Senate to accept the king&#8217;s affection
and goodwill, which he entertained, both in their
private and public capacity, for all the Romans.
The Senate, on hearing this, acceded to the request for the
renewal of the friendship and alliance, and graciously acknowledged
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">436</a></span>
the general amity of the king. The chief reason for
this warmth on the part of the Senate was the report of the
envoys under Tiberius, who, when sent to inspect the state of
Cappadocia, had returned full of the praises of the late king
and of his kingdom generally. It was on the credit of this
report that the Senate received the ambassadors of Ariarathes
graciously, and acknowledged the goodwill of the king....</p>

<p><a name="b31_15" id="b31_15"><b>15.</b></a> Having somewhat recovered from their previous
disaster, the Rhodians sent Cleagoras<span class="sidenote">The Rhodians ask
for Calynda in
Caria, and for
the retention of
private property in
Caria and Lycia.</span>
with
ambassadors to Rome to ask that Calynda
should be ceded to them, and to petition the
Senate that those of their citizens who had properties
in Lycia and Caria might be allowed to
retain them as before.
They had also voted
to raise a colossal statue of the Roman people
<span class="sidenote">A colossal statue
of Rome.</span>thirty cubits high, to be set up in the temple
of Athene....</p>

<p><a name="b31_16" id="b31_16"><b>16.</b></a> The Calyndians having broken off from Caunus, and
the Caunians being about to besiege Calynda,<span class="sidenote">The Rhodians
undertake the protection
of Calynda.</span>
the Calyndians first called in the aid of the
Cnidians; and, on their sending the required
support, they held out against their enemies for a time: but
becoming alarmed as to what would happen, they sent an
embassy to Rhodes, putting themselves and their city in its
hands. Thereupon the Rhodians sent a naval and military
force to their relief, forced the Caunians to raise the siege,
and took over the city....</p>

<p><a name="b31_17" id="b31_17"><b>17.</b></a> When Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, had received his
ambassadors on their return from Rome,<span class="sidenote">Ariarathes&#8217;s joy at
the favourable
answer from Rome.</span>
judging
from the answers they brought that his
kingdom was secured, because he had gained
the goodwill of Rome, he offered a thank-offering to the gods
for what had happened, and entertained his nobles at a feast.
He then sent ambassadors to Lysias in Antioch,<span class="sidenote">He recovers the
ashes of his
mother and sister
from Antioch.</span>
desiring to
be allowed to bring away the bones of his sister
and mother. He determined not to say a word
of blame as to the crime that had been committed,
lest he should irritate Lysias, and so
fail to effect his present object, though he was in fact greatly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">437</a></span>
incensed at it. He gave his envoys therefore instructions
couched in terms of courteous request. Lysias and his friends
acceded to his wishes; and the bones having been conveyed
to Cappadocia, the king received them in great state, and
buried them next the tomb of his father with affectionate
reverence....<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">185</a></p>

<p>Artaxias wished to kill a man, but on the remonstrances of
Ariarathes did not do so,<span class="sidenote">The influence of
good men,
Artaxias of
Armenia.
See <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>.</span>
and held him on the
contrary in higher respect than ever. So decisive
is the influence of justice, and of the
opinions and advice of good men, that they
often prove the salvation of foes as well as of
friends, and change their whole characters for the better....</p>

<p class="tb">Good looks are a better introduction than any letter....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>The quarrels of the two kings of Egypt, Ptolemy VI.
Philometor and Euergetes II. (or Ptolemy VII.) Physcon. The
former had been expelled by the latter, and had taken refuge in
Cyprus, but had been restored by a popular outbreak in his
favour, and under the authority of Commissioners sent from
Rome</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>164.</i> (<i>Livy</i>, Ep. 46. <i>Diod.</i> Sic. <i>fr. xi.</i>) <i>Fresh
quarrels however broke out, in the course of which Physcon was
much worsted by his brother</i>, (<i>Diod.</i> Sic. <i>fr. of 31</i>), <i>and at length it
was arranged that one should reign in Egypt the other in Cyrene</i>.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>162</i>. (<i>Livy</i>, Ep. 47.)</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b31_18" id="b31_18"><b>18.</b></a>. After the Ptolemies had made their partition of the
kingdom, the younger brother arrived in Rome<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162.
Euergetes II.
(Ptolemy Physcon),
who had
Cyrene as his share,
asks for Cyprus.</span>
desiring to set aside the division made between
himself and his brother, on the ground that he had
not acceded to the arrangement voluntarily, but
under compulsion, and yielding to the force of
circumstances. He therefore begged the Senate
to assign Cyprus to his portion; for, even if that were done,<span class="sidenote">The members of
the Commission
who had been in
Egypt support the
elder brother.</span>
he
should still have a much poorer share than his
brother. Canuleius and Quintus supported<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">438</a></span>
Menyllus, the ambassador of the elder Ptolemy,
by protesting that &#8220;the younger Ptolemy owed
his possession of Cyrene and his very life to
them, so deep was the anger and hatred of the common
people to him<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">186</a>; and that, accordingly, he had been only too
glad to receive the government of Cyrene, which he had
not hoped for or expected; and had exchanged oaths with
his brother with the customary sacrifices.&#8221; To this Ptolemy
gave a positive denial: and the Senate, seeing that the division
was clearly an unequal one, and at the same time wishing
that, as the brothers themselves were the authors of the
division being made at all, it should be effected in a manner
advantageous to Rome,<span class="sidenote">The Senate decide
in favour of
Physcon.</span>
granted the petition of
the younger Ptolemy with a view to their own
interest. Measures of this class are very frequent
among the Romans, by which they avail themselves with profound
policy of the mistakes of others to augment and
strengthen their own empire, under the guise of granting
favours and benefiting those who commit the errors.<span class="sidenote">The object of the
Senate is to divide
and weaken
Egypt.</span> On this
principle they acted now. They saw how great
the power of the Egyptian kingdom was; and
fearing lest, if it ever chanced to obtain a competent
head, he would grow too proud, they appointed
Titus Torquatus and Gnaeus Merula to establish
Ptolemy Physcon in Cyprus, and thus to carry out their own
policy while satisfying his. These commissioners were accordingly
at once despatched with instructions to reconcile the
brothers to each other, and to secure Cyprus to the younger....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>When the Roman commissioners (see ch. 12) arrived in
Syria, and began carrying out their orders, by burning the ships
and killing the elephants, the popular fury could not be restrained;
and Gnaeus Octavius was assassinated in the gymnasium at
Laodicea by a man named Leptines. Lysias did his best to
appease the anger of the Romans, by giving Octavius honourable</i>
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">439</a></span><i>burial, and by sending an embassy to Rome to protest his
innocence. Appian</i>, Syr. 46.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b31_19" id="b31_19"><b>19.</b></a> News having come to Rome of the disaster by which
Gnaeus Octavius lost his life,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162.
The Senate pay
little attention to
Lysias&#8217;s excuses.</span>
ambassadors also
arrived from king Antiochus, sent by Lysias,
who vehemently protested that the king&#8217;s
friends had had no part in the crime. But the
Senate showed scant attention to the envoys, not wishing to
make any open declaration on the subject or to allow their
opinion to become public in any way.</p>

<p>But Demetrius was much excited by the news, and immediately
summoned Polybius to an interview,<span class="sidenote">Demetrius thinks
there is again a
chance for him.</span>
and
consulted him as to whether he should once
more bring his claims before the Senate. Polybius
advised him
&#8220;not to stumble twice on the
same stone,&#8221; but to depend upon himself and
venture something worthy of a king; and he
<span class="sidenote">Polybius advises,
&#8220;act for yourself.&#8221;</span>pointed out to him that the present state of affairs offered him
many opportunities. Demetrius understood the hint, but said
nothing at the time; but a short while afterwards consulted
Apollonius one of his intimate friends, on the same subject.
<span class="sidenote">He however again
appeals to the
Senate,</span>
This man, being simple minded and very young,
advised him to make another trial of the
Senate. &#8220;He was convinced,&#8221; he said, &#8220;that,
since it had deprived him of his kingdom without any just
excuse, it would at least release him from his position of
hostage; for it was absurd that, when the boy Antiochus had
succeeded to the kingdom in Syria, Demetrius should be a
hostage for him.&#8221; Persuaded by these arguments he once
more obtained a hearing of the Senate, and claimed to be
relieved of his obligations as a hostage, since they had decided
to secure the kingdom to Antiochus.<span class="sidenote">and is again
refused.</span>
But,
though he pleaded his cause with many arguments,
the Senate remained fixed in the same
resolve as before. And that was only what was to be expected.
For they had not, on the former occasion, adjudged
the continuance of the kingdom to the child on the ground
that the claim of Demetrius was not just, but because it was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">440</a></span>
advantageous to Rome that it should be so; and as the circumstances
remained precisely the same, it was only natural
that the policy of the Senate should remain unchanged also.</p>

<p><a name="b31_20" id="b31_20"><b>20.</b></a> Demetrius having thus delivered himself in vain of his
swan&#8217;s song, his last appeal, and becoming convinced that
Polybius had given him good advice, repented of what he had
done. But he was naturally of a lofty spirit, and possessed
sufficient daring to carry out his resolutions. He promptly
called Diodorus, who had recently arrived from Syria, to his
aid, and confided his secret purpose to him. Diodorus had
had the charge of Demetrius as a child, and was a man of
considerable adroitness, who had besides made a careful
inspection of the state of affairs in Syria. He now pointed out
to Demetrius that &#8220;The confusion caused by the murder of
Octavius,&mdash;the people mistrusting Lysias, and Lysias mistrusting
the people, while the Senate was convinced that the
lawless murder of their envoy really originated with the
king&#8217;s friends,&mdash;presented a most excellent opportunity for
his appearing on the scene: for the people there would
promptly transfer the crown to him, even though he were to
arrive attended by but one slave; while the Senate would
not venture to give any further assistance or support to Lysias
after such an abominable crime.<span class="sidenote">Demetrius resolves
to escape from
Rome, and again
consults Polybius.</span>
Finally, it was quite possible
for them to leave Rome undetected, without any
one having any idea of his intention.&#8221; This course
being resolved upon, Demetrius sent for Polybius,
and telling him what he was going to do,
begged him to lend his assistance, and to join him in contriving
to manage his escape.</p>

<p>There happened to be at Rome a certain Menyllus of
Alabanda, on a mission from the elder Ptolemy
<span class="sidenote">Menyllus of
Alabanda (in
Caria) helps him
by hiring a vessel.</span>
to confront and answer the younger before the
Senate. Between this man and Polybius there
was a strong friendship and confidence, and
Polybius therefore thought him just the man for the purpose
in hand. He accordingly introduced him with all speed to
Demetrius, and with warm expressions of regard. Being
trusted with the secret, Menyllus undertook to have the necessary
ship in readiness, and to see that everything required for the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">441</a></span>
voyage was prepared. Having found a Carthaginian vessel
anchored at the mouth of the Tiber, which had been on sacred
service, he chartered it. (These vessels are carefully selected
at Carthage, to convey the offerings sent by the Carthaginians
to their ancestral gods at Tyre.) He made no secret about
it but chartered the vessel for his own return voyage; and
therefore was able to make his arrangements for provisions also
without exciting suspicion, talking openly with the sailors and
making an appointment with them.</p>

<p><a name="b31_21" id="b31_21"><b>21.</b></a> When the shipmaster had everything ready, and nothing
remained except for Demetrius to do his part,<span class="sidenote">Preparations for
the flight.</span>
he
sent Diodorus to Syria to gather information, and
to watch the disposition of the people there.
His foster-brother Apollonius took part in this expedition;
and Demetrius also confided his secret to the two brothers
of Apollonius, Meleager and Menestheus, but to no one else
of all his suite, though that was numerous. These three
brothers were the sons of the Apollonius who occupied so
important a position at the court of Seleucus, but who had
removed to Miletus at the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes.
As the day agreed upon with the sailors approached, it was
arranged that one of his friends should give an entertainment
to serve as an excuse for Demetrius going out. For it was
impossible that he should sup at home; as it was his constant
habit, when he did so, to invite all his suite. Those who were in
the secret were to leave the house after supper and go to the
ship, taking one slave each with them; the rest they had sent
on to Anagnia,<span class="sidenote">Polybius sends a
warning to
Demetrius.</span>
saying that they would follow next
day. It happened that at this time Polybius was
ill and confined to his bed; but he was kept acquainted
with all that was going on by constant communications
from Menyllus. He was therefore exceedingly anxious, knowing
Demetrius to be fond of conviviality and full of youthful
wilfulness, lest, by the entertainment being unduly prolonged,
some difficulty should arise from over-indulgence in wine to
prevent his getting away. He therefore wrote and sealed a
small tablet; and just as it was getting dusk sent a servant of
his own, with orders to ask for Demetrius&#8217;s cupbearer and give
him the tablet, without saying who he was or from whom he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">442</a></span>
came, and to bid the cupbearer to give it to Demetrius to read
at once. His orders were carried out, and Demetrius read
the tablet, which contained the following apophthegms<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a>:&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;The ready hand bears off the sluggard&#8217;s prize.&#8221;</div>
<div class="line i04">&#8220;Night favours all, but more the daring heart.&#8221;</div>
<div class="line i04">&#8220;Be bold: front danger: strike! then lose or win,</div>
<div class="line">Care not, so you be true unto yourself.&#8221;</div>
<div class="line i04">&#8220;Cool head and wise distrust are wisdom&#8217;s sinews.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p><a name="b31_22" id="b31_22"><b>22.</b></a> As soon as Demetrius had read these lines, he understood
their purport, and from whom they came;<span class="sidenote">Demetrius takes
the hint, and the
voyage is safely
begun.</span>
and at once pretending that he felt sick, he left
the banquet escorted by his friends. Arrived
at his lodging, he sent away those of his servants
who were not suited to his purpose to Anagnia, ordering them
to take the hunting nets and hounds and meet him at Cerceii,
where it had been his constant custom to go boar hunting,
which, in fact, was the origin of his intimacy with Polybius.
He then imparted his plan to Nicanor and his immediate
friends, and urged them to share his prospects. They all consented
with enthusiasm; whereupon he bade them return to
their own lodgings, and arrange with their servants to go before
daybreak to Anagnia and meet them at Cerceii, while they got
travelling clothes and returned to him, telling their domestics
that they would join them, accompanied by Demetrius, in the
course of the next day at Cerceii. Everything having been
done in accordance with this order, he and his friends went to
Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, by night. Menyllus preceded
them and had a conversation with the sailors; telling them
that orders had arrived from the king which made it necessary
for him to remain at Rome for the present, and to send some
of the most trustworthy of his young men to his Majesty, to
inform him of what had been done about his brother. He
should not, therefore, he said, go on board himself; but the
young men who were to sail would come about midnight. The
shipmasters made no difficulty about it, as the passage money
for which they had originally bargained was in their hands;
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">443</a></span>and they had long made all their preparations for sailing, when
Demetrius and his friends arrived about the third watch.
There were altogether eight of them, besides five slaves and
three boys. Menyllus entered into conversation with them,
showed them the provisions in store for the voyage, and commended
them earnestly to the care of the shipmaster and
crew. They then went on board, and the pilot weighed anchor
and started just as day was breaking, having absolutely no
idea of the real state of the case, but believing that he was
conveying some soldiers from Menyllus to Ptolemy.</p>

<p><a name="b31_23" id="b31_23"><b>23.</b></a> At Rome, during the whole of the following day, no one
was likely to make any inquiry for Demetrius<span class="sidenote">The absence of
Demetrius is not
ascertained in
Rome until the
fourth day.</span>
or those who had gone with him. For those
of his household who stayed in the city supposed
him to have gone to Cerceii; and those
at Anagnia were expecting him to come there
too. The flight from Rome, therefore, was entirely unremarked;
until one of his slaves, having been flogged at Anagnia, ran off
to Cerceii, expecting to find Demetrius there; and not finding
him, ran back again to Rome, hoping to meet him on
the road. But as he failed to meet him anywhere, he went and
informed his friends in Rome and the members of his household
who had been left behind in his house. But it was not
until the fourth day after his start that, Demetrius being looked
for in vain, the truth was suspected.<span class="sidenote">The Senate is
summoned, but
decides not to
attempt pursuit.</span>
On the
fifth the Senate was hastily summoned to consider
the matter, when Demetrius had already
cleared the Straits of Messina. The Senate
gave up all idea of pursuit: both because they imagined that
he had got a long start on the voyage (for the wind was in his
favour), and because they foresaw that, though they might wish
to hinder him, they would be unable to do so.
<span class="sidenote">Commissioners
appointed for
Greece and Asia,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162.</span>
But some few days afterwards they appointed
Tiberius Gracchus, Lucius Lentulus, and Servilius
Glaucia as commissioners: first to inspect
the state of Greece; and, next, to cross to Asia and watch the
result of Demetrius&#8217;s attempt, and examine the policy adopted
by the other kings, and arbitrate on their controversies with
the Gauls. Such were the events in Italy this year....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">444</a></span></p>

<p>Demetrius expecting the arrival of the commissioner who
was to be sent to him....</p>

<p><a name="b31_24" id="b31_24"><b>24.</b></a> The dissoluteness of the young men in Rome had
grown to such a height,<span class="sidenote">Cato on the
growth of luxury.</span>
and broke out in such
extravagances, that there were many instances of
men purchasing a jar of Pontic salt-fish for three
hundred drachmae.<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> In reference to which Marcus Porcius
Cato once said to the people in indignation, that no better
proof could be shown of the degeneracy of the state than that
good-looking slaves<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> should fetch more than a farm, and a jar
of salt-fish more than a carter....</p>

<p><a name="b31_25" id="b31_25"><b>25.</b></a> The Rhodians, though in other respects maintaining
the dignity of their state,<span class="sidenote">The Rhodians
accept money to
pay their schoolmasters,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162.</span>
made in my opinion a
slight lapse at this period. They had received two
hundred and eighty thousand medimni of corn
from Eumenes, that its value might be invested
and the interest devoted to pay the fees of the tutors and schoolmasters
of their sons. One might accept this from friends in a case
of financial embarrassment, as one might in private life, rather
than allow children to remain uneducated for want of means;
but where means are abundant a man would rather do anything
than allow the schoolmaster&#8217;s fee to be supplied by a
joint contribution from his friends. And in proportion as a
state should hold higher notions than an individual, so ought
governments to be more jealous of their dignity than private
men, and above all a Rhodian government, considering the
wealth of the country and its high pretensions....</p>

<p><a name="b31_26" id="b31_26"><b>26.</b></a> After this the younger Ptolemy arrived in Greece with
the Roman commissioners,<span class="sidenote">Ptolemy Physcon
returning with the
commissioners,
collects mercenaries
in Greece,
but is persuaded
to disband them,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162.</span>
and began collecting
a formidable army of mercenaries, among whom
he enlisted Damasippus the Macedonian, who,
after murdering the members of the council at
Phacus, fled with his wife and children from
Macedonia, and after reaching Peraea, opposite
Rhodes, and being entertained by the people
there, determined to sail to Cyprus. But when Torquatus and his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">445</a></span>
colleagues saw that Ptolemy had collected a formidable corps of
mercenaries, they reminded him of their commission, which
was to restore him &#8220;without a war,&#8221; and at last persuaded him
to go as far as Side (in Pamphylia), and there disband his
mercenaries, give up his idea of invading Cyprus, and meet
them on the frontiers of Cyrene. Meanwhile, they said that
they would sail to Alexandria, and induce the king to consent
to their demands,<span class="sidenote">He, however, takes
about 1000 Cretans
back with him to
Africa.</span>
and would meet him on the
frontiers, bringing the other king with them. The
younger Ptolemy was persuaded by these arguments,
gave up the attack upon Cyprus, dismissed
the mercenaries, and first sailed to Crete,<span class="sidenote">ch. 18.</span> accompanied
by Damasippus and Gnaeus Merula, one of
the commissioners; and, after enlisting about a
thousand soldiers in Crete, put to sea and crossed to Libya,
landing at Apis.</p>

<p><a name="b31_27" id="b31_27"><b>27.</b></a> Meanwhile Torquatus had crossed to Alexandria and
was trying to induce the elder Ptolemy to be
reconciled to his brother,<span class="sidenote">Ptolemy Physcon
invades the
dominions of his
brother.</span>
and yield Cyprus to
him. But Ptolemy, by alternate promises and
refusals and the like, managed to waste the
time, while the younger king lay encamped with his thousand
Cretans at Apis in Libya, according to his agreement. Becoming
thoroughly irritated at receiving no intelligence, he first
sent Gnaeus Merula to Alexandria, hoping by this means to
bring Torquatus and those with him to the place of meeting.
But Merula was like the others in protracting the business:
forty days passed without a word of intelligence, and the king
was in despair. The fact was that the elder king, by using
every kind of flattery, had won the commissioners over, and
was keeping them by him, rather against their will than with it.
Moreover, at this time the younger Ptolemy was informed that
the people of Cyrene had revolted, that the cities were
conspiring with them, and that Ptolemy Sympetesis had also
taken their side. This man was an Egyptian by birth, and
had been left by the king in charge of his whole kingdom when
he was going on his journey to Rome. When the king was
informed of this, and learned presently that the Cyreneans were
encamped in the open country, afraid lest, in his desire to add<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">446</a></span>
Cyprus to his dominions, he might lose Cyrene also, he threw
everything else aside and marched towards Cyrene. When he
came to what is called the Great Slope, he found the Libyans
and Cyreneans occupying the pass. Ptolemy was alarmed at
this: but, putting half his forces on board boats, he ordered
them to sail beyond the difficult ground, and show themselves
on the rear of the enemy; while with the other half he marched
up in their front and tried to carry the pass. The Libyans being
panic-stricken at this double attack on front and rear, and
abandoning their position, Ptolemy not only got possession of
the pass, but also of Tetrapyrgia, which lay immediately below
it, in which there was an abundant supply of water. Thence
he crossed the desert in seven days, the forces under
Mochyrinus coasting along parallel to his line of march. The
Cyreneans were encamped eight thousand five hundred strong,
eight thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry: for having
satisfied themselves as to the character of Ptolemy from his
conduct at Alexandria, and seeing that his government and
policy generally were those of a tyrant rather than a king, they
could not endure the idea of becoming his subjects, but were
determined to venture everything in their desire for freedom.
And at last he was beaten....</p>

<p><a name="b31_28" id="b31_28"><b>28.</b></a> At this time Gnaeus Merula also came from Alexandria,
informing the king (Physcon) that his brother<span class="sidenote">The Roman commission
fails to
secure peace
between the
brothers.</span>
would consent to none of the proposals, but
maintained that they ought to abide by the
original agreements. On hearing this, Physcon
selected the brothers Comanus and Ptolemy<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a>
to go as ambassadors to Rome with Gnaeus, and inform the
Senate of his brother&#8217;s selfish and haughty behaviour. At the
same time the elder Ptolemy sent away Titus Torquatus also
without having attained the object of his mission. Such was
the state of things in Alexandria and Cyrene....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">447</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXXII</h2>

<p><a name="b32_1" id="b32_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">This</span> year Comanus and his brother arrived at Rome on
their mission from the younger Ptolemy,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 161. The
Senate break
off relations
with Ptolemy
Philometor, and
encourage
Ptolemy Physcon
in his claim on
Cyprus.</span>
and
Menyllus of Alabanda from the elder. Their
interview with the Senate was the occasion of
many mutual recriminations expressed with great
bitterness; and when Titus Torquatus and
Gnaeus Merula gave evidence in favour of the
younger king, and supported him with great
earnestness, the Senate voted that Menyllus
and his colleagues should leave Rome within five days, and
that the treaty of alliance with the elder Ptolemy should be
annulled; but that they should send envoys to the younger
to inform him of the decree of the Senate. Publius Apustius
and Gaius Lentulus were appointed to this service, who
immediately sailed to Cyrene, and with great despatch announced
to Physcon the decree of the Senate. Greatly
elated by this, Ptolemy began collecting mercenaries, and
devoted his whole attention and energies to the acquisition of
Cyprus. This was what was going on in Italy....</p>

<p><a name="b32_2" id="b32_2"><b>2.</b></a> Not long before this period Massanissa resolved to try
his strength with the Carthaginians.<span class="sidenote">Between the
second and third
Punic wars
Massanissa
constantly encroached
on
Carthaginian
territory. Both
sides refer to
Rome,</span>
He saw
how numerous the cities built along the lesser
Syrtis were, and noticed the excellence of the
district which they call Emporia, and he had
long been casting an envious eye upon the
revenues which those places produced. He
quickly possessed himself of the open part of
the country, because the Carthaginians were
always averse from service in the field, and were
at that time completely enervated by the long peace. But he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">448</a></span>
was unable to get possession of the towns, because they were
carefully guarded by the Carthaginians. Both parties then referring
their case to the Roman Senate, and frequent embassies
coming to Rome from both sides,<span class="sidenote">and the Romans
invariably support
Massanissa.</span>
it always happened that
the Carthaginians got the worst of it in the
judgment of the Romans, not on the merits
of the case, but because the judges were convinced
that such a decision was in their interests. For instance,
not many years before this Massanissa was himself
<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 193, cp.
Livy, 34, 62.</span>at the head of an army in pursuit of Aphther,
who had revolted from him, and asked permission
of the Carthaginians to go through this territory, which
they refused on the ground that it had nothing to do with him.
Owing, however, to the decisions given at Rome during this
period, the Carthaginians were put into such difficulties that
they not only lost the cities and territory, but had to pay
besides five hundred talents as mesne profits from the district.
And this was the origin of the present controversy.<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b32_3" id="b32_3"><b>3.</b></a> Prusias sent envoys to Rome with some Gauls to accuse
Eumenes; and Eumenes in his turn<span class="sidenote">Further complaints
against
Eumenes by
Prusias and the
Gauls. See
<b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_4">4</a>,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 161.</span>
sent his
brother Attalus to rebut the accusations. Ariarathes
sent a present of ten thousand gold
pieces, and envoys to inform the Senate of the
reception given to Tiberius Gracchus; and
generally to ask for their commands, and to
assure them that he would do anything they told him....</p>

<p><a name="b32_4" id="b32_4"><b>4.</b></a> When Menochares arrived in Antioch to visit Demetrius,
and informed the king<a name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> of the conversation<span class="sidenote">Demetrius induces
Tiberius
Gracchus to
salute him as
king.</span>
he
had had with the commission under Tiberius
Gracchus in Cappadocia, the king, thinking it a
matter of the most urgent necessity to get these
men on his side as much as he could, devoted
himself, to the exclusion of every other business, to sending<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">449</a></span>
messages to them, first to Pamphylia, and then to Rhodes,
undertaking to do everything the Romans wished; till at last
he extracted their acknowledgment of him as king. The fact
was that Tiberius was very favourably disposed to him; and,
accordingly, materially contributed to the success of his
attempt,<span class="sidenote">Surrenders the
murderer of
Octavius.</span>
and to his acquisition of the royal
power. Demetrius took advantage of this to
send envoys to Rome, taking with them a
complimentary crown, the murderer of Gnaeus Octavius, and
with them Isocrates the critic....</p>

<p><a name="b32_5" id="b32_5"><b>5.</b></a> At this time came ambassadors from Ariarathes, bringing
a complimentary present of ten thousand gold
pieces,<span class="sidenote">Ambassadors
from Ariarathes.</span>
and announcing the king&#8217;s faithful attachment
to Rome; and of this they appealed to
Tiberius and his colleagues as witnesses. Tiberius and his
colleagues confirmed their statements: whereupon the Senate
accepted the present with warm thanks, and sent back
in return presents, which with them are the most honourable
they can give&mdash;a sceptre and ivory chair. These
ambassadors were dismissed at once by the Senate before the
winter.<span class="sidenote">Attalus again in
Rome early in
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 160. Coss.
L. Anicius Gallus.
M. Cornelius
Cethegus.</span>
But after them arrived Attalus when the
new Consuls had already entered on their office;
as well as the Gauls who had accusations against
him, and whom Prusias had sent, with as many
more from Asia. After giving all a hearing,
the Senate not only acquitted Attalus of all
blame, but dismissed him with additional marks of their favour
and kindness: for their friendship for and active support of
Attalus was in the same proportion as their hostility and
opposition to king Eumenes....</p>

<p><a name="b32_6" id="b32_6"><b>6.</b></a> The ambassadors with Menochares arrived in Rome from
Demetrius, bringing the present of ten thousand
gold pieces,<span class="sidenote">Reception of the
ambassadors of
Demetrius.</span>
as well as the man who had assassinated
Gnaeus Octavius. The Senate was for a long
time doubtful what to do about these matters. Finally they received
the ambassadors and accepted the present, but declined
to receive the men who were thus brought prisoners. Yet
Demetrius had sent not only Leptines, the actual assassin of
Octavius, but Isocrates as well. The latter was a grammarian<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">450</a></span>
and public lecturer; but being by nature garrulous, boastful,
<span class="sidenote">Previous career
of Isocrates.</span>
and conceited, he gave offence even to the
Greeks, Alcaeus and his friends being accustomed
to direct their wit against him and hold
him up to ridicule in their scholastic discussions.<a name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a><span class="sidenote">His conduct in
Syria.</span> When he
arrived in Syria, he displayed contempt for the
people of the country; and not content with
lecturing on his own subjects, he took to speaking
on politics, and maintained that &#8220;Gnaeus Octavius had
been rightly served; and that the other ambassadors ought to
be put to death also, that there might be no one left to report
the matter to the Romans; and so they might be taught to
give up sending haughty injunctions and exercising unlimited
power.&#8221; By such random talk he got into this trouble.</p>

<p><a name="b32_7" id="b32_7"><b>7.</b></a> And there is a circumstance connected with both these
men that is worth recording.<span class="sidenote">The boldness of
Leptines.</span>
After assassinating
Gnaeus, Leptines immediately went openly about
Laodicea, asserting that what he had done was
just, and that it had been effected in accordance with the will
of the gods. And when Demetrius took possession of the
government, he went to the king exhorting him to have no
fear about the murder of Gnaeus, nor to adopt any measures
of severity against the Laodiceans; for that he would himself
go to Rome and convince the Senate that he had done this
deed in accordance with the will of the gods. And finally,
thanks to his entire readiness and even eagerness to go, he
was taken without chains or a guard.<span class="sidenote">Extraordinary
conduct of
Isocrates.</span>
But directly Isocrates
found himself included under this charge, he
went entirely beside himself with terror; and,
after the collar and chain were put on his neck,
he would rarely touch food, and completely neglected all
care of his body. He accordingly arrived at Rome a truly
astonishing spectacle, sufficient to convince us that nothing
can be more frightful than a man, in body and soul alike,
when once divested of his humanity. His aspect was
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">451</a></span>
beyond all measure terrifying and savage, as might be expected
in a man who had neither washed the dirt from
his body, nor pared his nails, nor cut his hair, for a year.
The wild glare and rolling of his eyes also showed such inward
horror, that any one who saw him would have rather approached
any animal in the world than him. Leptines, on the contrary,
maintained his original view: was ready to appear before the
Senate; owned plainly to all who conversed with him what he
had done; and asserted that he would meet with no severity
at the hands of the Romans. And eventually his expectation
was fully justified. <span class="sidenote">The Senate
decide to keep the
question of the
murder open.</span>
For the Senate, from
the idea, I believe, that, if it received and
punished the guilty men, the populace would
consider that full satisfaction had been taken
for the murder, refused almost outright to receive them; and
thus kept the charge in reserve, that they might have the power
of using the accusation whenever they chose. They therefore
confined their answer to Demetrius to these words: &#8220;He shall
find all favour at our hands, if he satisfy the Senate in accordance
with the obedience which he owed to it before.&#8221;...</p>

<p>There came also ambassadors from the Achaeans, headed
by Xenon and Telecles, in behalf of their accused
compatriots,<span class="sidenote">Fruitless embassy
from Achaia on
behalf of Polybius
and the other
Achaean detenus,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 160.</span>
and especially in behalf of Polybius
and Stratius; for lapse of time had now brought
an end to the majority, or at any rate to those
of any note. The ambassadors came with
instructions couched in a tone of simple entreaty,
in order to avoid anything like a contest with the Senate.
But when they had been admitted and delivered their commission
in proper terms, even this humble tone failed to gain their
end, and the Senate voted to abide by their resolve....</p>

<p><a name="b32_8" id="b32_8"><b>8.</b></a> The strongest and most honourable proof of the integrity
of Lucius Aemilius Paulus was made public<span class="sidenote">The small property
left by Aemilius
Paulus at his
death is a proof of
his disinterestedness.</span>
after his death. For the character which he
enjoyed while alive was found to be justified at
his death, than which there can be no clearer
proof of virtue. No one of his contemporaries
brought home more gold from Iberia than he; no
one captured such enormous treasures as he did in Macedonia;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">452</a></span>
and yet, though in both these countries he had the most unlimited
authority, he left so small a private fortune, that his
sons could not pay his wife&#8217;s jointure wholly from the sale of
his personalty, and were obliged to sell some of his real estate
also to do so,<span class="sidenote">See <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_35">35</a>.</span> a fact of which I have already
spoken in some detail. This forces us to acknowledge
that the fame of the men who have been admired
in Greece in this respect suffers by a comparison. For if to
abstain from appropriating money, entrusted to a man for the
benefit of the depositor, deserves our admiration,&mdash;as is said
to have happened in the case of the Athenian Aristeides and
the Theban Epaminondas,&mdash;how much more admirable is it
for a man to have been master of a whole kingdom, with
absolute authority to do with it as he chose, and yet to have
coveted nothing in it!<span class="sidenote">Polybius has the
fear of Roman
critics before his
eyes.</span> And if what I say appears incredible
to any of my readers, let them consider that the
present writer was fully aware that Romans, more
than any other people, would take his books into
their hands,&mdash;because the most splendid and
numerous achievements recorded therein belong to them; and
that with them the truth about the facts could not possibly
be unknown, nor the author of a falsehood expect any
indulgence. No one then would voluntarily expose himself to
certain disbelief and contempt. And let this be kept in mind
throughout the whole course of my work, when I seem to be
making a startling assertion about the Romans.</p>

<p><a name="b32_9" id="b32_9"><b>9.</b></a> As the course of my narrative and the events of the
time have drawn our attention to this family,<span class="sidenote">The origin of the
friendship between
Scipio Aemilianus
and Polybius.</span>
I
wish to carry out fully, for the sake of students,
what was left as a mere promise in my previous
book. I promised then that I would relate
the origin and manner of the rise and unusually early glory of
Scipio&#8217;s reputation in Rome; and also how it came about that
Polybius became so attached to and intimate with him, that the
fame of their friendship and constant companionship was not
merely confined to Italy and Greece, but became known to
more remote nations also. We have already shown that the
acquaintance began in a loan of some books and the conversation
about them. But as the intimacy went on, and the Achaean<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">453</a></span>
detenus were being distributed among the various cities, Fabius
and Scipio, the sons of Lucius Aemilius Paulus,<a name="FNanchor_194" id="FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> exerted all
their influence with the praetor that Polybius might be allowed
to remain in Rome. This was granted: and the intimacy was
becoming more and more close,<span class="sidenote">Young Scipio
opens his heart to
Polybius.</span>
when the
following incident occurred. One day, when
they were all three coming out of the house of
Fabius, it happened that Fabius left them to go to the Forum,
and that Polybius went in another direction with Scipio. As
they were walking along, in a quiet and subdued voice, and
with the blood mounting to his cheeks, Scipio said, &#8220;Why is
it, Polybius, that though I and my brother eat at the same
table, you address all your conversation and all your questions
and explanations to him, and pass me over altogether? Of
course you too have the same opinion of me as I hear the rest
of the city has. For I am considered by everybody, I hear,
to be a mild effete person, and far removed from the true
Roman character and ways, because I don&#8217;t care for pleading in
the law courts. And they say that the family I come of requires
a different kind of representative, and not the sort that I am.
That is what annoys me most.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b32_10" id="b32_10"><b>10.</b></a> Polybius was taken aback by the opening words of
the young man&#8217;s speech (for he was only
just eighteen),<span class="sidenote">Scipio Aemilianus,
b. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 185.</span>
and said, &#8220;In heaven&#8217;s name,
Scipio, don&#8217;t say such things, or take into
your head such an idea. It is not from any want of appreciation
of you, or any intention of slighting you, that I have acted
as I have done: far from it! It is merely that, your brother
being the elder, I begin and end my remarks with him, and
address my explanations and counsels to him, in the belief
that you share the same opinions. However, I am delighted
to hear you say now that you appear to yourself to be somewhat
less spirited than is becoming to members of your family:
for you show by this that you have a really high spirit, and I
should gladly devote myself to helping you to speak or act in
any way worthy of your ancestors. As for learning, to which
I see you and your brother devoting yourselves at present with
so much earnestness and zeal, you will find plenty of people
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">454</a></span>
to help you both; for I see that a large number of such
learned men from Greece are finding their way into Rome at
the present time. But as to the points which you say are just
now vexing you, I think you will not find any one more fitted
to support and assist you than myself.&#8221; While Polybius was
still speaking the young man seized his right hand with both of
his, and pressing it warmly, said, &#8220;Oh that I might see the day
on which you would devote your first attention to me, and join
your life with mine.<span class="sidenote">Polybius is somewhat
alarmed at
the responsibility.</span>
From that moment I shall think myself
worthy both of my family and my ancestors.&#8221;
Polybius was partly delighted at the sight of
the young man&#8217;s enthusiasm and affection, and
partly embarrassed by the thought of the high position of his
family and the wealth of its members. However, from the hour
of this mutual confidence the young man never left the side of
Polybius, but regarded his society as his first and dearest object.</p>

<p><a name="b32_11" id="b32_11"><b>11.</b></a> From that time forward they continually gave each
other practical proof of an affection which recalled<span class="sidenote">Scipio's high
character for
continence as a
young man.</span>
the relationship of father and son, or of
kinsmen of the same blood. The first impulse
and ambition of a noble kind with which he was
inspired was the desire to maintain a character for chastity,
and to be superior to the standard observed in that respect
among his contemporaries.<span class="sidenote">The deterioration
in Roman morals
and its causes.</span> This was a glory which, great and
difficult as it generally is, was not hard to gain
at that period in Rome, owing to the general
deterioration of morals. Some had wasted
their energies on favourite youths; others on mistresses; and
a great many on banquets enlivened with poetry and wine, and
all the extravagant expenditure which they entailed, having
quickly caught during the war with Perseus the dissoluteness
of Greek manners in this respect. And to such monstrous
lengths had this debauchery gone among the young men, that
many of them had given a talent for a young favourite. This
dissoluteness had as it were burst into flame at this period: in
the first place, from the prevalent idea that, owing to the
destruction of the Macedonian monarchy, universal dominion
was now secured to them beyond dispute; and in the second
place, from the immense difference made, both in public and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">455</a></span>
private wealth and splendour, by the importation of the riches
of Macedonia into Rome. Scipio, however, set his heart on a
different path in life; and by a steady resistance to his
appetites, and by conforming his whole conduct to a consistent
and undeviating standard, in about the first five years after
this secured a general recognition of his character for goodness
and purity.</p>

<p><a name="b32_12" id="b32_12"><b>12.</b></a> His next object was to cultivate lofty sentiments in
regard to money, and to maintain a higher standard of disinterestedness
than other people. In this respect he had an
excellent start in his association with his natural father (L.
Aemilius): but he also had good natural impulses towards the
right; and chance contributed much to his success in this
particular aim. For he first lost the mother of his adoptive
father, who was the sister of his natural father Lucius, and
wife of his adoptive grandfather, Scipio the Great. She left a
large fortune, to which he was heir, and which gave him the
first opportunity of giving a proof of his principles. Aemilia,
for that was this lady&#8217;s name, was accustomed to attend the
women&#8217;s processions in great state, as sharing the life and
high fortune of Scipio. For besides the magnificence of her
dress and carriage, the baskets, cups, and such implements for
the sacrifice, which were carried in her train,<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s liberality
to his mother.</span>
were all of silver
or gold on great occasions; and the number of
maid-servants and other domestics that made
up her train was in proportion to this splendour.
All this establishment, immediately after Aemilia&#8217;s funeral,
Scipio presented to his own mother, who had long before been
divorced by his father Lucius, and was badly off considering
the splendour of her birth.<a name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> She had therefore in previous
years refrained from taking part in grand public processions;
but now, as there chanced to be an important state sacrifice,
she appeared surrounded with all the splendour and wealth
which had once been Aemilia&#8217;s, using among other things the
same muleteers, pair of mules, and carriage. The ladies, therefore,
who saw it were much impressed by the kindness and
liberality of Scipio, and all raised their hands to heaven and
prayed for blessings upon him. This act, indeed, would be
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">456</a></span>thought honourable anywhere, but at Rome it was quite astonishing:
for there no one ever thinks of giving any of his
private property to any one if he can help it. This was the
beginning of Scipio&#8217;s reputation for nobility of character,
and it spread very widely,&mdash;for women are talkative and prone
to exaggeration whenever they feel warmly.</p>

<p><a name="b32_13" id="b32_13"><b>13.</b></a> The next instance was his conduct to the daughters
of the Great Scipio, sisters to his adoptive
father.<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a><span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s liberality
to his cousins,
sisters to his
adoptive father.</span>
When he took the inheritance he was
bound to pay them their portion. For their
father covenanted to give each of his two
daughters a marriage portion of fifty talents. Half of this their
mother paid down at once to their husbands, but left the
other half undischarged when she died. Now, the Roman
law enjoins the payment of money due to women as dowry
in three annual instalments, the personal outfit having been
first paid within ten months according to custom.<a name="FNanchor_197" id="FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> But
Scipio instructed his banker at once to pay the twenty-five
talents to each within the ten months. When, therefore,
Tiberius Gracchus and Scipio Nasica, for they were the
husbands of these ladies, called on the banker at the expiration
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">457</a></span>
of the ten months, and asked whether Scipio had given
him any instructions as to the money, he told them they
might have it at once, and proceeded to enter the transfer of
twenty-five talents to each.<a name="FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> They then said that he had made
a mistake, for they had no claim for the whole as yet, but only
took a third according to the law; and upon the banker answering
that such were his instructions from Scipio, they could not
believe him, and went to call on the young man, supposing
him to have made a mistake. And, indeed, their feelings
were natural: for at Rome, so far from paying fifty talents
three years in advance, no one will pay a single talent before
the appointed day; so excessively particular are they about
money, and so profitable do they consider time. However,
when they reached Scipio and asked him what instructions he
had given his banker, on his replying, &#8220;To pay both sisters the
whole sum due to them,&#8221; they told him he had made a mistake;
and with a show of friendly regard pointed out to him that,
according to the laws, he had the use of the money for a considerable
time longer. But Scipio replied that he was quite aware
of all that; but that close reckoning and legal exactness were
for strangers; with relations and friends he would do his best
to behave straightforwardly and liberally. He therefore bade
them draw on the banker for the whole sum. When Tiberius
and Nasica heard this they returned home in silence, quite
confounded at the magnanimity of Scipio, and condemning
themselves for meanness, though they were men of as high a
character as any at Rome.</p>

<p><a name="b32_14" id="b32_14"><b>14.</b></a> Two years afterwards, when his natural father, Lucius
Aemilius, died, and left him and<span class="sidenote">The liberality of
Scipio to his
brother and
sisters, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 160.</span>
his brother
Fabius joint heirs to his property, he did an act
honourable to himself and worthy to be recorded.
Lucius died without children in the
eyes of the law, for the two elder had been adopted into other
families, and the other sons, whom he was bringing up to be
the successors to himself and to continue his family, all died;<a name="FNanchor_199" id="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">199</a>
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">458</a></span>
he therefore left his property to these two. But Scipio, perceiving
that his brother was worse off than himself, renounced
the whole of his share of the inheritance, though the property
was valued altogether at over sixty talents, with a view of thus
putting Fabius on an equality with himself in point of wealth.
This was much talked about; but he afterwards gave a still
clearer proof of his liberality. For when his brother wished
to give some gladiatorial games in honour of his father, but
was unable to support the expense, because of the enormous
costliness of such things, Scipio contributed half of this also
from his own pocket. Now the cost of such an exhibition,
if it is done on a large scale, does not amount in all to less
than thirty talents. While the fame of his liberality to his
mother was still fresh, she died; and so far from taking back
any part of the wealth he had recently bestowed on her, of
which I have just spoken, Scipio gave it and the entire
residue of his mother&#8217;s property to his sisters,<a name="FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> though they
had no legal claim at all upon it. Accordingly his sisters
again adopted the splendour and retinue which Aemilia had
employed in the public processions; and once more the
liberality and family affection of Scipio were recalled to the
minds of the people.</p>

<p>With such recommendations dating from his earliest years,
Publius Scipio sustained the reputation for high morality and
good principles, which he had won by the expenditure of
perhaps sixty talents, for that was the sum which he bestowed
from his own property. And this reputation for goodness did
not depend so much on the amount of the money, as on
the seasonableness of the gift and the graciousness with which
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">459</a></span>it was bestowed. By his strict chastity, also, he not only
saved his purse, but by refraining from many irregular pleasures
he gained sound bodily health and a vigorous constitution,
which accompanied him through the whole of his life and
repaid him with many pleasures, and noble compensations for
the immediate pleasures from which he had formerly abstained.</p>

<p><a name="b32_15" id="b32_15"><b>15.</b></a> Courage, however, is the most important element of
character for public life in every country, but
especially in Rome:<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s physical
strength and
courage were
confirmed by the
exercise of
hunting in
Macedonia,</span>
and he therefore was bound
to give all his most serious attention to it. In this
he was well seconded by Fortune also. For as
the Macedonian kings were especially eager
about hunting, and the Macedonians devoted
the most suitable districts to the preservation of game,
these places were carefully guarded during all the war time,
as they had been before, and yet had not been hunted the
whole of the four years owing to the public disturbances: the
consequence was that they were full of every kind of animal.
But when the war was decided, Lucius Aemilius, thinking that
hunting was the best training for body and courage his young
soldiers could have, put the royal huntsmen under the charge
of Scipio, and gave him entire authority over all matters connected
with the hunting. Scipio accepted the duty, and, looking
upon himself as in a quasi-royal position, devoted his whole
time to this business, as long as the army remained in
Macedonia after the battle of Pydna.<span class="sidenote">and his taste
continued after
his return to
Rome, and was
encouraged by
Polybius.</span>
Having then ample
opportunity for following this kind of pursuit,
and being in the very prime of his youth and
naturally disposed to it, the taste for hunting
which he acquired became permanent.
Accordingly when he returned to Rome, and
found his taste supported by a corresponding
enthusiasm on the part of Polybius, the time that other young
men spent in law courts and formal visits,<a name="FNanchor_201" id="FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> haunting the Forum
and endeavouring thereby to ingratiate themselves with the
people, Scipio devoted to hunting; and, by continually displaying
brilliant and memorable acts of prowess, won a greater
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">460</a></span>
reputation than others, whose only chance of gaining credit was
by inflicting some damage on one of their fellow-citizens,&mdash;for
that was the usual result of these law proceedings. Scipio, on
the other hand, without inflicting annoyance on any one,
gained a popular reputation for manly courage, rivalling
eloquence by action. The result was that in a short time he
obtained a more decided superiority of position over his contemporaries,
than any Roman is remembered to have done;
although he struck out a path for his ambition which, with a
view to Roman customs and ideas, was quite different from
that of others.</p>

<p><a name="b32_16" id="b32_16"><b>16.</b></a> I have spoken somewhat at length on the character of
Scipio, because I thought that such a story<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s subsequent
success,
therefore, was the
natural result of
his early conduct,
and not the offspring
of chance.</span>
would be agreeable to the older, and useful to
the younger among my readers. But especially
because I wished to make what I have to tell
in my following books appear credible; that
no one may feel any difficulty because of the
apparent strangeness of what happened to this man; nor
deprive him of the credit of achievements which were the
natural consequences of his prudence, and attribute them to
Fortune and chance. I must now return from this digression
to the regular course of my history....</p>

<p><a name="b32_17" id="b32_17"><b>17.</b></a> Thearidas and Stephanus conducted a mission from
Athens and the Achaeans on the matter of the
reprisals.<span class="sidenote">The Delians having
been allowed
to leave their
island with &#8220;all
their property,&#8221;
found many occasions
of legal disputes
with the
Athenians, to
whom the island
was granted.
See <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_21">21</a>.
They remove to
Achaia, and sue
the Athenians
under the Achaean
convention.
Roman decision
against Athens.</span>
For when the Delians were ordered, in
answer to an embassy to Rome after Delos had
been granted to Athens, to depart from the island,
but to take all their goods with them, they removed
to Achaia; and having been enrolled as
citizens of the league, wished to have their claims
upon the Athenians decided, according to the
convention existing between the Achaeans and
Athens. But, on the Athenians denying that
they had any right to plead under that agreement,
the Delians demanded from the Achaeans
license to make reprisals on the Athenians.
The latter, therefore, sent an embassy to Rome
on these points, and were answered that decisions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">461</a></span>
made by the Achaeans according to their laws concerning the
Delians were to be binding....</p>

<p><br /><a name="b32_18" id="b32_18"><b>18.</b></a> The people of Issa having often sent embassies to
Rome, complaining that the Dalmatians damaged<span class="sidenote">Piracies of the
Dalmatians on
the island of Issa,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 158.</span>
their territory and the cities subject to them,&mdash;meaning
thereby Epetium and Tragyrium,&mdash;and
the Daorsi also bringing similar complaints, the
Senate sent a commission under Gaius Fannius to inspect
the state of Illyria, with special reference to the Dalmatians.
This people had been subject to Pleuratus as long as he was
alive; but when he died, and was succeeded on the throne
by Genthius, they revolted, overran the bordering territories,
and reduced the neighbouring cities, some of which even paid
them a tribute of cattle and corn. So Fannius and his colleague
started on their mission....</p>

<p><a name="b32_19" id="b32_19"><b>19.</b></a> Lyciscus the Aetolian was a factious turbulent agitator,
and directly he was killed the Aetolians<span class="sidenote">Death of
Lyciscus.</span>
from that hour lived harmoniously and at peace
with each other, simply from the removal of
one man. Such decisive influence has character in human
affairs, that we find not only armies and cities, but also
national leagues and whole divisions of the world, experiencing
the greatest miseries and the greatest blessings through the
vice or virtue of one man....</p>

<p>Though he was a man of the worst character, Lyciscus
ended his life by an honourable death; and accordingly, most
people with some reason reproach Fortune for sometimes
giving to the worst of men what is the prize of the good&mdash;an
easy death....</p>

<p><a name="b32_20" id="b32_20"><b>20.</b></a> There was a great change for the better in Aetolia
when the civil war was stopped after the death of Lyciscus;
and in Boeotia when Mnasippus of Coronea died; and similarly
in Acarnania when Chremas was got out of the way.<span class="sidenote">Death of Charops,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 157.</span>
Greece
was as though purified by the removal from
life of those accursed pests of the country.
For in the same year Charops of Epirus
chanced to die at Brundisium.<span class="sidenote">The tyranny of
Charops in Epirus after the battle of
Pydna, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168-157.</span>
Affairs in Epirus had been
still in disorder and confusion as before, owing
to the cruelty and tyranny of Charops, ever
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">462</a></span>
since the end of the war with Perseus. For
Lucius Anicius having condemned some of the
leading men in the country to death, and transported
all others to Rome against whom there was the slightest
suspicion, Charops at once got complete power to do what he
chose; and thereupon committed every possible act of cruelty,
sometimes personally, at others by the agency of his friends:
for he was quite a young man himself, and was quickly joined
by a crowd of the worst and most unprincipled persons, who
gathered round him for the sake of plunder from other people.
But what protected him and inclined people to believe that he
was acting on a fixed design, and in accordance with the will
of the Romans, was his former intimacy with them, and the support
of the old man Myrton and his son Nicanor. These two
had the character of being men of moderation and on good
terms with the Romans; but though up to that time they had
been widely removed from all suspicion of injustice, they now
gave themselves up wholly to support and share in the lawless
acts of Charops. This man, after murdering some openly in
the market-place, others in their own houses, others by sending
secret assassins to waylay them in the fields or on the
roads, and selling the property of all whom he had thus
killed, thought of another device.<span class="sidenote">He extorts money
from the rich
under threat of
exile.</span>
He put up
lists of such men and women as were rich, condemning
them to exile; and having held out
this threat, he extracted money out of them,
making the bargain himself with the men, and by the
agency of his mother Philotis with the women; for this lady
was well suited to the task, and for any act of violence was
even more helpful than could have been expected in a
woman.</p>

<p><a name="b32_21" id="b32_21"><b>21.</b></a> When he and his mother had thus got all the money
they could out of these persons,<span class="sidenote">The people of
Phoenice terrified
or cajoled into
supporting him.</span>
they none the
less caused all the proscribed to be impeached
before the people; and the majority in Phoenice,
partly from fear and partly induced by
the baits held out by Charops and his friends, condemned
all thus impeached, for being ill-disposed to Rome, to death
instead of banishment. These men, however, fled while<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">463</a></span>
Charops visited Rome, whither he went with money, and
accompanied by Myrton and Nicanor, wishing to get a seal of
approval put to his wickedness by means of the Senate.<span class="sidenote">Charops goes to
Rome, but is forbidden
by the
leading nobles to
enter their houses,</span>
On
that occasion a very honourable proof was given
of Roman principles; and a spectacle was displayed
exceedingly gratifying to the Greeks
residing in Rome, especially the detenus.
Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who was Pontifex
Maximus and Princeps Senatus, and Lucius Aemilius, the
conqueror of Perseus, a man of the highest credit and influence,
learning what had been done by Charops in Epirus,
refused to admit him into their houses. This becoming
much talked about, the foreign residents in Rome were exceedingly
rejoiced, and observed with pleasure that the
Romans discountenanced evil.<span class="sidenote">and repudiated
by the Senate.</span> And on Charops
being afterwards admitted to the Senate-house,
the Senate refused to consent to his demands,
but answered that &#8220;They would give instructions to commissioners
to examine into what had taken place.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">He suppresses
the reply of the
Senate.</span> But when
Charops returned home he entirely suppressed
this reply; and having written one to suit his
own ideas, gave out that the Romans approved
of what had been done by him....</p>

<p><a name="b32_22" id="b32_22"><b>22.</b></a> King Eumenes was entirely broken in bodily strength,
but still maintained his brilliancy of mind.<span class="sidenote">Death and character
of Eumenes,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 159.</span>
He
was a man who in most things was the equal of
any king of his time; and in those which were
the most important and honourable, was greater and more
illustrious than them all.<span class="sidenote">He raised his
kingdom to the
first rank;</span>
First, he succeeded
his father in a kingdom reduced to a
very few insignificant cities; and he raised it to
the level of the largest dynasties of his day. And it was not
chance which contributed to this, or a mere sudden catastrophe,
it was his own acuteness, indefatigable industry, and
personal labour.<span class="sidenote">was exceedingly
bountiful;</span>
Again, he was exceedingly
ambitious of establishing a good reputation,
and showed it by doing good services to a very
large number of cities, and enriching privately a great many
men. And in the third place, he had three brothers grown
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">464</a></span>
up and active, and he kept all four of them loyal to himself,
<span class="sidenote">and was loyally
served by four
brothers.</span>
and acting as guards of his person and preservers
of the kingdom: and that is a thing of which
there are very rare instances in history....</p>

<p>On succeeding his brother Eumenes on the throne,<span class="sidenote">Attalus restores
Ariarathes.</span>
Attalus
at once gave a specimen of his principles and activity
by restoring Ariarathes to his kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_202" id="FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">202</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b32_23" id="b32_23"><b>23.</b></a> When the envoys under Fannius returned from Illyria,
and reported that,<span class="sidenote">Fannius and his
colleagues roughly
treated by the
Dalmatians, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
157.</span>
so far from the Dalmatians
making any restitution to those who asserted
that they were being continually wronged by
them, they refused even to listen to the commissioners
at all, saying that they had nothing
to do with the Romans. Besides, they reported that no
lodging or entertainment of any sort had been supplied to
them; but that the very horses, which they had procured from
another city, the Dalmatians had forcibly taken from them;
and would have laid violent hands upon themselves, if they
had not yielded to necessity and retired as quietly as they
could.<span class="sidenote">The Senate decide
on declaring war
with the Dalmatians.</span>
The Senate listened attentively to the
report; they were exceedingly angry at the
disobedience and rudeness of the Dalmatians,
but their prevailing feeling was that the present time was a
suitable one for declaring war against this people for more
reasons than one. For, in the first place, the coasts of Illyria
towards Italy had been entirely neglected by them ever since
they had expelled Demetrius of Pharos; and, in the next
place, they did not wish their own citizens to become enervated
by a long-continued peace;<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168-157.</span>
for it was now the twelfth
year since the war with Perseus and the campaigns
in Macedonia. They therefore planned
that, by declaring war against the Dalmatians, they would at
once renew as it were the warlike spirit and enterprise of their
own people, and terrify the Illyrians into obedience to their
injunctions. Such were the motives of the Romans for going
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">465</a></span>
to war with the Dalmatians. But to the world at large they
gave out that they had determined on war owing to the insults
offered to their legates....</p>

<p><a name="b32_24" id="b32_24"><b>24.</b></a> King Ariarathes arrived in Rome in the course of the
summer.<a name="FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> And when Sextus Julius Caesar and<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 157. Coss.
Sext. Julius Caesar,
L. Aurelius
Orestes.</span>
his colleague had entered on their consulship,
the king visited them privately, presenting in his
personal appearance a striking picture of the
dangers with which he was surrounded.</p>

<p>Ambassadors also arrived from Demetrius, headed by
Miltiades, prepared to act in two capacities&mdash;to defend the
conduct of Demetrius in regard to Ariarathes, and to accuse
that king with the utmost bitterness. Orophernes also had
sent Timotheus and Diogenes to represent him, conveying a
crown for Rome, and charged to renew the friendship and
alliance of Cappadocia with the Romans; but, above all, to
confront Ariarathes, and both to answer his accusations and
bring their own against him. In these private interviews
Diogenes and Miltiades and their colleagues made a better
show, because they were many to one in the controversy;
besides their personal appearance was better than that of
Ariarathes, for they were at present on the winning side
and he had failed. They had also the advantage of him, in
making their statement of the case, that they were entirely
unscrupulous, and cared nothing whatever about the truth of
their words; and what they said could not be confuted,
because there was no one to take the other side. So their
lying statements easily prevailed, and they thought everything
was going as they wished....</p>

<p><a name="b32_25" id="b32_25"><b>25.</b></a> After reigning for a short time in Cappadocia
in utter contempt of the customs of his<span class="sidenote">The evil rule of
Orophernes.</span>
country, Orophernes introduced the organised
debaucheries of Ionia.<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a>...</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">466</a></span></p>

<p>It has happened to not a few, from the desire for increasing
their wealth, to lose their life along with their money. It
was from being captivated by such passions that Orophernes,
king of Cappadocia, perished and was expelled from his kingdom.
But having briefly narrated the restoration of this king
(Ariarathes), I will now bring back my narrative to its regular
course; for at present I have, to the exclusion of Greek
affairs, selected from those of Asia the events connected with
Cappadocia out of their proper order, because it was impossible
to separate the voyage of Ariarathes from Italy from
his restoration to his kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> I will therefore now go back
to the history of Greece during this period, in which a peculiar
and extraordinary affair took place in regard to the city of
Oropus, of which I will give the whole story from beginning
to end, going both backward and forward in point of time,
that I may not render the history of an episode which was
made up of separate events, and was not on the whole important,
still more insignificant and indistinct by relating it
under different years. For when an event as a whole does
not appear to readers to be worth attention, I cannot certainly
expect a student to follow its details scattered at intervals
through my history.<a name="FNanchor_206" id="FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">206</a>...</p>

<p>For the most part when things go well men generally get
on together; but in times of failure, in their annoyance at
events, they become sore and irritable with their friends. And
this is what happened to Orophernes, when his affairs began
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">467</a></span>to take a wrong turn in his relations with Theotimus,&mdash;both
indulging in mutual recriminations....</p>

<p><a name="b32_26" id="b32_26"><b>26.</b></a> Ambassadors having arrived from Epirus about this
time, sent both from those who were in actual<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 156.
Coss L. Cornelius
Lentulus, C.
Marcius Figulus
II.</span>
possession of Phoenice and from those who
been banished from it; and both parties
having made their statement in presence of
each other, the Senate answered that they would
give instructions on this point to the commissioners that were
about to be sent into Illyria with Gaius Marcius the Consul.<a name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b32_27" id="b32_27"><b>27.</b></a> After defeating Attalus, and advancing to Pergamum,
Prusias prepared a magnificent sacrifice and<span class="sidenote">Prusias, king of
Bithynia, attacks
Attalus of
Pergamum.</span>
brought it to the sacred enclosure of Asclepius,
and after offering the victims, and having
obtained favourable omens, went back into his
camp for that day; but on the next he directed his forces
against the Nicephorium, and destroyed all the temples and
sacred enclosures, and plundered all the statues of men and
the marble images of the gods. Finally he carried off the
statue of Asclepius also, an admirably executed work of
Phyromachus, and transferred it to his own country,&mdash;the
very image before which the day before he had poured
libations and offered sacrifice; desiring, it would seem,<span class="sidenote"><b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_11">11</a>.</span> that
the god might in every way be propitious and
favourable to him. I have spoken of such
proceedings before, when discoursing on Philip, as sheer
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">468</a></span>
insanity. For at one time to offer sacrifice, and endeavour to
propitiate heaven by their means, worshipping and uttering the
most earnest prayers before holy tables and altars, as Prusias
was wont to do, with bendings of the knee and effeminate
prostrations, and at the same time to violate these sacred
objects and to flout heaven by their destruction,&mdash;can we ascribe
such conduct to anything but a mind disordered and a spirit lost
to sober reason? I am sure this was the case with Prusias:
for he led his army off to Elaea, without having performed a
single act of manly courage in the course of his attempts on
Pergamum, and after treating everything human and divine
with petty and effeminate spite.<span class="sidenote">Elaea on the
Casius, the port
of Pergamum.</span>
He attempted to take Elaea,
and made some assaults upon it; but being
unable to effect anything, owing to Sosander,
the king&#8217;s foster-brother, having thrown himself
into the town with an army and repelling his assaults, he
marched off towards Thyateira. In the course of his march,
he plundered the temple of Artemis in the Holy village; and
the sacred enclosure of Apollo Cynneius at Temnus<a name="FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> likewise
he not only plundered but destroyed by fire. After these
achievements he returned home, having waged war against
the gods as well as against men. But Prusias&#8217;s infantry also
suffered severely from famine and dysentery on their return
march, so that the wrath of heaven appears to have quickly
visited him for these crimes.<a name="FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b32_28" id="b32_28"><b>28.</b></a> After his defeat by Prusias Attalus appointed his
brother Athenaeus to accompany Publius Lentulus<span class="sidenote">Attalus sends his
brother to Rome.</span>
to Rome to inform the Senate of what
had happened. At Rome they had not paid
much attention when a previous messenger named Andronicus
had come from Attalus, with news of the original invasion;
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">469</a></span>
because they suspected that Attalus wished to attack Prusias
himself, and was therefore getting up a case against him beforehand,
<span class="sidenote">Prusias had sent
his son Nicomedes
and some ambassadors
to represent
his case at Rome.</span>
and trying to prejudice him in their eyes by these
accusations;
and when Nicomedes and some
ambassadors from Prusias, headed by Antiphilus,
arrived and protested that there was not
a word of truth in the statement, the Senate
was still more incredulous of what had been
said about Prusias.<span class="sidenote">The Senate send
fresh commissioners
to investigate.</span>
But when after a time the real truth was
made known, the Senate still felt uncertain,
and sent Lucius Apuleius and Gaius Petronius
to investigate what was the state of the case in
regard to these two kings.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">470</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXXIII</h2>

<p><a name="b33_1" id="b33_1"><b>1.</b></a><a name="b33_2" id="b33_2" /> <span class="smcap">Before</span> spring this year the Senate, after hearing the report
of Publius Lentulus and his colleagues,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 155.
The Roman legate
Publius Lentulus,
and Athenaeus,
brother of Attalus,
reach Rome and
declare the truth.</span>
who had
just reached Rome from Asia, in the business
of king Prusias, called in Athenaeus also,
brother of king Attalus. The matter, however,
did not need many words: the Senate promptly
appointed Gaius Claudius Cento, Lucius Hortensius,
and Gaius Arunculeius, to accompany Athenaeus
home, with instructions to prevent Prusias from waging war
against Attalus.</p>

<p>Also Xeno of Aegium and Telecles of Tegea arrived as
ambassadors from the Achaeans in behalf of the<span class="sidenote">Another embassy
in behalf of the
Achaean detenus.</span>
Achaean detenus. After the delivery of their
speech, on the question being put to the vote,
the Senators only refused the release of the accused persons
by a very narrow majority.<span class="sidenote">It fails by the
action of the
praetor, who, by
putting the question
simply &#8220;yes&#8221;
or &#8220;no&#8221; for release,
forced the
party who were
for postponing it
to vote &#8220;no.&#8221;</span>
The man who
really prevented the release from being carried
was Aulus Postumius, who was praetor, and as
such presided in the Senate on that occasion.
Three alternatives were proposed&mdash;one for
an absolute release, another for an absolute
refusal, and a third for a postponement of the
release for the present. The largest numbers
were for the first of these three; but Postumius left out the
third, and put the two first to the vote together, release or no
release; the result was that those who were originally for the
postponement transferred their votes to the party that were
against the release, and thus gave a majority against release....</p>

<p><a name="b33_3" id="b33_3"><b>3.</b></a><a name="FNanchor_210" id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> When the ambassadors returned to Achaia with the news<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">471</a></span>
that the restoration of all the detenus had been only lost in
<span class="sidenote">The Achaeans are
encouraged to
try again.</span>
the Senate by a narrow majority, the people
becoming hopeful and elated sent Telecles of
Megalopolis and Anaxidamus on a fresh mission
at once. That was the state of things in the Peloponnese....</p>

<p><a name="b33_4" id="b33_4"><b>4.</b></a> Aristocrates, the general of the Rhodians, was in appearance
a man of mark and striking ability;<span class="sidenote">Aristocrates
proves a failure in
the war with
Crete.</span>
and
the Rhodians, judging from this, believed that
they had in him a thoroughly adequate leader
and guide in the war.<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> But they were disappointed
in their expectations: for when he came to the test of
experience, like spurious coin when brought to the furnace, he
was shown to be a man of quite a different sort. And this
was proved by actual facts....</p>

<p><a name="b33_5" id="b33_5"><b>5.</b></a> [Demetrius] offered him five hundred talents if he would
surrender Cyprus to him, with other similar advantages and
honours from himself if he would do him this service....</p>

<p>Archias, therefore, wishing to betray Cyprus to Demetrius,
and being caught in the act and led off to stand his trial,
hanged himself with one of the ropes of the awnings in the
court. For it is a true proverb that led by their desires &#8220;the
reckonings of the vain are vain.&#8221; This man, for instance,
imagining that he was going to get five hundred talents, lost
what he had already, and his life into the bargain....</p>

<p><a name="b33_6" id="b33_6"><b>6.</b></a> About this time an unexpected misfortune befell the
people of Priene. They had received a deposit<span class="sidenote">Honesty of the
people of Priene
(in Caria) in preserving
the money
deposited by
Orophernes.</span>
of four hundred talents from Orophernes when he
got possession of the kingdom; and subsequently
when Ariarathes recovered his dominion he
demanded the money of them. But they acted
like honest men, in my opinion, in declaring
that they would deliver it to no one as long as Orophernes
was alive, except to the person who deposited it with them;
while Ariarathes was thought by many to be committing a
breach of equity in demanding a deposit made by another.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">472</a></span></p>

<p>However, up to this point, one might perhaps pardon his
making the attempt, because he looked upon the money as
belonging to his own kingdom; but to push his anger and
imperious determination as much farther as he did seems
utterly unjustifiable. At the period I refer to, then, he sent
troops to pillage the territory of Priene, Attalus assisting and
urging him on from the private grudge which he entertained
towards the Prienians. After losing many slaves and cattle,
some of them being slaughtered close to the city itself, the
Prienians, unable to defend themselves, first sent an embassy
to the Rhodians, and eventually appealed for protection to
Rome....</p>

<p>But he would not listen to the proposal. So it came about
that the Prienians, who had great hopes from the possession of
so large a sum of money, found themselves entirely disappointed.
For they repaid Orophernes his deposit, and,
thanks to this same deposit, were unjustly exposed to severe
damage at the hands of Ariarathes....</p>

<p><a name="b33_7" id="b33_7"><b>7.</b></a> This year there came ambassadors also from the people of
Marseilles, who had long been suffering from the
Ligurians,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 155.
The Ligurians
harass Marseilles
and besiege
Antibes and Nice.</span>
and at that time were being closely
invested by them, while their cities of Antipolis
and Nicaea were also subjected to a siege.
They, therefore, sent ambassadors to Rome to
represent the state of things and beg for help. On their
being admitted, the Senate decided to send legates to see
personally what was going on, and to endeavour by persuasion
to correct the injurious proceedings of the barbarians....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>The peaceful mission failed, and the consul Opimius subdued
the Oxybii, a Ligurian tribe, in arms</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>154. Livy</i>, Ep. 47.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b33_8" id="b33_8"><b>8.</b></a> At the same time as the Senate despatched Opimius to
the war with the Oxybii,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 154.
Coss. Q. Opimius,
L. Postumius
Albinus.
Ptolemy Physcon
charges his
brother with inciting
a plot
against his life.</span>
Ptolemy the younger
arrived at Rome; and being admitted to the
Senate brought an accusation against his brother,
laying on him the blame of the attack against
his life. He showed the scars of his wounds,
and speaking with all the bitterness which
they seemed to suggest, moved his hearers
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">473</a></span>
to pity him; and when Neolaidas and
Andromachus also came on behalf of the elder
<span class="sidenote">The Senate refuses
to hear the ambassadors
of
Ptolemy
Philometor,</span>Ptolemy, to answer the charges brought by his
brother, the Senate refused even to listen to
their pleas, having been entirely prepossessed by
the accusations of the younger.
They commanded them to
leave Rome at once; while they assigned five
commissioners to the younger, headed by
<span class="sidenote">and send commissioners
to
restore Physcon
to Cyprus.</span>Gnaeus Merula and Lucius Thermus, with a
quinquereme for each commissioner, and
ordered them to restore Ptolemy (Physcon) to Cyprus; and
at the same time sent a circular to their allies in Greece and
Asia, granting permission to them to assist in the restoration
of Ptolemy....</p>

<p><a name="b33_9" id="b33_9"><b>9.</b></a> When the commissioners under Hortensius and
Arunculeius returned from Pergamum,<span class="sidenote">Prusias having
refused obedience
to the former
commission (see
<i>supra</i>, ch. 1), a
new commission
is sent out with
peremptory
orders.</span>
and reported
Prusias&#8217;s disregard of the orders of the
Senate; and how by an act of treachery he had
besieged them and Attalus in Pergamum,<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> and
had given rein to every kind of violence and
lawlessness: the Senate, enraged and offended
at what had happened, immediately appointed
ten commissioners, headed by Lucius Anicius,
Gaius Fannius, and Quintus Fabius Maximus, and sent them
out with instructions to put an end to the war, and compel
Prusias to indemnify Attalus for the injuries received by him
during the war....</p>

<p><a name="b33_10" id="b33_10"><b>10.</b></a> On the complaint of the ambassadors of Marseilles as
to their injuries sustained at the hands of the
Ligurians,<span class="sidenote">The Ligurians
prevent the commissioners
from
landing, and
wound Flaminius
who had already
landed, and drive
him to his ship.</span>
the Senate at once appointed a
commission, consisting of Flaminius, Popilius
Laenas, and Lucius Pupius, who sailed with the
envoys of Marseilles, and landed in the territory
of the Oxybii at the town of Aegitna. The
Ligurians, hearing that they were come to bid
them raise the siege, descended upon them as they lay at anchor,
and prevented the rest from disembarking; but finding Flaminius
already disembarked and his baggage landed, they began by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">474</a></span>
ordering him to leave the country, and on his refusal they began
to plunder his baggage. His slaves and freedmen resisting this,
and trying to prevent them, they began to use violence and
attacked them with their weapons. When Flaminius came to
the rescue of his men they wounded him, and killed two of
his servants, and chased the rest down to their ship, so that
Flaminius only escaped with his life by cutting away the hawsers
and anchors.<span class="sidenote">War ordered with
the Oxybii and
Deciatae, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 154.</span>
He was conveyed to Marseilles and his wound
attended to with all possible care; but when the
Senate was informed of the transaction, it immediately
ordered one of the consuls, Quintus
Opimius, to lead an army against the Oxybii and Deciatae.<a name="FNanchor_213" id="FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">213</a></p>

<p><a name="b33_11" id="b33_11"><b>11.</b></a> Having collected his army at Placentia, Quintus
Opimius marched over the Apennines<span class="sidenote">Opimius orders
his soldiers to join
at Placentia, and
marches into Gaul,</span>
and
arrived in the territory of the Oxybii; and, pitching
his camp on the river Apro, awaited the
enemy, being informed that they were mustering
their forces and were eager to give him battle.
Meanwhile,
he advanced to Aegitna, where the ambassadors
<span class="sidenote">takes Aegitna,</span>had been outraged, took the city by assault, and
sold its inhabitants as slaves, sending the ringleaders in the
outrage to Rome in chains. Having done this, he went to
meet the enemy. The Oxybii, convinced that their violence
to the ambassadors admitted of no terms being granted them,
with all the courage of desperation, and excited to the highest
pitch of furious enthusiasm, did not wait to be joined
by the Deciatae, but, having collected to the number of about
four thousand,<span class="sidenote">and defeats the
Oxybii and
Deciatae.</span>
rushed to the attack upon their
enemy. Quintus was somewhat dismayed at
the boldness of their attack, and at the
desperate fury of the barbarians; but was encouraged by
observing that the enemy were advancing in complete
disorder, for he was an experienced soldier and a man
of great natural sagacity. He therefore drew out his men,
and, after a suitable harangue, advanced at a slow pace
towards the enemy. His charge was delivered with great
vigour: he quickly repulsed the enemy, killed a great many of
them, and forced the rest into headlong flight. Meanwhile,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">475</a></span>
the Deciatae had mustered their forces, and appeared on the
ground intending to fight side by side with the Oxybii; but
finding themselves too late for the battle, they received the
fugitives in their ranks, and after a short time charged the
Romans with great fury and enthusiasm; but being worsted in
the engagement, they immediately all surrendered themselves
and their city at discretion to the Romans. Having thus become
masters of these tribes, Opimius delivered over their territory
on the spot to the people of Marseilles, and for the future forced
the Ligurians to give hostages at certain fixed intervals to the
Marsilians. He then deprived the tribes that had fought with
them of their arms,<span class="sidenote">Opimius winters
in Gaul,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 154-153.</span>
and divided his army among
the cities there for the winter, and himself took
up his winter quarters in the country. Thus
the war had a conclusion as rapid as its commencement....</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b33_12" id="b33_12"><b>12.</b></a> All the previous winter Attalus had been busy collecting
a large army, Ariarathes and Mithridates having<span class="sidenote">The commissioners
visit
Attalus and
Prusias early in
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 154.</span>
sent him a force of cavalry and infantry, in
accordance with the terms of their alliance with
him. While he was still engaged in these preparations
the ten commissioners arrived from
Rome: who, after meeting and conferring with him at Cadi
about the business, started to visit Prusias, to whom on meeting
him they explained the orders of the Senate in terms of
serious warning. Prusias at once yielded to some of the
injunctions, but refused to submit to the greater part. The
Romans grew angry,<span class="sidenote">Prusias will not
yield till too late.</span>
renounced his friendship
and alliance, and one and all started to return
to Attalus. Thereupon Prusias repented; followed
them a certain distance with vehement entreaties; but,
failing to gain any concession, left them in a state of great
doubt and embarrassment.<span class="sidenote">The Romans
promote a combination
against
Prusias.</span>
The Romans, on their return to
Attalus, bade him station himself with his army
on his own frontier, and not to begin the war
himself, but to provide for the security of the
towns and villages in his territory: while they
divided themselves, one party sailing home with all speed to
announce to the Senate the disobedience of Prusias; another<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">476</a></span>
departing for Ionia; and a third to the Hellespont and the
ports about Byzantium, all with one and the same purpose
namely, to detach the inhabitants from friendship and alliance
with Prusias, and to persuade them to adhere to Attalus and
assist him to the best of their power....</p>

<p><a name="b33_13" id="b33_13"><b>13.</b></a> At the same time Athenaeus set sail with eighty
decked ships, of which five were quadriremes<span class="sidenote">Summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
154. Attalus&#8217;s
brother
Athenaeus
harasses the
coast of Prusias&#8217;s
kingdom.</span>
sent by the Rhodians for the Cretan war, twenty
from Cyzicus, twenty-seven Attalus&#8217;s own, and
the rest contributed by the other allies. Having
sailed to the Hellespont, and reached the cities
subject to Prusias, he made frequent descents
upon the coast, and greatly harassed the country. But when
the Senate heard the report of the commissioners who had
returned from Prusias, they immediately despatched three
new ones, Appius Claudius, Lucius Oppius, and Aulus Postumius:
who, on arriving in Asia, put an end to the war by
bringing the two kings to make peace, on condition of Prusias
at once handing over to Attalus twenty decked ships, and
paying him five hundred talents in twenty years, both retaining
the territory which they had at the commencement of the
war. Farther, that Prusias should make good the damage
done to the inhabitants of Methymna, Aegae, Cymae, Heracleia,
by a payment of a hundred talents to those towns.
The treaty having been drawn out in writing on those terms,
Attalus withdrew his army and navy to his own country. Such
are the particulars of the events which took place in the
quarrel between Attalus and Prusias....</p>

<p><a name="b33_14" id="b33_14"><b>14.</b></a><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 153.
Another fruitless
embassy from
Achaia.</span>
An embassy again coming to Rome from
Achaia in behalf of the detenus, the Senate
voted to make no change....</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b33_15" id="b33_15"><b>15.</b></a><span class="sidenote">Heracleides
brings to Rome
Laodice, daughter
of Antiochus
Epiphanes, and
his supposed son
Alexander Balas.</span>
Heracleides came to Rome in the
middle of summer, bringing Laodice and Alexander,
and stayed there a long time, employing
all the arts of cunning and corruption to win
the support of the Senate....</p>

<p>Astymedes of Rhodes being appointed ambassador and
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">477</a></span>
navarch at the same time, came forward immediately and
addressed the Senate on the war with Crete.
<span class="sidenote">The quarrel of
Rhodes and
Crete.</span>
The Senate listened with attention, and immediately
appointed Quintus at the head of a
commission to put an end to the war....</p>

<p><a name="b33_16" id="b33_16"><b>16.</b></a> This year the Cretans sent Antiphatas, son of Telamnestus
of Gortyn, with envoys to the Achaeans asking
for help,<span class="sidenote">The Achaeans
decline to help
either Rhodes or
Crete,</span>
and the Rhodians sent Theophanes
with a similar mission. The Congress of the
Achaeans was that year at Corinth: and on each
body of ambassadors pleading their respective causes,
the
assembled people were more inclined towards
the Rhodians, from respect to the reputation of
<span class="sidenote">although inclined
to support
Rhodes.</span>
their state, and the general character of their
policy and statesmen. When Antiphatas saw this, he wished
to come forward to make another speech; and, having obtained
permission from the Strategus to do so, he spoke in weightier
and more exalted terms than might be expected from a Cretan;
for, in fact, the young man was in no way of the ordinary
Cretan type, but had shunned the characteristic principles of
his countrymen. Accordingly the Achaeans received his plain
speaking with favour; and still more for the sake of his father
Telamnestus, who had taken a spirited part with them at the
head of five hundred Cretans in their war against Nabis.
However, none the less for that, after listening to him they
were still inclined to aid the Rhodians, until Callicrates
of Leontium stood up and said that they ought not to go to
war in favour of either, or to send aid to either of the two
peoples without the consent of the Romans. This argument
decided them in favour of non-intervention....</p>

<p><a name="b33_17" id="b33_17"><b>17.</b></a> Dispirited with the course things were taking, the
Rhodians entered upon some measures and designs which were
strange and unreasonable. In fact, they were much in the
same state as men suffering from chronic diseases. It
frequently happens that such men, when, in spite of following
all the rules of medicine and obeying the prescriptions of the
doctors, they are unable to make any advance towards improvement,
give up all such efforts in despair, and either listen
wholly to priests and seers, or try every sort of charm or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">478</a></span>
amulet. So it was with the Rhodians. When their hopes
were baffled in every direction, they were reduced to listen to
every kind of suggestion, and to magnify and accept every
kind of chance. Nor was this unnatural. For when nothing
dictated by reason proves successful, and yet some action or
another must necessarily be pushed on, there is no alternative
but to try something which does not depend on reason. The
Rhodians, having come to this dilemma, acted accordingly;
and, among other things that were in defiance of reason, reelected
as their archon a man of whom they disapproved....</p>

<p><a name="b33_18" id="b33_18"><b>18.</b></a> Many different embassies having come to Rome,
the Senate admitted Attalus,<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a><span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 152. Visit
of the young
Attalus, son of
the late king
Eumenes.</span>
son of king
Eumenes I. For he had arrived at Rome at
this time, still quite a young boy, to be introduced
to the Senate, and to renew in his
person the ancestral friendship and connexion
with the Romans. After a kindly reception by the Senate and
his father&#8217;s friends, and after receiving the answer which he
desired, and such honours as suited his time of life, he returned
to his native land, meeting with a warm and liberal reception
in all the Greek cities through which he passed on his return
journey.<span class="sidenote">Demetrius, son of
Ariarathes VI.</span>
Demetrius also came at this time, and,
after receiving a fairly good reception for a boy,
returned home.</p>

<p>Then Heracleides entered the Senate, bringing Laodice and
Alexander with him.<span class="sidenote">Laodice and
Alexander Balas.
See ch. <a href="#b33_15">15</a>.</span>
The youthful Alexander
first addressed the Senate, and begged the
Romans &#8220;to remember their friendship and
alliance with his father Antiochus, and if possible to assist
him to recover his kingdom; or if they could not do that, at
least to give him leave to return home, and not to hinder
those who wished to assist him in recovering his ancestral
crown.&#8221; Heracleides then took up the word, and, after
delivering a lengthy encomium on Antiochus, came to the
same point, namely, that they ought in justice to grant the
young prince and Laodice leave to return and claim their own,
as they were the true-born children of Antiochus. Sober
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">479</a></span>-minded people were not all attracted by any of these arguments.
They understood the meaning of this theatrical
exhibition, and made no secret of their distaste for Heracleides.
But the majority had fallen under the spell of Heracleides&#8217;s
cunning, and were induced to pass the following decree:
<span class="sidenote">The Senate&#8217;s
decree in favour
of Alexander and
Laodice.</span>
&#8220;Alexander and Laodice, children of a king,
our friend and ally, appeared before the Senate
and stated their case; and the Senate gave them
authority to return to the kingdom of their forefathers;
and help, in accordance with their request, is hereby
decreed to them.&#8221; Seizing on this pretext, Heracleides immediately
began hiring mercenaries, and calling on some men of
high position to assist him. He accordingly went to Ephesus
and devoted himself to the preparations for his attempt.<a name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">215</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b33_19" id="b33_19"><b>19.</b></a> Demetrius, who, when residing as a hostage at Rome,
had fled and become king in Syria,<span class="sidenote">Demetrius&#8217;s
intemperance.</span>
was a man
so much addicted to drunkenness that he spent
the greater part of the day in drinking....</p>

<p><a name="b33_20" id="b33_20"><b>20.</b></a> When once the multitude feel the impulse to violent
love or hatred of any one, any pretext is good enough for
indulging their feelings....</p>

<p>However, I am afraid I may fall under the common
dilemma, &#8220;Which is the greater fool, the man who milks a
he-goat, or the man who holds a sieve to catch the milk?&#8221;
For I seem to be doing something of this sort in arguing and
writing an essay on what every one acknowledges to be false.
It is, then, waste time to speak of such things, unless one cares
to write down dreams, or look at dreams with one&#8217;s eyes
open....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">480</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXXIV</h2>

<h3>GEOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS</h3>

<p><i>Polybius devoted one book of his history to a separate treatise
on the geography of the continents. Strabo, 9, 1, 1.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b34_1" id="b34_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">In</span> their Greek histories Eudoxus gave a good, but Ephorus
the best, account of the foundations, blood connexions,
migrations, and founders of states; but I shall now give
some information on the position of countries and their distances,
which are the subjects most properly belonging to the
science of Geography....</p>

<p><a name="b34_2" id="b34_2"><b>2.</b></a> It is not Homer&#8217;s manner to indulge in mere mythological
stories founded on no substratum of truth.<span class="sidenote">Homer true to
nature.</span>
For
there is no surer way of giving an air of verisimilitude
to fiction than to mix with it some particles of truth. And
this is the case with the tale of the wanderings of Odysseus....</p>

<p>For instance, Aeolus, who taught the way of getting through
the straits, where there are currents setting both ways, and the
passage is rendered difficult by the indraught of the sea, came
to be called and regarded as the dispenser and king of the winds;
just as Danaus, again, who discovered the storages of water in
Argos, and Atreus, who discovered the fact of the sun&#8217;s revolution
being in the opposite direction to that of the heaven, were
called seers and priest-kings. So the priests of the Egyptians,
the Chaldeans, and the Magi, being superior to the rest of the
world in wisdom, obtained rule and honour in former generations.
And on this principle, too, each one of the gods is
honoured as the inventor of something useful to man. I do
not allow therefore that Aeolus is wholly mythical, nor the
wanderings of Odysseus generally. Some mythical elements
have been undoubtedly added, as they have in the War of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">481</a></span>
Ilium; but the general account of Sicily given by the poet
agrees with that of other historians who have given topographical
details of Italy and Sicily. I cannot agree therefore
with the remark of Eratosthenes that &#8220;we shall discover
where Odysseus wandered, when we find the cobbler who
sewed up the leather bag of the winds.&#8221; See for instance how
Homer&#8217;s description of Scylla agrees with what really happens
at the Scyllaean rock, and the taking of the sword fish:<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line i04">&#8220;And there she fishes, roaming round the rock,</div>
<div class="line">For dog-fish and for dolphins, or what else</div>
<div class="line">Of huger she may take that swims the sea.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>For the fact is that tunnies swimming in great shoals along the
Italian coast, if they are drifted from their course and are prevented
from reaching Sicily, fall a prey to the larger fish, such
as dolphins, dog-fish, or other marine monsters; and from
hunting these the sword-fish (called also xiphiae, or sometimes
sea-dogs) are fattened. The same thing happens at a rise of
the Nile, and other rivers, as in the case of a fire or a burning
forest; the animals crowd together, and, in their effort to escape
the fire or the water, fall a prey to stronger animals.</p>

<p><a name="b34_3" id="b34_3"><b>3.</b></a> Fishing for sword-fish at the Scyllaean rock is carried on
in this way. A number of men lie in wait,<span class="sidenote">Fishing for
sword-fish.</span>
two
each in small two-oared boats, and one man is
set to look out for them all. In the boat one
man rows, while the other stands on the prow holding a spear.
When the look-out man signals the appearance of a sword-fish
(for the animal swims with one-third of its body above water),
the boat rows up to it, and the man with the spear strikes it at
close quarters, and then pulls the spear-shaft away leaving the
harpoon in the fish&#8217;s body; for it is barbed and loosely fastened
to the shaft on purpose, and has a long rope attached to it.
They then slacken the rope for the wounded fish, until it is
wearied out with its convulsive struggles and attempts to
escape, and then they haul it on to land, or, if its size is not too
great, into the boat. And if the spear-shaft falls into the sea it
is not lost; for being made of two pieces, one oak and the
other pine, the oak end as the heavier dips under water, the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">482</a></span>other end rises above it and is easily got hold of. But sometimes
it happens that the man rowing is wounded, right through
the boat, by the immense size of the animal&#8217;s sword; for it
charges like a boar, and hunting the one is very like hunting
the other.</p>

<p>This would lead us to conjecture that the wandering
described by Homer was near Sicily, because he has assigned
to Scylla the kind of fishing which is indigenous to the
Scyllaean rock; and because what he says of Charybdis
correctly describes what does happen in the Straits. But the</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line">&#8220;Thrice sends she up the darksome tide,&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p><span class="sidenote">Island of Meninx,
off the lesser
Syrtis. See <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a>.</span>
instead of twice &#8220;a day,&#8221; is an error to be
ascribed to the copyist or the geographer.<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> So
also Meninx answers to his description of the
Lotophagi.</p>

<p><a name="b34_4" id="b34_4"><b>4.</b></a> Or if there are some points which do not answer, we
must lay the blame on ignorance or poetic licence, which uses
real history, picturesque detail, and mythological allusion. The
object of history is truth, as when in the catalogue of ships the
poet describes the features of the several localities, calling one
city &#8220;rocky,&#8221; another &#8220;frontier-placed,&#8221; another &#8220;with wealth
of doves,&#8221; or &#8220;hard by the sea.&#8221; But the object of picturesque
detail is vividness, as when he introduces men fighting; and
that of mythological allusion is to give pleasure or rouse wonder.
But a narrative wholly fictitious creates no illusion and is not
Homeric. For all look upon his poetry as a philosophical
work; and Eratosthenes is wrong in bidding us not judge his
poems with a view to having any serious meaning, or to seek
for history in them.</p>

<p>It is better, again, to take the line<a name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">218</a></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="line">&#8220;Thence for nine days the foul winds drave us on,&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>to mean that he made but a short distance&mdash;for foul winds do
not favour a straight course&mdash;than to imagine him to have got
into the open ocean as running before favouring winds. The
distance from Malea to the Pillars is twenty-two thousand five
hundred stades. If we suppose this to have been accomplished
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">483</a></span>at an even speed in the nine days, he would make two
thousand five hundred stades a day. Now, who has ever
asserted that any one made the voyage from Lycia or Rhodes
to Alexandria in four days, a distance of four thousand
stades?</p>

<p>To those who ask how it was that Odysseus, though he
came to Sicily three times, never once went through the straits,
I answer that all subsequent sailors avoided that passage
also....</p>

<p><a name="b34_5" id="b34_5"><b>5.</b></a> In treating of the geography of Europe I shall say
nothing of the ancient geographers, but shall confine my
attention to their modern critics, Dicaearchus, Eratosthenes,
who is the most recent writer on geography, and Pytheas, who
has misled many readers by professing to have traversed on
foot the whole of Britain, the coastline of which island, he
says, is more than forty thousand stades. And again by his
stories of Thule and the countries in its neighbourhood, &#8220;in
which,&#8221; he says, &#8220;there is neither unmixed land or sea or air,
but a kind of compound of all three (like the jellyfish or Pulmo
Marinus), in which earth and sea and everything else are held
in suspense, and which forms a kind of connecting link to the
whole, through which one can neither walk nor sail.&#8221; This
substance, which he says is like the Pulmo Marinus, he saw
with his own eyes, the rest he learnt by report. Such
is Pytheas&#8217;s story, and he adds that, on his return thence,
<span class="sidenote">Cadiz to the Don.</span> he traversed the whole of the coast of Europe
from Gades to the Tanais. But we cannot
believe that a private person, who was also a poor man, should
have made such immense journeys by land and sea. Even
Eratosthenes doubted this part of his story, though he believed
what he said about Britain, and Gades, and Iberia. I would
much rather believe the Messenian (Euhemerus) than him.
The latter is content with saying that he sailed to one country
which he calls Panchaia;<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> while the former asserts that he has
actually seen the whole northern coast of Europe up to the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">484</a></span>very verge of the world, which one would hardly believe of
Hermes himself if he said it. Eratosthenes calls Euhemerus
a Bergaean,<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> yet believes Pytheas, though Dicaearchus himself
did not.<a name="FNanchor_221" id="FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">221</a>... Eratosthenes and Dicaearchus give mere
popular guesses as to distances.</p>

<p><a name="b34_6" id="b34_6"><b>6.</b></a> For instance, Dicaearchus says that the distance from
the Peloponnese to the Pillars is ten thousand stades
and still further to the head of the Adriatic; and from
the Peloponnesus to the Sicilian straits three thousand;
and therefore the remainder, from the Straits to the Pillars,
is seven thousand stades. I say nothing about the three
thousand stades, whether they are right or wrong; but
the seven thousand cannot be made out, whether you measure
along the coast or straight across the sea. The coast route is
a kind of obtuse angle, contained by two lines resting on the
straits and the pillars respectively; so that we have a triangle,
of which the apex is Narbo, and the base the straight line
representing the course by the open sea; of the two sides of
the triangle which contain the obtuse angle, that which extends
from the straits to Narbo is more than eleven thousand two
hundred stades, the other from Narbo to the Pillars is a little
under eight thousand. The longest distance from Europe to
Libya across the Tuscan sea is allowed to be not more than
three thousand stades, that by the Sardinian sea is somewhat
less; but let us call it three thousand stades. Now
suppose a perpendicular let down through the gulf of Narbo
to the base of the triangle, that is to the straight sea-course,
measuring two thousand stades; it requires only a
schoolboy&#8217;s geometry to prove that the coasting voyage is
longer than the direct sea voyage by nearly five hundred
stades.<a name="FNanchor_222" id="FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">222</a> And when the three thousand stades from the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">485</a></span>Peloponnese to the straits are added, the whole number of the stades
even of the straight sea course will be more than double Dicaearchus&#8217;s
reckoning. And if we measure to the head of the Adriatic we must add
still more by his own admission; that is to say, from the Peloponnese to
Leucas is seven hundred stades, from Leucas to Corcyra seven hundred,
from Corcyra to Ceraunia seven hundred, and from Ceraunia along the
Illyrian coast six thousand one hundred and fifty.<a name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a></p>

<p>In talking such nonsense he might well be regarded as having gone beyond
even Antiphanes of Berga, and, in fact, to have left no folly for his
successors to commit....</p>

<p><a name="b34_7" id="b34_7"><b>7.</b></a> From Ithaca to Corcyra is more than nine hundred stades; from
Epidamnus to Thessalonica more than two thousand. From Marseilles to the
Pillars is more than nine thousand; from the Pyrenees, rather less than
eight thousand.... The Pagus from source to mouth is eight thousand, not
following its windings, but taking a direct line.... Eratosthenes is
quite ignorant of the geography of Iberia, and sometimes makes
statements about it entirely contradictory. He says, for instance, that
its western coast as far as Gades is inhabited by Gauls, since the whole
western side of Europe, as far south as Gades, is occupied by that
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">486</a></span>
people: and then, quite forgetting he has said this, when
taking a survey of the whole of Spain, he nowhere mentions
the Gauls.... The length of Europe is less than that of
Libya and Asia put together by the distance between the sunrise
in summer and at the point of the equinox; for the source of
the Tanais is at the former, and the Pillars are at the western
equinox, and between them lies Europe, while Asia occupies
the northern semicircle between the Tanais and equinoctial
sunrise....</p>

<p>Southern Europe is divided into five peninsulas&mdash;Iberia;
Italy; a third ending in the Capes Malea<span class="sidenote">Polybius&#8217;s fivefold
division of the
European peninsulas,
as opposed
to the threefold
division of Eratosthenes.</span>
and
Sunium, in which are included Greece and
Illyria, and a part of Thrace; a fourth called
the Thracian Chersonese, bounded by the
strait between Sestos and Abydos; and a fifth
along the Cimmerian Bosphorus and the entrance
to the Maeotis....</p>

<p><a name="b34_8" id="b34_8"><b>8.</b></a> In the sea off Lusitania acorn-bearing oaks grow, upon
which the tunnies feed and fatten themselves, which may, therefore,
well be called sea-hogs, as they feed like hogs on acorns....</p>

<p>These acorns are sometimes carried by the tide as far as
the coast of Latium, unless they may be thought to be the
produce of Sardinia or neighbouring islands....</p>

<p>In Lusitania both animals and man are extraordinarily
productive, owing to the excellent temperature of the air; the
fruits never wither; there is not more than three months in
the year in which roses, white violets (or gilly-flowers), and
asparagus do not grow; while the fish caught in its sea is
far superior to what is found in our waters for quantity, quality,
and beauty. There, too, a Sicilian medimnus of barley is
sold for a drachma, and one of wheat for nine Alexandrine
obols. A metreta of wine costs a drachma, and a good kid
or hare an obol, and a lamb from three to four obols; a fat
pig weighing a hundred minae costs five drachmae, and a
sheep two. A talent of figs is sold for three obols, a calf
for five drachmae, a draught-ox for ten. The flesh of wild
animals is not thought worth fixing a price upon at all, but the
people give it to each other for nothing and as a present.<a name="FNanchor_224" id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">224</a>...</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">487</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b34_9" id="b34_9"><b>9.</b></a> The Turduli live on the immediate north<span class="sidenote">Tribes in Baetica.</span>
of the Turdetani....</p>

<p>The fertility of their country has had a civilising influence
on the Turditani and on their Celtic kinsfolk, and taught
them the art of social life....</p>

<p>The Pillars are at either side of the straits....</p>

<p>There is a fountain in the Heracleum at Gades, the water
of which is sweet and is reached by steps.<span class="sidenote">A tidal spring at
Gades.</span>
This fountain has a tide which rises and falls
exactly in the reverse order of the sea tide.
When it is high tide at sea it is low tide in the fountain, and
high in the fountain when it is low at sea. The explanation
of this is that the wind, which rises from the bowels of the
earth to the surface, is prevented from finding its natural
egress when the earth is covered with water at the rise of the
tide, and being thus turned back into the interior of the earth,
it stops up the underground channels of the fountain and
produces a deficiency of water; but when the earth is again
uncovered, the wind having once more found an easy egress,
sets the veins of the fountain free again, and the water spurts
up freely....</p>

<p>There are very large silver mines about twenty stades
from New Carthage, extending to a circuit of
four hundred stades,<span class="sidenote">The process of
producing silver
in the mines near
New Carthage.</span>
in which forty thousand
men are continually employed, who produce
for the benefit of the Roman people twenty-five
thousand drachmae a day. It would take too long to
describe the whole process of working them, but I may mention
that the alluvial soil containing the silver ore is first
broken up, and sifted in sieves held in water; that then the
deposit is again broken, and being again filtered with running<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">488</a></span>
water, is broken a third time. This is done five times; the
fifth deposit is smelted, and, the lead having been run off,
pure silver remains....</p>

<p>The<span class="sidenote">The Guadiana
and Guadalquivir.</span>
Anas and Baetis both flow from Celtiberia,
their streams being about nine hundred
stades apart....</p>

<p>Among other cities of the Vaccaei and Celtiberians are
Segesama and Intercatia....</p>

<p>One of the Iberian kings had such a magnificent and
richly furnished palace,<span class="sidenote">Homer, <i>Odyss.</i>
8, 248.</span>
that he rivalled the
luxury of the Phaeacians, except that the vessels
standing in the interior of the house, though
made of gold and silver, were full of barley-wine....</p>

<p><a name="b34_10" id="b34_10"><b>10.</b></a> From the Pyrenees to the river Narbo the country is
flat; and through it flow the Illeberis and Ruscinus,<span class="sidenote">River Aude.
The Tech and
the Ruscino or
Tet.</span>
past some cities of the same name inhabited
by Celts. In this plain there are found
what are called underground fish. The soil is
light, and produces a quantity of grass called <i>agrostis</i>; and below
this soil the earth is sandy for a depth of two or three cubits,
through which the overflow of the river percolates; and with
this water, as it makes its way, the fish also get below the soil
to feed, for they are exceedingly fond of the root of the
<i>agrostis</i>, and have thus made the whole plain full of subterranean
fish, which people dig up and
take....</p>

<p><span class="sidenote">A mistake of
Timaeus as to
the Rhone.</span>The Rhone has not five, but two mouths....<br /><br /><br /></p>

<p>The Liger discharges itself between the Pict&#335;nes and Namnitae.
<span class="sidenote">The Loire between
Poitou and
Nantes. Coiron.</span>
There was in ancient times an emporium
on this river called Corbilo, but none of its inhabitants,
nor those of Massalia or Narbo, could
give Scipio<a name="FNanchor_225" id="FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">225</a> any information worth mentioning on the subject
<span class="sidenote">Britain is quite
unknown to the
southern Gauls.</span>
of Britain when questioned by him, though
they were the most important cities in that part
of the country; and yet Pytheas has ventured
on all those stories about it....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">489</a></span></p>

<p>An animal is produced on the Alps of a peculiar form; its
shape is that of a stag except its neck and coat,<span class="sidenote">The Elk.</span>
which resemble that of a he-goat. Beneath its
chin it has an excrescence about a span long, hairy at the end,
about as thick as a colt&#8217;s tail....</p>

<p>Near Aquileia, in the territory of the Noric Taurisci, in my
own time a gold mine was discovered,<span class="sidenote">A gold mine near
Aquileia.</span>
so easy to
work, that by scraping away the surface soil for
two feet, gold could be found immediately. The
seam of gold was not more than fifteen feet; some of it was
found unmixed with alloy in nuggets of the size of a bean or
lupine, only an eighth of it disappearing in the furnace; and
some wanted more elaborate smelting, but would still pay
thoroughly well. Accordingly, on the Italians joining the
barbarians in working this mine, in two months the price of
gold went down a third throughout Italy: and when the
Taurisci found out that, they expelled their Italian fellow-workers
and kept the monopoly themselves....</p>

<p>If we compare the mountains in Greece&mdash;Taygetus,
Lycaeus, Parnassus, Olympus, Pelion, Ossa, and those in
Thrace&mdash;Haemus, Rhodope, Dunax, with the Alps, we
may state the case thus. Each one of the former may be
ascended or skirted by an active traveller in a single day; but
no one could ascend the Alps even in five days,<span class="sidenote">The four passes
of the Alps,&mdash;the
Cornice, Argenti&egrave;re,
Gen&egrave;vre (Val d&#8217;Aosta), Cenis.</span>
the distance
from the plain being two thousand two hundred
stades. There are but four passes, one through
Liguria, nearest the Tyrrhenian Sea; the next
through the Taurini, which was the one used
by Hannibal; the third through the Salassi;
and the last by the Rhaeti,<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> all of them excessively precipitous.
<span class="sidenote">Lago di Garda,
Lago di Como.</span>
There are several lakes in the mountains, three
of great size, the Benacus, five hundred by one
hundred and thirty stades, out of which the
Mincius flows; the Larius, four hundred stades long, and
somewhat narrower than the Benacus, discharging the Addua;
<span class="sidenote">Lago Maggiore.</span>
and thirdly, the Verbanus, about three hundred
stades by thirty, from which comes a considerable<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">490</a></span>
river&mdash;the Ticinus. All these three rivers discharge
themselves into the Padus....</p>

<p><a name="b34_11" id="b34_11"><b>11.</b></a> There is an excellent wine made at Capua called
<i>Anadendrites</i>,<span class="sidenote">Capuan wine.</span>
or the &#8220;wine of the climbing vine,&#8221; with which
no other can compare....</p>

<p>The length of the coast from Iapygia to the
straits is three thousand stades by land, and it is washed by
the Sicilian sea. Sailing, however, the distance is less than
five hundred stades....</p>

<p>The largest distance of the Etrurian coast is from Luna to
Ostia, a distance of one thousand three hundred and thirty
stades.<a name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">227</a>...</p>

<p>The island Lemnos is called Aethaleia....</p>

<p>The bay between the two promontories of Misenum and
Minerva is called the Crater (the Bowl).<span class="sidenote">The Bay of
Naples.</span>
Above this coast lies the whole of Campania,
the most fertile plain in the country. Round
the Bowl live the Opici and the Ausones....</p>

<p>The north road from Iapygia has been<span class="sidenote">Eastern coast-road
from S. to
N. of Italy.</span>
marked out with miles, five hundred and sixty
to Sena, and one hundred and seventy thence
to Aquileia....</p>

<p>Then comes Lacinium ... from the straits to this place
is a distance of one<span class="sidenote">The Lacinian
promontory.</span>
thousand three hundred
stades, and thence to the Iapygian promontory
seven hundred....</p>

<p>Of the three craters one has partly fallen in, the other two
remain perfect.<span class="sidenote">The craters in the
volcanic Holy
Island one of the
Lipari group.</span>
The largest has a circular
orifice with a circumference of five stades, but
it gradually contracts to a diameter of fifty feet;
it runs right down to the sea for a stade, so that
the sea is visible in clear weather. When a south wind is
about to blow, a thick mist envelopes the little island, so that
even Sicily is invisible from it: but if there is going to be a
north wind, bright flames rise from the crater and shoot up
high, and louder rumblings are emitted; but a west wind
causes a medium display of both. The other two craters are
of the same shape, but their eruptions are less violent. From the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">491</a></span>difference in the sound of the rumbling, and by observing from
what point the eruptions and flames and smoke begin, the
wind which is to blow on the third day from that time can be
foretold. At least, some men in the Lipari Islands when
weather-bound have foretold what wind was coming and have
not been deceived. Therefore, it appears that Homer did not
speak without meaning, but was stating a truth allegorically
when he called Aeolus<a name="FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> &#8220;steward of the winds.&#8221;...</p>

<p><a name="b34_12" id="b34_12"><b>12.</b></a> The road from Apollonia to Macedonia is called the
<i>Via Egnatia</i>,<span class="sidenote">The <i>Via Egnatia</i>.</span>
which has been measured in miles
and marked out with milestones as far as
Cypselus and the River Hebrus, a distance of five hundred
and thirty-five miles. Reckoning eight and one-third stades
to a mile, the number of stades will be four thousand
four hundred and fifty-eight.<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">229</a> The distance is exactly
the same whether you start from Apollonia or Epidamnus.
The whole road is called the Egnatia, but its first part
has got a name from Candavia, a mountain of Illyria, and
leads through the town of Lycnidus, and through Pylon,
which is the point on the road where Illyria and Macedonia
join.<span class="sidenote">Thessalonica
half-way to the
Hebrus from
Apollonia.</span>
Thence it leads over Mount Barn&#363;s,
through Heracleia, Lyncestia, and Eordea, to
Edessa and Pella, and finally to Thessalonica;
and the number of miles is altogether two
hundred and sixty-seven.... And the whole distance from
the Ionian Gulf at Apollonia to Byzantium is seven thousand
five hundred stades....</p>

<p>The circumference of the Peloponnesus,<span class="sidenote">The Peloponnesus.</span>
if
you do not follow the indentations, is four
thousand stades....</p>

<p>The distance from Cape Malea to the Ister<span class="sidenote">From C. Malea
to the Danube.</span>
is ten thousand stades.<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">230</a>...</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">492</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b34_13" id="b34_13"><b>13.</b></a> On matters concerning the country between the
Euphrates and India, Eratosthenes is a better authority than
Artemidorus....</p>

<p><a name="b34_14" id="b34_14"><b>14.</b></a> A personal visit to Alexandria filled me with disgust
at the state of the city.<span class="sidenote">State of
Alexandria.</span>
It is inhabited by three
distinct races,&mdash;native Egyptians, an acute and
civilised race; secondly, mercenary soldiers (for
the custom of hiring and supporting men-at-arms is an ancient
one), who have learnt to rule rather than obey owing to the
feeble character of the kings; and a third class, consisting of
native Alexandrians, who have never from the same cause
become properly accustomed to civil life, but who are yet
better than the second class; for though they are now a
mongrel race, yet they were originally Greek, and have retained
some recollection of Greek principles. But this last class has
become almost extinct, thanks to Euergetes Physcon, in whose
reign I visited Alexandria; for that king being troubled with
seditions, frequently exposed the common people to the fury
of the soldiery and caused their destruction. So that in this
state of the city the poet&#8217;s words only expressed the truth&mdash;<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">231</a></p>

<p>
&#8220;To Egypt &#8217;tis a long and toilsome road.&#8221;<br />
</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">493</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXXV</h2>

<p class="small"><span class="smcap">Spain</span>, the eastern and southern parts of which were, since the 2d Punic
war, governed by the Romans under a kind of military occupation without
being reduced to the form of regular provinces, was always in a disturbed
state, partly from sudden uprisings of various tribes against the Roman
authority, and partly from numerous bodies of banditti, who seized strongholds
or fortified towns and carried on their depredations from these
centres. Hence it had been the policy of the Roman praetors and consuls
to insist on the demolition of fortresses and city walls, as we learn from
the accounts of Cato in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 195 and others. In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 177 Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus had inflicted a severe defeat upon the Celtiberians, and
had made a settlement of the country, which for a few years produced
comparative quiet and content. But in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 154 an outbreak of the
Lusitani led to a considerable disaster to the Roman army under Lucius
Mummius; and when the consul Q. Fulvius Nobilior arrived in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 153, he
found that the war had accordingly spread to the Celtiberian tribes, the
Belli and Titthi, who attempted to build the walls of Segeda. On
Nobilior ordering them to desist, in accordance with Gracchan settlement,
most of them obeyed after some resistance, but some of them fled to the
Arevacae (near the sources of the Douro and Tagus); and this powerful
tribe, after defeating the Roman army, entrenched themselves in Numantia,
under the walls of which Nobilior sustained further losses. He was superseded
in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 152 by Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who, partly by strategy,
and partly by administrative skill and conciliation, restored the Roman
fortunes to a better position. The Belli and Titthi became allies of
Rome, and the Arevacae at least thought it worth while to ask for a truce
to enable them to send envoys to Rome to arrange peace.&mdash;Appian,
<i>Hispan.</i> 44-50.</p>

<p><a name="b35_1" id="b35_1"><b>1.</b></a> The war between the Romans and Celtiberians was
called the &#8220;fiery war;&#8221; for it was of a peculiarly<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 153-151.
The war with
the Celtiberian
Arevacae conducted
by Q.
Fulvius Nobilior
and M. Claudius
Marcellus.</span>
fierce kind and remarkable for the frequency
of its battles. The wars in Greece and
Asia were as a rule settled by one battle, or in
rare cases by two; and the battles themselves
were decided by the result of the first charge
and shock of the two armies. But in this war<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">494</a></span>
things were quite different. As a rule the battles were
only stopped by the fall of night; the men neither lost heart
nor would yield to bodily fatigue; but returned again and
again with fresh resolution to renew the combat. The whole
war, and its series of pitched battles, was at length interrupted
for a time by the winter. One therefore could hardly conceive
a war more nearly answering to our notion of a &#8220;fiery
war&#8221; than this....</p>

<p><a name="b35_2" id="b35_2"><b>2.</b></a> The Celtiberians, after making a truce with the consul
M. Claudius Marcellus, had sent ambassadors<span class="sidenote">M. Claudius
Marcellus winters
at Cordova.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 152-151.</span>
to Rome who remained there quietly
waiting for the answer of the Senate. Meanwhile
M. Claudius went on an expedition
against the Lusitani, took Nercobrica by assault, and then
went into winter quarters at Corduba.
Of the ambassadors
<span class="sidenote">The envoys from
Spain.</span>who came to Rome the Senate admitted those
from the Belli and Titthi, who were on the side
of Rome, to enter the city; but ordered those
from the Arevacae to lodge on the other side of the Tiber, as
being at war with Rome, until such time as the Senate should
have decided the whole question. When the time for the
interview was come,<a name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> the praetor introduced the envoys from
their allies first.<span class="sidenote">Speech of the
Belli and Titthi.</span>
Barbarians as they were, they
made a set speech, and endeavoured to explain
clearly the causes of all the dissension prevailing
in their country: pointing out that &#8220;Unless those who had
broken out into war were reduced to tranquillity and punished
as they deserved, the very moment the Roman legions left
Iberia, they would inflict punishment upon the Belli and
Titthi as traitors; and that if they escaped unpunished for their
first act of hostility, they would make all the tribes in Iberia
ripe for an outbreak from the belief that they were capable of
coping with Rome.&#8221; They begged, therefore, that the legions
should remain in Iberia, and that each year a consul should
come thither<a name="FNanchor_233" id="FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">233</a> to protect the allies of Rome and punish the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">495</a></span>
depredations of the Arevacae; or, if they wished to withdraw
the legions, they should first take signal vengeance for the outbreak
of this tribe, that no one might venture to do the like
again.&#8221; Such, or to this effect, was the speech of the envoys
of the Belli and Titthi who were in alliance with Rome. The
envoys of the hostile tribe were then introduced.<span class="sidenote">The Arevacae.</span>
On coming
forward the Arevacae assumed a feigned tone
of submission and humility in the language of
their answer, without being, as was evident, at all yielding in their
hearts or acknowledging themselves beaten. On the contrary,
they continually hinted at the uncertainty of fortune; and
speaking of the battles that had taken place as undecided, they
conveyed the impression that they had had the best of the
contest in them all. The upshot of their speech was this:
<span class="sidenote">demand the
settlement of
Tiberius
Gracchus,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 177.</span>
&#8220;If they must submit to some definite mulct for
their error, they were ready to do so: but, when
that was completed, they demanded that things
should revert to the position fixed by their
treaty made with the Senate in the time of
Tiberius Gracchus.&#8221;</p>

<p><a name="b35_3" id="b35_3"><b>3.</b></a> The Senators having thus heard both sides called
in the legates from Marcellus;<span class="sidenote">The Senate refer
both the deputations
to Marcellus,</span>
and when
they saw that they also were inclined to a
pacification, and that Marcellus was more
inclined to favour the enemy than the allied tribes, they
answered the Arevacae that Marcellus would declare in Iberia
to both parties the decision of the Senate. However, they
were convinced in their own minds that their true interests
were such as the envoys of the allied tribes suggested, and
<span class="sidenote">but secretly determine
to go on
with the war and
to supersede
Marcellus.</span>
that the Arevacae were still inclined to haughty independence,
and that their own commander was afraid of them:
they therefore gave secret instructions to the
legates of Marcellus to carry on the war with
spirit, and as the honour of the country demanded.
But when they had thus determined
on a continuance of the war, feeling no confidence
in Marcellus,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 151.
Coss. Lucius
Licinius Lucullus,
Aulus Postumius
Albinus.</span>
they determined first of all to send a
commander to relieve him in Iberia, as the
new consuls Aulus Postumius and Lucius<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">496</a></span>
Licinius Lucullus had just taken up their
office. They then entered with spirit and
vigour on their preparations, because they
believed that the Iberian question would be decided by the
result of this campaign: if these enemies were beaten, they
assumed that all others would accept the orders of Rome;
but that, if the Arevacae proved able to ward off the punishment
that threatened them, not only would their spirits be
again raised, but those of all the other Iberian tribes besides.</p>

<p><a name="b35_4" id="b35_4"><b>4.</b></a> The more determined however the Senate was to carry on
the war, the greater became their embarrassment.<span class="sidenote">The terror of the
Celtiberians at
Rome made men
use every pretext
for avoiding service
in the army.</span>
For the report brought to Rome by Q. Fulvius
Nobilior, the commander in Iberia in the previous
year (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 153), and those who had served
under him, of the perpetual recurrence of the
pitched battles, the number of the fallen, and
the valour of the Celtiberians, combined with the notorious
fact that Marcellus shrank in terror from the war, caused such
a panic in the minds of the new levies as the old men declared
had never happened before. To such an extent did the panic
go, that sufficient men were not found to come forward for the
office of military tribune, and these posts were consequently
not entirely filled up; whereas heretofore a larger number
than were wanted had been wont to volunteer for the duty:
nor would the men nominated by the Consuls as <i>legati</i> to
accompany the commanders consent to serve; and, worst of
all, the young men tried to avoid the levies, and put forward
such excuses as were disgraceful for them to allege, and
beneath the investigation of the Consuls, and yet impossible
to refute. But at length, in this embarrassment of the Senate
and magistrates, when they were wondering what was to be
<span class="sidenote">Scipio volunteers
to act as legatus
or tribune.</span>
the end of this shameless conduct of the young
men, for they could call it nothing else, Publius
Cornelius Scipio Africanus, who, though still a
young man, had been one of those to advise the war, and
who, though he had already acquired a reputation for high
principle and pure morality, had not been known for his
personal courage, seeing the Senate was in a difficulty, stood
up and bade them send him to Iberia, either as military<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">497</a></span>
tribune or legatus, for he was ready to serve in either capacity.
&#8220;Though, as far as I am concerned,&#8221; he said, &#8220;my mission
to Macedonia would be safer and more appropriate&#8221;&mdash;for it
happened that at that time Scipio was personally and by name invited
by the Macedonians to come and settle the disputes which
were raging among them&mdash;&#8220;yet the needs of my own country
are the more pressing of the two, and imperatively summon
to Iberia all who have a genuine love of honour.&#8221; This offer
<span class="sidenote">This offer shames
others into doing
the same.</span>
was unexpected by all, both from the youth of
Scipio and his general character for caution,
and consequently he became exceedingly popular
on the spot, and still more so on subsequent days. For
those who had before shrunk from the danger of the service,
now, from dislike of the sorry figure they made in comparison
with him, began volunteering to serve. Some offered to go as
<i>legati</i> to the generals, and others in groups and clubs entered
their names on the muster rolls....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Lucius Lucinius Lucullus, consul for <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 151, is sent to
Spain, Scipio Aemilianus acting as his legatus. They found that
the Arevacae had already submitted to Marcellus; but being in
want of money Lucullus was determined not to be deprived of a
campaign. He therefore attacked the next tribe, the Vaccaei,
who lived on the other side of the Tagus, nominally on the pretext
of their having injured the Carpetani. The war which
followed was marked by signal acts of cruelty and treachery on
the part of Lucullus, as on that of the praetor Servius Sulpicius
Galba among the Lusitani. Appian,</i> Hisp. 49-55.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b35_5" id="b35_5"><b>5.</b></a> In Scipio&#8217;s mind there rose a contest of feelings, and
a hesitation as to whether he ought to meet<span class="sidenote">Incidents in
Scipio&#8217;s Spanish
campaign.</span>
the barbarian and fight him in single combat.<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">234</a>...</p>

<p>Scipio&#8217;s horse was much distressed by the blow, but
did not come down entirely, and accordingly Scipio managed
to light on his feet....</p>

<p><a name="b35_6" id="b35_6"><b>6.</b></a> Cato was consulted by Scipio, at the request of Polybius,
on behalf of the Achaeans; and when the debate in the
Senate, between the party who wished to grant it and the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">498</a></span>
party that opposed it, was protracted to a considerable length,
<span class="sidenote">Restoration of the
Achaean detenus,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 151.</span>
Cato stood up and said: &#8220;As though we had
nothing else to do, we sit here the whole day
debating whether some old Greek dotards should
be buried by Italian or Achaean undertakers!&#8221; Their restoration
being voted, Polybius and his friends, after a few days&#8217;
interval, were for appearing before the Senate again, with a
petition that the exiles should enjoy the same honours in
Achaia as they had before. Cato, however, remarked with a
smile that Polybius, like another Odysseus, wanted to go a
second time into the cave of the Cyclops, because he had
forgotten his cap and belt....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">499</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXXVI</h2>

<h3>THE THIRD PUNIC WAR</h3>

<p><a name="b36_1" id="b36_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">It</span> may occur to some to ask why I have not given a
dramatic turn to my narrative,<span class="sidenote">The dramatic representation
of
debates though
convenient is not
history.</span>
now that I have
so striking a theme and a subject of such importance,
by recording the actual speeches
delivered; a thing which the majority of
historians have done, by giving the appropriate
arguments used on either side. That I do not reject this
method altogether I have shown in several parts of my work,
in which I have recorded popular harangues and expositions
delivered by statesmen; but that I am not inclined to employ
it on every occasion alike will now be made clear; for it
would not be easy to find a subject more remarkable than
this, nor material more ample for instituting a comparison of
such a character. Nor indeed could any form of composition
be more convenient to me. Still, as I do not think it becoming
in statesmen to be ready with argument and exposition on
every subject of debate without distinction, but rather to adapt
their speeches to the nature of the particular occasion, so neither
do I think it right for historians to practise their skill or
show off their ability upon their readers: they ought on the
contrary to devote their whole energies to discover and record
what was really and truly said, and even of such words only
those that are the most opportune and essential....</p>

<p><a name="b36_2" id="b36_2"><b>2.</b></a> This idea having been firmly fixed in the minds of all,
they looked out for a suitable opportunity and<span class="sidenote">The Romans were
careful to have a
fair pretext for
war.</span>
a decent pretext to justify them in the eyes of
the world. For indeed the Romans were
quite rightly very careful on this point. For<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">500</a></span>
instance, the general impression that they were justified in
entering upon the war with Demetrius enhances the value of
their victories, and diminishes the risks incurred by their defeats;
<span class="sidenote">32, 20.</span> but if the pretext for doing so is lame and
poor the contrary effects are produced. Accordingly,
as they differed as to the sentiments of the outer world
on the subject, they were very nearly abandoning the war....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>The policy of Rome in Africa of constantly supporting Massanissa
against Carthage was mentioned in 32, 2. Frequentcomplaints came to Rome from the Numidian king, and the
Carthaginians were said to be collecting an army contrary to
treaty. Commissioners were sent over in 154</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>on the advice
of Cato, who were roughly treated at Carthage; and when, in</i>
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>151, Massanissa sent his son Gulussa with similar complaints
to Rome, Cato urged immediate war. The Senate, however,
again sent commissioners, among whom was Cato himself,
to examine into the matter. They reported that the Carthaginians
had an army and navy. An ultimatum was therefore
sent, that the army and navy were to be broken up within the
year, or that the next consuls should bring the question of war
before the Senate</i> (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>150</i>). <i>Just at this crisis Utica, in
enmity with Carthage, placed itself under the protection of
Rome. Livy</i>, Ep. 48; <i>Appian</i>, Pun. 75.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b36_3" id="b36_3"><b>3.</b></a> When the Carthaginians had been some time deliberating
how they should meet the message from Rome<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149.
Utica puts itself
under the protection
of Rome.</span>
they were reduced to a state of the utmost
embarrassment by the people of Utica anticipating
their design by putting themselves under the protection
of Rome. This seemed their only hope of safety left:
and they imagined that such a step must win them favour at
Rome: for to submit to put themselves and their country
under control was a thing which they had never done even in
their darkest hour of danger and defeat, with the enemy at
their very walls.<span class="sidenote">Carthaginian
plenipotentiaries
at Rome.</span>
And now they had lost all the fruit of this
resolve by being anticipated by the people of
Utica; for it would appear nothing novel or
strange to the Romans if they only did the same
as that people. Accordingly, with a choice of two evils only
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">501</a></span>
left, to accept war with courage or to surrender their independence,
after a long and anxious discussion held secretly in the
Senate-house, they appointed two ambassadors with plenary
powers, and instructed them, that, in view of the existing state
of things, they should do what seemed for the advantage of
their country. The names of these envoys were Gisco
Strytanus, Hamilcar, Misdes, Gillimas, and Mago. When
they reached Rome from Carthage, they found war already
decreed and the generals actually started with their forces.
Circumstances, therefore, no longer giving them any power of
deliberating, they offered an unconditional surrender.</p>

<p><a name="b36_4" id="b36_4"><b>4.</b></a> I have spoken before about what this implies, but I
must in this place also briefly remind my readers<span class="sidenote">What is implied
by their surrender.
See <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_9">9</a>-10.</span>
of its import. Those who thus surrender themselves
to the Roman authority, surrender all
territory and the cities in it, together with all men and women
in all such territory or cities, likewise rivers, harbours, temples,
and tombs, so that the Romans should become actual lords of
all these, and those who surrender should remain lords of
nothing whatever. On the Carthaginians making a surrender
to this effect, they were summoned into the Senate-house and
the Praetor delivered the Senate&#8217;s decision, which was to this
effect:<span class="sidenote">The Senate regrant
their liberty
and territory to
the Carthaginians,</span>
&#8220;They had been well advised, and
therefore the Senate granted them freedom and
the enjoyment of their laws; and moreover, all
their territory and the possession of their other
property, public or private.&#8221; The Carthaginian envoys were
much relieved when they heard this; thinking that, where the
alternatives were both miserable, the Senate had treated
them well in conceding their most necessary and important
requirements.<span class="sidenote">but on condition
of giving 300
hostages, and
obeying certain
orders not yet
expressed.</span>
But presently the Praetor went
on to state that they would enjoy these concessions
on condition of sending three hundred
hostages to Lilybaeum within thirty days, sons
of members of the Hundred<a name="FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> or the Senate, and
obeying such commands as should be imposed on them by the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">502</a></span>consuls. This dashed their satisfaction for a time, because
they had no means of knowing what orders were to be given
them through the consuls; however, they started at once,
being anxious to report what had occurred to their countrymen
with all speed. When they arrived in Carthage and stated the
facts, the citizens considered that the envoys had in all respects
acted with proper caution; but they were greatly alarmed and
distressed by the fact that in the answer no mention was made
of the city itself.</p>

<p><a name="b36_5" id="b36_5"><b>5.</b></a> At this juncture they say that Mago Brettius delivered a
manly and statesmanlike speech.<span class="sidenote">Speech of Mago
Brettius.</span>
He said:
&#8220;The Carthaginians had two opportunities of
taking counsel in regard to themselves and their
country, one of which they had let pass; for in good truth it
was no use now to question what was going to be enjoined
on them by the consuls, and why it was that the
Senate had made no mention of the city: they should have
done that when they made the surrender. Having once made
that, they must clearly make up their mind to the necessity of
submitting to every possible injunction, unless it should prove
to be something unbearably oppressive or beyond what they
could possibly expect. If they would not do this, they must
now consider whether they preferred to stand an invasion and
all its possible consequences, or, in terror of the attack of the
enemy, accept without resistance every order they might impose
upon them.&#8221;<span class="sidenote">The hostages are
sent to Lilybaeum.</span>
But as the imminence of war and
the uncertainty of the future made every one
inclined to submit to these injunctions, it
was decided to send the hostages to Lilybaeum. Three
hundred young men were forthwith selected and sent to Lilybaeum
amidst loud expressions of sorrow and tears, each of
them being escorted by his nearest friends and relations, the
whole scene being made especially moving by the lamentations
of the women. On landing at Lilybaeum the hostages were
at once handed over by the consuls to Quintus Fabius
Maximus, who had been appointed to the command in Sicily
at that time. By him they were safely conveyed to Rome and
confined in the dockyard of the six-benched ships.</p>

<p><a name="b36_6" id="b36_6"><b>6.</b></a> The hostages being thus disposed of, the consuls<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">503</a></span>
brought their fleet to the citadel of Utica. When news of this
reached Carthage,<span class="sidenote">The Consuls, L.
Marcius Censorinus,
M&#8217;. Manilius,
land in Africa.
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149.</span>
the city was in the utmost excitement
and panic, not knowing what to expect
next. However, it was decided to send envoys
to ask the consuls what they were to do, and to
state that they were all prepared to obey orders.
The envoys arrived at the Roman camp: the general&#8217;s council was
summoned: and they delivered their commission.<span class="sidenote">They demand the
total disarming of
the Carthaginians.</span>
The senior
Consul thereupon, after complimenting them on
their policy and readiness to obey, bade them
hand over all arms and missiles in their possession
without subterfuge or concealment. The envoys answered
that they would carry out the directions, but begged the Consul
to consider what would happen if the Carthaginians surrendered
all their arms, and the Romans took them and sailed away from
the country. However, they gave them up....</p>

<p>It was clearly shown that the resources of the city were
enormous, for they surrendered to the Romans more than
two hundred thousand stands of arms and two thousand
catapults....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>This was followed by a second injunction of the consuls that
the whole people of Carthage should remove to some other spot, to
be not less than ten miles from the sea, and there build a new
city. Livy</i>, Ep. 49.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b36_7" id="b36_7"><b>7.</b></a> The people had no idea what the announcement
<span class="sidenote">Return of the
envoys with the
last orders from
the Consuls.</span>
was going to be, but suspecting it from
the expression of the envoys&#8217; countenances, they
immediately burst into a storm of cries and
lamentations....</p>

<p>Then all the Senators,<a name="FNanchor_236" id="FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> uttering a cry of horror, remained
as though paralysed by the shock.<span class="sidenote">The popular fury.</span>
But
the report having quickly spread among the
people, the general indignation at once found expression.
Some made an attack on the envoys, as the guilty authors of
their misfortunes, while others wreaked their wrath upon all
Italians caught within the city, and others rushed to the town
gates....</p>

<p class="tb"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">504</a></span><i>The Carthaginians determine to resist, and the consuls, who
had not hurried themselves, because they believed that resistance
from an unarmed populace was impossible, found, when they
approached Carthage, that it was prepared to offer a vigorous
resistance. The scene which followed the announcement of the
Consul&#8217;s orders, and the incidents of the siege, are chiefly known
to us from Appian</i>, Pun. 91 sq. <i>Livy</i>, Ep. 49. <i>Scipio was
serving as military Tribune</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>149-148; consul</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>147</i>.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b36_8" id="b36_8"><b>8.</b></a> Hamilcar Phameas<a name="FNanchor_237" id="FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">237</a> was the general of the
Carthaginians, a man in the very prime of life<span class="sidenote">Hamilcar Phameas,
the commander
of the Punic
cavalry. Appian,
<i>Pun.</i> 100.</span>
and of great physical strength. What is of the
utmost importance too for service in the field,
he was an excellent and bold horseman....</p>

<p>When he saw the advanced guard, Phameas, though not at
all deficient in courage, avoided coming to close quarters with
Scipio: and on one occasion when he had come near his
reserves, he got behind the cover of the brow of a hill and
halted there a considerable time....</p>

<p>The Roman maniples fled to the top of a hill; and when
all had given their opinions, Scipio said, &#8220;When men are consulting
what measures to take at first, their object should be to
avoid disaster rather than to inflict it.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">238</a>...</p>

<p>It ought not to excite surprise that I am
<span class="sidenote">Polybius&#8217;s personal
knowledge of
Scipio.</span>
more minute than usual in my account of Scipio
and that I give in detail everything which he
said....</p>

<p>When Marcius Porcius Cato heard in Rome of the glorious
achievements of Scipio he uttered a palinode to his criticisms
of him: &#8220;What have you heard? He alone has the breath
of wisdom in him: the rest are but flitting phantoms.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">239</a></p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">505</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXXVII</h2>

<p><a name="b37_1" id="b37_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">There</span> was a great deal of talk of all sorts in Greece, first
as to the Carthaginians when the Romans conquered<span class="sidenote">The various views
held in Greece
as to the Roman
policy.</span>
them, and subsequently as to the question
of the pseudo-Philip. The opinions expressed in
regard to the Carthaginians were widely divided,
and indicated entirely opposite views. Some commended the
Romans for their wise and statesmanlike policy in regard to
that kingdom. For the removal of a perpetual menace, and the
utter destruction of a city which had disputed the supremacy
with them, and could even then if it got an opportunity have
still been disputing it,&mdash;thus securing the supremacy for their
own country,&mdash;were the actions of sensible and far-sighted men.
Others contradicted this, and asserted that the Romans had no
such policy in view when they obtained their supremacy; and
that they had gradually and insensibly become perverted to
the same ambition for power, which had once characterised
the Athenians and Lacedaemonians; and though they had
advanced more slowly than these last, that they would from
all appearances yet arrive at the same consummation. For
in old times they had only carried on war until their opponents
were beaten, and induced to acknowledge the obligation of
obedience and acceptance of their orders; but that nowadays
they had given a foretaste of their policy by their conduct to
Perseus, in utterly destroying the Macedonian dynasty root and
branch, and had given the finishing stroke to that policy by the
course adopted in regard to the Carthaginians; for though this
latter people had committed no act of irretrievable outrage,
they had taken measures of irretrievable severity against them,
in spite of their offering to accept any terms, and submitting to
any injunctions that might be placed upon them. Others
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">506</a></span>
again said that the Romans were generally a truly civilised
people; and that they had this peculiarity, on which they
prided themselves, that they conducted their wars openly and
generously, not employing night surprises or ambuscades, but
scorning every advantage to be gained by stratagem and
deceit, and regarding open and face-to-face combats as
alone becoming to their character: but that in the present
instance their whole campaign against the Carthaginians had
been conducted by means of stratagem and deceit. Little by
little,&mdash;by holding out inducements here, and practising concealment
there,&mdash;they had deprived them of all hopes of
assistance from their allies. This was a line of conduct more
appropriate by rights to the intriguing chicanery of a monarchy,
than to a republican and Roman policy. Again, there were
some who took the opposite line to these. They said that if
it were really true that, before the Carthaginians had made
the surrender, the Romans had behaved as alleged, holding
out inducements here, and making half revelations there, they
would be justly liable to such charges; but if, on the contrary,
it was only after the Carthaginians had themselves made
the surrender,&mdash;acknowledging the right of the Romans to take
what measures they chose concerning them,&mdash;that the latter in
the exercise of their undoubted right had imposed and enjoined
what they determined upon, then this action must cease to be
looked on as partaking of the nature of impiety or treachery.
And some denied that it was an impiety at all: for there
were three ways in which such a thing could be defined, none
of which applied to the conduct of the Romans. An impiety
was something done against the gods, or one&#8217;s parents, or the
dead; treachery was something done in violation of oaths or
written agreements; an injustice something done in violation
of law and custom. But the Romans could not be charged on
any one of these counts: they had offended neither the gods,
their parents, nor the dead; nor had they broken oaths or
treaties, but on the contrary charged the Carthaginians
with breaking them. Nor again had they violated laws, customs,
or their own good faith; for having received a voluntary
surrender, with the full power of doing what they pleased
in the event of the submitting party not obeying their injunc
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">507</a></span>tions,
they had, in view of that eventuality having arisen, applied
force to them.</p>

<p><a name="b37_2" id="b37_2"><b>2.</b></a> Such were the criticisms commonly made on the dealings
of the Romans with the Carthaginians.<span class="sidenote">The pretended
Philip, son of
Perseus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149.</span>
But as
to the Pseudo-Philip, the report at first appeared
quite beneath consideration. A Philip suddenly
appears in Macedonia, as though he had dropped from
the skies, in contempt of Macedonians and Romans alike,
without having the least reasonable pretext for his claim, as
every one knew that the real Philip had died in Alba in Italy
two years after Perseus himself. But when, three or four
months afterwards, a report arrived that he had conquered the
Macedonians in a battle in the territory of the Odomanti
beyond the Strymon, some believed it, but the majority were
still incredulous. But presently, when news came that he had
conquered the Macedonians in a battle on this side of the
Strymon, and was master of all Macedonia; and when letters
and envoys came from the Thessalians to the Achaeans
imploring help, as though the danger were now affecting
Thessaly, it seemed an astonishing and inexplicable event; for
there was nothing to give it the air of probability, or to supply
a rational explanation of it.</p>

<p>Such was the view taken of these things in Greece....</p>

<p><a name="b37_3" id="b37_3"><b>3.</b></a> A despatch from Manius Manilius to the Achaeans
having reached the Peloponnese,<span class="sidenote">Polybius sent for
to negotiate with
Carthage,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149.</span>
saying that
they would oblige him by sending Polybius of
Megalopolis with all speed to Lilybaeum, as
he was wanted on account of certain public
affairs, the Achaeans decided to send him in accordance with
the letter of the consul. And as I felt bound to obey the
Romans, I put everything else aside, and sailed at the beginning
of summer. But when we arrived at Corcyra, we found
another despatch from the consul to the Corcyreans had
come, announcing that the Carthaginians had already surrendered
all the hostages to them, and were prepared to obey
them.<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">240</a> Thinking, therefore, that the war was at an end, and
that there was no more occasion for our services, we sailed
back to the Peloponnese....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">508</a></span></p>

<p><a name="b37_4" id="b37_4"><b>4.</b></a> It should not excite surprise that I sometimes designate
myself by my proper name, and at other times by the common
forms of expression&mdash;for instance, &#8220;when <i>I</i> had said this,&#8221; or
&#8220;we had agreed to this.&#8221; For as I was much personally
involved in the transactions about to be related, it becomes
necessary to vary the methods of indicating myself; that I may
not weary by continual repetition of my own name, nor again
by introducing the words &#8220;of me,&#8221; or &#8220;through me,&#8221; at every
turn, fall insensibly into an appearance of egotism. I wished,
on the contrary, by an interchangeable use of these terms, and
by selecting from time to time the one which seemed most
in place, to avoid, as far as could be, the offensiveness of talk
about one&#8217;s self; for such talk, though naturally unacceptable,
is frequently inevitable, when one cannot in any other way
give a clear exposition of the subjects. I am somewhat assisted
in this point by the accident that, as far as I know, no one up
to our own time has ever had the same name as myself.<a name="FNanchor_241" id="FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">241</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b37_5" id="b37_5"><b>5.</b></a> The statues of Callicrates<a name="FNanchor_242" id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">242</a> were carried in under the
cover of darkness, while those of Lycortas were brought out
again by broad daylight, to occupy their original position: and
this coincidence drew the remark from every one, that we
ought never to use our opportunities against others in a spirit
of presumption, knowing that it is extremely characteristic of
Fortune to subject those who set a precedent to the operation
of their own ideas and principles in their turn....</p>

<p>The mere love of novelty inherent in mankind is a sufficient
incentive to any kind of change....</p>

<p><a name="b37_6" id="b37_6"><b>6.</b></a> The Romans sent envoys to restrain the impetuosity of
Nicomedes and to prevent Attalus from going<span class="sidenote">Mission to Bithynia
to investigate
the quarrel between
Nicomedes
(II.) and his
father Prusias II.
See <i>supra</i>, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_28">28</a>,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148.</span>
to war with Prusias. The men appointed were
Marcus Licinius, who was suffering from gout,
and was quite lamed by it, and with him Aulus
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">509</a></span>
Mancinus, who, from a tile falling on his head,
had so many and such great scars on it,
that it was a matter of wonder that he escaped
with his life, and Lucius Malleolus who was reputed the
stupidest man in Rome. As the business required speed
and boldness, these men seemed the least suitable possible
for the purpose that could be conceived; and accordingly
they say that Marcus Porcius Cato remarked in the Senate
that &#8220;Not only would Prusias perish before they got there,
but that Nicomedes would grow old in his kingdom. For
how could a mission make haste, or if it did, how could it
accomplish anything, when it had neither feet, head, nor intelligence?&#8221;...</p>

<p><a name="b37_7" id="b37_7"><b>7.</b></a> King Prusias was exceedingly repulsive in personal appearance,
though his reasoning powers were somewhat<span class="sidenote">Character of
Prusias II.</span>
superior: but externally he seemed only
half a man, and was cowardly and effeminate in
all matters pertaining to war. For not only was he timid, but
he was averse to all hardships, and in a word was utterly unmanned
in mind and body throughout his whole life; qualities
which all the world object to in kings, but the Bithynians
above all people. Moreover, he was also exceedingly dissolute
in regard to sensual pleasures; was completely without
education or philosophy, or any of the knowledge which they
embrace; and had not the remotest idea of what virtue is.
He lived the barbaric life of a Sardanapallus day and night.
Accordingly, directly his subjects got the least hope of being
able to do so, they conceived an implacable resolution not
only to throw off allegiance to the king, but to press for vengeance
upon him.<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">243</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b37_8" id="b37_8"><b>8.</b></a> Museium is a place near Olympus in Macedonia....</p>

<p><a name="b37_9" id="b37_9"><b>9.</b></a> As I blame those who assign fortune and destiny as the
moving causes in common events and catastrophes,<span class="sidenote">Limits to the belief
of the direct interference
of Providence
in human
affairs.</span>
I wish now to enter as minutely on
the discussion of this subject as the nature of
an historical work will admit. Those things of
which it is impossible or difficult for a mere
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">510</a></span>
man to ascertain the causes, such as a continuous fall of rains
and unseasonable wet, or, on the contrary, droughts and frosts,
one may reasonably impute to God and Fortune, in default of
any other explanation; and from them come destruction of
fruits, as well as long-continued epidemics, and other similar
things, of which it is not easy to find the cause. On such
matters then, we, in default of a better, follow the prevailing
opinions of the multitude, attempting by supplications and
sacrifices to appease the wrath of heaven, and sending to
ask the gods by what words or actions on our part a change
for the better may be brought about, and a respite be obtained
for the evils which are afflicting us. But those things,
of which it is possible to find the origin and cause of their
occurrence, I do not think we should refer to the gods. I
mean such a thing as the following. In our time all Greece
was visited by a dearth of children and generally a decay of
population, owing to which the cities were denuded of inhabitants,
and a failure of productiveness resulted, though
there were no long-continued wars or serious pestilences
among us. If, then, any one had advised our sending to ask the
gods in regard to this, what we were to do or say in order to
become more numerous and better fill our cities,&mdash;would he
not have seemed a futile person, when the cause was manifest
and the cure in our own hands? For this evil grew upon us
rapidly, and without attracting attention, by our men becoming
perverted to a passion for show and money and the pleasures
of an idle life, and accordingly either not marrying at all, or, if
they did marry, refusing to rear the children that were born, or
at most one or two out of a great number, for the sake of
leaving them well off or bringing them up in extravagant
luxury. For when there are only one or two sons, it is evident
that, if war or pestilence carries off one, the houses must
be left heirless: and, like swarms of bees, little by little the
cities become sparsely inhabited and weak. On this subject
there is no need to ask the gods how we are to be relieved
from such a curse: for any one in the world will tell you that
it is by the men themselves if possible changing their objects
of ambition; or, if that cannot be done, by passing laws for the
preservation of infants. On this subject there is no need of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">511</a></span>
seers or prodigies. And the same holds good of all similar
things. But in regard to events of which the causes are impossible
or difficult to discover, it is reasonable to feel a
difficulty. And in this class may be reckoned the course of
Macedonian history. For the Macedonians had enjoyed
many important favours at the hands of the Romans, having
been as a nation liberated from arbitrary government and
imports, and having obtained undisputed freedom in the place
of slavery; and having been individually relieved to a great
extent from intestine factions and civil bloodshed.<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">244</a>... They
<span class="sidenote">The inexplicable
conduct of the
Macedonians.</span>
had been worsted by the Romans formerly
when fighting on the side of Demetrius<a name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> and
again on that of Perseus; yet when engaged on
the side of a man of odious character,<a name="FNanchor_246" id="FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">246</a> and in support of his
claims to the throne, they displayed great courage and conquered
a Roman army. These facts may well seem a puzzle
to us, for it is difficult to discover their cause. And accordingly
one would be inclined to say in such matters that what
had happened was a heaven-sent infatuation, and that the
wrath of God had fallen upon the Macedonians. And this
will be rendered evident from what remains to be told....</p>

<p><a name="b37_10" id="b37_10"><b>10.</b></a> Massanissa, king of the Numidians in Africa, was the
best man of all the kings of our time,<span class="sidenote">Death of Massanissa
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148.
His fortunate
career and physical
vigour.</span>
and the
most completely fortunate; for he reigned more
than sixty years in the soundest health and
to extreme old age,&mdash;for he was ninety when
he died. He was, besides, the most powerful
man physically of all his contemporaries: for instance, when
it was necessary to stand, he would do so without moving a
foot all day long; and again, when he had once sat down to
business he remained there the whole day; nor did it
distress him the least to remain in the saddle day and night
continuously; and at ninety years old, at which age he died,
he left a son only four years old, called Sthembanus, who was
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">512</a></span>
afterwards adopted by Micipses, and four sons besides.
Owing, again, to the affection existing between these sons,
he kept his whole life free from any treasonable plot and his
kingdom unpolluted by any family tragedy. But his greatest
and most divine achievement was this: Numidia had been
before his time universally unproductive, and was looked
upon as incapable of producing any cultivated fruits. He was
the first and only man who showed that it could produce
cultivated fruits just as well as any other country whatever, by
cultivating farms to the extent of ten thousand plethra for each
of his sons in different parts of it. On this man&#8217;s death,
then, so much may reasonably and justly be said. Scipio
arrived at Cirta on the third day after his departure, and
settled everything properly and fairly.<a name="FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">247</a>...</p>

<p>A little while before his death he was seen, on the day
following a great victory over the Carthaginians, sitting outside
his tent eating a piece of dirty bread, and on those who saw
it expressing surprise at his doing so, he said.<a name="FNanchor_248" id="FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">248</a>...</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">513</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXXVIII</h2>

<p><a name="b38_1" id="b38_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">Hasdrubal</span>, the general of the Carthaginians, was a vain
ostentatious person, very far from possessing<span class="sidenote">The siege of Carthage,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147.
Coss. P. Cornelius
Scipio Africanus
Aemilianus, C.
Livius Drusus.</span>
real strategic ability. There are numerous
proofs of his want of judgment. In the first
place he appeared in full armour in his interview
with Gulussa, king of the Numidians, with
a purple dyed robe over his armour fastened by
a brooch, and attended by ten bodyguards armed with swords;
and in the next place, having advanced in front of these
armed attendants to a distance of about twenty feet, he stood
behind the trench and palisade and beckoned the king to
come to him, whereas it ought to have been quite the other way.
However, Gulussa, after the Numidian fashion,<span class="sidenote">Interview between
Hasdrubal and
King Gulussa.</span>
being not
inclined to stand on ceremony, advanced
towards him unattended, and when he got near
him asked him &#8220;Whom he was afraid of that he
had come in full armour?&#8221; And on his answering, &#8220;The
Romans,&#8221; Gulussa remarked: &#8220;Then you should not have
trusted yourself to the city, when there was no necessity for
your doing so. However, what do you want, and what do
you ask me to do?&#8221; To which Hasdrubal replied: &#8220;I want
you to go as our ambassador to the Roman commander, and
to undertake for us that we will obey every injunction; only
I beg of you both to abstain from harming this wretched city.&#8221;
Then said Gulussa: &#8220;Your demand appears to me to be quite
childish! Why, my good sir, what you failed to get by your
embassies from the Romans, who were then quietly encamped
at Utica, and before a blow had been struck,&mdash;how can you
expect to have granted you now, when you have been completely
invested by sea and land, and have almost given up every hope
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">514</a></span>
of safety?&#8221; To which Hasdrubal replied that &#8220;Gulussa was
ill informed; for they still had good hopes of their outside
allies,&#8221;&mdash;for he had not yet heard about the Mauretani, and
thought that the forces in the country were still unconquered,<a name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">249</a>&mdash;&#8220;nor
were they in despair as to their own ultimate safety.
And above all, they trusted in the support of the gods, and in
what they might expect from them; for they believed that
they would not disregard the flagrant violation of treaty from
which they were suffering, but would give them many opportunities
of securing their safety. Therefore he called on the
Roman commander in the name of the gods and of Fortune to
spare the city; with the distinct understanding that, if its
inhabitants failed to obtain this grace, they would be cut to
pieces to the last man sooner than evacuate it.&#8221; After some
more conversation of the same sort, these men separated for
the present, having made an appointment to meet again on
the third day from that time.</p>

<p><a name="b38_2" id="b38_2"><b>2.</b></a> On Gulussa communicating to him what had been said,
Scipio remarked with a laugh:<span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s scorn of
the proposal,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147.</span>
&#8220;Oh, then, it
was because you intended to make this demand
that you displayed that abominable cruelty to
our prisoners!<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> And you trust in the gods, do you, after
violating even the laws of men?&#8221; The king went on to
remind Scipio that above all things it was necessary to finish
the business speedily; for, apart from unforeseen contingencies,
the consular elections were now close at hand, and it was only
right to have regard to that, lest, if the winter found them just
where they were, another Consul would come to supersede
him, and without any trouble get all the credit of his labours.
<span class="sidenote">He offers Hasdrubal
personal security
for delivering
the town.</span>
These words induced Scipio to give directions
to offer Hasdrubal safety for himself, his wife
and children, and ten families of his friends and
relations, and permission to take ten talents of
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">515</a></span>
his private property and to bring out with him whichever of his
slaves he chose. With these concessions therefore Gulussa
went to his meeting with Hasdrubal on the third day, who
again came forward with great pomp and at a dignified step,
clothed in his purple robe and full suit of armour, so as to
cast the tyrants of tragedy far into the shade. He was
naturally fat, but at that time he had grown extremely corpulent,
and had become more than usually red from exposure
to the sun, so that he seemed to be living like fat oxen at a fair;
and not at all like a man to be in command at a time of such
terrible miseries as cannot easily be described in words.
When he met the king, and heard the offer of the Consul, he
slapped his thigh again and again, and appealing to the gods and
Fortune declared that &#8220;The day would never come on which
Hasdrubal would behold the sun and his native city in flames;
for to the nobly-minded one&#8217;s country and its burning houses
were a glorious funeral pile.&#8221; These expressions force us to feel
<span class="sidenote">The selfish and
tyrannical conduct
of Hasdrubal.</span>
some admiration for the man and the nobility
of his language; but when we come to view
his administration of affairs, we cannot fail to be
struck by his want of spirit and courage; for at a time when
his fellow-citizens were absolutely perishing with famine, he
gave banquets and had second courses put on of a costly kind,
and by his own excellent physical condition made their misery
more conspicuous. For the number of the dying surpassed
belief, as well as the number who deserted every day from
hunger. However, by fiercely rebuking some, and by executing
as well as abusing others, he cowed the common people:
and by this means retained, in a country reduced to the
lowest depths of misfortune, an authority which a tyrant would
scarcely enjoy in a prosperous city.<span class="sidenote">Comparison between
Hasdrubal
and Diaeus.</span>
Therefore I think I was
justified in saying that two leaders more like
each other than those who at that time directed
the affairs of Greece and Carthage it would not
be easy to find. And this will be rendered manifest when we
come to a formal comparison of them....</p>

<p><a name="b38_3" id="b38_3"><b>3.</b></a> My thirty-eighth book embraces the consummation<span class="sidenote">The ill-luck which
occasioned the
fall of Greece.</span>
of the misfortunes of Greece. For
though Greece as a whole, as well as separate
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">516</a></span>
parts of it, has on several occasions sustained grave disasters,
yet to none of her previous defeats could the word &#8220;misfortune&#8221;
be more properly applied, than to those which have
befallen her in our time. For it is not only that the
<i>sufferings</i> of Greece excite compassion: stronger still is the
conviction, which a knowledge of the truth of the several
occurrences must bring, that in all she undertook she was
supremely unfortunate.<span class="sidenote">The fall of Greece
was even more
lamentable than
that of Carthage.</span>
At any rate, though the disaster of
Carthage is looked upon as of the severest
kind, yet one cannot but regard that of Greece
as not less, and in some respects even more so.
For the Carthaginians at any rate left something
for posterity to say on their behalf; but the mistakes of the
Greeks were so glaring that they made it impossible for those
who wished to support them to do so. Besides, the destruction
of the Carthaginians was immediate and total, so that
they had no feeling afterwards of their disasters: but the
Greeks, with their misfortunes ever before their eyes, handed
down to their children&#8217;s children the loss of all that once was
theirs. And in proportion as we regard those who live in pain
as more pitiable than those who lose their lives at the moment
of their misfortunes, in that proportion must the disasters of
the Greeks be regarded as more pitiable than those of the
Carthaginians,&mdash;unless a man thinks nothing of dignity and
honour, and gives his opinion from a regard only to material
advantage. To prove the truth of what I say, one has only
to remember and compare the misfortunes in Greece reputed
to be the heaviest with what I have just now mentioned.</p>

<p><a name="b38_4" id="b38_4"><b>4.</b></a> Now, the greatest alarm that fortune ever brought upon
the Greeks was when Xerxes invaded Europe:<span class="sidenote">Comparison between
the fall of
Greece under
the Romans with</span>
for at that time all were exposed to danger
though an extremely small number actually
suffered disaster. The greatest sufferers were the
Athenians: for, with a prudent foresight of what was coming,
they abandoned their country with their wives
<span class="sidenote">the Persian
invasion,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 480.</span>and children. That crisis then caused them
damage; for the Barbarians took Athens and
laid it waste with savage violence: but it brought them no
shame or disgrace. On the contrary, they gained the highest
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">517</a></span>
glory in the eyes of all the world for having regarded everything
as of less importance, in comparison with taking their
share in the same fortune as the other Greeks. Accordingly,
in consequence of their exalted conduct, they not only immediately
recovered their own city and territory, but soon
afterwards disputed the supremacy in Greece with the Lacedaemonians.
<span class="sidenote">The defeat of
the Athenians at
Aegospotami,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 405,</span>
Subsequently, indeed, they were
beaten by the Spartans in war, and forced to
submit to the destruction of their own city
walls: but even this one might assert to be a
reproach to the Lacedaemonians, for having used the power
put into their hands with excessive severity, rather than to the
Athenians.<span class="sidenote">of the Spartans
at Leuctra,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 371.</span>
Then the Spartans once more, being
beaten by the Thebans, lost the supremacy in
Greece, and after that defeat were deprived of
their outside rule and reduced to the frontiers of Laconia.
But what disgrace was there in having retired, while disputing
for the most honourable objects, to the limits of their ancestral
dominion? Therefore, these events we may speak of as
failures, but not as misfortunes in any sense.<span class="sidenote">The destruction
of Mantinea,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 362,</span>
The Mantineans
again were forced to leave their city, being
divided out and scattered into separate villages
by the Lacedaemonians; but for this all the
world blamed the folly, not of the Mantineans, but of the
Lacedaemonians.<span class="sidenote">and of Thebes,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 335.</span> The Thebans, indeed, besides
the loss of their army, saw their country depopulated
at the time when Alexander, having
resolved on the invasion of Asia, conceived that by making an
example of Thebes he should establish a tenor that would act
as a check upon the Greeks, while his attention was distracted
upon other affairs: but at that time all the world pitied the
Thebans as having been treated with injustice and harshness,
and no one was found to justify this proceeding of Alexander.</p>

<p><a name="b38_5" id="b38_5"><b>5.</b></a> Accordingly after a short time they obtained assistance,
and once more inhabited their country in security. For
the compassion of foreigners is no small benefit to those
who are unjustly dispossessed; since we often see that,
with the change of feeling among the many, Fortune also
changes; and even the conquerors themselves repent, and make
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">518</a></span>
good the disasters of those who have fallen under undeserved
misfortunes. Once more, at certain periods the Chalcidians
<span class="sidenote">The tyranny of
the later kings
of Macedonia.</span>
and Corinthians and some other cities, owing to
the advantages of their situation, were attacked
by kings of Macedonia, and had garrisons
imposed on them: but when they were thus enslaved all
the world were eager to do their best to liberate them, and
loathed their enslavers and regarded them continually as
their enemies. But above all, up to this time it was generally
single states that were depopulated, and in single states
that reverses were met with, in some cases while disputing for
supremacy and empire, and in others from the treacherous
attacks of despots and kings: so that, so far from their losses
bringing them any reproach, they escaped even the name of
misfortune. For we must look on all those who meet with
<span class="sidenote">But the last fall
of Greece was
embittered by the
fact that it came
from the folly of
the Greeks
themselves</span>
incalculable disasters whether private or public
as the victims of losses, and those only to be
&#8220;unfortunate,&#8221; to whom events through their
own folly bring dishonour. Instances of this
last are the Peloponnesians, Boeotians,
Phocians, ... and Locrians, some of the
dwellers on the Ionian gulf, and next to these the Macedonians,
... who all as a rule did not merely suffer loss,
but were &#8220;unfortunate,&#8221; with a misfortune of the gravest kind
<span class="sidenote">rather than of
their leaders.</span>
and for which they were themselves open to
reproach: for they displayed at once want of
good faith and want of courage, brought upon
themselves a series of disgraces, lost all that could bring them
honour, ... and voluntarily admitted into their towns the
Roman fasces and axes. They were in the utmost panic, in fact,
owing to the extravagance of their own wrongful acts, if one
ought to call them their own; for I should rather say that the
peoples as such were entirely ignorant, and were beguiled from
the path of right: but that the men who <i>acted</i> wrongly were
the authors of this delusion.</p>

<p><a name="b38_6" id="b38_6"><b>6.</b></a> In regard to these men, it should not be a matter
of surprise if we leave for a while the ordinary method and
spirit of our narrative to give a clearer and more elaborate
exposition of their character. I am aware that some may
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">519</a></span>
be found, regarding it as their first duty to cast a veil over
the errors of the Greeks, to accuse us of writing in a spirit of
malevolence. But for myself, I conceive that with right-minded
persons a man will never be regarded as a true friend who
shrinks from and is afraid of plain speech, nor indeed as a good
citizen who abandons the truth because of the offence he will
give to certain persons at the time. But a writer of public
history above all deserves no indulgence whatever, who regards
anything of superior importance to truth. For in proportion
as written history reaches larger numbers, and survives for
longer time, than words spoken to suit an occasion, both the
writer ought to be still more particular about truth, and his
readers ought to admit his authority only so far as he
adheres to this principle. At the actual hour of danger it is
only right that Greeks should help Greeks in every possible
way, by protecting them, veiling their errors or deprecating
the wrath of the sovereign people,&mdash;and this I genuinely did
for my part at the actual time: but it is also right, in regard
to the record of events to be transmitted to posterity, to leave
them unmixed with any falsehood: so that readers should not
be merely gratified for the moment by a pleasant tale, but
should receive in their souls a lesson which will prevent a
repetition of similar errors in the future. Enough, however,
on this subject....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>In the autumn of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>150 the corrupt Menalcidas of Sparta
was succeeded as Achaean Strategus by Diaeus, who, to cover his
share in the corruption of Menalcidas, induced the league to act
in the matter of some disputed claim of Sparta in a manner
contrary to the decisions of the Roman Senate. The Spartans
wished to appeal again to Rome; whereupon the Achaeans
passed a law forbidding separate cities to make such appeals,
which were to be only made by the league. The Lacedaemonians
took up arms: and Diaeus professing that the league was not
at war with Sparta, but with certain factious citizens of that
city, named four of its chief men who were to be banished. They
fled to Rome, where the Senate ordered their restoration. Embassies
went from Achaia and from Sparta to Rome to state their
respective cases; and on their return gave false reports,&mdash;Diaeus</i>
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">520</a></span>
<i>assuring the Achaeans that the Senate had ordered the Spartans
to obey the league; Menalcidas telling the Spartans that the
Romans had released them from all connexion with the league.
War then again broke out</i> (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148). <i>Metellus, who was in
Macedonia on the business of the Pseudo-Philip, sent legates to
the Achaeans forbidding them to bear arms against Sparta, and
announcing the speedy arrival of commissioners from Rome to
settle the dispute. But the Achaean levies were already mustered
under the Strategus Damocritus, and the Lacedaemonians seem
to have almost compelled them to fight. The Spartans were
beaten with considerable loss: and on Damocritus preventing a
pursuit and a capture of Sparta, the Achaeans regarded him as
traitor and fined him fifty talents. He was succeeded in his
office of Strategus by Diaeus</i> (<i>autumn</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147) <i>who
promised Metellus to await the arrival of the commissioners
from Rome. But the Spartans now assumed their freedom from
the league and elected a Strategus of their own, Menalcidas;
who provoked a renewal of the war by taking the town of Iasos
on the Laconian frontier. In despair of resisting the attack of
the Achaeans, and disowned by his fellow-citizens, he took poison.
The Roman commissioners arrived, led by L. Aurelius Orestes, in</i>
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147, <i>and summoning the magistrates of the Achaean towns
and the Strategus Diaeus before them at Corinth, announced the
decision of the Senate&mdash;separating Lacedaemon, Corinth, Argos,
Heraclea near Aete, and Orchomenus in Arcadia from the
Achaean league, as not being united by blood, and only being
subsequent additions. The magistrates, without answering,
hastily summoned the league congress. The people, on hearing
the Roman decision, pillaged the houses of the Lacedaemonian
residents in Corinth, and savagely attacked all who were or who
looked like Spartans. The Roman envoys endeavoured to restrain
the popular fury. But they were somewhat roughly
handled themselves; and the people could not be persuaded to
release the Spartans whom they had arrested: though they let
all others go, and sent an embassy to Rome, which, however,
meeting the former embassy on its return, and learning the
hopelessness of support in Rome, returned home. It is this outbreak
which is referred to in the next fragment. See Pausanias,
vii. 12-14; Livy</i>, Ep. 51.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b38_7" id="b38_7"><b>7.</b></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">521</a></span> When the commissioners with L. Aurelius Orestes
arrived in Rome from the Peloponnese,<span class="sidenote">On the report of
L. Aurelius Orestes
of the disturbance
at Corinth,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147,</span>
they
reported what had taken place, and declared
that they had a narrow escape of actually losing
their lives. They made the most of the occurrence
and put the worst interpretation upon it; for they represented
the violence which had been offered them as not
the result of a sudden outbreak, but of a deliberate intention
on the part of the Achaeans to inflict a signal insult upon them.
The Senate was therefore more angry than it had ever been,
<span class="sidenote">the Senate send
a fresh commission
to warn the
Achaeans.</span>
and at once appointed Sextus Julius Caesar
and other envoys with instructions to rebuke and
upbraid the Achaeans for what had occurred,
yet in terms of moderation, but to exhort them
&#8220;not to listen to evil councillors, not to allow themselves to
be betrayed into hostility with Rome, but even yet to make
amends for their acts of folly by inflicting punishment on the
authors of the crime.&#8221; This was a clear proof that the Senate
gave its instructions to Aurelius and his colleagues, not with
the view of dismembering the league, but with the object of
restraining the obstinacy and hostility of the Achaeans by
terrifying and overawing them. Some people accordingly
imagined that the Romans were acting hypocritically, because
the Carthaginian war was still unfinished; but this was
not the case. The fact is, that they had long regarded the
Achaean league with favour, believing it to be the most trustworthy
of all the Greek governments; and though now they
were resolved to give it an alarm, because it had become too
lofty in its pretensions, yet they were by no means minded to
go to war or to have a serious quarrel with the Achaeans....</p>

<p><a name="b38_8" id="b38_8"><b>8.</b></a> As Sextus Julius Caesar and his colleagues were on their
way from Rome to the Peloponnese,<span class="sidenote">Arrival of Sextus
Julius and the
commissioners in
Achaia.</span>
they were
met by Thearidas and the other envoys, sent by
the Achaeans to make their excuse and give
the Senate an explanation of the intemperate acts
committed in regard to Aurelius Orestes. But Sextus Julius
persuaded them to turn back to Achaia, on the ground that
he and his colleagues were coming with full instructions to
communicate with the Achaeans on all these points. When
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">522</a></span>
Sextus arrived in the Peloponnese, and in a conference with
<span class="sidenote">Conference at
Aegium. The
envoys are conciliatory.</span>
the Achaeans in Aegium spoke with great kindness,
he made no mention of the injurious treatment
of the legates, and scarcely demanded
any defence at all, but took a more lenient
view of what had happened than even the Achaeans themselves;
and dwelt chiefly on the subject of exhorting them
not to carry their error any further, in regard either to
the Romans or the Lacedaemonians. Thereupon the more
sober-minded party received the speech with satisfaction, and
were strongly moved to obey the suggestions, because they
were conscious of the gravity of what they had been doing,
and had before their eyes what happened to opponents of
Rome; but the majority, though they had not a word to say
against the justice of the injunctions of Sextus Julius, and were
quite silent, yet remained deeply tainted with disaffection. And
<span class="sidenote">Action of Diaeus
ans Critolaus and
their party.</span>
Diaeus and Critolaus, and all who shared their
sentiments,&mdash;and they consisted of all the greatest
rascals in every city, men at war with the gods,
and pests of the community, carefully selected,&mdash;took, as the
proverb has it, with the left hand what the Romans gave with
the right, and went utterly and entirely wrong in their calculations.
For they supposed that the Romans, owing to the
troubles in Libya and Iberia, feared a war with the Achaeans
and would submit to anything and say anything. Thinking,
therefore, that the hour was their own, they answered the
Roman envoys politely that &#8220;They would, nevertheless, send
Thearidas and his colleagues to the Senate; while they would
themselves accompany the legates to Tegea, and there in consultation
with the Lacedaemonians would provide for some
settlement of the war that would meet the views of both parties.&#8221;
With this answer they subsequently induced the unhappy
nation to follow the senseless course to which they had long
before made up their mind. And this result was only what
might have been expected from the inexperience and corruption
of the prevailing party.</p>

<p><a name="b38_9" id="b38_9"><b>9.</b></a> But the finishing stroke to this ruinous policy was given
in the following manner. When Sextus and<span class="sidenote">Conference at Tegea.
Critolaus contrives to avoid
a settlement.</span>
his colleagues arrived at Tegea, and invited the
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">523</a></span>
attendance of the Lacedaemonians, in order to
arrange terms between them and the Achaeans,
both as to the satisfaction to be given for previous complaints
and for putting a stop to the war, until the Romans should send
commissioners to review the whole question, Critolaus and his
party, having held a conference, decided that all the rest should
avoid the meeting, and that Critolaus should go alone to Tegea.
When Sextus and his fellow-commissioners therefore had
almost given them up, Critolaus arrived; and when the meeting
with the Lacedaemonians took place, he would settle
nothing,&mdash;alleging that he had no authority to make any arrangement
without the consent of the people at large; but that he
would bring the matter before the Achaeans at their next congress,
which must be held six months from that time. Sextus
and his fellow-commissioners, therefore, convinced of the ill
disposition of Critolaus, and much annoyed at his conduct,
dismissed the Lacedaemonians to their own country, and
themselves returned to Italy with strong views as to the folly
and infatuation of Critolaus.</p>

<p>After their departure Critolaus spent the winter in visiting
the cities and holding assemblies in them,<span class="sidenote">Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147-146.
Critolaus propagates
his anti-Roman
views;</span>
on
the pretext that he wished to inform them of
what he had said to the Lacedaemonians at
Tegea, but in reality to denounce the Romans
and to put an evil interpretation on everything they said; by
which means he inspired the common people in the various
cities with feelings of hostility and hatred for them.<span class="sidenote">and suspends cash
payments.</span>
At
the same time he sent round orders to the magistrates
not to exact money from debtors, nor to
receive prisoners arrested for debt, and to cause
loans on pledge to be held over until the war was decided.
By this kind of appeal to the interests of the vulgar everything
he said was received with confidence; and the common people
were ready to obey any order he gave, being incapable of
taking thought for the future, but caught by the bait of immediate
indulgence and relief.</p>

<p><a name="b38_10" id="b38_10"><b>10.</b></a> When Quintus Caecilius Metellus heard in Macedonia
of the commotion and disturbance going on in<span class="sidenote">Fresh legates are
sent from Macedonia to Achaia
in the winter of
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147-146.</span>
the Peloponnese, he despatched thither his legates
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">524</a></span>
Gnaeus Papirius and the younger Popilius
Laenas, along with Aulus Gabinius and Gaius
Fannius; who, happening to arrive when the
congress was assembled at Corinth, were introduced to the
assembly, and delivered a long and conciliatory speech, much
in the spirit of that of Sextus Julius, exerting themselves with
great zeal to prevent the Achaeans from proceeding to an
open breach with Rome, either on the pretext of their grievance
against the Lacedaemonians, or from any feeling of anger
against the Romans themselves. But the assembled people
<span class="sidenote">Riotous scene
at Corinth.</span>
would not hear them; insulting words were
loudly uttered against the envoys, and in the
midst of a storm of yells and tumult they were
driven from the assembly. The fact was that such a crowd
of workmen and artisans had been got together as had never
been collected before; for all the cities were in a state of
drivelling folly, and above all the Corinthians <i>en masse</i>; and
there were only a very few who heartily approved of the words
of the envoys.</p>

<p>Critolaus, conceiving that he had attained his purpose, in
the midst of an audience as excited and mad as himself began
attacking the magistrates, abusing all who were opposed to
him, and openly defying the Roman envoys, saying that he
was desirous of being a friend of the Romans, but had no
<span class="sidenote">Critolaus makes
no secret of his
hostility to Rome.</span>
taste for them as his masters. And, finally, he
tried to incite the people by saying that, if they
quitted themselves like men, they would have
no lack of allies; but, if they betrayed womanish fears, they
would not want for masters. By many other such words to
the same effect, conceived in the spirit of a charlatan and
huckster, he roused and excited the populace. He attempted
also to make it plain that he was not acting at random in
these proceedings, but that some of the kings and republics
were engaged in the same policy as himself.</p>

<p><a name="b38_11" id="b38_11"><b>11.</b></a> And when some of the Gerusia wished to check him,
and restrain him from the use of such expressions,<span class="sidenote">Critolaus carries
his point, and
induces the
Achaeans to proclaim war against
the Lacedaemonians.</span>
he ordered the soldiers surrounding him
to retire, and stood up fronting his opponents,
and bade any one of them come up to him,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">525</a></span>
come near him, or venture to touch his chlamys.
And, finally, he said that &#8220;He had restrained
himself now for a long time; but would endure
it no longer, and must speak his mind. The people to fear
were not Lacedaemonians or Romans, but the traitors among
themselves who co-operated with their foes: for there were
some who cared more for Romans and Lacedaemonians than
for their own country.&#8221; He added, as a confirmation of his
words, that Evagoras of Aegium and Stratius of Tritaea
betrayed to Gnaeus Papirius and his fellow-commissioners all
the secret proceedings in the meetings of the magistrates.
And when Stratius acknowledged that he had had interviews
with those men, and should do so again, as they were friends
and allies, but asserted that he had told them nothing of what
was said in the meetings of the magistrates, some few believed
him, but the majority accepted the accusation as true. And
so Critolaus, having inflamed the people by his accusations
against these men, induced the Achaeans once more to decree a
war which was nominally against the Lacedaemonians, but in
effect was against the Romans; and he got another decree
added, which was a violation of the constitution, namely, that
whomsoever they should elect as Strategi should have absolute
power in carrying on the war. He thus got for himself something
like a despotism.</p>

<p>Having carried these measures, he began intriguing to
bring on an outbreak and cause an attack upon<span class="sidenote">The Roman envoys
retire from
Corinth.</span>
the Roman envoys. He had no pretext for
doing this; but adopted a course which, of all
possible courses, offends most flagrantly against the laws of
gods and man. The envoys, however, separated; Gnaeus
Papirius went to Athens and thence to Sparta to watch the
turn of events; Aulus Gabinius went to Naupactus; and the
other two remained at Athens, waiting for the arrival of Caecilius
Metellus. This was the state of things in the Peloponnese....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">526</a></span></p>

<h2>BOOK XXXIX</h2>

<p class="center">[<i>Including Book XL. of Dindorf&#8217;s Text.</i>]</p>

<p><a name="b39_1" id="b39_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">I am</span> fully aware that some will be found to criticise my
work, on the ground that my narrative of events<span class="sidenote">A defence of the
historian&#8217;s method
of parallel histories
of several countries,
each kept up
to date.</span>
is incomplete and disconnected; beginning, for
instance, the story of the siege of Carthage, and
then leaving it half told, and interrupting the
stream of my history, I pass over to Greek
affairs, and from them to Macedonian or
Syrian, or some other history; whereas students require continuity,
and desire to hear the end of a subject; for the combination
of pleasure and profit is thus more completely secured.
But I do not think this: I hold exactly the reverse. And as
a witness to the correctness of my opinion I might appeal to
nature herself, who is never satisfied with the same things
continuously in any of the senses, but is ever inclined to
change; and, even if she is satisfied with the same things,
wishes to have them at intervals and in diversity of circumstance.
This may be illustrated first by the sense of hearing,
which is never gratified either in music or recitations by a continuance
of the same strains or subjects; it is the varied style,
and, in a word, whatever is broken up into intervals and has the
most marked and frequent changes, that gives it pleasurable
excitement. Similarly one may notice that the palate can
never remain gratified by the same meats, however costly, but
grows to feel a loathing for them, and delights in changes of
diet, and often prefers plain to rich food merely for the sake of
variety. The same may be noticed as to the sight: it is quite
incapable of remaining fixed on the same object, but it is a
variety and change of objects that excites it. And this is more
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">527</a></span>
than all the case with the mind; for changes in the objects of
attention and study act as rests to laborious men.</p>

<p><a name="b39_2" id="b39_2"><b>2.</b></a> Accordingly the most learned of the ancient historians
have, as it seems to me, taken intervals of rest in this way:
some by digressions on myths and tales, and others by
digressions on historical facts,&mdash;not confining themselves to
Greek history, but introducing disquisitions on points of foreign
history as well. As, for instance, when, in the course of a history
of Thessaly and the campaigns of Alexander of Pherae, they
introduce an account of the attempts of the Lacedaemonians
in the Peloponnese; or those made by the Athenians; or actions
which took place in Macedonia or Illyria: and then break off
into an account of the expedition of Iphicrates into Egypt, and
the iniquitous deeds of Clearchus in the Pontus. This will
show you that these historians all employ this method; but,
whereas they employ it without any system, I do so on a
regular system. For these men, after mentioning, for instance,
that Bardylis, king of the Illyrians, and Cersobleptes, king
of the Thracians, established their dynasties, neither go on
continuously with the stories nor return to them after an
interval to take them up where they left off, but, treating them
like an episode in a poem, they go back to their original subject.
But I made a careful division of all the most important countries
in the world and the course of their several histories; pursued
exactly the same plan in regard to the order of taking the several
divisions; and, moreover, arranged the history of each year in
the respective countries, carefully keeping to the limits of the
time: and the result is that I have made the transition backwards
and forwards between my continuous narrative and the
continually recurring interruptions easy and obvious to students,
so that an attentive reader need never miss anything....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>After various operations during the autumn of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>147, the
upshot of which was to put the whole of the open country in
Roman hands, in the beginning of spring</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> <i>146, Scipio delivered
his final attack on Carthage, taking first the quarter of the merchants&#8217;
harbour, then the war harbour, and then the market-place.
There only remained the streets leading to the Byrsa and the
Byrsa itself. Appian</i>, Pun. 123-126. <i>Livy</i>, Ep. 51.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b39_3" id="b39_3"><b>3.</b></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">528</a></span> Having got within the walls, while the Carthaginians
still held out on the citadel, Scipio found that<span class="sidenote">The fall of
Carthage,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146 (spring).</span>
the arm of the sea which intervened was not
at all deep; and upon Polybius advising him to
set it with iron spikes or drive sharp wooden stakes into it, to
prevent the enemy crossing it and attacking the
<span class="sidenote">Scipio within the
walls of Carthage.</span>mole,<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> he said that, having taken the walls
and got inside the city, it would be ridiculous
to take measures to avoid fighting the enemy....</p>

<p><a name="b39_4" id="b39_4"><b>4.</b></a> The pompous Hasdrubal threw himself on his knees
before the Roman commander, quite forgetful of his proud
language....</p>

<p>When the Carthaginian commander thus threw himself as a
suppliant at Scipio&#8217;s knees, the proconsul with a glance at those
present said: &#8220;See what Fortune is, gentlemen! What an
example she makes of irrational men! This is the Hasdrubal
who but the other day disdained the large favours which I offered
him, and said that the most glorious funeral pyre was one&#8217;s
country and its burning ruins. Now he comes with suppliant
wreaths, beseeching us for bare life and resting all his hopes on
us. Who would not learn from such a spectacle that a mere
man should never say or do anything presumptuous?&#8221; Then
some of the deserters came to the edge of the roof and begged
the front ranks of the assailants to hold their hands for a
little; and, on Scipio ordering a halt, they began abusing
Hasdrubal, some for his perjury, declaring that he had sworn
again and again on the altars that he would never abandon
them, and others for his cowardice and utter baseness: and
they did this in the most unsparing language, and with the
bitterest terms of abuse. And just at this moment Hasdrubal&#8217;s
wife, seeing him seated in front of the enemy with Scipio,
advanced in front of the deserters, dressed in noble and dignified
attire herself, but holding in her hands, on either side, her two
boys dressed only in short tunics and shielded under her own
robes.<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">252</a> First she addressed Hasdrubal by his name, and when
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">529</a></span>he said nothing but remained with his head bowed to the ground,
she began by calling on the name of the gods, and next thanked
Scipio warmly because, as far as he could secure it, both she
and her children were saved.<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">253</a> And then, pausing for a short
time, she asked Hasdrubal how he had had the heart to secure
this favour from the Roman general for himself alone, ...
and, leaving his fellow-citizens who trusted in him in the most
miserable plight, had gone over secretly to the enemy? And
how he had the assurance to be sitting there holding suppliant
boughs, in the face of the very men to whom he had frequently
said that the day would never come in which the sun would see
Hasdrubal alive and his native city in flames....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Hasdrubal&#8217;s wife finally threw herself and children from the
citadel into the burning streets. Livy</i>, Ep. 51.</p>

<p class="tb">After an interview with [Scipio], in which he was kindly
treated, Hasdrubal desired leave to go away from the town....</p>

<p><a name="b39_5" id="b39_5"><b>5.</b></a> At the sight of the city utterly perishing amidst the
flames Scipio burst into tears, and stood long reflecting on the
inevitable change which awaits cities, nations, and dynasties,
one and all, as it does every one of us men. This, he
thought, had befallen Ilium, once a powerful city, and the
once mighty empires of the Assyrians, Medes, Persians, and
that of Macedonia lately so splendid. And unintentionally or
purposely he quoted,&mdash;the words perhaps escaping him unconsciously,&mdash;<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">254</a></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class=" line i04">&#8220;The day shall be when holy Troy shall fall</div>
<div class="line">And Priam, lord of spears, and Priam&#8217;s folk.&#8221;</div>
</div></div></div>

<p>And on my asking him boldly (for I had been his tutor) what
he meant by these words, he did not name Rome distinctly,
but was evidently fearing for her, from this sight of the
mutability of human affairs....</p>

<p>Another still more remarkable saying of his I may record....
[When he had given the order for firing the town] he immediately<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">530</a></span>
turned round and grasped me by the hand and said:
&#8220;O Polybius, it is a grand thing, but, I know not how, I feel
a terror and dread, lest some one should one day give the same
order about my own native city.&#8221;... Any observation more
practical or sensible it is not easy to make. For in the midst
of supreme success for one&#8217;s self and of disaster for the enemy,
to take thought of one&#8217;s own position and of the possible reverse
which may come, and in a word to keep well in mind in the
midst of prosperity the mutability of Fortune, is the characteristic
of a great man, a man free from weaknesses and worthy
to be remembered....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>After the rejection of the orders conveyed by the legates of
Metellus</i> (<b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_11">11</a>), <i>Critolaus collected the Achaean levies at
Corinth, under the pretext of going to war with Sparta; but he
soon induced the league to declare themselves openly at war with
Rome. He was encouraged by the adhesion of the Boeotarch
Pytheas, and of the Chalcidians. The Thebans were the readier
to join him because they had lately been ordered by Metellus, as
arbiter in the disputes, to pay fines to the Phocians, Euboeans,
and Amphissians. When news of these proceedings reached
Rome in the spring of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146, <i>the consul Mummius was ordered
to lead a fleet and army against Achaia. But Metellus in
Macedonia wished to have the credit of settling the matter himself;
he therefore sent envoys to the Achaeans ordering them to
release from the league the towns already named by the Senate
viz. Sparta, Corinth, Argos, Heracleia, and Orchomenus in
Arcadia, and advanced with his army from Macedonia through
Thessaly by the coast road, skirting the Sinus Maliacus.
Critolaus was already engaged in besieging Heraclea Oetea, to
compel it to return to its obedience to the league, and when his
scouts informed him of the approach of Metellus, he retreated to
Scarphea on the coast of Locris, some miles south of the pass of
Thermopylae. But before he could get into Scarphea Metellus
caught him up, killed a large number of his men, and took one
thousand prisoners. Critolaus himself disappeared; Pausanias
seems to imagine that he was drowned in the salt marshes of
the coast, but Livy says that he poisoned himself. Pausanias, 7,
14, 15. Livy</i>, Ep. 52. <i>Orosius</i>, 5, 3.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b39_7" id="b39_7"><b>7.</b></a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">531</a></span> Pytheas was a brother of Acatidas the runner, and son
of Cleomenes. He had led an evil life,<span class="sidenote">Character of the
Boeotarch
Pytheas.</span>
and
was reported to have wasted the flower of his
youth in unnatural debauchery. In political life
also he was audacious and grasping, and had been supported
by Eumenes and  Philetaerus for these very reasons....</p>

<p><a name="b39_8" id="b39_8"><b>8.</b></a> Critolaus the Achaean Strategus being dead, and the law
providing that, in case of such an event befalling
<span class="sidenote">On the death of
Critolaus (spring
of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146) Diaeus
succeeds as
Strategus.</span>
the existing Strategus, the Strategus of the
previous year should succeed to the office until
the regular congress of the league should meet,
it fell to Diaeus to conduct the business of the
league and take the head of affairs. Accordingly, after sending
forward some troops to Megara,<a name="FNanchor_255" id="FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">255</a> he went himself to Argos;
<span class="sidenote">He orders the
arming of 10,000
slaves,</span>
and from that place sent a circular letter to all
the towns ordering them to set free their slaves
who were of military age, and who had been
born and brought up in their houses, and send them furnished
with arms to Corinth. He assigned the numbers to be furnished
by the several towns quite at random and without any regard
to equality, just as he did everything else. Those who had
not the requisite number of home-bred slaves were to fill up
the quota imposed on each town from other slaves.<span class="sidenote">a special contribution
by the rich,</span>
But
seeing that the public poverty was very great,
owing to the war with the Lacedaemonians, he
compelled the richer classes, men and women
alike, to make promises of money and furnish separate contributions.
<span class="sidenote">and a general
levy of the free men
of military
age.</span>
At the same time he ordered a levy <i>en
masse</i> at Corinth of all men of military age. The
result of these measures was that every city was
full of confusion, commotion, and despair: they
deemed those fortunate who had already perished in the war,
and pitied those who were now starting to take part in it; and
everybody was in tears as though they foresaw only too well
what was going to happen. They were especially annoyed at
the insolent demeanour and neglect of their duties on the part
of the slaves,&mdash;airs which they assumed as having been recently
liberated, or, in the case of others, because they were excited
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">532</a></span>by the prospect of freedom. Moreover the men were compelled
to make their contribution contrary to their own views, according
to the property they were reputed to possess; while the
women had to do so, by taking the ornaments of their own
persons or of their children, to what seemed deliberately meant
for their destruction.</p>

<p><a name="b39_9" id="b39_9"><b>9.</b></a> As these measures came all at once, the dismay caused
by the hardship of each individually prevented people from
attending to or grasping the general question; or they must
have foreseen that they were all being led on to secure the
certain destruction of their wives and children. But, as though
caught in the rush of some winter torrent and carried on by
its irresistible violence, they followed the infatuation and
madness of their leader.<span class="sidenote">The Eleians and
Messenians do not
move.</span>
The Eleians and
Messenians indeed did not stir, in terror of the
Roman fleet; for nothing could have saved them
if the storm had burst when it was originally intended.
The
people of Patrae, and of the towns which were
<span class="sidenote">Dismay at Patrae.</span>
leagued with it, had a short time before suffered
disasters in Phocis;<a name="FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> and their case was much the most pitiable
one of all the Peloponnesian cities: for some of them sought
a voluntary death; others fled from their towns through deserted
parts of the country, with no definite aim in their wanderings, from
the panic prevailing in the towns. Some arrested and delivered
each other to the enemy, as having been hostile to Rome; others
hurried to give information and bring accusations, although no
one asked for any such service as yet; while others went to
meet the Romans with suppliant branches, confessing their
treason, and asking what penance they were to pay, although as
yet no one was asking for any account of such things.<span class="sidenote">The distracted
state of Greece.</span>
The
whole country seemed to be under an evil spell:
everywhere people were throwing themselves
down wells or over precipices; and so dreadful
was the state of things, that as the proverb has it &#8220;even an
enemy would have pitied&#8221; the disaster of Greece. For in
times past the Greeks had met with reverses or indeed complete
disaster, either from internal dissensions or from treacherous
attacks of despots; but in the present instance it was from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">533</a></span>
the folly of their leaders and their own unwisdom that they
experienced the grievous misfortunes which befell them.<span class="sidenote">Thebes abandoned.</span>
The
Thebans also, abandoning their city <i>en masse</i>,
left it entirely empty; and among the rest
Pytheas retired to the Peloponnese, with his
wife and children, and there wandered about the country.<a name="FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">257</a>...</p>

<p>He came upon the enemy much to his surprise. But to my
mind the proverb, &#8220;the reckonings of the foolish are foolishness&#8221;
applies to him. And naturally to such men things clear as
day come as a surprise....</p>

<p>He was even forming plans for getting back home, acting
very like a man who, not having learnt to swim and being
about to plunge into the sea, should not consider the question
of taking the plunge; but, having taken it, should begin to
consider how he is to swim to land....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>Having secured Boeotia, Metellus advanced to Megara, where
the Achaean Alcamenes had been posted by Diaeus with five
thousand men. Alcamenes hastily evacuated Megara and rejoined
Diaeus at Corinth, the latter having meanwhile been reelected
Strategus. Pausanias, 7, 15, 10.</i></p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b39_10" id="b39_10"><b>10.</b></a> Diaeus having recently come to Corinth after being
appointed Strategus by the vote of the people,<span class="sidenote">Diaeus at Corinth
rejects all offers
sent by Metellus,
August, <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 146,</span>
Andronidas and others came from Caecilius
Metellus. Against these men he spread a report
that they were in alliance with the enemy, and
gave them up to the mob, who seized on them with great violence
and threw them into chains. Philo of Thessaly also came
bringing many liberal offers to the Achaeans. And on hearing
them, certain of the men of the country attempted to secure
their acceptance; among whom was Stratius, now a very old
man, who clung to Diaeus&#8217;s knees and entreated him to yield to
the offers of Metellus. But he and his party would not listen
to Philo&#8217;s proposals. For the fact was that they did not believe
that the amnesty would embrace them with the rest; and, as
they regarded their own advantage and personal security as of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">534</a></span>
the highest importance, they spoke as they did, and directed
<span class="sidenote">because he and
his party do not
believe that they
will ever be amnestied
with the
rest.</span>
all their measures on the existing state of affairs
to this end: although, as a matter of fact, they
failed entirely to secure these objects. For as they
understood quite clearly the gravity of what they
had done, they could not believe they would obtain
any mercy from Rome; and as to enduring
nobly whatever should befall on behalf of their country and the
safety of the people, that they never once took into consideration;
yet that was the course becoming men who cared for
glory, and professed to be the leaders of Greece. But indeed
how or whence was it likely that such a lofty idea should occur
to these men? The members of this conclave were Diaeus
and Damocritus, who had but recently been recalled from exile
owing to the disturbed state of the times, and with them
Alcamenes, Theodectes and Archicrates; and of these last I
have already stated at length who they were, and have described
their character, policy, and manner of life.</p>

<p><a name="b39_11" id="b39_11"><b>11.</b></a> Such being the men with whom the decision rested,
the determination arrived at was what was to
be expected.<span class="sidenote">Cruel death of
Sosicrates.</span>
They not only imprisoned Andronidas
and Lagius and their friends, but even
the sub-Strategus Sosicrates, on the charge of his having
presided at a council and given his voting for sending an
embassy to Caecilius Metellus, and in fact of having been the
cause of all their misfortunes. Next day they empanelled
judges to try them; condemned Sosicrates to death; and
having bound him racked him till he died, without however
inducing him to say anything that they expected: but they
acquitted Lagius, Andronidas and Archippus, partly because
the people were scared at the lawless proceeding against
Sosicrates, and partly because Diaeus got a talent from
Andronidas and forty minae from Archippus; for this man
could not relax his usual shameless and abandoned principles
in this particular even &#8220;in the very pit,&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> as the saying is. He
had acted with similar cruelty a short time before also in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">535</a></span>
regard to Philinus of Corinth. For on a charge of his holding
communication with Menalcidas<a name="FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> and favouring the Roman
cause, he caused Philinus and his sons to be flogged and
racked in each other&#8217;s sight, and did not desist until the boys
and Philinus were all dead. When such madness and ferocity
was infecting everybody, as it would not be easy to parallel even
among barbarians, it would be clearly very natural to ask why
the whole nation did not utterly perish.<span class="sidenote">Greece is saved
by the rapidity of
her ruin.</span>
For my
part, I think that Fortune displayed her resources
and skill in resisting the folly and madness of
the leaders; and, being determined at all hazards to save the
Achaeans, like a good wrestler, she had recourse to the only
trick left; and that was to bring down and conquer the Greeks
quickly, as in fact she did. For it was owing to this that the
wrath and fury of the Romans did not blaze out farther; that
the army of Libya did not come to Greece; and that these
leaders, being such men as I have described, did not have an
opportunity, by gaining a victory, of displaying their wickedness
upon their countrymen. For what it was likely that they
would have done to their own people, if they had got any
ground of vantage or obtained any success, may be reasonably
inferred from what has already been said. And indeed
everybody at the time had the proverb on his lips, &#8220;had we
not perished quickly we had not been saved.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_260" id="FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">260</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b39_12" id="b39_12"><b>12.</b></a> Aulus Postumius deserves some special notice from us
here. He was a member of a family and gens
of the first rank,<span class="sidenote">Character of
Aulus Postumius
Albinus.</span>
but in himself was garrulous
and wordy, and exceedingly ostentatious.
From his boyhood he had a great leaning to Greek studies
and literature: but he was so immoderate and affected in
this pursuit, that owing to him the Greek style became
offensive to the elder and most respectable men at Rome.
Finally he attempted to write a poem and a formal history
in Greek, in the preface to which he desired his readers
to excuse him if, being a Roman, he could not completely
command the Greek idiom or method in the handling
of the subject. To whom M. Porcius Cato made a very
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">536</a></span>
pertinent answer. &#8220;I wonder,&#8221; said he, &#8220;on what grounds
you make such a demand. If the Amphictyonic council had
charged you to write the history, you might perhaps have been
forced to allege this excuse and ask for this consideration.
But to write it of your own accord, when there was no compulsion
to do so, and then to demand consideration, if you
should happen to write bad Greek, is quite unreasonable. It
is something like a man entering for the boxing match or
pancratium in the public games, and, when he comes into the
stadium, and it is his turn to fight, begging the spectators to
pardon him &#8216;if he is unable to stand the fatigue or the blows.&#8217;
Such a man of course would be laughed at and condemned at
once.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_261" id="FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">261</a> And this is what such historiographers should experience,
to prevent them spoiling a good thing by their rash presumption.
Similarly, in the rest of his life, he had imitated all the
worst points in Greek fashions; for he was fond of pleasure and
averse from toil. And this may be illustrated from his conduct
in the present campaign: for being among the first to enter
Greece at the time that the battle in Phocis took place, he retired
to Thebes on the pretence of illness, in order to avoid taking
part in the engagement; but, when the battle was ended, he
was the first to write to the Senate announcing the victory,
entering into every detail as though he had himself been
present at the conflict....</p>

<p class="tb"><i>On the arrival of the Consul Mummius, Metellus was sent
back into Macedonia. Mummius was accompanied</i>
<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146.
Coss. Cn. Cornelius
Lentulus,
L. Mummius.</span>
<i>by L. Aurelius Orestes, who had been
nearly murdered in the riot at Corinth</i> (<b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_7">7</a>),
<i>and, pitching his camp in the Isthmus, was joined
by allies who raised his army to three thousand five
hundred cavalry and twenty-six thousand infantry. The
Achaeans made a sudden attack upon them and gained a
slight success, which was a few days afterwards revenged
by a signal defeat. Instead of retiring into Corinth, and</i>
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">537</a></span><i>from that stronghold making some terms with Mummius,
Diaeus fled to Megalopolis, where he poisoned himself, after first
killing his wife. The rest of the beaten Achaean army took
refuge in Corinth, which Mummius took and fired on the third
day after the battle with Diaeus. Then the commissioners were
sent from Rome to settle the whole of Greece. Pausanias, 7,
16-17; Livy</i>, Ep. 52.</p>

<p class="tb"><a name="b39_13" id="b39_13"><b>13.</b></a> The incidents of the capture of Corinth were melancholy.
The soldiers cared nothing for<span class="sidenote">The destruction of
the works of art
in Corinth, September,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146.</span>
the
works of art and the consecrated statues. I
saw with my own eyes pictures thrown on the
ground and soldiers playing dice on them; among
them was a picture of Dionysus by Aristeides&mdash;in reference
to which they say that the proverbial saying arose, &#8220;Nothing
to the Dionysus,&#8221;&mdash;and the Hercules tortured by the shirt of
Deianeira....</p>

<p><a name="b39_14" id="b39_14"><b>14.</b></a> Owing to the popular reverence for the memory of
Philopoemen, they did not take down the statues of him in
the various cities. So true is it, as it seems to me, that every
genuine act of virtue produces in the mind of those who
benefit by it an affection which it is difficult to efface....</p>

<p>One might fairly, therefore, use the common saying: &#8220;He
has been foiled not at the door, but in the road.&#8221;...<a name="FNanchor_262" id="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">262</a></p>

<p>There were many statues of Philopoemen, and many
erections in his honour, voted by the several
cities;<span class="sidenote">Statues of
Philopoemen.</span>
and a Roman at the time of the disaster
which befell Greece at Corinth, wished to abolish
them all and to formally indict him, laying an information
against him, as though he were still alive, as an enemy and ill-wisher
to Rome. But after a discussion, in which Polybius
spoke against this sycophant, neither Mummius nor the commissioners
would consent to abolish the honours of an illustrious
man....</p>

<p>Polybius, in an elaborate speech, conceived in the spirit of
what has just been said,<span class="sidenote">Speech of Polybius
defending the
memory of
Philopoemen.</span>
maintained the cause of
Philopoemen. His arguments were that &#8220;This<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">538</a></span>
man had indeed been frequently at variance with
the Romans on the matter of their injunctions,
but he only maintained his opposition so far as to inform and
persuade them on the points in dispute; and even that he did
not do without serious cause. He gave a genuine proof of his
loyal policy and gratitude, by a test as it were of fire, in the
periods of the wars with Philip and Antiochus. For, possessing
at those times the greatest influence of any one in Greece, from
his personal power as well as that of the Achaeans, he preserved
his friendship for Rome with the most absolute fidelity, having
joined in the vote of the Achaeans in virtue of which, four
months before the Romans crossed from Italy, they levied
a war from their own territory upon Antiochus and the
Aetolians, when nearly all the other Greeks had become
estranged from the Roman friendship.&#8221; Having listened to
this speech and approved of the speaker&#8217;s view, the ten commissioners
granted that the complimentary erections to Philopoemen
in the several cities should be allowed to remain.
Acting on this pretext, Polybius begged of the Consul the
statues of Achaeus, Aratus, and Philopoemen, though they
had already been transported to Acarnania from the Peloponnese:
in gratitude for which action people set up a marble
statue of Polybius himself.<a name="FNanchor_263" id="FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">263</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b39_15" id="b39_15"><b>15.</b></a> After the settlement made by the ten commissioners
in Achaia, they directed the Quaestor,<span class="sidenote">Polybius will have
no confiscated
goods.</span>
who was
to superintend the selling of Diaeus&#8217;s property, to
allow Polybius to select anything he chose
from the goods and present it to him as a free gift, and to
sell the rest to the highest bidders. But, so far from accepting
any such present, Polybius urged his friends not to covet
anything whatever of the goods sold by the Quaestor anywhere:&mdash;for
he was going a round of the cities and selling the
property of all those who had been partisans of Diaeus, as
well of such as had been condemned, except those who left
children or parents. Some of these friends did not take his
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">539</a></span>advice; but those who did follow it earned a most excellent
reputation among their fellow-citizens.</p>

<p><a name="b39_16" id="b39_16"><b>16.</b></a> After completing these arrangements in six months,
the ten commissioners sailed for Italy,<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 145.
The commissioners
return in the
spring, leaving
instructions with
Polybius to explain
the new
constitutions.</span>
at the
beginning of spring, having left a noble monument
of Roman policy for the contemplation of
all Greece. They also charged Polybius, as
they were departing, to visit all the cities and to
decide all questions that might arise, until such
time as they were grown accustomed to their
constitution and laws. Which he did: and after a while
caused the inhabitants to be contented with the constitution
given them by the commissioners, and left no difficulty connected
with the laws on any point, private or public, unsettled.</p>

<p>[Wherefore the people, who always admired and honoured
this man, being in every way satisfied with<span class="sidenote">Note by a friend
of Polybius as to
the effect of his
careful fulfilment
of his commission.</span>
the
conduct of his last years and his management
of the business just described, honoured him
with the most ample marks of their respect both
during his life and after his death. And this
universal verdict was fully justified. For if he had not
elaborated and reduced to writing the laws relating to the
administration of justice, everything would have been in a
state of uncertainty and confusion. Therefore we must look
upon this as the most glorious of the actions of Polybius.]...</p>

<p><a name="b39_17" id="b39_17"><b>17.</b></a> The Roman Proconsul, after the commissioners
had left Achaia, having restored the holy
places<span class="sidenote">Mummius acted
in Greece with
clean hands and
great moderation.</span>
in the Isthmus and ornamented the
temples in Olympia and Delphi, proceeded to
make a tour of the cities, receiving marks of
honour and proper gratitude in each. And indeed he
deserved honour both public and private, for he conducted
himself with self-restraint and disinterestedness, and administered
his office with mildness, although he had great
opportunities of enriching himself, and immense authority in
Greece. And in fact in the points in which he was thought to
have at all overlooked justice, he appears not to have done it
for his own sake, but for that of his friends. And the most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">540</a></span>
conspicuous instance of this was in the case of the Chalcidian
horsemen whom he put to death.<a name="FNanchor_264" id="FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">264</a>...</p>

<p><a name="b39_18" id="b39_18"><b>18.</b></a> Ptolemy, king of Syria,<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> died from a wound received
in the war: a man who, according to some,<span class="sidenote">Death of Ptolemy
Philometor in a
war in Syria in
support of
Demetrius the
younger against
Alexander Balas.
See above,
<b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_18">18</a>.</span>
deserved great praise and abiding remembrance,
and according to others the reverse. If
any king before him ever was, he was mild and
benevolent; a very strong proof of which is that
he never put any of his own friends to death on
any charge whatever; and I believe that not a
single man at Alexandria either owed his death
to him. Again, though he was notoriously ejected from his
throne by his brother, in the first place, when he got a clear
opportunity against him in Alexandria, he granted him a
complete amnesty; and afterwards, when his brother once
more made a plot against him to seize Cyprus, though he got
him body and soul into his hands at Lapethus, he was so far
from punishing him as an enemy, that he even made him grants
in addition to those which formerly belonged to him in virtue
of the treaty made between them, and moreover promised him
his daughter. However, in the course of a series of successes
and prosperity, his mind became corrupted; and he fell a prey to
the dissoluteness and effeminacy characteristic of the Egyptians:
and these vices brought him into serious disasters....</p>

<h2>CONCLUSION OF THE HISTORY</h2>

<p><a name="b39_19" id="b39_19"><b>19.</b></a> Having accomplished these objects, I returned home
from Rome, having put, as it were, the finishing-stroke to my
whole previous political actions, and obtained a worthy return
for my constant loyalty to the Romans. Wherefore I make my
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">541</a></span>prayers to all the gods that the rest of my life may continue in
the same course and in the same prosperity; for I see only
too well that Fortune is envious of mortals, and is most apt to
show her power in those points in which a man fancies that he
is most blest and most successful in life.</p>

<p>Such was the result of my exertions. But having now
arrived at the end of my whole work,<span class="sidenote">See <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>, and
<b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b12_4">4</a>.</span>
I wish
to recall to the minds of my readers the
point from which I started, and the plan which
I laid down at the commencement of my history, and then
to give a summary of the entire subject. I announced then at
starting that I should begin my narrative at the point where
Timaeus left off, and that going cursorily over the events in
Italy, Sicily, and Libya&mdash;since that writer has only composed a
history of those places,&mdash;when I came to the time when Hannibal
took over the command of the Carthaginian army; Philip
son of Demetrius the kingdom of Macedonia; Cleomenes of
Sparta was banished from Greece; Antiochus succeeded to the
kingdom in Syria, and Ptolemy Philopator to that in Egypt,&mdash;I
promised that starting once more from that period, namely the
139th Olympiad, I would give a general history of the world:
marking out the periods of the Olympiads, separating the
events of each year, and comparing the histories of the several
countries by parallel narratives of each, up to the capture of
Carthage, and the battle of the Achaeans and Romans in the
Isthmus, and the consequent political settlement imposed on
the Greeks. From all of which I said that students would
learn a lesson of supreme interest and instructiveness. This
was to ascertain how, and under what kind of polity, almost
the whole inhabited world came under the single authority of
Rome, a fact quite unparalleled in the past. These promises
then having all been fulfilled, it only remains for me to state
the periods embraced in my history, the number of my books,
and how many go to make up my whole work....</p>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">542</a></span></p>

<h2>I.&mdash;SHORTER FRAGMENTS</h2>

<p class="tb"><i>The first eight of these fragments belong to book 6, but as
they do not fall in with what remains of the text, I have placed
them here. I have divided these fragments into two classes:
(A) those which seem to have some distinct reference which can
be recognised or guessed: (B) those which though fairly complete
in themselves cannot be so classed. A good many more, generally
quoted by Suidas for the sake of some one word, did not seem
worth putting in an English dress. The numbers in brackets
are those of Hultsch&#8217;s text.</i></p>

<h3><i>A</i></h3>

<h4><a name="i" id="i">I (6, 2)</a></h4>

<p>I believe Rome to have been founded in the<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 751.</span>
second year of the 7th Olympiad.<a name="FNanchor_266" id="FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">266</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">543</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="ii" id="ii">II (6, 2)</a></h4>

<p>Polybius, like Aristodemus of Elis, informs us that the register of the
athletic victors<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 672.</span> at the Olympic games began to be kept from the
27th Olympiad, at which Coroebus of Elis was first registered as
conqueror in the stadium; and this Olympiad was regarded as an era by
the Greeks from which to calculate dates.<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">267</a></p>

<h4><a name="iii" id="iii">III (6, 2)</a></h4>

<p>The Palatine was named after Pallas, who died there. He
was the son of Heracles and Lavina, daughter of Evander.
His maternal grandfather raised a barrow as his tomb on this
hill, and called the place after him the Pallantium.</p>

<h4><a name="iv" id="iv">IV (6, 2)</a></h4>

<p>Among the Romans women are forbidden to drink wine;
and they drink what is called <i>passum</i>, which is made from
raisins, and tastes very like the sweet wine of Aegosthena or
Crete. This is what they drink to quench their thirst. But
it is almost impossible for them to drink wine without
being found out. For, to begin with, the woman has not
got the charge of wine; and, in the next place, she is bound
to kiss all her male relatives and those of her husband, down
to his cousins, every day on seeing them for the first time;
and as she cannot tell which of them she will meet, she has
to be on her guard. For if she has but tasted wine, there is
no occasion for any formal accusation.<a name="FNanchor_268" id="FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">268</a></p>

<h4><a name="v" id="v">V (6, 2)</a></h4>

<p><span class="sidenote">Ancus Marcius,
Livy, 1, 33.</span>
He also founded Ostia at the mouth of the
Tiber.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">544</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="vi" id="vi">VI (6, 2)</a></h4>

<p>Lucius, the son of Demaratus of Corinth, came to Rome
relying on his own ability and wealth, and convinced
that the advantages he possessed would<span class="sidenote">Lucius Tarquinius
Priscus comes to
Rome.</span>
place him in the front rank in the state: for
he had a wife who, among other useful qualities, was admirably
suited by nature to assist in any political enterprise.
Arrived at Rome, and admitted to citizenship, he devoted
himself to flattering the king; and before very long his wealth,
his natural dexterity, and, more than all, his early training,
enabled him so to please the king&#8217;s taste that he gained his
cordial liking and confidence. As time went on his intimacy
became so close that he lived with [Ancus] Marcius, and
assisted him in managing his kingdom. While so engaged,
he contrived to make himself useful to every one. All who
were suitors for anything found in him an active supporter
and friend: his wealth was spent with noble liberality and
judgment on various objects of national importance; and thus
he secured for himself the gratitude of many, and the goodwill
and good word of all, and finally obtained the throne.<a name="FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">269</a>...</p>

<p>Every branch of virtue should be practised by those who
aim at good training, from childhood, but, above all,
courage....</p>

<h4>(6, 1)</h4>

<p>An impossible lie admits of no defence even.</p>

<h4>(6, 1)</h4>

<p>It is the act of a wise and sensible man to recognise&mdash;as
Hesiod puts it&mdash;&#8220;how much greater the half is than the
whole.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">270</a></p>

<h4><a name="vii" id="vii">VII (6, 1)</a></h4>

<p>To learn sincerity towards the Gods is a kind of image of
truthfulness towards each other.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">545</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="viii" id="viii">VIII (6, 1)</a></h4>

<p>It generally happens in the world that men who acquire
have a natural turn for keeping; while those who succeed to
wealth, without any trouble to themselves, are apt to squander it.</p>

<h4><a name="ix" id="ix">IX (10)</a></h4>

<p>The strongest fortifications are in general dangerous to
both sides; which may be illustrated from what occurs in the
case of citadels. These last are regarded as contributing
greatly to the security of the cities in which they stand, and to
the protection of their freedom; but they often turn out to be
the origin of slavery and indisputable misfortunes.<a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">271</a></p>

<h4><a name="x" id="x">X (13)</a></h4>

<p>Some few approved of his doing so, but the majority objected,
saying, some that it was folly, and others that it was
madness for a man thus to risk and hazard his life, who was
quite unacquainted with the kind of fighting in use among
these barbarians.<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">272</a></p>

<h4><a name="xi" id="xi">XI (16)</a></h4>

<div class="blockquot"><p class="center">&#8220;Secure retreat in case disaster fall.&#8221;</p></div>

<p>One ought always to keep this line in mind. From failing
to do so Lucius the Roman<a name="FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> met with a grave disaster. So
narrow is the risk of destruction to the most powerful forces
when the leaders are unwise. A sufficient illustration to
thoughtful men is furnished by the headstrong invasion of
Argos by Pyrrhus king of the Epirotes,<a name="FNanchor_274" id="FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">274</a> and the expedition
through Thrace of king Lysimachus against Dorimichaites,
king of Odrysae;<a name="FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> and indeed many other similar cases.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">546</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="xii" id="xii">XII (23)</a></h4>

<p>Marcellus never once conquered Hannibal, who in fact
remained unbeaten until Scipio&#8217;s victory.<a name="FNanchor_276" id="FNanchor_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">276</a></p>

<h4><a name="xiii" id="xiii">XIII (25)</a></h4>

<p>No darkness, no storm however violent, turned him from
his purpose. He forced his way through all such obstacles;
he overcame even disease by resolute labour, and never once
failed in an object or experienced a variation in his uniform
good fortune.</p>

<h4><a name="xiv" id="xiv">XIV (29)</a></h4>

<p>In old times single combats among the Romans were conducted
with good faith [but in our days many contrivances
have been hit upon].</p>

<h4><a name="xv" id="xv">XV (31)</a></h4>

<p>The horse, from the agony of the wound, first fell forward,
and then galloped furiously through the middle of the camp.</p>

<h4><a name="xvi" id="xvi">XVI (42)</a></h4>

<p>Seeing that the superstitious feelings of the soldiers were
roused by these portents, he exerted himself to remove the
scruples of the men by means of his own intelligence and
strategic skill.</p>

<h4><a name="xvii" id="xvii">XVII (63)</a></h4>

<div class="blockquot"><p class="center">SHIPS WITH SIX BANKS OF OARS</p></div>

<p>These vessels appear to be as swift sailers as penteconters,
but to be much inferior to triremes; and their construction has
been abandoned for many years past. Polybius, however, is
supposed to lay down the measurements of such vessels, which
the Romans and Carthaginians appear to have often employed
in their wars with each other.<a name="FNanchor_277" id="FNanchor_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">277</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">547</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="xviii" id="xviii">XVIII (64)</a></h4>

<p>Getting completely drunk, and all flung on the ground in
the various tents, they neither heard any word of command
nor took any thought of the future whatever.<a name="FNanchor_278" id="FNanchor_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">278</a></p>

<h4><a name="xix" id="xix">XIX (66)</a></h4>

<p>In consultations of war, as in those relating to bodily sickness,
one ought to take as much account of the symptoms
that have since arisen as of those originally existing.</p>

<h4><a name="xx" id="xx">XX (90)</a></h4>

<p>Cappadocia extends from Mount Taurus and Lycaonia up
to the Pontic Sea. The name is Persian and arose thus. A
certain Persian [named Cappadocus?] was present at a hunt
with Artaxerxes, or some other king, when a lion sprang upon
the king&#8217;s horse. This Persian happened to be in that part of
the hunting company, and drawing his sword rescued the king
from his imminent danger and killed the lion. This Persian
therefore ascending the highest mountain in the neighbourhood
received as a gift from the king as much territory as the
human eye could take in, looking east, west, north, and south.<a name="FNanchor_279" id="FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">279</a></p>

<h4><a name="xxi" id="xxi">XXI (95)</a></h4>

<p>The Celtiberians have a peculiar man&#339;uvre in war.
When they see their infantry hard pressed, they dismount and
leave their horses standing in their places. They have small
pegs attached to their leading reins, and having fixed them
carefully into the ground, they train their horses to keep their
places obediently in line until they come back and pull up the
pegs.</p>

<h4><a name="xxii" id="xxii">XXII (96)</a></h4>

<p>The Celtiberians excel the rest of the world in the construction
of their swords; for their point is strong and serviceable,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">548</a></span>
and they can deliver a cut with both edges. Wherefore
the Romans abandoned their ancestral swords after the
Hannibalian war and adopted those of the Iberians. They
adopted, I say, the construction of the swords, but they can
by no means imitate the excellence of the steel or the other
points in which they are so elaborately finished.<a name="FNanchor_280" id="FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">280</a></p>

<h4><a name="xxiii" id="xxiii">XXIII (102)</a></h4>

<p>The Roman praetor Marcus<a name="FNanchor_281" id="FNanchor_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">281</a> wished to get rid of the war
against the Lusitani, and laying aside war altogether, to shirk&mdash;as
the saying is&mdash;&#8220;the men&#8217;s hall for the women&#8217;s bower,&#8221;
because of the recent defeat of the praetor by the Lusitani.</p>

<h4>(103)</h4>

<p>But those of the Ligurians who fought against Mago were
unable to do anything important or great.</p>

<h4><a name="xxiv" id="xxiv">XXIV (113)</a></h4>

<p>A <i>mora</i> consisted of nine hundred men.<a name="FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">282</a></p>

<h4><a name="xxv" id="xxv">XXV (117)</a></h4>

<p>A general needs good sense and boldness; they are the
most necessary qualities for dangerous and venturesome undertakings.</p>

<h4><a name="xxvi" id="xxvi">XXVI (154)</a></h4>

<p>The second king of Egypt, called Philadelphus, when
giving his daughter Berenice in marriage to Antiochus king of
Syria, was careful to send her some Nile water, that the young
bride might drink no other water.</p>

<h4><a name="xxvii" id="xxvii">XXVII (156)</a></h4>

<p>I say this to point out the wisdom of the Romans, and the
folly of those who despise the practice of making comparisons
with the habits of foreign nations, and believe themselves competent
to reform their own armies without reference to others.<a name="FNanchor_283" id="FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">283</a></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">549</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="xxviii" id="xxviii">XXVIII (157)</a></h4>

<p>The Romans were wont to take great care not to appear to
be the aggressors, or to attack their neighbours without provocation;
but to be considered always to be acting in self-defence,
and only to enter upon war under compulsion.<a name="FNanchor_284" id="FNanchor_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">284</a></p>

<h4><a name="xxix" id="xxix">XXIX (166)</a></h4>

<p>When Scipio Africanus, the younger, was commissioned by
the Senate to settle the kingdoms throughout the world, and see
that they were put in proper hands, he only took five slaves
with him; and, on one of these dying during the journey, he
wrote home to his relations to buy another and send him to
take the place of the dead one.<a name="FNanchor_285" id="FNanchor_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">285</a></p>

<h4><a name="xxx" id="xxx">XXX (184)</a></h4>

<p>If one ought to speak of <i>Fortune</i> in regard to such things;
for I fear she often gets credit of that sort without good reason;
while the real fault lies with the men who administer public
business, who sometimes act with seriousness and sometimes
the reverse.</p>

<h3><i>B</i></h3>

<h4><a name="xxxi" id="xxxi">XXXI (1)</a></h4>

<p>But not making at all a good guess at the king&#8217;s mind, he
acted in a most inconsiderate manner.</p>

<h4><a name="xxxii" id="xxxii">XXXII (2)</a></h4>

<p>Want of civilisation appears to have an extraordinary influence
on mankind in this direction.</p>

<h4><a name="xxxiii" id="xxxiii">XXXIII (3)</a></h4>

<p>But the general being unable to endure the unfairness of
those who made these assertions....</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">550</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="xxxiv" id="xxxiv">XXXIV (5)</a></h4>

<p>But he determined to hold out to the last, trusting to the
supplies from Egypt.</p>

<h4><a name="xxxv" id="xxxv">XXXV (6)</a></h4>

<p>But having fallen in with him he gained an extremely
fortunate victory.</p>

<h4><a name="xxxvi" id="xxxvi">XXXVI (7)</a></h4>

<p>In all these things the Aetolians had been deceived.</p>

<h4><a name="xxxvii" id="xxxvii">XXXVII (8)</a></h4>

<p>And some he honoured with gold cloths and spears,
because he wished that his promises should agree with his
performances.</p>

<h4><a name="xxxviii" id="xxxviii">XXXVIII (11)</a></h4>

<p>He wrote in bitter and frantic terms, calling them fiends
and murderers in his letter, if they abandoned the positions
thus disgracefully, before they had suffered or witnessed any
hardship.</p>

<h4><a name="xxxix" id="xxxix">XXXIX (12)</a></h4>

<p>There is a courage in words too which can despise death.</p>

<h4><a name="xxxixb" id="xxxixb">XXXIX (14)</a></h4>

<p>Before he had been rejoined by the stragglers of the
skirmishing parties.</p>

<h4><a name="xl" id="xl">XL (27)</a></h4>

<p>Being utterly at a loss, at last he rested his chance of
escape from the difficulty which was upon him on some such
hope as this.</p>

<h4><a name="xli" id="xli">XLI (30)</a></h4>

<p>None of the citizens being aware of what was taking place
owing to the distance, for the city was a large one.</p>

<h4><a name="xlii" id="xlii">XLII (32)</a></h4>

<p>But trusting to them he undertook the war against
Ariarathes.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">551</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="xliii" id="xliii">XLIII (34)</a></h4>

<p>Harpyia is a city in Illyria near Encheleae, to which
Baton, charioteer of Amphiaraus, removed after the latter&#8217;s
disappearance.</p>

<h4><a name="xliv" id="xliv">XLIV (35)</a></h4>

<p>And he waited for the coming of Hasdrubal.</p>

<h4><a name="xlv" id="xlv">XLV (36)</a></h4>

<p>Hearing all this through the curtain the king laughed.</p>

<h4><a name="xlvi" id="xlvi">XLVI (39)</a></h4>

<p>Foreseeing and fearing the fierce temper and obstinacy of
the men.</p>

<h4><a name="xlvii" id="xlvii">XLVII (40)</a></h4>

<p>At that time, persuaded that he was enduring a fiery test,
he was released from the suspicion.</p>

<h4><a name="xlviii" id="xlviii">XLVIII (43)</a></h4>

<p>He thought therefore that it was dangerous to have shared
in their enterprise when their plan had failed and come to an
end.</p>

<h4><a name="xlix" id="xlix">XLIX (44)</a></h4>

<p>Having urged the soldiers to make haste, and exhorted the
tribunes to engage.</p>

<h4><a name="l" id="l">L (46)</a></h4>

<p>Thinking it better and safer not to be present at the hour
of the enemy&#8217;s opportunity, nor when they were under the
influence of popular excitement and fury.</p>

<h4><a name="li" id="li">LI (47)</a></h4>

<p>Whenever it is possible to obtain satisfaction from those
who have wronged us either by law or by any other settled
forms of justice.</p>

<h4><a name="lii" id="lii">LII (54)</a></h4>

<p>Having drawn his army from the pass he encamped.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">552</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="liia" id="liia">LII (55)</a></h4>

<p>And then they took up some sort of order, as though by
mutual consent, and fought the battle in regular formation.</p>

<h4><a name="liii" id="liii">LIII (56)</a></h4>

<p>That which causes the most pain at the time involves also
the most signal revulsion of joy.</p>

<h4><a name="liv" id="liv">LIV (57)</a></h4>

<p>Having ordered the pilots to steer the ships as fast as they
could to Elaea.</p>

<h4><a name="lv" id="lv">LV (61)</a></h4>

<p>They not only drove themselves off the stage, but ruined
also all Greece.</p>

<h4><a name="lva" id="lva">LV (62)</a></h4>

<p>But he, from his long experience of war, did not all lose
his presence of mind.</p>

<h4><a name="lvi" id="lvi">LVI (67)</a></h4>

<p>He persuades them by reckoning all the wealth he considered
they would gain in the battle.</p>

<h4><a name="lvii" id="lvii">LVII (68)</a></h4>

<p>The Romans had been inspired by some divine influence,
and having fortified their courage with irresistible might....</p>

<h4><a name="lviia" id="lviia">LVII (69)</a></h4>

<p>To signalise some by favours, and others by punishments,
that they might be a warning to the rest.</p>

<h4><a name="lviii" id="lviii">LVIII (72)</a></h4>

<p>And they, being persuaded, and throwing themselves in the
way of the enemy&#8217;s charge, died gallantly.</p>

<h4><a name="lix" id="lix">LIX (73)</a></h4>

<p>He tried to take the city by an intrigue, having long
secured a party of traitors within it.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">553</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="lx" id="lx">LX (74)</a></h4>

<p>He brought up the transports, by lading which with rocks
and sinking them at the mouth of the harbour he planned to
shut out the enemy entirely from the sea.</p>

<h4><a name="lxi" id="lxi">LXI (80)</a></h4>

<p>Though I have much more to say, I fear lest some of you
may think that I am unnecessarily diffuse.</p>

<h4><a name="lxii" id="lxii">LXII (81)</a></h4>

<p>They are reserving themselves for an opportunity, and are
quite ready to meet them again.</p>

<h4><a name="lxiii" id="lxiii">LXIII (85)</a></h4>

<p>To be eager for life and to cling to it is a sign of the
greatest baseness and weakness.</p>

<h4><a name="lxiv" id="lxiv">LXIV (86)</a></h4>

<p>He was feeling something like starters in horse races, which
are started by the raising of torches.</p>

<h4><a name="lxv" id="lxv">LXV (88)</a></h4>

<p>Their boldness transgresses the bounds of propriety, and
their actions are a violation of duty.</p>

<h4><a name="lxva" id="lxva">LXV (91)</a></h4>

<p>Seeing that the Carthaginians had obeyed all injunctions
in the most honourable spirit.</p>

<h4><a name="lxvi" id="lxvi">LXVI (92)</a></h4>

<p>To have fifty ships built entirely new, and to launch fifty
of those already existing from the docks.</p>

<h4><a name="lxvii" id="lxvii">LXVII (100)</a></h4>

<p>Lucius being appointed to go on a mission to the Lapateni
and speak to them in favour of an unconditional surrender,
was unprepared for the task before him.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">554</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="lxviii" id="lxviii">LXVIII (101)</a></h4>

<p>Of all the determining forces in war the most decisive of
failure or success is the spirit of the combatants.</p>

<h4><a name="lxix" id="lxix">LXIX (104)</a></h4>

<p>Having mentioned summarily the defeats they had sustained,
and putting before them the successes of the Macedonians.</p>

<h4><a name="lxx" id="lxx">LXX (105)</a></h4>

<p>For he perceived that the Macedonian kingdom would
become contemptible, if the rebels succeeded in their first
attempt.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxi" id="lxxi">LXXI (109)</a></h4>

<p>Therefore it was intolerable that the Romans even then
should make their way into Macedonia unobserved.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxii" id="lxxii">LXXII (110)</a></h4>

<p>He, if any one of our time has done so, has examined all
that has been said scientifically on tactics.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxiii" id="lxxiii">LXXIII (111)</a></h4>

<p>Metrodorus and his colleagues, frightened at the threatening
aspect of Philip, departed.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxiv" id="lxxiv">LXXIV (112)</a></h4>

<p>The Romans made no show of bearing a grudge for what
had taken place.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxv" id="lxxv">LXXV (113)</a></h4>

<p>But putting both spurs to his horse he rode on as hard as
he could.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxvi" id="lxxvi">LXXVI (114)</a></h4>

<p>Being annoyed at the treaty, Nabis paid no attention to its
provisions.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxvii" id="lxxvii">LXXVII (120)</a></h4>

<p>It was neither possible to examine the man closely in his
state of physical weakness, nor to put a question to him for
fear of worrying him.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">555</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="lxxviii" id="lxxviii">LXXVIII (122)</a></h4>

<p>The Pannonians having seized the fort at the beginning of
the war, had taken it as a base of operations, and had fitted it
up for the reception of booty.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxix" id="lxxix">LXXIX (124)</a></h4>

<p>But wishing to point the contrast between his policy to
those who trusted and those who disobeyed him, he commenced
the siege.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxx" id="lxxx">LXXX (126)</a></h4>

<p>So that those in the assembly were thunderstruck and unable
to collect their thoughts, sympathising with the poignant
sorrow of those thus dispossessed of their all.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxxi" id="lxxxi">LXXXI (131)</a></h4>

<p>They immediately sent a courier to Perseus to tell him what
had happened. (132) It was Perseus&#8217;s design to keep it close,
but he could not hide the truth.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxxii" id="lxxxii">LXXXII (133)</a></h4>

<p>In other respects he was well equipped for service, but
his spear was limp.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxxiii" id="lxxxiii">LXXXIII (134)</a></h4>

<p>Publius was anxious to engage and avail himself of the
enthusiasm of the barbarians. (135) He put in at Naupactus
in Aetolia. (136) He escorted Publius out with great respect.
(137) Having received Publius and Gaius with kindness and
honour.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxxiv" id="lxxxiv">LXXXIV (140)</a></h4>

<p>It was the deliberate intention of the Romans to fight at
sea.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxxv" id="lxxxv">LXXXV (141)</a></h4>

<p>While they were still together and were fighting at close
quarters with their swords, taking his stand behind them he
stabbed him under the armpit.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">556</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="lxxxvi" id="lxxxvi">LXXXVI (151)</a></h4>

<p>This man presented Prusias with many silver and gold cups
during the banquet.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxxvii" id="lxxxvii">LXXXVII (153)</a></h4>

<p>Taking a wise view of the future, he came to the conclusion
to get rid of the garrison sent by Ptolemy.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxxviii" id="lxxxviii">LXXXVIII (158)</a></h4>

<p>On that occasion both Romans and Carthaginians bivouacked
on the embankment.</p>

<h4><a name="lxxxix" id="lxxxix">LXXXIX (159)</a></h4>

<p>Not being able to persuade him again, owing to that king&#8217;s
cautious and inactive character, he was forced to offer five
hundred talents. And so Seleucus agreed to give the aid.</p>

<h4><a name="xc" id="xc">XC (161)</a></h4>

<p>Chance and Fortune, so to speak, enhanced the achievements
of Scipio, so that they always appeared more illustrious
than was expected.</p>

<h4><a name="xci" id="xci">XCI (162)</a></h4>

<p>One must not pass over even a minor work of his, as in
the case of a famous artist.</p>

<h4><a name="xcii" id="xcii">XCII (163)</a></h4>

<p>Scipio counselled him either not to try, or to do so in such
a manner as to succeed at all risks. For to make an attempt
on the same man twice was dangerous in itself, and was apt to
make a man altogether contemptible.</p>

<h4><a name="xciii" id="xciii">XCIII (164)</a></h4>

<p>But being jealous of Scipio they tried to decry his achievements.</p>

<h4><a name="xciv" id="xciv">XCIV (168)</a></h4>

<p>Fixing the stocks upright in the ground in a semicircle
touching each other.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">557</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="xcv" id="xcv">XCV (170)</a></h4>

<p>The important point of their resolution was that they would
not admit a garrison or governor, and would not give up their
constitution as established by law.</p>

<h4><a name="xcva" id="xcva">XCV (177-179)</a></h4>

<p>He said that we should not let the enemy escape, or encourage
their boldness by shirking a battle....</p>

<p>Conceiving a slight hope from the besieged garrison, he
made the most of it....</p>

<p>Pretending warm friendship, he tried every man&#339;uvre
whereby he might promote the enemy&#8217;s interests, and surround
us by the gravest perils....</p>

<h4><a name="xcvi" id="xcvi">XCVI (182)</a></h4>

<p>As the rock caused them difficulty because they were obliged
to bore a hole in it, they completed the mine which they were
making by using wooden bolts.</p>

<h4><a name="xcvii" id="xcvii">XCVII (183)</a></h4>

<p>He did not think it right to leave the war in Etruria, and
give his attention to the cities in that part of the country. He
feared that he should waste all the time, which was not very
long to begin with, in less important details.</p>

<h4><a name="xcviii" id="xcviii">XCVIII (185)</a></h4>

<p>And having got his boats and hemioliae dragged across the
Isthmus he put to sea, being anxious to be in time for the
Achaean congress.</p>

<h4><a name="xcix" id="xcix">XCIX (191)</a></h4>

<p>Philip was annoyed at the request of the Corcyreans.</p>

<h4><a name="c" id="c">C (192)</a></h4>

<p>Since circumstances debar Philip, the king wishes to give
that man the credit of the achievement, making the proposal
to him in the light of a favour.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">558</a></span></p>

<h4><a name="ci" id="ci">CI (193)</a></h4>

<p>Philip, having given out that he was about to serve out
rations, made a proclamation that a return should be made to
him of all who had not provisions for more than thirty days.</p>

<h4><a name="cii" id="cii">CII (195)</a></h4>

<p>After two days from starting for the seat of war Philip passed
the order to make two rations three, whenever he wanted an
additional day, and sometimes to make two four. (? Cp. Livy,
35, 28.)</p>

<h4><a name="ciii" id="ciii">CIII (195)</a></h4>

<p>A swipe (&#966;&#961;&#949;&#945;&#964;&#959;&#964;&#8057;&#960;&#945;&#957;&#959;&#957;) is one of the implements mentioned
by Polybius. (See 9, 43, Hultsch.)</p>

<h4><a name="civ" id="civ">CIV (199)</a></h4>

<p>It was impossible to convey the equipments and provisions
for the legions by sea or upon beasts of burden; they must
carry ten days&#8217; provisions in their wallets.</p>

<hr />

<h2><a name="geo" id="geo">II.&mdash;GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
QUOTED BY STEPHANUS AND OTHERS
AS HAVING BEEN USED BY POLYBIUS</a></h2>

<p class="indent2">Achriane, a town in Hyrcania.</p>

<p class="indent2">Adrane, a town in Thrace.</p>

<p class="indent2">Aegosthena, a town in Megaris.</p>

<p class="indent2">Allaria, a town in Crete.</p>

<p class="indent2">Ancara, a town in Italy.</p>

<p class="indent2">Aperanteia, a city and district in Thessaly.</p>

<p class="indent2">Apsyrtus, an island off Illyricum.</p>

<p class="indent2">Ares, plain of, &#8220;A desolate plain in Thrace with low trees.&#8221;</p>

<p class="indent2">Arsinoe, a town in Aetolia and in Libya.</p>

<p class="indent2"><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">559</a></span>Atella, a town of the Opici, in Campania. &#8220;The Atellani surrendered.&#8221;</p>

<p class="indent2">Badiza, a town in Bruttium.</p>

<p class="indent2">Babrantium, a place near Chios.</p>

<p class="indent2">Cabyle, a town in Thrace.</p>

<p class="indent2">Calliope, a town in Parthia.</p>

<p class="indent2">Candasa, a fort in Caria.</p>

<p class="indent2">Carthaea, one of the four cities of Ceos.</p>

<p class="indent2">Corax, a mountain between Callipolis and Naupactus.</p>

<p class="indent2">Cyathus, a river in Aetolia, near Arsinoe (a tributary of the Achelous).</p>

<p class="indent2">Dassaretae, an Illyrian tribe.</p>

<p class="indent2">Digeri, a Thracian tribe.</p>

<p class="indent2">Ellopium, a town in Aetolia.</p>

<p class="indent2">Gitta, a town in Palestine (Gath).</p>

<p class="indent2">Hella, in Asia, a port belonging to Attalus.</p>

<p class="indent2">Hippo (Regius), a town in Libya.</p>

<p class="indent2">Hyrtacus, a town in Crete.</p>

<p class="indent2">Hyscana, a town in Illyria.</p>

<p class="indent2">Ilattia, a town in Crete.</p>

<p class="indent2">Lampeteia, a town in Bruttium.</p>

<p class="indent2">Mantua, in N. Italy.</p>

<p class="indent2">Massyleis, a Libyan tribe.</p>

<p class="indent2">Melitusa, a town in Illyria.</p>

<p class="indent2">Oricus (m.), a town in Epirus, &#8220;The first town on the right as
one sails into the Adriatic.&#8221;</p>

<p class="indent2">Parthus, a town in Illyria.</p>

<p class="indent2">Philippi, a town in Macedonia.</p>

<p class="indent2">Phorynna, a town in Thrace.</p>

<p class="indent2">Phytaeum, a town in Aetolia.</p>

<p class="indent2">Rhyncus, in Aetolia.</p>

<p class="indent2">Sibyrtus, a town in Crete.</p>

<p class="indent2">Singa, a town in Libya.</p>

<p class="indent2">Tabraca, a town in Libya.</p>

<p class="indent2">Temesia, a town in Bruttium.</p>

<p class="indent2">Volci, a town in Etruria.</p>

<p class="indent2">Xynia, a town in Thessaly.</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">560</a></span></p>

<hr />

<h2>APPENDIX I.</h2>

<table summary="Macedonian Empire" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="center" colspan="3"><span class="smcap">The Divisions of the Macedonian Empire after the death of Alexander.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center" colspan="3"><hr /></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center" colspan="3"><span class="smcap">Alexander the Great, ob. June <span class="lowercase">B.C.</span> 323.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center padb1" colspan="3">Justin, 12, 16; Arrian, _An._ 7, 28.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="right vertm" rowspan="2">&#959;&#7985;&nbsp;&#946;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#955;&#949;&#8150;&#962;</td>
<td class="center vertm" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para.png" width="7" height="35" alt="|" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left">Philip III. (Arrhidaeus) half-brother of Alexander, ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 317.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Alexander IV. (posthumous son of Alexander by Roxana).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center">Successive&nbsp;Guardians</td>
<td class="center" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para.png" width="7" height="35" alt="|" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left">Perdiccas, killed <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 321.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center vertt">(&#959;&#7985; &#7952;&#960;&#953;&#956;&#949;&#955;&#951;&#964;&#945;&#8055;)</td>
<td class="left">Arrhidaeus and Python (for a few months), resigned <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 321.</td>
</tr>
</table>

<table width="100%" summary="Macedonian Empire Division" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="center">Hipparch ... Seleucus.</td>
<td class="center">Captain of the Bodyguards ... Cassander.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="center padt1" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">First Distribution of the Provinces of the Empire.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center" colspan="2">Diodorus Sic. 18, 3; Justin, 13, 4.<br /><br /></td>
</tr>
</table>

<table width="100%" summary="Macedonian Empire Division" border="1">
<tr>
<td class="left">Macedonia and Greece.</td>
<td class="left f85">Antipater.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Egypt, and parts of Libya and Asia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Ptolemy s. of Lagus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Pamphylia(1). Lycia. Greater Phrygia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Antigonus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Caria.</td>
<td class="left f85">Cassander.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Thrace.</td>
<td class="left f85">Lysimachus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Paphlagonia. Cappadocia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Eumenes.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Media Major.</td>
<td class="left f85">Python.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Syria.</td>
<td class="left f85">Laomedon.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Phrygia Hellespontiaca.</td>
<td class="left f85">Leonnatus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Lydia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Meleager.(2)</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Cilicia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Philotas.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Media Minor.</td>
<td class="left f85">Atropatos.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Bactria ulterior.</i></td>
<td class="left f85" rowspan="2">Unchanged.(3)</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>India.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Indian Colonies</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Pithon s. of Agenor.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Punjaub</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Taxiles.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Parapamisos.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Oxyartes.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Arachossi_ and _Cedrussi.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Silyrtias.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Draucae and Arei.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Stasanor.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Bactria.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Amyntas.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Sogdiani.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Stasandros.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Parthians.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Philip.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Hyrcani.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Phrataphernes.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Carmani.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Tleptolemus.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Persis.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Peucestes.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Babylonians.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Archon.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left"><i>Mesopotamia.</i></td>
<td class="left f85"><i>Arcesilaus.</i></td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="small"><br /><br />(1) Justin gives Pamphylia and Lycia to Nearchus.</p>

<p class="small">(2) Justin calls him Menander.</p>

<p class="small">(3) The provinces and governors printed in italics are not mentioned
by Dioderus here, who merely says they were unchanged. But the list
given by Justin agrees with that of Diodorus in the next settlement, with
certain exceptions, which may be regarded as changes arising from death or other causes.</p>

<hr />

<table width="100%" summary="Macedonian Empire" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="center" colspan="3"><span class="smcap">Second Arrangement, <span class="lowercase">B.C.</span> 321.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="right" rowspan="2">&#959;&#7985; &#946;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#955;&#949;&#8150;&#962;</td>
<td class="center" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para.png" width="7" height="35" alt="{" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left">Philip III. (Arrhidaeus) half-brother of Alexander, ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 317.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Alexander IV. (posthumous son of Alexander by Roxana).</td>
</tr>
</table>

<table summary="Macedonian Empire" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="left">Regent with absolute powers</td>
<td class="left">... Antipater, ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 318.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Regent with absolute powers</td>
<td class="left">... Polysperchon</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Strategus of the Empire</td>
<td class="left">... Antigonus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Chiliarch of the Empire</td>
<td class="left">... Cassander (s. of Antigonus).</td>
</tr>
</table>

<table summary="Macedonian Empire Division" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="center">Hipparch ... Seleucus.</td>
<td class="center">Captain of the Bodyguards ... Cassander.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center padt1" colspan="2"><span class="smcap"><span class="lowercase">B.C.</span> 321. Second Arrangement Of The Provinces.</span>Diod. 18, 39.</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">561</a></span></p>

<table width="100%" summary="Macedonian Empire Division" border="1">
<tr>
<td class="left">(Unchanged.) Macedonia and Greece.</td>
<td class="left f85">Antipater.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">(Unchanged.) Egypt &amp; parts of Libya &amp; Asia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Ptolemy s. of Lagus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Greater Phrygia, Lycia, &amp; Susiana added.</td>
<td class="left f85">Antigonus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">(Unchanged.) Caria</td>
<td class="left f85">Cassander.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">(Unchanged.) Thrace.</td>
<td class="left f85">Lysimachus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">(Unchanged.) Media.</td>
<td class="left f85">Python.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">(Unchanged.) Syria.</td>
<td class="left f85">Laomedon.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Cilicia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Philoxenus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Babylonia</td>
<td class="left f85">Seleucus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Cappadocia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Nicanor.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Lydia</td>
<td class="left f85">Cheiton.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Phrygia Hellespontiaca.</td>
<td class="left f85">Arrhidaeus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Mesopotamia and Asbelitis.</td>
<td class="left f85">Amphimachus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">The other provinces as in the previous list.</td>
<td class="left">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="small">&nbsp;</p>

<table summary="Macedonian Empire" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="center" colspan="3"><span class="smcap">Third Arrangement, <span class="lowercase">B.C.</span> 312-311.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center">King ... Alexander IV. (in charge of Roxana).</td>
<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center">Strategus in Europe till the king comes of age ... Cassander.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center padt1" colspan="3"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C. 312-311. Third Arrangement of the Provinces of the Empire.</span>Diod. Sic. 19, 105.</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="smaller">&nbsp;</p>

<table width="100%" summary="Macedonian Empire" border="1">
<tr>
<td class="left">Egypt.</td>
<td class="left f85">Ptolemy, s. of Lagus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Thrace.</td>
<td class="left f85">Lysimachus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Macedonia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Cassander.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">All Asia (&#7936;&#966;&#951;&#947;&#949;&#8150;&#963;&#952;&#945;&#953;).</td>
<td class="left f85">Antigonus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">Babylonia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Seleucus Nicanor.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left" colspan="2">Greece nominally free, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 307<br />
Demetrius (s. of Antigonus) becomes Master of Athens.</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="smallc padt05">B.C. 311. Alexander IV. and Roxana murdered by order of Cassander.</p>

<p><span class="smcap"><span class="lowercase">B.C.</span> 306. Fourth Arrangement.</span> <b>Kingdoms</b> <span class="smcap">formed, After the naval victory of Demetrius over Ptolemy.</span>
Diod. 30, 53.</p>

<table width="100%" summary="Macedonian Empire" border="1">
<tr>
<td class="left">King of Egypt.</td>
<td class="left f85">Ptolemy, s. of Lagus</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">King of Syria and Asia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Antigonus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">King of Upper Asia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Seleucus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">King of Thrace.</td>
<td class="left f85">Lysimachus.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">King of Macedonia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Cassander.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left f85" colspan="2">Demetrius Poliorcetes (s. of Antigonus)
also takes the title of _king_, and in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 304 returns to Athens
and wages war with Cassander.</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="center padt1"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C. 301. Settlement after the battle of Ipsus,
in which Antigonus fell.</span></p>

<p class="smallc padb1">(Lysimachus and Seleucus against Antigonus and Demetrius.)</p>

<table width="100%" summary="Macedonian Empire" border="1">
<tr>
<td class="left">King of Egypt.</td>
<td class="left f85">Ptolemy, s. of Lagus, ob. 283.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">King of Syria.</td>
<td class="left f85">Seleucus Nicanor, ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 280.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">King of Thrace.</td>
<td class="left f85">Lysimachus, ob. 281.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left">King of Macedonia.</td>
<td class="left f85">Cassander, ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 297.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="left  f85" colspan="2">Greece is nominally free, but in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 295
Demetrius takes Athens, and becoming King of
Macedonia in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 295 to <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 287, he retains
Greece as part of the kingdom. In the confusion
which followed it was practically free.</td>
</tr>
</table>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">562</a></span></p>

<h2>APPENDIX II.</h2>

<h3>THE KINGS OF EGYPT, SYRIA, AND MACEDONIA, TO THE END OF THE
          PERIOD EMBRACED IN POLYBIUS&#8217;S HISTORY</h3>

<table width="100%" style="font-size: .85em; border-collapse: collapse; line-height: .9em;" summary="THE KINGS OF EGYPT and SYRIA" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="center bl bt bb padt05 padb05"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span></td>
<td class="center bl bt bb padt05 padb05">EGYPT</td>
<td class="center bl2 bt bb padt05 padb05"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span></td>
<td class="center bl bt br bb padt05 padb05">SYRIA</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl padt05">306-285</td>
<td class="left bl padt05">Ptolemy,&nbsp;s.&nbsp;of&nbsp;Lagus</td>
<td class="center bl2 padt05">306-301</td>
<td class="left bl br padt05">Antigonus&nbsp;the&nbsp;One-eyed</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">283-247</td>
<td class="left  bl">Ptolemy&nbsp;II.&nbsp;Philadelphus</td>
<td class="center bl2">301-280</td>
<td class="left bl br">Seleucus Nicanor</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">247-222</td>
<td class="left bl">Ptolemy&nbsp;III.&nbsp;Euergetes</td>
<td class="center bl2">280-261</td>
<td class="left bl br">Antiochus I. Soter, s. of<br />&nbsp;&nbsp;Antigonus the One-eyed</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">222-205</td>
<td class="left bl">Ptolemy&nbsp;IV.&nbsp;Philopator</td>
<td class="center bl2">246-226</td>
<td class="left bl br">Seleucus II.&nbsp;Callinicus</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">205-181</td>
<td class="left bl">Ptolemy&nbsp;V.&nbsp;Epiphanes</td>
<td class="center bl2">226-223</td>
<td class="left bl br">Seleucus&nbsp;III.&nbsp;Alexander or Ceraunus</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">181-146</td>
<td class="left bl">Ptolemy&nbsp;VI.&nbsp;Philometor</td>
<td class="center bl2">223-187</td>
<td class="left bl br">Antiochus&nbsp;III.&nbsp;the Great</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">170-154</td>
<td class="left bl">Ptolemy&nbsp;VII.&nbsp;Physcon,<br />&nbsp;&nbsp;joint king with his<br />&nbsp;&nbsp;brother, Ptolemy VI</td>
<td class="center bl2">187-175</td>
<td class="left bl br">Seleucus IV. Philopator</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">146-117</td>
<td class="left bl">Ptolemy&nbsp;VII.&nbsp;sole king</td>
<td class="center bl2">175-164</td>
<td class="left bl br">Antiochus&nbsp;IV.&nbsp;Epiphanes</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center bl2">164-162</td>
<td class="left bl br">Antiochus&nbsp;V.&nbsp;Eupator</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center bl2">162-150</td>
<td class="left bl br">Demetrius&nbsp;I.&nbsp;Soter</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center bl2">150-147</td>
<td class="left bl br">Alexander&nbsp;Balas</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl bb padb05">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left bl bb padb05">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center bl2 bb padb05">147-125</td>
<td class="left bl bb br padb05">Demetrius&nbsp;II.&nbsp;Nicator</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<table width="100%" style="font-size: .85em; border-collapse: collapse; line-height: .9em;" summary="THE KINGS OF MACEDONIA" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="center bt bl bb padt05 padb05"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span></td>
<td class="center bt bl br bb padt05 padb05" colspan="4">MACEDONIA</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl padt05">323-311</td>
<td class="center bl padt05" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para.png" width="7" height="35" alt="{" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left br padt05" colspan="3">Alexander IV.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">323-317</td>
<td class="left br" colspan="4">Philip III. (Arrhidaeus)</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">311-306</td>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">Regency of Cassander</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">306-296</td>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">Cassander</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">296</td>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">Philip IV. s. of Cassander</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl" rowspan="2">296-294</td>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left">Antipater</td>
<td class="center" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para2.png" width="7" height="35" alt="{" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left br" style="padding-right: 15em;" rowspan="2">sons of Cassander</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left">Alexander</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">294-287</td>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">Demetrius I. Poliercetes, ob. 283</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">287-281</td>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">Divided between Lysimachus and Pyrrhus</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl" rowspan="2">281-280</td>
<td class="center bl" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 7px;"><img src="images/para.png" width="7" height="35" alt="{" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">Seleucus, Nicanor</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">Ptolemy Ceraunus, s. of Ptolemy of Egypt</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">280-277</td>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">[Various claimants]</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">277-239</td>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">Antigonus Gonatas, s. of Demetrius I.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">239-229</td>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">Demetrius II. s. of  Gonatas.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl">229-179</td>
<td class="center bl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left br" colspan="3">Philip V. s. of Demetrius II.<br />
[Antigonus Doson, nominally his guardian assumes the crown <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229-220]</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center bl bb padb05">179-168</td>
<td class="center bl bb padb05">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left br bb padb05" colspan="3">Perseus [Macedonia a Roman province]</td>
</tr>
</table>

<hr />

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">563</a></span></p>

<h2>APPENDIX III</h2>

<p>1, 21. The capture of Cornelius Asina is ascribed by Livy
(<i>Ep</i>. 17) to an act of treachery, <i>per fraudem velut in colloquium
evocatus captus est</i>. He is copied by Florus (2, 2) and Eutropius
(2, 10). See also Valerius Max. 6, 6, 2. This is perhaps not
incompatible with the narrative of Polybius, which, however, does
not suggest it. He must have been released at the time of the
entrance of Regulus into Africa, for being captured in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 260,
we find him Consul for <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 254, without any account of his
release being preserved.</p>

<h3>1, 32-36.&mdash;XANTHIPPUS THE LACEDAEMONIAN</h3>

<p>The fate of Xanthippus has been variously reported. Polybius
represents him as going away voluntarily, and Mommsen supposes
him to have taken service in the Egyptian army. Appian,
however, asserts that he and his men were drowned on their way
home to Sparta by the Carthaginian captains who were conveying
them, and who were acting on secret orders from home (8, 4).
Mommsen also regards the account of Polybius of the reforms
introduced in the Carthaginian tactics by Xanthippus as exaggerated:
&#8220;The officers of Carthage can hardly have waited for
foreigners to teach them that the light African cavalry can be
more appropriately employed on the plain than among hills and
forests.&#8221; The doubt had apparently occurred to others [Diodor.
Sic. fr. bk. 23.] The mistake, however, was not an unnatural one.
For other references to Xanthippus see Cicero <i>de Off.</i> 3, 26, 7;
Valerius Max. 1, 1, 14; Dio Cassius, fr. 43, 24.</p>

<h3>1, 34.&mdash;M. ATILIUS REGULUS</h3>

<p>No more is told us of the fate of Regulus, and Mommsen says
&#8220;nothing more is known with certainty.&#8221; Arnold, following
Niebuhr, declared the story of his cruel death to be a fabrication.
The tradition, however, of his mission home to propose peace, his
subsequent return after advising against it, and his death under
torture, was received undoubtingly by the Roman writers of the
time of Cicero and afterwards. See Cicero, <i>Off.</i> 3, &sect; 99; <i>ad Att.</i>
16, 11; <i>de Sen.</i> &sect; 74; <i>Paradox.</i> 2, 16; <i>Tusc.</i> 5, &sect; 14. Horace,
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">564</a></span>
<i>Od.</i> 3, 5; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 18; Valerius Max. 1, 1, 14; Dio Cassius,
fr. 43, 28. To Appian (8, 4) is due the additional particular of the
barrel full of nails, &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#945;&#8016;&#964;&#8056;&#957; &#959;&#7985; &#922;&#945;&#961;&#967;&#951;&#948;&#8057;&#957;&#953;&#959;&#953; &#954;&#945;&#952;&#949;&#8055;&#961;&#958;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962; &#7952;&#957;
&#947;&#945;&#955;&#949;&#8049;&#947;&#961;&#8115; &#954;&#8051;&#957;&#964;&#961;&#945; &#960;&#8049;&#957;&#964;&#959;&#952;&#949;&#957; &#7952;&#967;&#959;&#8059;&#963;&#8131; &#948;&#953;&#8051;&#966;&#952;&#949;&#953;&#961;&#945;&#957;. Against this
uniformity of tradition is to be set the silence of Polybius. But
on the other hand, in this introductory part of his history, Polybius
does not profess to give full particulars (see note to 1, 21); and
in the case of Regulus, he has not stated what we learn from Livy
(<i>Ep.</i> 18) and Valerius Max. 4, 4, 6, that his stay in Africa for
the second year was against his own express wish, his private
business requiring, as he thought, his presence in Italy.</p>

<h3>1, 60.&mdash;LUTATIUS</h3>

<p>Lutatius is represented by Polybius as directing the operations
at the battle of Aegusa; but it appears that he had
received some hurt a few days before, and was confined to his
lectica during the action (<i>lectica claudum jucuisse</i>). The chief
direction therefore devolved upon the praetor, Q. Valerius Falto,
who accordingly claimed to share his triumph, but was refused
on the technical ground that the victory had not been won under
his <i>auspicia</i>. Valerius Max. 2, 8, 2.</p>

<h3>1, 76.&mdash;HAMILCAR</h3>

<p>(Vol. i. p. 85.) Dr. Warre writes on the man&#339;uvre of
Hamilcar as follows: &#8220;Hamilcar&#8217;s army is in column of route;
elephants leading, then cavalry, then light-armed infantry, and
heavy-armed infantry in the rear. He observes the enemy bearing
down hastily; gives orders to his whole force to turn about, and
then forms line (&#7952;&#958;&#8051;&#964;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#962;) by successive wheels of his heavy-armed
troops. He would thus have changed his heavy-armed from
column of route into line by wheeling them while retiring to the
right (or left) about. The light-armed apparently passed through
the intervals; the cavalry halted when they came to the line now
formed up, and at once turned to their front and faced the enemy,
and the remainder marched forward to meet them. Polybius
does not tell us with what front Hamilcar was marching; but I
think it is clear that he was in column of route and not in battle
array (&#7952;&#954; &#960;&#945;&#961;&#945;&#964;&#8049;&#958;&#949;&#969;&#962;). Thus the deployment of his columns,
<i>while retiring, by right (or left) about wheel</i> into line by successive
&#963;&#965;&#957;&#964;&#8049;&#947;&#956;&#945;&#964;&#945;, or battalions, would be a very pretty man&#339;uvre, and
only such as an able tactician would resort to.&#8221;</p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">565</a></span></p>

<h3>11, 22-23.&mdash;SCIPIO AND HASDRUBAL SON OF GESCO</h3>

<p>(Vol. ii. p. 67.) Of this passage Dr. Warre has again favoured
me with a note and a translation which I append: &#8220;The passage in
Polybius is very interesting. It is a good tactical example of an
attack on both flanks, refusing the centre, the effect being to keep
the enemy from moving the troops in his centre to the assistance
of his wings. The inversion of order, by which the right became
the left in the case of those troops who had first orders &#8216;right
turn, left wheel from line into column,&#8217; and then &#8216;left wheel into
line,&#8217; is an ordinary instance of doing what might be called
&#8216;clubbing&#8217; a battalion or brigade. It is of course on parade a
clumsy mistake to make; but Scipio rightly took no notice of it
in battle, as Polybius, who sees the matter with a soldier&#8217;s eye,
observes. Scipio&#8217;s army was inferior in numbers, and so he first
moved his Romans <i>outwards</i> while still in line, and then formed
for attack with the cavalry, light infantry, and three battalions
(cohorts) on each flank.&#8221;</p>

<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><img src="images/tactics.png" width="500" height="349" alt="Tactical example of an
attack on both flanks" title="" /></div>

<p>The following is Dr. Warre&#8217;s translation:&mdash;</p>

<p>&#8220;Polybius 11, 22.&mdash;On this occasion Scipio seems to have
employed two stratagems. He observed that Hasdrubal was in
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">566</a></span>
the habit of marching out late in the day, of keeping his Libyan
troops in the centre, and of posting his elephants in front of each
wing. His own custom was to march out at the said hour to
oppose him, and to set the Romans in his centre opposite to the
Libyans, while he posted his Spanish troops upon his wings. On
the day upon which he determined to decide matters he did the
reverse of this, and thereby greatly assisted his forces towards
gaining a victory, and placed the enemy at no small disadvantage.
At daybreak he sent his aides and gave orders to all the tribunes
and to the soldiers that they were first to get their breakfast,
and then to arm and to parade in front of the ramparts. This
was done. The soldiers obeyed eagerly, having an idea of his
intention. He sent forward the cavalry and light infantry, giving
them joint orders to approach the camp of the enemy, and to
skirmish up to it boldly; but he himself took the heavy infantry,
and at sunrise advanced, and when he had reached the middle of
the plain formed line in just the opposite order to his previous
formation. For he proceeded to deploy the Iberians on the
centre and the Romans on the flanks.&#8221;</p>

<p><br />&#8220;For a while the Romans remained as usual silent, but
after the day had worn, and the light infantry engagement was
indecisive and on equal terms, since those who were hard
pressed retired on their own heavy infantry and (&#7952;&#954; &#956;&#949;&#964;&#945;&#946;&#959;&#955;&#8134;&#962; &#954;&#953;&#957;&#948;&#965;&#957;&#949;&#8059;&#949;&#953;&#957;), after retreating formed again for attack, then it
was that Scipio withdrew his skirmishers through the intervals
of the troops under the standards, and divided them on
either wing in rear of his line, first the velites, and in succession
to them his cavalry, and at first made his advance <i>in
line direct</i>. But when distant (? five) furlongs from the enemy he
directed the Iberians to advance in the same formation, but gave
orders to the wings to turn outwards (to the right wing for the
infantry to turn to their right, and to their left to the left). Then
he himself took from the right and Lucius Marcius and Marcus
Junius from the left the three leading squadrons of cavalry, and
in front of these the usual number of velites, and three cohorts
(for this is the Roman term), but the one body wheeled to the left
and the other to the right, were led in column against the enemy,
advancing at full speed, the troops in succession forming and
following as they wheeled....</p>

<p>(They were in line, and the cavalry and velites got the word
turn, left wheel, and the infantry right wheel and forward, <i>i.e.</i> the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">567</a></span>
light troops and cavalry wheeled from their outer flank, and the
heavy infantry from their inner flank.)</p>

<p>&#8220;And when these troops were not far off the enemy, and the
Iberians in the line direct were still a considerable distance
behind, as they were advancing slowly, they came in contact with
either wing of the enemy, the Roman forces being in column
according to his original intention.</p>

<p>&#8220;The subsequent movements by which the troops in rear of
these columns came into line with those leading were exactly the
reverse, generally, in the case of the right and the left wings, and
particularly, in case of the light troops and cavalry and the heavy
infantry. For the cavalry and velites on the right wing forming
to the right into line were trying to outflank the enemy, but the
infantry formed on the contrary to the left. On the left wing the
cavalry and light infantry left formed into line, and the heavy
infantry right formed into line. And so it came to pass that on
both wings the cavalry and light troops were in inverted order, <i>i.e.</i>
their proper right had become their left. The general took little
heed of this, but cared only for that which was of greater importance,
the outflanking of the enemy; and rightly so, for while
a general ought to know what has happened, he should use the
movements that are suitable to the circumstances.&#8221;</p>

<h3>34, 5, 10.&mdash;PYTHEAS</h3>

<p>The date of these voyages of Pytheas is uncertain beyond the
fact that they were somewhere in the 4th century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> His
Periplus, or notes of his voyage, was extant until the 5th
century <span class="smcap">A.D.</span> The fragments remaining have been published by
Arvedson, Upsala, 1824. The objection raised by Polybius to
the impossibility of a poor man making such voyages is sometimes
answered by the supposition that he was sent officially by the
Massilian merchants to survey the north of Europe and look out
for places suitable for commerce. The northern sea, which he
describes as &#8220;like a jellyfish through which one can neither walk
nor sail,&#8221; is referred &#8220;to the rotten and spongy ice which sometimes
fills those waters.&#8221; This is assuming Thule to be Iceland.
Tacitus supposed it to be Shetland (<i>Agr.</i> 10), and described the
waters there as sluggish, and not subject to the influence of the
wind. See Elton (<i>Origins of English History</i>, pp. 73-74). Elton
quotes Wallace (<i>Concerning Thule</i>, 31), who comments on Tacitus
by saying, &#8220;This agrees with the sea in the north-east of Scotland,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">568</a></span>
not for the reason given by Tacitus, but because of the contrary
tides, which drive several ways, and stop not only boats with oars
but ships under sail.&#8221;</p>

<h3>34, 10.&mdash;THE SUBTERRANEAN FISH</h3>

<p>Schweighaeuser in his note on this passage quotes Aristotle <i>de
Anim.</i> 6, 15, who states that gudgeon thus hide themselves in the
earth; and Seneca, <i>Nat. Q.</i>, 3, 17 and 19, who refers to the fact
<i>piscem posse vivere sub terra et effodi</i>, and quotes an instance as
occurring in Caria. See also Livy, 42, 2, who, among other
prodigies occurring in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 173, says, <i>in Gallico agro qua induceretur
aratrum sub existentibus glebis pisces emersisse dicebantur</i>.
Eels and other fish have been found in the mud of ponds long
after the ponds have been dried up. The truer account is given
in Strabo (4, 1, 6): &#8220;There was a lake near Ruscino, and a
swampy place a little above the sea, full of salt, and containing
mullets (&#954;&#949;&#963;&#964;&#961;&#949;&#8150;&#962;), which are dug out; for if a man dig down
two or three feet, and drive a trident into the muddy water, he
may spear fish which is of considerable size, and which feeds on
the mud like the eels.&#8221;</p>

<hr />

<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> The port of Brundisium was known long before. See Herod. 4, 99. The
Romans colonised the town in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 244. See Livy, epit. 19.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> See on <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_66">66.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> Dr. Arnold declares it &#8220;all but an impossibility that an army should have
marched the distance (not less than 325 Roman miles) in a week.&#8221; Livy (26,
42) accepts the statement without question.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> Mr. Strachan-Davidson explains this to mean from the sea to the lake, as
Scipio&#8217;s lines would not have extended right round the lake to the other sea.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Escombrera (&#931;&#954;&#959;&#956;&#946;&#961;&#945;&#961;&#8055;&#945;). I must refer my readers to Mr. Strachan-Davidson&#8217;s
appendix on <i>The Site of the Spanish Carthage</i> for a discussion of
these details. See above <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_13">13;</a> Livy, 26, 42.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> This seems to be the distinction between the words &#947;&#949;&#961;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#8055;&#945; and
&#963;&#8059;&#947;&#954;&#955;&#951;&#964;&#959;&#962;. Cp. 36, 4. The latter is the word used by Polybius for the
Roman Senate: for the nature of the first see Bosworth Smith, <i>Carthage and
the Carthaginians</i>, p. 27. It was usually called &#8220;The Hundred.&#8221; Mommsen
(<i>Hist. of Rome</i>, vol. ii. p. 15) seems to doubt the existence of the larger council:
its authority at any rate had been superseded by the oligarchical gerusia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> This and the following chapter were formerly assigned to the description
of Scipio&#8217;s proceedings in Spain and followed, ch. 20. Hultsch, however,
seems right in placing them thus, and assigning them to the account of the
tactics of Philopoemen.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> On the margin of one MS. the following is written, which may be a
sentence from the same speech, or a comment of the Epitomator: &#8220;A confederacy
with democratic institutions always stands in need of external support,
owing to the fickleness of the multitude.&#8221;</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> See <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> This goddess is variously called Anaitis (Plut. <i>Artax.</i> 27) and Nanea
(2 Macc. 1, 13). And is identified by Plutarch with Artemis, and by others
with Aphrodite.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> This proverb perhaps arose from the frequent employment of the non-Hellenic
Carians as mercenaries. Cp. Plato, <i>Laches</i>, 187 B; <i>Euthydemus</i>,
285 B; Euripides, <i>Cyclops</i>, 654.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> See <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_11">11.</a></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> This passage does not occur in the extant treatise of Aeneas; but is apparently
referred to (ch. 7, &sect; 4) as being contained in a preparatory treatise
(&#960;&#945;&#961;&#945;&#963;&#954;&#949;&#965;&#945;&#963;&#964;&#953;&#954;&#8052; &#946;&#8055;&#946;&#955;&#959;&#962;).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> The grouping of these letters will be as follows:&mdash;</p>

<table width="50%" summary="letters">
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td>1</td>
<td>2</td>
<td>3</td>
<td>4</td>
<td>5</td>
</tr><tr>
<td>1</td>
<td>&#945;</td>
<td>&#950;</td>
<td>&#955;</td>
<td>&#960;</td>
<td>&#966;</td>
</tr><tr>
<td>2</td>
<td>&#946;</td>
<td>&#951;</td>
<td>&#956;</td>
<td>&#961;</td>
<td>&#967;</td>
</tr><tr>
<td>3</td>
<td>&#947;</td>
<td>&#952;</td>
<td>&#957;</td>
<td>&#963;</td>
<td>&#968;</td>
</tr><tr>
<td>4</td>
<td>&#948;</td>
<td>&#953;</td>
<td>&#958;</td>
<td>&#964;</td>
<td>&#969;</td>
</tr><tr>
<td>5</td>
<td>&#949;</td>
<td>&#954;</td>
<td>&#959;</td>
<td>&#965;</td>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
</table>

</div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> Polybius confuses the Tanais (Don) with another Tanais or Iaxartes
flowing into the south-east part of the Caspian.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> King of Bactria, see 11, 34.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> See Livy, 27, 39.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> Livy, 27, 44.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> There is nothing to show positively that a Rhodian is the speaker: but
Livy mentions envoys from Rhodes and Ptolemy this year. For the special
attempts of the Rhodians to bring about a peace between Philip and the
Aetolians, see 5, 24, 100.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> The &#8220;Tarentines&#8221; were horsemen armed with light skirmishing javelins.
See <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>; and cp. Arrian, <i>Tact.</i> 4, &sect; 5; 18, &sect; 2. Livy, 35,
28; 37, 40.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> See on <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_4">4</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> The text is certainly corrupt here, and it is not clear what the general
sense of the passage is beyond this,&mdash;that Philopoemen calculated on defeating
the enemy, as he did, while struggling through the dyke: or on their exposing
themselves to attack if they retreated from the dyke without crossing it.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> Or, according to another reading &#8220;five stades.&#8221; Livy, 28, 14, says <i>quingentos
passus</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> The text is imperfect.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> Handing it over to L. Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus, Livy, 28, 38.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> That is the <i>Caucasus Indicus</i> or Paropamisus: mod. Hind&uacute; K&uacute;sh.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> Cp. a similar custom of the Lycians, Herod. 1, 173.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> He may have been referring to pre-homeric times, cp. Herod. 6, 137, &#959;&#8016; &#947;&#8048;&#961; &#949;&#7990;&#957;&#945;&#953; &#964;&#959;&#8166;&#964;&#959;&#957; &#964;&#8056;&#957; &#967;&#961;&#8057;&#957;&#959;&#957; &#963;&#966;&#8055;&#963;&#953; &#954;&#969; &#959;&#8016;&#948;&#8050; &#964;&#959;&#8150;&#963;&#953; &#7940;&#955;&#955;&#959;&#953;&#963;&#953; &#7965;&#955;&#955;&#951;&#963;&#953;
&#959;&#7984;&#954;&#8051;&#964;&#945;&#962;.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> The text is very imperfect here.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> For this title see on 22, 19. It is found in inscriptions in Thasos, Crete,
and Cibyra. C.I.G. 2163, <i>c</i>; 2583; 4380, <i>b</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> Both Curtius and Arrian seem to have found in their authorities that
Darius crossed the Pinarus. Curt. 3, 8; Arrian, 2, 8.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> Reckoning the stade at 600 feet (Greek).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> See note to previous chapter.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> The Cilician gates.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> That is, sixteen or thirty-two deep.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> The text here is in hopeless confusion.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> Homer, who is generally spoken of as &#8220;the poet.&#8221; We may remember
Horace (<i>Ep.</i> 1, 19, 6) <i>Laudibus arguitur vini vinosus Homerus</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> See <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>. The point seems to be that the remark was too commonplace
to put into the mouth of a hero.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> The text is again hopeless.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> The text is uncertain, and I am not at all sure of the meaning of &#7952;&#960;&#8217; &#8000;&#957;&#8057;&#956;&#945;&#964;&#959;&#962;,
cp. 25 <i>k</i>, 27. These public harangues of doctors to attract patients
are noticed in Xenophon, <i>Memorab</i>. 4, 2, 5.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> Tyrant of Salamis in Cyprus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 404-374. See Isocrates, <i>Orat.</i> x.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> For this proverb see Plutarch, <i>Nicias</i>, ch. 9,
&#7969;&#948;&#8051;&#969;&#962; &#956;&#949;&#956;&#957;&#951;&#956;&#8051;&#957;&#959;&#953; &#964;&#959;&#8166; &#949;&#7984;&#960;&#8057;&#957;&#964;&#959;&#962; &#8005;&#964;&#953; &#964;&#959;&#8058;&#962; &#7952;&#957; &#949;&#7984;&#961;&#8053;&#957;&#8131; &#954;&#945;&#952;&#949;&#8059;&#948;&#959;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#962; &#959;&#8016; &#963;&#8049;&#955;&#960;&#953;&#947;&#947;&#949;&#962; &#7936;&#955;&#955;&#8217;
&#7936;&#955;&#949;&#954;&#964;&#961;&#965;&#8057;&#957;&#949;&#962; &#7936;&#966;&#965;&#960;&#957;&#8055;&#950;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#953;.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> ch. 25.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> Homer, <i>Il.</i> 5, 890.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> Homer, <i>Il.</i> 9, 63.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> Euripides, fr.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Battle of the Crimesus. See Plutarch, <i>Timol.</i> ch. 27.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> He refers to the habit of Eastern nations thrusting their hands into long
sleeves in the presence of their rulers. See Xenophon, <i>Hellen.</i> 2, 1, 8.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> Homer, <i>Odyss.</i> 1, 1-4; 8, 183.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> <i>Republic</i>, v. 473 C. vi. 499 B.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> The Rhodians had proclaimed war against the Cretan pirates. Philip
had secretly commissioned one of his agents, the Aetolian Dicaearchus, to aid
the Cretans. Diodor. fr. xxviii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> Heracleides having gained credence at Rhodes by pretending to betray
Philip&#8217;s intrigue with the Cretans, waited for an opportunity, and, setting fire
to their arsenal, escaped in a boat. Polyaen. 5, 17, 2.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> The text of these last sentences is so corrupt that it is impossible to be
sure of having rightly represented the meaning of Polybius.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> These raids on the territory of Megalopolis, however, did not lead to
open war till <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 202. See <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> Caepio was commanding in Bruttium, Servilius in Etruria and Liguria.
Livy, 30, 1.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> Sophanisba, the daughter of Hasdrubal son of Gesco. Livy, 29, 23; 30,
12, 15.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> Some words are lost from the text.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> &#960;&#945;&#961;&#949;&#957;&#8051;&#946;&#945;&#955;&#955;&#949;, which Schweig. translates <i>castra locavit:</i> but though the
word does sometimes bear that meaning, I cannot think that it does so here.
Scipio seems to have retained his camp on the hill, only two and a half miles&#8217;
distant, and to have come down into the plain to offer battle each of the
three days. Hence the imperfect.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> The war with Antiochus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218-217. See <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a>-71, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>-87.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> A civil war, apparently in a rebellion caused by his own feeble and vicious
character. It seems to be that referred to in 5, 107.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> Homer, <i>Iliad</i>, 4, 437.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> Homer, <i>Iliad</i>, 4, 300.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> A line of which the author is unknown; perhaps it was Theognis.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> See Livy, 31, 31; Strabo, 12, c. 4. Philip handed over Cius to Prusias.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> That is, from Rhodes and other states.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> That is the treaty between Philip and Antiochus.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> The word &#946;&#8055;&#945;&#967;&#945; in the text is unknown, and certainly corrupt. The
most obvious remedy is &#8017;&#960;&#8057;&#946;&#961;&#965;&#967;&#945; or &#8017;&#960;&#959;&#946;&#961;&#8059;&#967;&#953;&#945;. But we cannot be sure.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> <i>Jam cum Rhodiis et Attalo navalibus certaminibus, neutro feliciter, vires
expertus.</i> Livy, 31, 14.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> An inscription found at Iassus [C.I.G. 2683] has confirmed this name
which is found in one MS. instead of <i>Hestias</i>. Whether the meaning of the
title is Artemis of the City, or some local designation, is uncertain.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> Called Panion or Paneion. See Josephus <i>B. Jud.</i> 3, 10, 7, &#7992;&#959;&#961;&#948;&#8049;&#957;&#959;&#965;
&#960;&#8053;&#947;&#951; &#964;&#8056; &#928;&#8049;&#957;&#949;&#953;&#959;&#957;. The town near it was called Paneas, and afterwards Paneas
Caesarea, and later still Caesarea Philippi. Scopas, the Aetolian, was now
serving Ptolemy Epiphanes; see 13, 2; 18, 53.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> See on <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b49_77">77</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_1">1</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> See <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> Ptolemy Philopator had made Gaza his chief dep&ocirc;t of war material; see
5, 68. Antiochus destroyed it in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 198 for its loyalty to the King of Egypt.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> Syria was conquered by the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pilezer about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 747,
and was afterwards a part of the Babylonian and Persian empires. It does
not seem certain to what invasion Polybius is here referring.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> That is from the wars undertaken by them against Philip. Livy, 31,
14, 24.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> For the Phocians see Pausan. 10, 1, 6. For the Acarnanians see <i>supra</i>,
9, 40.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> According to Hultsch no fragments or extracts of book 17 are preserved.
In it would have been contained the campaign of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 199, in the war between
Rome and Philip, for which see Livy, 31, 34-43. And the operations of
Flamininus in the season of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 198, Livy, 32, 9-18. The first seventeen
chapters of this book are generally classed in book 17.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> The reading &#7952;&#957;&#945;&#8059;&#963;&#945;&#963;&#952;&#945;&#953;, which I attempt to represent, is doubtful.
Schweig. suggests &#7952;&#947;&#947;&#949;&#8059;&#963;&#945;&#963;&#952;&#945;&#953; &#8220;to taste.&#8221;</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> Demosthenes, <i>de Corona</i>, &sect;&sect; 43, 48, 295.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 338 after the battle of Chaeronea. See Thirlwall, 6, 77; Grote, 11,
315 (ch. 90); Kennedy&#8217;s translation of the <i>de Corona</i>, Appendix vi. The
argument of Polybius is of course an <i>ex post facto</i> one. It is open still to
maintain that, had the advice of Demosthenes been followed, these states might
have been freed from the tyranny of Sparta without becoming subject to
another master in the king of Macedonia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Attalus spent the winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 198-197 at Aegina,
in the course of which he seems to have visited Sicyon.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> That is of Cynoscephalae. <i>Supergressi tumulos qui Cynoscephalae
vocantur, relicta ibi statione firma peditum equitumque,
posuerunt castra.</i>
Livy, 33, 7.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> I have given the meaning which I conceive this sentence to have;
but the editors generally suspect the loss of a word like &#7940;&#960;&#961;&#945;&#954;&#964;&#945;
or &#7936;&#960;&#961;&#945;&#947;&#959;&#8166;&#957;&#964;&#945; after &#964;&#8048; &#956;&#8050;&#957; &#963;&#965;&#957;&#949;&#967;&#8134; &#964;&#959;&#8150;&#962; &#948;&#953;&#945;&#947;&#969;&#957;&#953;&#950;&#959;&#956;&#8051;&#957;&#959;&#953;&#962;.
This is unnecessary if we regard &#963;&#965;&#957;&#949;&#967;&#8134; as predicative,
and I think this way of taking it gives sufficient sense.
Polybius is thinking of the Macedonian army as being so
dislocated by the
nature of the ground, that, while some parts were in contact with the enemy,
the rest had not arrived on the scene of the fighting.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> See <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> <i>Iliad</i>, 13, 131.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> See <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_12">12</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_26">26</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> See <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_56">56</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_11">11</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> Livy (33, 13) has mistaken the meaning of Polybius in this passage, representing
the quarrel of the Aetolians and Flamininus as being for the
possession of Thebes,&mdash;the only town, in fact, on which there was no dispute.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> Referring apparently to the conduct of the Hellenic cities in Asia in presence
of Antiochus, who, having wintered in Ephesus (<span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 197-196), was
endeavouring in 196 by force or stratagem to consolidate his power in Asia
Minor. Livy, 33, 38.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> Justin. 17, 1-2; Appian <i>Syr.</i> 62. The battle was in the plain of Corus
in Phrygia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> The Apocleti, of the numbers of whom we have no information, acted as
a consultative senate to prepare measures for the Aetolian Assembly. See
Freeman, <i>History of Federal Government</i>, p. 335. Livy, 35, 34.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> &#960;&#961;&#959;&#963;&#8051;&#957;&#949;&#953;&#956;&#945;&#957; &#913;&#7984;&#964;&#8061;&#955;&#959;&#953;&#962; &#964;&#8056; &#7956;&#952;&#957;&#959;&#962;, cp. 2, 43. Some have thought that a
regular political union with the Aetolian League is meant. But the spirit of
the narrative seems to point rather to an alliance.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> Brachylles, when a Boeotarch in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 196, was assassinated by a band of
six men, of whom three were Italians and three Aetolians, on his way home
from a banquet. Livy, 33, 28.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> Livy, 33, 29.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> At Thermopylae, in which battle Livy (36, 19) states on the authority
of Polybius that only 500 men out of 10,000 brought by Antiochus into Greece
escaped, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 191.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> Livy, 37, 9.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> Son of Antiochus the Great, afterwards King Seleucus IV.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> This extract, preserved by Suidas, s. v. &#960;&#961;&#959;&#963;&#964;&#951;&#952;&#953;&#948;&#8055;&#969;&#957; has been restored by
a brilliant emendation of Toupe, who reads &#7952;&#958;&#949;&#955;&#952;&#8057;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962; &#956;&#8050;&#957; &#915;&#8049;&#955;&#955;&#959;&#953; for the
meaningless &#7952;&#958;&#949;&#955;&#952;&#8057;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962; &#956;&#949;&#947;&#8049;&#955;&#959;&#953;. Livy calls them <i>fanatici Galli</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> <i>Dies forte, quibus Ancilia moventur, religiosi ad iter inciderant.</i> Livy,
37. 33. The festival of Mars, during which the <i>ancilia</i> were carried about,
was on the 1st of March and following days. If this incident, therefore, took
place in the late spring or summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 190, the Roman Calendar must have
been very far out.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> The remaining chapters of this book are placed by Schweighaeuser and
others in book 22, 1-27.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> The text of this fragment is much dislocated.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> Smoking out an enemy in a mine was one of the regular man&#339;uvres.
See Aen. Tact. 37. It was perhaps suggested by the illegal means taken by
workmen in the silver mines to annoy a rival; for we find an Athenian law
directed against it. See Demosth. <i>in Pantaen.</i> &sect; 36.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> Nothing seems to be known of this exile of Fulvius, who had been
granted an ovation in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 191 for his victories in Spain. He was, however,
in opposition to Cato, one of whose numerous prosecutions may have been
against him.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> Or &#8220;a compliment.&#8221; The Greek word &#963;&#964;&#8051;&#966;&#945;&#957;&#959;&#962; seems to be used for
any present made to a victor. So also in ch. 34, and elsewhere.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> Hultsch&#8217;s text, supported by the MSS., has &#916;&#8049;&#956;&#953;&#962; &#8001; &#954;&#953;&#967;&#951;&#963;&#8055;&#969;&#957;, from which
no sense seems obtainable. According to Suidas, Damis was a philosopher
from Nineveh who had settled in Athens. Livy (38, 10), has <i>Leon Hicesiae
filius</i>. He must therefore have found the name Leon in his copy, which could
hardly have been substituted for &#916;&#8118;&#956;&#953;&#962; by mistake, though &#7993;&#922;&#917;&#931;&#8055;&#959;&#965; may have
become &#954;&#953;&#967;&#951;&#963;&#8055;&#969;&#957;.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> The Greek text is corrupt. The sense is given from Livy, 38, 14.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> The dynasty lasted until the time of the Mithridatic wars. The last
Moag&#277;tes being deposed by Muraena, when Cibyra was joined to Lycia.
Strabo, 13, 4, 71.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> That is probably &#8220;of the necessity of submitting to Rome;&#8221; but the
passage referred to is lost.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> See ch. <a href="#b21_6">6</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> This is really Plutarch&#8217;s version of a story he found in Polybius, and, to
judge from Livy, 38, 24, not a very complete one. It took place near
Ancyra. Plutarch <i>de mulierum virtutibus</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> See Livy, 38, 28, 29. The fragment here seems to be that translated by
Livy in ch. 29, <i>Romani nocte per arcem, quam Cyatidem vocant (nam urbs in
mare devexa in Occidentem vergit) muro superato in forum pervenerunt.</i> The
people of Same suddenly threw off the terms under which the rest of Cephallenia
had submitted and stood a four months&#8217; siege.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> A fragment, arranged in Hultsch&#8217;s text as ch. 42, is too much mutilated to
be translated with any approach to correctness.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> These words are wanting in the text. From Livy (38, 38) it appears
that the territory was defined as between the Taurus and the R. Halys as far
as the borders of Lycaonia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> Livy (<i>l.c.</i>) has <i>neve monerem ex belli causa quod ipse illaturus erit</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> See Livy, 38, 39. Some words are lost referring to grants to the people
of Ilium.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> This summary is arranged by Hultsch as chs. 1 and 2 of book 22.
It appears as book 23, chs. 4, 5 in Schweighaeuser&#8217;s text.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 191 Philopoemen secured the adhesion of Sparta to the Achaean
league: but the Spartans were never united in their loyalty to it, and during
his year as Strategus (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189) he punished a massacre of some Achaean
sympathisers in Sparta by an execution of eighty Spartans at Compasium on the
frontier of Laconia. This number Plutarch gives on the authority of Polybius,
but another account stated it at three hundred and fifty. Plut. <i>Phil.</i> 16.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> Some words are lost from the text describing their method of procedure.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> Some words are lost in the text which would more fully explain the
transaction.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> Something is lost in the text.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> Livy (39, 24) gives the names as Q. Caecilius Metellus, M. Baebius
Tamphilus, Ti. Sempronius.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> Livy (39, 34) more cautiously says: veneno <i>creditur</i> sublatus. Such
accusations were easily made, and not easily proved or confuted.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> For the ten Cosmi of Crete, see Aristot. <i>Pol.</i> 2, 10; and Muller&#8217;s <i>Dorians</i>,
vol. ii. p. 133 <i>sq.</i> Cydas gives his name to the year as &#960;&#961;&#969;&#964;&#8057;&#954;&#959;&#963;&#956;&#959;&#962;, see
C.I.G. 2583. The same inscription contains the title &#954;&#959;&#963;&#956;&#8057;&#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#962;, apparently
like &#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#959;&#8166;&#967;&#959;&#962;, as a name for a guardian hero of the city. We have already
had this latter title as that of a chief magistrate at Locri. See bk. <b>12</b>, ch. <a href="#b12_16">16</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> There is some loss in the text as to these names. The last is mentioned
on a Greek embassy in <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_16">16</a>. See also the index. Livy, 39, 41, says
nothing of this committee of three.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> The ten federal magistrates of the league, who formed a council to act
with the general. Their number probably arose from the number of the
Achaean cantons or towns, after two of the twelve&mdash;Helice and Olenus&mdash;were
destroyed. Polybius nowhere else gives them this title in any part of the history
we possess, but its use by Livy, 32, 22, seems to point to his having used it in
other places. It also occurs in a letter of Philip II. (perhaps genuine) quoted in
Demosth. <i>de Cor.</i> 157. Polybius calls them also &#959;&#7985; &#7940;&#961;&#967;&#959;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962;, &#7936;&#961;&#967;&#945;&#8055;, &#960;&#961;&#959;&#949;&#963;&#964;&#8182;&#964;&#949;&#962; &#963;&#965;&#957;&#8049;&#961;&#967;&#959;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962;,
&#963;&#965;&#957;&#945;&#961;&#967;&#8055;&#945;&#953;. See Freeman&#8217;s <i>Federal Gov.</i> p. 282.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> That is, apparently, by some fresh disturbance towards the end of <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span>
183. See Strachan-Davidson, p. 495.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> The Messenians revolted from the league <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 183, and in the course of
the fighting which ensued Philopoemen fell into an ambush, was taken
prisoner, and put to death by them. See ch. <a href="#b23_12">12</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> Stasinus <i>fr.</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> He was ill with fever. Plutarch, <i>Phil.</i> 18.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> Livy (39, 50) speaks of Lycortas at the time of Philopoemen&#8217;s death as
<i>alter imperator Achaeorum</i>. If he had been the &#8017;&#960;&#959;&#963;&#964;&#961;&#945;&#964;&#951;&#947;&#8057;&#962; we know that
he would not by law have succeeded on the death of the Strategus. Plutarch,
<i>Phil.</i> 21, seems to assert that an election was held at once, but not the
ordinary popular election.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> That is the ten Demiurgi.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> The second congress of the year seems to mean not that held for election
of the Strategus for the next year, which met about 12th May, but the second
regular meeting in August.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> This looks like a local name, but no place is known corresponding to it.
A Diactorides of Sparta is mentioned in Herodotus, 6, 127; and perhaps, as
Hultsch suggests, we ought to read &#8220;Cletis and Diactorius.&#8221;</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> The mission to Eumenes and Pharnaces has been already mentioned in
bk. 23, ch. 9, but the name of the ambassador was not given; nor is it mentioned
by Livy (40, 20), who records the mission. It is uncertain who is
meant by Marcus, some editors have altered it to Marcius, <i>i.e.</i>
Q. Marcius
Philippus, who had been sent to Macedonia, imagining him to have fulfilled
both missions.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> From Strabo (vii. 5, 13), who adds: &#8220;But this is not true, for the distance
from the Adriatic is immense, and there are many obstacles in the way to
obscure the view.&#8221;</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> Perhaps thirty, which seems to have been the legal age for admission to
political functions. See <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_24">24</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> See Hicks&#8217;s <i>Greek Inscriptions</i>, p. 330.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> Something is lost from the text.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> From Strabo 3, ch. 4, who quotes Poseidonius as criticising this statement
by remarking that Polybius must count every tower as a city.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> The notices are put up at the three places visited yearly by great numbers,
and by many separate pilgrims. It is interesting to notice the persistence in
a custom common from the earliest times, at any rate as far as Delos and
Delphi are concerned. Iton was in Thessaly, and the temple and oracle of
Athena there was celebrated throughout Greece, and was the central place of
worship for the Thessalians. The town stood in a rich plain on the river
Cuarius, and hence its name&mdash;sometimes written Siton&mdash;was connected by
some with &#963;&#953;&#964;&#8057;&#966;&#959;&#961;&#959;&#962;, &#8220;corn-bearing&#8221; (Steph. <i>Byz.</i>) Homer calls it &#956;&#951;&#964;&#8051;&#961;&#945; &#956;&#8053;&#955;&#969;&#957;, &#8220;mother of sheep.&#8221; Pyrrhus hung up in this temple the spoils of
Antigonus and his Gallic soldiers about <span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 273. [Pausan. 1, 13, 2].
&#8220;Itonian Athena&#8221; had temples in other parts of Greece also, <i>e.g.</i> in Boeotia
[Paus. 9, 34, 1].</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> The war in Istria, and the mutiny of the troops against the consul
Manlius, are described in Livy, 41, 8-11.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> Besides this connexion with Seleucus of Syria, sure to be offensive to
Rome, Perseus gave a sister to Prusias, another enemy of Rome and Eumenes.
Livy, 42, 12.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> This word, of unknown origin, seems to be used here for the toga, or
some dress equivalent to it. See <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_4">4</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Marcius on his return to Rome gloried in having thus deceived the king
and gained time for preparations at Rome, but his action was repudiated by
the Senate. Livy, 42, 47.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> Ismenias had just been elected Strategus of Boeotia; but the party who
had supported a rival candidate had in revenge obtained a decree of the
league banishing the Boeotarchs from all the Boeotian cities. They had,
however been received at Thespiae, whence they were recalled to Thebes and
reinstated by a reaction in popular feeling. Then they obtained another decree
banishing the twelve men who, though not in office, had convened the league
assembly; and Ismenias as Strategus sentenced them to the loss of all rights
in their absence. These are the &#8220;exiles&#8221; here meant (Livy, 42, 43). Who
Neon was is not certain; but we find in the next chapter that he had been
a leader in the Macedonising party at Thebes, perhaps a son of Brachylles,
whose father&#8217;s name was Neon (see 20, 5). He was captured in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167
and put to death by the Romans (Livy, 45, 31).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> See note <a href="#Footnote_144">2</a>, page 356.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> &#964;&#8048; &#948;&#8055;&#952;&#965;&#961;&#945;, Livy (42, 44) says in <i>tribunal legatorum</i>, and Casaubon contents
himself with the same word. Schweighaeuser translates it <i>podium</i>, as
if a &#8220;raised platform&#8221; on which the commissioners sat was meant. I think
it is used in the natural sense of a &#8220;door&#8221; leading into the hall in which they
were sitting, and into which Ismenias fled for refuge. Livy used <i>tribunal</i> from
the ideas of his age as to the construction of such a building.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> The text has &#920;&#8053;&#946;&#945;&#962;, which is inconsistent with what follows as to the
Thebans. An inscription found on the site of Thisbae supplies the correction
of an error as old as Livy (42, 46, 47). See Hicks&#8217;s <i>G. I.</i> p. 330.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> Gaius Lucretius had seen naval service as <i>duumvir navalis</i> on the coast
of Liguria in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181. Livy, 40, 26. He was now (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171) Praetor, his
<i>provincia</i> being the fleet, and commanded 40 quinqueremes. <i>Id.</i> 42, 48.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> Livy, who translates this passage, calls the missile a <i>cestrosphendona</i> (42, 65).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> In Phocis. The name was variously given as Phanoteis, Phanote,
Phanota (Steph. <i>Byz.</i>)</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> Schweighaeuser seems to regard this as a second name. But the Greeks
seldom had such, and it is more likely the designation of some unknown
locality. There was an Attic deme named Cropia, and therefore the name is
a recognised one (Steph. <i>Byz.</i>) Gronovius conjectured &#8040;&#961;&#969;&#960;&#8055;&#8179; &#8220;of Oropus.&#8221;</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> Apparently the Anticyra on the Sperchius, on the borders of Achaia
Phthiotis.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> Hence Attalus obtained the name of Philadelphus. The origin of
Eumenes&#8217;s loss of popularity in the Peloponnese is referred to in 28, 7, but no
adequate cause is alleged. A reference to Achaia in his speech at Rome was
not perhaps altogether friendly (Livy, 42, 12), and we shall see that he was
afterwards suspected of intriguing with Perseus; but if this extract is rightly
placed, it can hardly be on this latter ground that the Achaeans had renounced
him.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 175-164; Ptolemy VI. Philometor,
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181-146.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> See <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> The decree referred to is given in Livy, 43, 17. &#8220;No one shall
supply any war material to the Roman magistrates other than that which the
Senate has decreed.&#8221; This had been extracted from the Senate by vehement
complaints reaching Rome of the cruel extortions of the Roman officers in the
previous two years.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> Polybius seems to mean the smaller council, not the public assembly,
though Livy evidently understood the latter (43, 47).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> The expedition of Perseus into Illyricum apparently took place late in the
year <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 170 and in the first month of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169. Livy, 43, 18-20.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> Hyscana, or Uscana, a town of the Illyrian tribe Penestae.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> That is, the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> The Antigoneia was a festival established in honour of Antigonus Doson,
who had been a benefactor of the Achaeans. In 30, 23, it is mentioned as
being celebrated in Sicyon. The benefactions of this Macedonian king to the
Achaeans are mentioned by Pausanias (8, 8, 12).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> See <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_19">19</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_17">17</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> Seleucus Nicanor, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 306-280.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> Livy (44, 8) calls it the Enipeus (<i>Fersaliti</i>), a tributary of the Peneus.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> In a previous part of the book now lost. See Livy, 44, 25.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> The extract begins in the middle of a sentence at the top of a page. I
have supplied these words at a guess, giving what seems the sense.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum was afterwards Pontifex Maximus
(<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 150). See Cic. <i>de Sen</i>. 3, 50.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> Of the two eldest sons of Aemilius, the elder was adopted by Quintus
Fabius Maximus, the second by P. Cornelius Scipio, son of the elder Africanus,
his maternal uncle.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> From Plutarch, <i>Aemilius</i>, 15, who adds that Polybius made a mistake as
to the number of soldiers told off for this service, which to judge from Livy,
44, 35, Polybius probably stated at 5000. Plutarch got his correction from an
extant letter of Nasica (8000 Roman infantry, with 120 horse, and 200
Thracians and Cretans).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> From Plutarch, who again contradicts this last statement, on the authority
of Nasica, who said that there was a sharp engagement on the heights.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> The Roman was saved from a scare by the eclipse being foretold by Gaius
Sulpicius Gallus, famous for his knowledge of Greek literature and astronomy.
He is represented by Cicero as explaining the celestial globe (<i>sphaera</i>) which
Marcellus brought from Syracuse. He was consul in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 166. Livy, 44, 37;
Cicero, <i>Brut.</i> &sect; 78; <i>de Repub.</i> 1, &sect; 21.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> &#7952;&#957; &#7936;&#947;&#959;&#961;&#8119;. The objection, though it served to divert the magistrates from
going on with the proposition at the time, seems to have been got over before
the meeting at Sicyon; unless, indeed, the latter was considered to be of a
different nature in regard to the age of those attending. But we have no information
as to this restriction of thirty years of age,&mdash;whether it was universal,
or confined to particular occasions. This passage would seem to point to the
latter alternative.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> Livy says <i>viginti millia</i>. By &#967;&#961;&#965;&#963;&#959;&#8166;&#962; Polybius appears to mean
&#8220;staters,&#8221; worth about 20 drachmae (20 francs). This would give a rough
value of the present as &pound;8000, or on Livy&#8217;s computation twice that amount.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> Called by Polybius in previous books Conope, 4, 64; 5, 6. Its name
was changed to Arsinoe, from its having been rebuilt and enlarged by Arsinoe,
sister and wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Strabo, 10, 2, 22). It was on the
east bank of the Achelous. Its modern name is <i>Angelokastro</i>. The civil war
in Aetolia alluded to here is mentioned in Livy, 41, 25 (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 174). This particular
massacre appears to have taken place in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168-167. Livy (45, 28)
narrates that Aemilius was met during his Greek tour in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167 by a crowd
of Aetolians, in a miserable state of destitution, who informed him that five
hundred and fifty Aetolian nobles had been massacred by Lyciscus and Tisippus,
besides many driven into exile, and that the goods of both had been confiscated.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> From Athenaeus, <span class="smcap">xiv</span>. 4, p. 615. It seems to be part of some strictures
of Polybius on the coarseness of the amusements of the Romans. This noisy
and riotous scene in a theatre would strike a Greek as barbarous and revolting;
and may remind us of the complaints of the noise and interruption to
their actors so often found in the prologues to the plays of Plautus and Terence.
Though the substance of this extract is doubtless from Polybius,
Athenaeus has evidently told the anecdote in his own language.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> Menalcidas was one of the Romanising party, who appears to have been
Strategus of the league in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 153 [Pausan. 7, 11, 7], and to have committed
suicide in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148-147, in despair at his failure to wrest Sparta from the league.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> Haliartus had been taken by the praetor L. Lucretius Gallus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
171, its inhabitants sold into slavery, and its houses and walls entirely destroyed.
Its crime was siding with Perseus. Livy, 42, 63. <i>Supra</i> bk. 27,
ch. 5; 29, 12.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> A drachma may be taken as between a sixth and a seventh of an ounce.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> Hultsch prints in parallel columns the text of this fragment as it appears
in Athenaeus and Diodorus. The English translation attempts to combine
them.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> He means that, they being no longer able to decide in mercantile affairs
independently of Rome, the prestige (&#960;&#961;&#959;&#963;&#964;&#945;&#963;&#8055;&#945;), and consequently the popularity,
of this harbour is destroyed.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> Demetrius had been exchanged for his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
175, just eleven years before.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> The <i>Senatus Consultum de Macedonibus</i> (Livy, 45, 29) had declared all
Macedonians free; each city to enjoy its own laws, create its own annual
magistrates, and pay a tribute to Rome&mdash;half the amount that it had paid to the
king. Macedonia was divided into four regions, at the respective capitals of
which&mdash;Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella, and Pelagonia&mdash;the district assemblies
(concilia) were to be held, the revenue of the district was to be collected,
and the district magistrates elected; and there was to be no inter-marriage
or mutual rights of owning property between the regions.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> The Greek of this sentence is certainly corrupt, and no satisfactory sense
can be elicited from it.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> Ariarathes, the elder, had been in alliance with Antiochus the Great,
and had apparently given him one of his daughters in marriage, who had
been accompanied by her mother to Antioch, where both had now fallen
victims to the jealousy of Eupator&#8217;s minister, Lysias. See <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> The anger of the Alexandrians had been excited against Ptolemy Physcon
by his having, for some unknown reason, caused the death of Timotheus, who
had been Ptolemy Philometor&#8217;s legate at Rome. See <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>. Diodor. <i>Sic.</i>
fr. xi.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> The first line is of unknown authorship. The second is from Euripides,
<i>Phoeniss.</i> 633. The third apophthegm is again unknown. The last is from
Epicharmus, see 18, 40.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> About &pound;12.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> In his Censorship (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 184) Cato imposed a tax on slaves under twenty
sold for more than ten sestertia (about &pound;70.) Livy, 39, 44.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> Called Ptolemy the Orator in 28, 19.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> A more detailed statement of the controversies between Carthage and
Massanissa, fostered and encouraged by the Romans, is found in Appian,
<i>Res Punicae, 67 sq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> Demetrius was now king. On his escape from Rome, described in bk. 31,
chs. 20-23, he had met with a ready reception in Syria, had seized the sovereign
power, and put the young Antiochus and his minister Lysias to death; this was
in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162. Appian, <i>Syriac.</i> ch. 47.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> &#7952;&#957; &#964;&#945;&#8150;&#962; &#963;&#965;&#947;&#954;&#961;&#8055;&#963;&#949;&#963;&#953;&#957;. But it is very doubtful what the exact meaning of this
word is. Alcaeus seems to be the Epicurean philosopher who, among others,
was expelled from Rome in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171. See Athenaeus, xii. 547, who however
calls him Alcios. See also Aelian, <i>V. Hist.</i> 9, 12.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> See note on p. <a href="#Page_456">456</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> She was the daughter of C. Papirius Carbo, Coss. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 231.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> The following pedigree will show the various family connexions here
alluded to:&mdash;</p></div>

<table style="border-collapse: collapse; line-height: .9em; font-size: .85em;" summary="pedigree" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="center">Publius&nbsp;Cornelius&nbsp;Scipio<br />
ob.&nbsp;in&nbsp;Spain <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212.</td>
<td colspan="5">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center">&#9474;<br /></td>
<td class="center" colspan="5">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center">P.&nbsp;Cornelius&nbsp;Scipio&nbsp;Africanus&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="center" colspan="2">Aemilia,&nbsp;sister&nbsp;of&nbsp;Lucius&nbsp;Aemilius&nbsp;Paulus</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="center">&nbsp;Papiria</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center">ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 187.</td>
<td class="center">&#9474;<br /></td>
<td class="center" colspan="1">ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162.</td>
<td class="center" colspan="1">ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;160.</td>
<td class="center">&#9474;<br /></td>
<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center">&#9474;</td>
<td class="right padr2" colspan="4">&#9484;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9516;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9488;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center">&#9474;<br />&#9474;<br />&#9474;<br />&#9474;<br /></td>
<td class="center vertt">Quintus Fabius<br />Maximus&nbsp;adopted<br />by Q. F. M.</td>
<td class="center vertt">Scipio Aemilianus<br /><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 185</td>
<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center vertt">two<br />daughters</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center padl4" colspan="4">&#9484;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9516;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9472;&#9488;</td>
<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="center vertt">P.&nbsp;Scipio&nbsp;Nasica&nbsp;=&nbsp;Cornelia(1).</td>
<td class="center vertt" colspan="2">Cornelia(2)=&nbsp;Tib.<br />Sempronius Gracchus</td>
<td class="center" colspan="1">Publius&nbsp;Cornelius<br />Scipio&nbsp;Africanus<br />ob.&nbsp;s.&nbsp;p.<br />
adopted&nbsp;his&nbsp;cousin<br />who&nbsp;became<br />Publius&nbsp;Cornelius&nbsp;Scipio<br />Aemilianus&nbsp;Africanus<br />
ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 129.</td>
<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>

</tr>
</table>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#7952;&#960;&#8055;&#960;&#955;&#969;&#957;, the <i>ornamenta</i> of a bride, consisting of clothes, jewels,
slaves, and other things, in accordance with her station. See Horace, <i>Sat.</i> 2,
3, 214. For the three instalments in which it was necessary to pay dowries, see
Cicero <i>ad Att.</i> ii. 23; 2 <i>Phil.</i> &sect; 113.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> &#960;&#959;&#953;&#959;&#8166;&#957;&#964;&#959;&#962; &#964;&#8052;&#957; &#948;&#953;&#945;&#947;&#961;&#945;&#966;&#8052;&#957; seems a banker&#8217;s term for &#8220;paying,&#8221; <i>i.e.</i> by
striking off or cancelling a debt entered against a man. The only other instance
of such a use seems to be Dionys. Hal. 5, 28.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> Of his two younger sons one died five days before his Macedonian triumph,
the other three days after it. See Livy, 45, 40.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> The two sisters were both named Aemilia; the elder was married to Q.
Aelius Tubero, the younger to M. Porcius Cato, elder son of the Censor. The
daughters were prevented from taking the inheritance of their mother&#8217;s property
by the lex Voconia (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 174), in virtue of which a woman could not be
a haeres, nor take a legacy greater than that of the haeres, or of all the
haeredes together. The object of the law was to prevent the transference of
the property of one gens to another on a large scale. It was evaded (1) by
trusteeships, Gaius, 2, 274; Plutarch, <i>Cic.</i> 41: (2) by the assent of the
haeres, Cic. <i>de Off.</i> 2, &sect; 55. And it was relaxed by Augustus in favour of
mothers of three children, <i>Dio Cass.</i> 56, 10. See also Cicero <i>de Sen.</i> &sect; 14;
<i>de legg.</i> 2, 20; <i>de Rep.</i> 3, 10; <i>Verr.</i> 2, 1, 42; Pliny, <i>Panegyr.</i> 42; Livy,
<i>Ep.</i> 41.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> That is, the morning from daybreak till about ten or eleven. The <i>salutationes</i>
came first, and the law business in the third hour.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> Ariarathes V. had been expelled his kingdom by Demetrius, who, in
consideration of one thousand talents, had assisted his reputed brother Orophernes,
who had been palmed off on Ariarathes IV. by his wife, to displace
him. The Senate, when eventually appealed to, decided that the two brothers
should share the kingdom. Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 47; Appian, <i>Syr.</i> 47.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> Ariarathes arrived in the summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 158.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> &#964;&#8052;&#957; &#7992;&#945;&#954;&#8052;&#957; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#964;&#949;&#967;&#957;&#951;&#964;&#953;&#954;&#8052;&#957; &#7936;&#963;&#969;&#964;&#8055;&#945;&#957;. The translation given above is in
accordance with the explanation of Casaubon, who quoted Horace (<i>Odes</i> 3, 6,
21), <i>Motus doceri gaudet Ionicos matura virgo</i>. Orophernes had been sent to
Ionia, when Antiochis had a real son (Ariarathes V.), that he might not set
up a claim to the throne. He had been imposed by Antiochis on her husband
Ariarathes IV. before she had a real son.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> Orophernes was soon deposed, and Ariarathes V. restored, but we have
no certain indication when this happened. See <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> The episode of Oropus here referred to, Polybius&#8217;s account of which
is lost, was made remarkable by the visit of the three philosophers to Rome
as ambassadors from Athens. The story, as far as Athens was concerned,
as told by Pausanias, 7, 11, 4-7. The Athenians had been much impoverished
by the events of the war with Perseus (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 172-168), and had made a raid or
raids of some sort upon Oropus. The Oropians appealed to Rome. The
Romans referred the assessment of damages to an Achaean court at Sicyon.
The Athenians failed to appear before the court at Sicyon, and were condemned
by default to a fine of five hundred talents. Thereupon Carneades the
Academician, Diogenes the Stoic, and Critolaus the Peripatetic were sent to
plead for a remission of a fine which the Athenians were wholly unable to pay.
They made a great impression on the Roman youth by their lectures, and
Cato urged that they should get their answer and be sent away as soon as
possible. The Senate reduced the fine to one hundred talents: but even that
the Athenians could not collect; and they seem to have managed to induce the
Oropians to allow an Athenian garrison to hold Oropus, and to give hostages
for their fidelity to the Athenian government. This led to fresh quarrels and
an appeal to the Achaean government. The Achaean Strategus, Menalcidas
of Sparta, was bribed by a present of ten talents to induce an interference in
behalf of Oropus. Thereupon the Athenians withdrew their garrison from
Oropus, after pillaging the town, and henceforth took no part in the quarrels
which ensued, arising from the demands of Menalcidas for his ten talents;
which the Oropians refused to pay, on the ground that he had not helped them
as he promised; quarrels which presently centred round the question of the
continuance of Sparta in the Achaean league. The date of the original quarrel
between Athens and Oropus is not fixed, but the mission of the philosophers
was in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 155. See Plutarch, <i>Cato</i>, 22; Pliny, <i>N. H.</i> 7, 112-113; Aulus
Gellius, 6, 14; Cic. <i>ad Att.</i> 12, 23; <i>Tusc.</i> 4, &sect; 5.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> <i>C. Marcius consul adversus Dalmatas parum prospere primum, postea
feliciter pugnavit.</i> The war was continued in the next year (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 155), and the
Dalmatians subdued for the time by the consul P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica.
Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 47.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> Temnus was in Mysia, s. of the river Hermus. Cynneius or Cyneius
Apollo seems to mean Apollo guardian of the shepherd dogs. There was,
according to Suidas (s. v. &#954;&#965;&#957;&#8053;&#949;&#953;&#959;&#962;), a temple to Apollo at Athens with that
title, said to have been the work of Cynnis, a son of Apollo and a nymph
Parnethia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> The battle, in which Prusias is here said to have conquered Attalus, was a
treacherous attack upon Attalus who was waiting, in accordance with an
arrangement made by Roman envoys Hortensius and Arunculeius, to meet
Prusias on his frontier, accompanied by only one thousand cavalry. The
Roman envoys even had to fly for their lives. Appian, <i>Mithridates</i>, 3.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">210</span></a> Hultsch places an extract from Aulus Gellius (6, 14, 8) relating to the
mission of the three philosophers as ch. 2 of this book. The substance is given
in the note on p. 466. It is more in place there, as Polybius expressly said
that he would give the whole story together (<b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_25">25</a>).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> This war appears to have arisen from a treacherous attack of the Cretans
upon the island of Siphnos. <i>Exc. de Virt. et Vit.</i> p. 588.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> See <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a>, note.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> Ligurian tribes between Nice and Marseilles. Pliny, <i>N. H.</i> 3, &sect; 47.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> Surnamed Philometor. He succeeded his uncle Attalus Philadelphus in
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 138, and at his death in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 133 left his dominions to Rome.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> Alexander Balas was an impostor of low origin set up by Heracleides as
a son of Antiochus Epiphanes. He entered Syria in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 152, defeated and
killed Demetrius in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 150, and was himself defeated in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146 by Ptolemy
Philometor (who also fell) in favour of a son of Demetrius, and was shortly
afterwards murdered. Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 52. Appian, <i>Syr.</i> 67; Joseph. <i>Antiq.</i> 13, 2, 4.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> <i>Odyss.</i> 12, 95.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> <i>Odyss.</i> 12, 105.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> <i>Odyss.</i> 9, 82.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> Panchaia or Panch&#275;a, the fabulous island or country in the Red Sea or
Arabian gulf, in which Euhemerus asserted that he had discovered the inscriptions
which proved the reputed gods to have been famous generals or kings.
Plutarch, <i>Is. et Osir.</i> 23, Diodor. fr. 6, 1. The Roman poets used the word
as equivalent to &#8220;Arabian.&#8221; See Verg. <i>Georg.</i> 2, 139.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> That is &#8220;as great a liar as Antiphanes of Berga.&#8221; See below. Strabo
classes Antiphanes with Pytheas and Euhemerus more than once (see 2, 3, 5).
Hence came the verb &#946;&#949;&#961;&#947;&#945;&#8147;&#950;&#949;&#953;&#957;, &#8220;to tell travellers&#8217; tales&#8221; (Steph. <i>Byz.</i>). But
there is considerable doubt as to the identification of the traveller Antiphanes,
some confounding him with a comic poet of the same name, and others with
the author of an essay &#960;&#949;&#961;&#8054; &#7953;&#964;&#945;&#953;&#961;&#8182;&#957;. Berga was in the valley of the Strymon.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> Strabo here protests against Dicaearchus being treated as a standard of
geographical truth. For Pytheas see Appendix.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> Polybius proves his point by the demonstration of the proposition &#8220;The
square of the hypotenuse of a right-angled-triangle is equal to the squares of the
sides containing the right angle.&#8221;</p>

<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><img src="images/narbo.png" width="500" height="162" alt="Polybius' Proof" title="" /></div>

<p>By applying this principle AD = 7745.9... and DC = 11019.9..., and the
whole AC = 18765.8; whereas AB + BC (<i>i.e.</i> the coasting voyage) = 19200
stades (a difference of 434.2 stades, not 500). Add to this the 3000 from the
Peloponnese to the Straits, the total coast voyage is 22,200 stades, as against
Dicaearchus&#8217;s 10,000.]
</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> Strabo quotes this reckoning of the distance from the Peloponnese to the
head of the Adriatic to prove that Polybius, on his own showing, is wrong in
admitting that this distance (8250 stades) is greater than that from the Peloponnese
to the Pillars, which Dicaearchus said was 10,000 stades, and which
Polybius showed to be 18,765 stades by the shortest route.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> To enable the reader to follow this list of prices, a short table is here sub-joined
of Greek weights and money,&mdash;though he must be warned that values
varied at different times and places,&mdash;with approximate values in English
weights and money.</p>

<table summary="Greek weights and money">
<tr>
<td class="center">1 obol</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="left">1/40 oz.</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="left">1/8 shilling.</td>
<td class="left">&nbsp;</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center">6 obols</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="left">1 drachma</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="left">3/20 oz.</td>
<td class="left">9d.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center">100 drachmae</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="left">1 mina</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="left">15-1/2 oz.</td>
<td class="left">&pound;3 : 18 : 6.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="center">60 minae</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="left">1 talent</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="left">57 lbs.</td>
<td class="left">&pound;235.</td>
</tr>
</table>

<table summary="Greek weights and money">
<tr>
<td class="left">A medimnus</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="left">11 gals. 4 pts. (dry measure).</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">A metreta</td>
<td class="center">=</td>
<td class="left">8 gals. 5 pts. (liquid measure).</td>
</tr>
</table>

</div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> Which member of the Cornelian gens this was is unknown. He appears
to have been at Marseilles in the 4th century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> inquiring as to centres of
trade open to Rome in rivalry with Carthage.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> Varro (<i>Serv. ad &AElig;n. 10, 13</i>) adds a fifth by the Graian Alps, <i>i.e.</i> Little
St. Bernard.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> Strabo corrects this, saving that the distance is 3000 stades.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> The islands were called also <i>Vulcaniae</i> and <i>Aeoliae</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> Strabo reckons 8 stades to a mile, thus making the number of stades
4280. The exact calculation by Polybius&#8217;s reckoning is 4458-1/3 stades. The
miles are Roman miles of 5000 feet; therefore, by Strabo&#8217;s calculation, the
stade is 625 feet, by Polybius&#8217;s 600 feet.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> Strabo, however, supports the measurement of Artemidorus&mdash;6500, explaining
that Polybius is taking some practical measurement of a voyage, not
the shortest.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> Homer, <i>Odyss.</i> 4, 485.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> Probably in February, the month usually devoted by the Senate to <i>legationes</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> Since <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 195 up to <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 154 the two divisions of Spain had been entrusted
to Praetors.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 48. <i>Provocatorem barbarum tribunus militum occidit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#7952;&#954; &#963;&#965;&#947;&#954;&#955;&#8053;&#964;&#959;&#965; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#964;&#8134;&#962; &#947;&#949;&#961;&#959;&#965;&#963;&#8055;&#945;&#962;. The same distinction occurs in
10, 18, and seems to refer to the two bodies known as the Hundred and
the Gerusia. See Bosworth Smith&#8217;s <i>Carthage and the Carthaginians</i>, p. 27.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> The envoys first report to the Gerusia. Appian, <i>Pun.</i> 91.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> Phameas was afterwards persuaded by Massanissa to join the Romans.
Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 50.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> The incident referred to is narrated in Appian. <i>Punica</i>, 103. Scipio relieved
this body of men, who were beleaguered on the top of a hill, by a rapid
and bold movement of his cavalry.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> <i>Odyssey</i>, 20, 495. Cato had always been opposed to the Scipios, but Livy
seems to attribute his former criticisms of the younger Africanus to his general
habit of caustic disparagement (<i>vir promptioris ad vituperandum linguae</i>), and
we know that his elder son had married a daughter of Paulus, sister to the
younger Africanus.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 49.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> He seems to have forgotten his namesake mentioned in <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_15">15</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">242</span></a> For Callicrates, the author of the Romanising policy, see <b>26</b>, <a href="#b26_1">1</a>-3. One
of the statues raised to him by the Spartan exiles was at Olympia, the base of
which has been discovered. See Hicks&#8217;s <i>Greek Inscriptions</i>, p. 330. To what
the fragment refers is not clear, but evidently to something connected with the
popular movement against Sparta, and a recurrence to the policy of Philopoemen
as represented by Lycortas, which eventually brought down the vengeance
of Rome.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> Prusias was killed at Pergamum by his son Nicomedes with the connivance
of Attalus (Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 50).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> A considerable passage is here lost, with the exception of a few words,
insufficient to ground a conjectural translation upon.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> Demetrius II., son of Antigonus Gonatas.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> Pseudophilippus, after cutting to pieces a Roman legion under the
praetor Juventius, was conquered and captured by Q. Caecilius Metellus in
<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148 (Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 50; Eutrop. 4, 6).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> Massanissa, feeling himself to be dying, had asked Scipio to come to him.
He left his sons strict injunctions to submit the arrangements of the succession
and division of his kingdom to Scipio. Appian, <i>Punica</i>, 105; Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 50.
Livy has adopted the statement of Polybius as to the age of Massanissa at his
death; and Cicero (<i>de Sen.</i> &sect; 34) has made Cato take the same reckoning,
perhaps from Polybius also. But it does not agree with another statement of
Livy himself, who (24, 49) speaks of him as being seventeen in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 213, in
which case he would be in his eighty-second year in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148. It is, however,
proposed to read xxvii. for xvii. in this passage of Livy.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> Livy (<i>Ep.</i> 48) in speaking of this victory says that Massanissa was
ninety-two, and ate and enjoyed his bread without anything to flavour it (<i>sine
pulpamine</i>).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> The task of subduing the country in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147 was entrusted to the proconsul
Calpurnius Piso, while Scipio was engaged in completing the investment
of Carthage. Appian, <i>Pun.</i> 113-126.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> After the capture of Megara, the suburban district of Carthage, by
Scipio, Hasdrubal withdrew into the Byrsa, got made commander-in-chief,
and bringing all Roman prisoners to the battlements, put them to death with
the most ghastly tortures. Appian, <i>Pun.</i> 118.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> &#964;&#8048; &#967;&#8061;&#956;&#945;&#964;&#945;, that is, apparently, the mole of huge stones constructed by the
Romans to block up the mouth of the harbour.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> &#956;&#949;&#964;&#8048; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#7984;&#948;&#8055;&#969;&#957; &#7952;&#957;&#948;&#965;&#956;&#8049;&#964;&#969;&#957;. The German translator Kraz gives up these
words in despair. Kampe translated them <i>in ihrer gew&ouml;hnlicher Tracht</i>. Mr.
Strachan-Davidson says, &#8220;&#960;&#961;&#959;&#963;&#949;&#953;&#955;&#951;&#966;&#965;&#8150;&#945;, etc., &#8216;folding them in her own robe
with her hands,&#8217;&#8221; which seems straining the meaning of &#960;&#961;&#959;&#963;&#949;&#953;&#955;&#951;&#966;&#965;&#8150;&#945;. The
French translator says, <i>deux enfans suspendus &agrave; ses v&ecirc;temens</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> According to Livy (<i>Ep.</i> 51) she had tried to induce her husband to accept
the offer described in <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_2">2</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> Homer, <i>Il.</i> 6, 448.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> 4000 under Alcamenes, Pausan. 7, 15, 8.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> In the battle with Metellus at Scarphea.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> Pausanias on the contrary says that Pytheas was caught in Boeotia and
condemned by Metellus (7, 15, 10).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> The pit is the place dug out (&#963;&#954;&#8049;&#956;&#956;&#945;) and prepared in the gymnasium
for leapers. To be in the pit is to be on the very ground of the struggle,
without possibility of escaping it.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> See note on <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_17">17</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> For this proverb see Plutarch, <i>Themist</i>. 29; <i>de Alex. Virt.</i> 5; <i>de Exil.</i> 7.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> Plutarch reports the same anecdote much more briefly in <i>Cato Maj.</i> 12,
as do others. Professor Freeman (<i>History of Federal Government</i>, p. 142)
seems to regard it as a serious indication that the Amphictyonic council had
become a body exercising some literary authority, in default of any other. I
think that Cato had no such meaning. He mentioned any body of men,
however unlikely to exercise such an influence, which at any rate was Greek.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> Seems to mean &#8220;he lost before he began,&#8221; before he got even at the
threshold of his enterprise. There is nothing to show to what the fragment
refers.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> The base of a statue of Polybius has been discovered at Olympia with
the inscription &#7969; &#960;&#8057;&#955;&#953;&#962; &#7969; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#7977;&#955;&#949;&#8055;&#969;&#957; &#928;&#959;&#955;&#8059;&#946;&#953;&#959;&#957; &#916;&#965;&#954;&#8057;&#961;&#964;&#945; &#924;&#949;&#947;&#945;&#955;&#959;&#960;&#959;&#955;&#94#949;&#8055;&#964;&#951;&#957;. But
the statue mentioned in the text seems to be one set up by the Achaeans.
For the statues of Polybius, see Introduction, pp. xxxi. xxxii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> Thebae quoque et Chalcis, quae auxilio fuerant, dirutae. Ipse L. Mummius
abstinentissimum virum egit; nec quidquam ex iis opibus ornamentisque,
quae praedives Corinthus habuit, in domum ejus pervenit. Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 52.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt, is called, by way of distinction, &#8220;King
of Syria,&#8221; because that title was bestowed on him by the people of Antioch
during his last expedition in Syria. This was undertaken in support of
Alexander Balas, who repaid him by conniving at an attempt upon his life.
Whereupon Ptolemy joined Demetrius, the son of Demetrius Soter, and supported
his claim against Alexander Balas. Joseph. <i>Ant.</i> 13, 3; 1 Maccabees
11, 1-13.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">266</span></a>: Dionysius Hal. (1, 74) quotes this statement of Polybius with the remark
that it is founded on a single tablet in the custody of the Pontifices. Various
calculations as to the date were:&mdash;</p>

<table style="border-collapse: collapse;" width="100%" summary="tablet in the custody of the Pontifices" border="0">
<tr>
<td class="left">Eratosthenes<br />&nbsp;&nbsp;followed by</td>
<td class="left" rowspan="5"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 10px;"><img src="images/para3a.png" width="10" height="120" alt="|" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left" rowspan="5">Olymp. 7, 1</td>
<td class="left" rowspan="5"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 752.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Apollodorus</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Nepos</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Dionysius</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Lutatius</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="left">Q. Fabius Pictor</td>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left">Olymp. 8, 1</td>
<td class="left"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 748.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Timaeus</td>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left">38th year before Olymp. 1</td>
<td class="left"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 813.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">L. Cincius Alimantus</td>
<td class="center">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left">Olymp. 12, 4</td>
<td class="left"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 729.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">M. Porcius Cato </td>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left">432 years after the Trojan war.</td>
<td class="left"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 752.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Varro</td>
<td class="left" rowspan="2"><div class="figcenter" style="width: 10px;"><img src="images/para4a.png" width="10" height="40" alt="|" title="" /></div></td>
<td class="left" rowspan="2">Olymp. 6, 2</td>
<td class="left" rowspan="2"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 755.</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Velleius Paterculus</td>
</tr><tr>
<td class="left">Pomponius Atticus</td>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="left">Olymp. 6, 3</td>
<td class="left"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 754.</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p>But even granting a definite act of foundation (on which see Mommsen, <i>H. of
R.</i> vol. i. p. 4), the Olympic register before 672 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> is a very uncertain foundation
on which to build. See <i>Journal of Hellenic Studies</i>, vol. ii. p. 164 <i>sq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> From Eusebius. It may be noted that this statement of Polybius is an
earlier evidence than any other for the existence of an Olympian register prior
to <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 600. Pausanias also dates the register from the year of Coroebus&#8217;s
victory (5, 8, 6).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> I have translated this passage as it stands in the various editions of
Polybius. But I feel convinced that none of it belongs to him except the first
sentence. It comes from Athenaeus, 440 <i>E</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> See Livy, i, 34. Dionys. Halic. 3, 46.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> Hesiod, <i>Works and Days</i>, 40, &#957;&#8053;&#960;&#953;&#959;&#953;· &#959;&#8016;&#948;&#8050; &#7988;&#963;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#957; &#8005;&#963;&#8179; &#960;&#955;&#8051;&#959;&#957; &#7973;&#956;&#953;&#963;&#965;
&#960;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#8057;&#962;.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> Polybius is perhaps referring to the Acrocorinthus especially. But we
must remember that many of the citadels in the third century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> were in the
hands of Macedonian garrisons.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> This has been referred by some to the account of Scipio Aemilianus&#8217;s
single combat with the Spaniard. See <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_5">5</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> Perhaps L. Postumius, Livy, 23, 24 (Hultsch).</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 272. Plutarch, <i>Pyrrh.</i> 31-34.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> See Pausan. i. 9, 6. His disaster compelled him to give up his dominions
beyond the Danube. Another and more successful war in Thrace seems
referred to in Diod. Sic. 18, 14.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276" id="Footnote_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> Livy, however, records more than one success of Marcellus against
Hannibal, see 23, 16, 46; 27, 14. Scipio&#8217;s victory of course is at Zama.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277" id="Footnote_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> From Zosimus, 5, 20, 7. See <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_26">26</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278" id="Footnote_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> Some refer this to a circumstance narrated in Livy, 41, 2. But Hultsch
points out that Livy is not using Polybius in that period.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279" id="Footnote_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> From <i>Constantine Porphyrogenneta de thematibus</i>, p. 18, ed. Bonnensis
(Hultsch). He says that there are two Cappadocias, great and little. Great
Cappadocia extending from Caesarea (Neo-Caesarea), and Mount Taurus to the
Pontus, bounded on the south-west by the Halys and on the east by Melitene.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280" id="Footnote_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> See <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_23">23</a>. The excellence of Spanish steel has never perhaps been surpassed
even to our day.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281" id="Footnote_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> See <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_2">2</a>-4.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282" id="Footnote_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Pelop.</i> 17, who says that other authorities reckoned it at 500
and 700 men. There were originally six morae in the Spartan army. See
Xenophon, <i>Rep. Lac.</i> 11, 4; <i>Hell.</i> 6, 4, 12-17.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283" id="Footnote_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> See <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_25">25</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284" id="Footnote_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> This is referred by Nissen to the account of the origin of the third Punic
war. See <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_3">3</a>-5.</p></div>

<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285" id="Footnote_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> This moderation in the number of slaves was perhaps imitated from Cato.
See Cato, <i>Orationum frgm.</i> 3. Ed. Jordan.</p></div>

<hr />

<p><i>The references are to Books and Chapters, except where the volume and
page of this translation are indicated by vol. &mdash; p. &mdash;; Fr. indicates the minor
fragments at the end of vol. ii.</i></p>

<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">569</a></span></p>

<h2>INDEX.</h2>

<ul class="IX">

<li><span class="smcap">Abba</span>, town in Africa, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_6">6</a>, <a href="#b14_7">7</a></li>

<li>Abia, town in Messenia, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_17">17</a></li>

<li>Abila, town in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_39">39</a></li>

<li>Abilyx, a Spaniard, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_98">98</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_99">99</a></li>

<li>Abrupolis, a Thracian prince, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a></li>

<li>Abydus, town in Asia Minor, on the Hellespont, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_29">29</a>-35;<ul>
<li>its situation and fall, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_44">44</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Academy, the, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a><i>c</i>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a></li>

<li>Acarnania, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>-5; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a>, <a href="#b28_5">5</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_14">14</a></li>

<li>Acarnanians, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_66">66</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>-6, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_96">96</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a>-40; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_32">32</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_29">29</a>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_12">12</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_5">5</a></li>

<li>Acatides, a Theban runner, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_7">7</a></li>

<li>Acerrae, a town of the Insubres, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a></li>

<li>Acesimbrotus of Rhodes, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a></li>

<li>Achaeans, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>, passim;<ul>
<li>appealed to by the Epirotes, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_12">12</a>;</li>
<li>the rise of their league in the Peloponnese, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_37">37</a>-70;</li>
<li>assist Messenians against the Aetolians, and call in Philip V., <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a>-19,  <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>;</li>
<li>proclaim war with Aetolians, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>-27.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_59">59</a>-85;</li>
<li>agree to furnish Philip with subvention, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>;</li>
<li>join Philip in his invasion of Laconia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_18">18</a>-24;</li>
<li>harassed by Aetolians, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_35">35</a>;</li>
<li>elect Aratus after the incapable Strategus Eperatus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>-95;</li>
<li>make peace with the Aetolians, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>-105;</li>
<li>instructed in military exercises by Philopoemen, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_23">23</a>;</li>
<li>at war with Machanidas of Sparta, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a>-18;</li>
<li>Philopoemen summons a levy at Tegea to invade Laconia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_36">36</a>, <a href="#b16_37">37</a>;</li>
<li>incline to Philip&#8217;s part against Rome, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_38">38</a>;</li>
<li>send envoys to the congress at Nicaea, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>-8;</li>
<li>receive back Corinth by the advice of Flamininus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_45">45</a> fin.;</li>
<li>and Triphylia and Heraea, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>;</li>
<li>offer to help the Boeotians, who however abandon their alliance, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_4">4</a>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a>;</li>
<li>Megara leaves their league, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>make alliance with Eumenes, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>Roman legates at the congress at Cleitor, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_2">2</a>;</li>
<li>Eumenes offers 120 talents to the congress at Megalopolis, Seleucus 10 ships of war, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_10">10</a>-12;</li>
<li>difficulty as to the renewal of a treaty with Ptolemy, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_12">12</a>;</li>
<li>Q. Caecilius before the congress at Argos remonstrates on the subject of Sparta, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>;</li>
<li>their dealing with Messene after the murder of Philopoemen, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a>-18;</li>
<li>send an embassy to Rome in regard to Messene, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_1">1</a>;</li>
<li>Ptolemy presents the league with 10 ships of war, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>the league officers condemn Chaeron of Sparta for the murder of Apollonides, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_7">7</a>;</li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">570</a></span>
debate in the assembly as to the orders from Rome about the Spartan exiles, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_10">10</a>-12;</li>
<li>attitude towards Rome, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_13">13</a>-15;</li>
<li>ordered to guard Chalcis for Rome, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a> fin.;</li>
<li>Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius address the congress, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>decide to take the side of Rome against Perseus openly, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>;</li>
<li>two embassies at Alexandria, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a>;</li>
<li>the two Ptolemies ask their help against Antiochus, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>-25;</li>
<li>Romanising party in Achaia, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>;</li>
<li>embassy to Rome, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a>, <a href="#b31_8">8</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_7">7</a>, <a href="#b32_17">17</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a>, <a href="#b33_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>Cretans ask the Achaeans for help, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a>;</li>
<li>Achaean detenus released, <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>Thessalians ask for help against the pseudo-Philip, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_2">2</a>;</li>
<li>asked to send Polybius to Lilybaeum, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>dissolution of the league by the Romans, <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_3">3</a>-11; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_7">7</a>-17;</li>
<li>Achaean assembly or congress, <i>at Aegium</i>, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>; <i>at Cleitor</i>, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_2">2</a>; <i>at Corinth</i>, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_10">10</a>; <i>at Megalopolis</i>, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_10">10</a>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a>; <i>at Sicyon</i>, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_17">17</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_24">24</a>;</li>
<li>election of magistrates, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a>;</li>
<li>soldiers, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_24">24</a>;</li>
<li>arms, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>cavalry, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_23">23</a>;</li>
<li>ships, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_10">10</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Achaeus, son of Xuthus, the mythical ancestor of the Achaeans, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_14">14</a></li>

<li>Achaeus, son of Andromachus, nephew of Laodice, mother of Antiochus the Great,
<b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a>-91, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_51">51</a>; <b>5</b>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>-42, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_87">87</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_107">107</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>;
<b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_17">17</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>his capture and death, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_17">17</a>-23</li></ul></li>

<li>Achaia Phthiotis, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_46">46</a>; <b>47</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a></li>

<li>Achelous, river, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_6">6</a>-7, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a></li>

<li>Achradina, a part of Syracuse, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_6">6</a></li>

<li>Acilius Glabrio, M&#8217;., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 191, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_9">9</a>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_3">3</a>-5</li>

<li>Acilius, Gaius, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_2">2</a></li>

<li>Acrae, a town in Aetolia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a></li>

<li>Acriae, a town in Laconia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a></li>

<li>Acrocorinthus, the citadel of Corinth, 1900 feet high, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_8">8</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_11">11</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_45">45</a></li>

<li>Acrolissus, citadel of the Illyrican city of Lissus, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_16">16</a></li>

<li>Acte, the, east coast of Laconia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a></li>

<li>Actium, temple and town in Acarnania, on the narrowest point of the Ambracian gulf, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a></li>

<li>Acusilochus, an Asiatic ruler, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a></li>

<li>Adaeus, governor of the town of Bubastus in Egypt, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_27">27</a></li>

<li>Adaeus of Beroea, legate of Perseus to Genthius, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a></li>

<li>Adeiganes, a magistrate at Seleucus on the Tigris, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a></li>

<li>Adeimantus of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_23">23</a></li>

<li>Adherbal, a Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_53">53</a></li>

<li>Admetus, put to death by Philip V., <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_10">10</a></li>

<li>Adriatic Sea, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_2">2</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_26">26</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a>-88, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_110">110</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_3">3</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_23">23</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a></li>

<li>Adrumetum, a city in Africa, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_5">5</a>, <a href="#b15_15">15</a></li>

<li>Adua or Addua, the river Adda, a tributary of the Po, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Adys, a town in Africa, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_30">30</a></li>

<li>Aeacidae, descendants of Aeacus (Peleus, Achilles, Telamon, Ajax), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a></li>

<li>Aecae, a town in Apulia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a></li>

<li>Aegae, a town in Aeolis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a></li>

<li>Aegean Sea, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_34">34</a></li>

<li>Aegina, island, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_42">42</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_5">5</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_11">11</a></li>

<li>Aegira, a town in Achaea, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_58">58</a></li>

<li>Aegitna, a town of the Oxybii, a Ligurian tribe, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_10">10</a>, <a href="#b33_11">11</a></li>

<li>Aegium, chief town of the Achaean league, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>; <b>5</b>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a>;
<b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_38">38</a>;<ul>
<li>meetings of the congress at, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>, <a href="#b16_28">28</a>;</li>
<li>territory of, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Aegosagae, a tribe of Gauls invited into Asia by Attalus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a></li>

<li>Aegospotami, the Goat&#8217;s river, on the Hellespont, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>k</i></li>

<li>Aegusa, one of the Aegates (<i>Farignano</i>), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_60">60</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">571</a></span>
Aegusae (the Aegates), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_44">44</a></li>

<li>Aegys, a town in Laconia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a></li>

<li>Aemilia, wife of Scipio Africanus the elder, and sister of Aemilius Paullus, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_12">12</a>-14</li>

<li>Aemilius Lepidus, M., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 232, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_22">22</a></li>

<li>Aemilius Lepidus, M., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 187, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_34">34</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_21">21</a></li>

<li>Aemilius Papus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 225, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_26">26</a>-31</li>

<li>Aemilius Paullus, M., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 255, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_37">37</a></li>

<li>Aemilius Paullus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219 and 215, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_116">116</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_117">117</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a></li>

<li>Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 182 and 168,
<b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_35">35</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_1">1</a>,
<a href="#b29_7">7</a>, <a href="#b29_10">10</a>, <a href="#b29_14">14</a>,
<a href="#b29_15">15</a>, <a href="#b29_17">17</a>, <a href="#b29_20">20</a>;
<b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a>,
<a href="#b30_13">13</a>, <a href="#b30_16">16</a>, <a href="#b30_19">19</a>;
<b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_8">8</a>,
<a href="#b32_11">11</a>, <a href="#b32_12">12</a>, <a href="#b32_14">14</a>,
<a href="#b32_15">15</a>, <a href="#b32_21">21</a>;<ul>
<li>his wives, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_8">8</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Aemilius Regillus, L., praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 190, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_8">8</a>, <a href="#b21_10">10</a>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a></li>

<li>Aena, a temple at Ecbatana, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a></li>

<li>Aeneas Tacticus (middle of 4th cent. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>), <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_44">44</a></li>

<li>Aenianian Gulf (=Sinus Maliacus), so called from the Aenianes, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a></li>

<li>Aenus, a town in Thrace, mod. <i>Enos</i>, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_3">3</a></li>

<li>Aeolian Islands. <i>See</i> Liparae</li>

<li>Aeolis, a district of Mysia between the rivers Carius and Hermus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_13">13</a>, <a href="#b21_14">14</a></li>

<li>Aeolus, king of the Winds, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Aerenosii, a Spanish tribe, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_35">35</a></li>

<li>Aeschrion, a Romanising Acarnanian, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_5">5</a></li>

<li>Aethaleia, name of the island of Lemnus, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Aethiopia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_38">38</a></li>

<li>Aetna, Mt., <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_55">55</a></li>

<li>Aetolians, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>, etc.;<ul>
<li>attack Medion, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_2">2</a>-4;</li>
<li>help the Epirotes against the Illyrians, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_6">6</a>-12;</li>
<li>engage in the Social war, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_37">37</a>;</li>
<li>make peace with the Achaeans, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a>;</li>
<li>make alliance with Antigonus Doson, and Cleomenes of Sparta, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_45">45</a>-49;</li>
<li>refuse Antigonus passage, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>;</li>
<li>joined by Mantinea, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_58">58</a>;</li>
<li>intrigue with Antiochus, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_7">7</a>;</li>
<li>invade Messenia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>-19, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>-27, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_29">29</a>-31, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a>-37, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a>-59, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_61">61</a>-67, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>-80, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_84">84</a>;</li>
<li>attacked by Philip V., <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>-14;</li>
<li>attempt to invade Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>;</li>
<li>evade peace with Philip, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>. <i>See also</i> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_96">96</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a>-103, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_107">107</a>;</li>
<li>attend a conference at Sparta, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>-39;</li>
<li>attack Acarnania, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_40">40</a>;</li>
<li>in alliance with Rome against Philip, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_25">25</a>, <a href="#b10_26">26</a>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a>;</li>
<li>receive a legation from Rhodes on the subject of peace, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_4">4</a>-7;</li>
<li>distress and revolutionary measures, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_1">1</a>, <a href="#b13_2">2</a>;</li>
<li>fresh offence with Philip, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_23">23</a>;</li>
<li>in alliance with Nabis, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_13">13</a>;</li>
<li>at the battle of Panium, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>;</li>
<li>addressed by Roman envoys in Naupactus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>;</li>
<li>attend a conference at Nicaea, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>-10;</li>
<li>fight on the Roman side in Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_19">19</a>;</li>
<li>their superiority in cavalry, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_22">22</a>;</li>
<li>discontented with their share of spoil after Cynoscephalae, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_27">27</a>, <a href="#b18_34">34</a>, <a href="#b18_38">38</a>, <a href="#b18_39">39</a>;</li>
<li>claim Heraea, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_42">42</a>;</li>
<li>discontented with the Roman settlement of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 196, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_45">45</a>;</li>
<li>claim Pharsalus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>;</li>
<li>addressed by Roman legates, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a>;</li>
<li>once in league with Achaeans against Boeotia, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_4">4</a>;</li>
<li>submit unconditionally to Rome after the battle of Thermopylae, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_9">9</a>-11;</li>
<li>the Roman terms with, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_3">3</a>-4;</li>
<li>six months&#8217; truce allowed them in which to appeal to the Senate, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_5">5</a>, <a href="#b21_8">8</a>;</li>
<li>the Romans proclaim war with them, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>-32;</li>
<li>sell Aegina to Attalus, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_11">11</a>;</li>
<li>Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius order them to give hostages, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a>;</li>
<li>their violence and habits of pillage, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_11">11</a>;</li>
<li>improvement after the death of Lyciscus, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_19">19</a>;</li>
<li>their principle of &#8220;spoil from spoil,&#8221; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_4">4</a>;</li>
<li>their character and habits, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_49">49</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_4">4</a>, <a href="#b18_34">34</a>;</li>
<li>their officers, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Agathagetus of Rhodes, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a></li>

<li>Agatharchus, a Syracusan sent as ambassador to Carthage, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_4">4</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">572</a></span>
Agatharchus, son of Agathocles, king of Syracuse, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a></li>

<li>Agathinus of Corinth, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a></li>

<li>Agathocleia, daughter of Aristomenes, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_31">31</a></li>

<li>Agathocleia, mistress of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>, <a href="#b15_31">31</a>-33</li>

<li>Agathocles, king of Syracuse, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_12">12</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_15">15</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_35">35</a></li>

<li>Agathocles, son of Oenanthe and guardian of Ptolemy Epiphanes, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>-36</li>

<li>Agathyrna, a city on the north coast of Sicily, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a></li>

<li>Agelaus of Naupactus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_103">103</a>-105, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_107">107</a></li>

<li><i>Agema</i>, or guard, in the Macedonian army, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_25">25</a>;<ul>
<li>in the army of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_84">84</a>;</li>
<li>in the army of Antiochus Epiphanes, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Agepolis of Rhodes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_10">10</a>, <a href="#b29_19">19</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_4">4</a></li>

<li>Agesarchus of Megalopolis, father of Ptolemy, governor of Cyprus, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_55">55</a></li>

<li>Agesias, an Achaean, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a></li>

<li>Agesilaus II., king of Sparta, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a> (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 398-361)</li>

<li>Agesilaus, son of Eudamidas, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a></li>

<li>Agesilochus of Rhodes, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_3">3</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_10">10</a></li>

<li>Agesipolis, son of Cleombrotus II., king of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a></li>

<li>Agesipolis III., king of Sparta, son of the last, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_6">6</a> (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 221)</li>

<li>Agesipolis of Dyme, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a></li>

<li>Agetas, Aetolian Strategus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_96">96</a></li>

<li>Agones, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_15">15</a></li>

<li>Agrai, a tribe in Aetolia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_5">5</a></li>

<li>Agrianes, a Thracian tribe, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a></li>

<li>Agrigentum, in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_17">17</a>-20, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_43">43</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_7">7</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a></li>

<li>Agrigentus, a river, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a>; mod. <i>Fiume di S. Biagio</i>, which joins the Hypsas (mod. <i>Drago</i>)</li>

<li>Agrii, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a></li>

<li>Agrinium, a city of Aetolia, near the Achelous, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a></li>

<li>Agron, king of the Illyrians, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_4">4</a></li>

<li>Alabanda, city in Caria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_24">24</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a></li>

<li>Alba, in Latium, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_18">18</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_2">2</a></li>

<li>Alcaeus of Messene, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_6">6</a></li>

<li>Alcamenes of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a></li>

<li>Alcamenes of Achaea, friend of Diaeus, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_10">10</a></li>

<li>Alcetas, Boeotian Strategus, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a></li>

<li>Alcibiades, son of Clinias of Athens, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a></li>

<li>Alcibiades, a Spartan exile, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a></li>

<li>Alcithus of Aegium, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Aletas, discoverer of the silver mines in Spain, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_10">10</a></li>

<li>Alexamenus, an Aetolian Strategus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_43">43</a></li>

<li>Alexander the Great, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_59">59</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_23">23</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_55">55</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_12">12</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_12">12</a><i>b</i>, 17, <a href="#b12_18">18</a>, <a href="#b12_19">19</a>, <a href="#b12_22">22</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_21">21</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_4">4</a></li>

<li>Alexander, son of Acmetus, officer of Antigonus Doson, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_66">66</a></li>

<li>Alexander, commander of cavalry to Antigonus Doson and a minister of Philip V., <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_68">68</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_87">87</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_28">28</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_12">12</a></li>

<li>Alexander of Aetolia, friend of Dorimachus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_58">58</a></li>

<li>Alexander, father of Antigonus, the legate from Perseus to Boeotia, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_5">5</a></li>

<li>Alexander, ambassador to Rome from Attalus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a></li>

<li>Alexander Balas, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_15">15</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_6">6</a></li>

<li>Alexander, king of Epirus, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_45">45</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li>

<li>Alexander Isius, an Aetolian, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_1">1</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_4">4</a>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a>, <a href="#b18_36">36</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a></li>

<li>Alexander, brother of Molo, commander of Persis under Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a></li>

<li>Alexander, tyrant of Pherae in Thessaly, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_1">1</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a></li>

<li>Alexander, made governor of Phocis by Philip V., <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_96">96</a></li>

<li>Alexander of Trichonium, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a></li>

<li>Alexander, tower of, in Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_27">27</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">573</a></span>Alexandria, capital town of Egypt,
<b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_69">69</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_51">51</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_37">37</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_66">66</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_86">86</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_87">87</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a>; <b>12</b>,
<a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>d</i>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_2">2</a>;
<b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>,
<a href="#b15_26b">26</a>, <a href="#b15_30">30</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_10">10</a>,
<a href="#b16_22">22</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a>,
<a href="#b22_12">12</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_19">19</a>;
<b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>,
<a href="#b28_20">20</a>, <a href="#b28_22">22</a>, <a href="#b28_23">23</a>;
<b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_2">2</a>, <a href="#b29_24">24</a>, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>;
<b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_5">5</a>,
<a href="#b31_12">12</a>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a>-28; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_4">4</a>,
<a href="#b34_14">14</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_18">18</a>;<ul>
<li>obols of Alexandria, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_8">8</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Alexandria Troas, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_13">13</a>, <a href="#b21_14">14</a></li>

<li>Alexis, captain of Apamea, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_50">50</a></li>

<li>Alexo, an Achaean, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_43">43</a></li>

<li>Alipheira, a city of Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_78">78</a></li>

<li>Allaria, a city of Crete, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a></li>

<li>Allobroges, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_49">49</a>-51</li>

<li>Alpheus, river in the Peloponnese, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_78">78</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>d</i>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_17">17</a></li>

<li>Alps, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_35">35</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_50">50</a>-56, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_60">60</a>-62, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_65">65</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Altars, the. <i>See</i> Philaenus</li>

<li>Althaea, a town in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_18">18</a></li>

<li>Amaeocritus, Boeotian Strategus, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_4">4</a></li>

<li>Amanides Pylae, pass between Cilicia and Syria, N.N.E. of Issus, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_17">17</a></li>

<li>Ambracian Gulf, the, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_18">18</a></li>

<li>Ambracus, or Ambracia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a>-30. Sometimes Ambracia means the territory, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_61">61</a></li>

<li>Ambrysus, a city of Phocis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a></li>

<li>Ammonius Barcaeus, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a></li>

<li>Amphaxitis, a maritime district of Macedonia on the left bank of the Axius, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a></li>

<li>Amphiaraus, fr. <a href="#xliii">xliii</a>.</li>

<li>Amphictyonic league, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_12">12</a></li>

<li>Amphidamus, Strategus of Elis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_86">86</a></li>

<li>Amphilochians, an Aetolian tribe, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_5">5</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a></li>

<li>Amphipolis, a city of Macedonia, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a></li>

<li>Amphissa, a city of Locris, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_4">4</a></li>

<li>Amyce, plain of, near Antioch, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a></li>

<li>Amyclae, a town in Laconia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_18">18</a>-20, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_23">23</a></li>

<li>Amynander, king of the Athamanes, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a>, <a href="#b18_36">36</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_29">29</a></li>

<li>Amyntas, father of Philip II., <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_48">48</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a></li>

<li>Amyrus, plain of, in Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a></li>

<li><i>Anacleteria</i> of Ptolemy Epiphanes, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_55">55</a>;<ul>
<li>of Philometor, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a></li></ul></li>

<li><i>Anadendritis</i>, a vine, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Anamares, or Ananes, or Andres, or Anares, a Cisalpine Gallic tribe, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a></li>

<li>Anas, a river in Spain (<i>Guadiana</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li>

<li>Anaxidamus, an Achaean officer of Philopoemen, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_18">18</a></li>

<li>Anaxidamus, an Achaean ambassador to Rome, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_3">3</a></li>

<li>Ancus Marcius, king of Rome, fr. <a href="#v">v</a>.</li>

<li>Ancyra, a city of Galatia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_39">39</a></li>

<li>Anda, a city in Libya, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_6">6</a></li>

<li>Andania, a city in Messenia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a></li>

<li>Andobales (or Indibilis), king of the Ilergetes, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_76">76</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_11">11</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_18">18</a>, <a href="#b10_35">35</a>, <a href="#b10_37">37</a>, <a href="#b10_40">40</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_26">26</a>, <a href="#b11_29">29</a>, <a href="#b11_31">31</a>, <a href="#b11_33">33</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a></li>

<li>Andosini, a Spanish tribe, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_35">35</a></li>

<li>Andranodorus of Syracuse, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_5">5</a></li>

<li>Andreas, physician of Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_81">81</a></li>

<li>Androlochus of Elis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li>Andromachus, father of Achaeus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_51">51</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_22">22</a></li>

<li>Andromachus of Aspendus, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_87">87</a></li>

<li>Andromachus, ambassador from Philopator to Rome, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_8">8</a></li>

<li>Andronicus, ambassador of Attalus, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_28">28</a></li>

<li>Andronidas, a Romanising Achaean, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_25">25</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_23">23</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_10">10</a>, <a href="#b39_11">11</a></li>

<li>Androsthenes of Cyzicus, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Aneroestes, king of the Gaesatae, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_31">31</a></li>

<li>Aniaracae, a tribe in Media, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a></li>

<li>Anicius Gallus, L., praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_14">14</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_9">9</a></li>

<li>Anio, river in Latium, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_7">7</a></li>

<li>Antalces of Gortyn in Crete, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a></li>

<li>Antalcidas, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_27">27</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_49">49</a></li>

<li>Antanor of Elis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li>Antenor, ambassador of Perseus to Rhodes, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_4">4</a>, <a href="#b27_14">14</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">574</a></span>
Anticyra, in Locris, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_39">39</a>;<ul>
<li>in Phocis, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_45">45</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Antigoneia, a city of Epirus, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_6">6</a></li>

<li><i>Antigoneia</i>, games at Sicyon in honour of Antigonus Doson, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_23">23</a></li>

<li>Antigonus the One-eyed, successor of Alexander the Great in Syria, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 323-301, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_63">63</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_67">67</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a></li>

<li>Antigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 283-239, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_43">43</a>-45; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_6">6</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_6">6</a></li>

<li>Antigonus Doson, grandson of Demetrius Poliorcetes, guardian of Philip V., and really king of Macedonia, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229-220, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_47">47</a>-70; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_16">16</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_87">87</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_89">89</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_93">93</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_11">11</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_36">36</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a></li>

<li>Antigonus, son of Alexander, an ambassador from Perseus to Boeotia, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_5">5</a></li>

<li>Antilibanus, a mountain in Coele-Syria, the eastern range of Lebanon, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a></li>

<li>Antimachus, a friend of Perseus, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a></li>

<li>Antinous of Epirus, a friend of Perseus, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a></li>

<li>Antioch in Mygdonia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a></li>

<li>Antioch on the Orontes, capital of Syria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_87">87</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_17">17</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_4">4</a></li>

<li>Antiochis, sister of Antiochus the Great, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_25">25</a></li>

<li>Antiochus I., Soter, king of Syria <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 280-261, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_7">7</a></li>

<li>Antiochus II., Theos, king of Syria <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 261-246</li>

<li>Antiochus Hierax, son of Antiochus II., ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 227, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_74">74</a></li>

<li>Antiochus III., the Great, king of Syria <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 223-187,
<b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>;
<b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_12">12</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_32">32</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_51">51</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>-71, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_73">73</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>-87,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_89">89</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_109">109</a>;
<b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_15">15</a>-18; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_18">18</a>-23,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_25">25</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a>-31,
<a href="#b10_49">49</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a>; <b>13</b>,
<a href="#b13_9">9</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_20">20</a>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>,
<a href="#b15_37">37</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>, <a href="#b16_19">19</a>,
<a href="#b16_22">22</a>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>, <a href="#b16_39">39</a>; <b>18</b>,
<a href="#b18_39">39</a>, <a href="#b18_41">41</a>, <a href="#b18_43">43</a>,
<a href="#b18_45">45</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>-52; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_1">1</a>-3,
<a href="#b20_7">7</a>-11; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_2">2</a>, <a href="#b21_4">4</a>,
<a href="#b21_6">6</a>, <a href="#b21_8">8</a>-21, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>,
<a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_33">33</a>, <a href="#b21_8">8</a> <a href="#b21_43">43</a>-48;
<b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a>; <b>23</b>,
<a href="#b23_14">14</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_12">12</a>, <a href="#b24_15">15</a>;
<b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_14">14</a>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a>;<ul>
<li>his treaty with Rome, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Antiochus IV., Epiphanes, second son of Antiochus the Great, king of Syria <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 175-164, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>, <a href="#b16_19">19</a>; <b>26</b>, <a href="#b26_1">1</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>, <a href="#b27_19">19</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>-23; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_2">2</a>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>, <a href="#b29_24">24</a>, <a href="#b29_26">26</a>, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_17">17</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a>-6, <a href="#b31_9">9</a>, <a href="#b31_11">11</a>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a>, <a href="#b31_21">21</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_18">18</a></li>

<li>Antiochus V., Eupator, son of Epiphanes, king of Syria <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 164-162, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a>, <a href="#b31_19">19</a></li>

<li>Antiochus, another son of Antiochus the Great according to the historian Zeno, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>, <a href="#b16_19">19</a></li>

<li>Antipater, guardian of Alexander the Great&#8217;s son Philip III., and practically king in Macedonia <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 323-319, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_10">10</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_30">30</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_13">13</a></li>

<li>Antipater, nephew of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_87">87</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_16">16</a>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a></li>

<li>Antipatria, a town of the Illyrian Dassaretae, on the River Apsus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Antiphanes of Berga, a proverbial liar (whence &#946;&#949;&#961;&#947;&#945;&#8147;&#950;&#949;&#953;&#957;), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a></li>

<li>Antiphatas, of Gortyn in Crete, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a></li>

<li>Antiphilus, an ambassador of Prusias, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_28">28</a></li>

<li>Antipolis, a colony from Marseilles (<i>Antibes</i>), <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_7">7</a></li>

<li>Antisthenes of Rhodes, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_14">14</a>-15</li>

<li>Antium, in Latium, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_24">24</a></li>

<li>Antonius, M., Trib. Pl. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_4">4</a></li>

<li>Aous, a river in Illyria (<i>Vi&oacute;sa</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a></li>

<li>Apameia, a town in Syria (<i>Kulak-el-Mudik</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a></li>

<li>Apameia, a town in Phrygia (<i>Denair</i>), <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>-45, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Apasiacae, a Nomad tribe between the Oxus and the Asiatic Tanais, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_48">48</a></li>

<li>Apaturius Gallus, assassin of Seleucus III., <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a></li>

<li>Apega, wife of Nabis, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_7">7</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_17">17</a></li>

<li>Apelaurum, a mountain in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_69">69</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">575</a></span>
Apelles, guardian and friend of Philip V., <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_84">84</a>-87; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>;<ul>
<li>he conspires against the king, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_26">26</a>-29</li></ul></li>

<li>Apelles, another friend of Philip V., <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a></li>

<li>Apennines, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_90">90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_110">110</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_11">11</a></li>

<li>Aperantia, a district and city of Thessaly, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a></li>

<li>Aphrodite of Eryx, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_55">55</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_7">7</a>;<ul>
<li>temple of, at Pergamum, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>near Saguntum, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_97">97</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Aphther, a Libyan, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_2">2</a></li>

<li>Apia, plain of, a city of Phrygia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a></li>

<li>Apis, a harbour in Egypt, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a>, <a href="#b31_27">27</a></li>

<li><i>Apocleti</i>, magistrates of the Aetolians, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_1">1</a>; cp. <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_4">4</a></li>

<li>Apodoti, an Aetolian tribe, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_5">5</a></li>

<li>Apollo of the Greeks and Carthaginians, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>;<ul>
<li>temples of Apollo at Amyclae, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a>;</li>
<li>at Delphi, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_17">17</a>;</li>
<li>at Thermus, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_7">7</a>;</li>
<li>near Temnus, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a>;</li>
<li>statue of, at Sicyon, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_16">16</a>;</li>
<li>sacred land of, in Sicyonia, <i>ib.</i>;</li>
<li>mound of, at Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_30">30</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Apollodorus, governor of Susiana, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a></li>

<li>Apollodorus, tyrant of Cassandreia, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_7">7</a></li>

<li>Apollodorus, secretary of Philip V., <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a></li>

<li>Apollodorus, Boeotian ambassador, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a></li>

<li>Apollonia, town in Illyria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_109">109</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Apollonia, a city of Assyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_52">52</a></li>

<li>Apollonia, a city of Crete, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_14">14</a></li>

<li>Apollonias, wife of Attalus I., <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_20">20</a></li>

<li>Apollonidas of Sicyon, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_11">11</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>, <a href="#b22_16">16</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a></li>

<li>Apollonides of Sparta, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_7">7</a></li>

<li>Apollonides of Clazomenae, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Apollonius of Clazomenae, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Apollonius, a friend of Seleucus IV., <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_21">21</a>;<ul>
<li>and his son Apollonius, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_19">19</a>, <a href="#b31_21">21</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Apollophanes of Seleucia, a physician, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a></li>

<li>Apro, a river in Liguria (some would read &#927;&#8020;&#945;&#961;&#959;&#962; Varus the <i>Var</i>), <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_11">11</a></li>

<li>Aptera, a town in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a></li>

<li>Apuleius Saturninus, L., <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_28">28</a></li>

<li>Apustius, P., <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_1">1</a></li>

<li>Aquileia, on the Adriatic, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Arabia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a>;</li>

<li>Arabians, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_85">85</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_9">9</a></li>

<li>Arachosia, district in Asia, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Aradus, an island off the coast of Phoenicia (<i>Ruad</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Aratthus, a river in Epirus, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a></li>

<li>Aratus of Sicyon, son of Clinias, his history, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_40">40</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>his policy and character, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_43">43</a>-52, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_56">56</a>-60; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>-12, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_84">84</a>-87; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_26">26</a>-28, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>-103; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_11">11</a>;</li>
<li>his death, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_14">14</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_22">22</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_6">6</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_14">14</a>. Vol. i. p. 283, note.</li></ul></li>

<li>Aratus, the younger, son of the last, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_51">51</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_11">11</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_6">6</a>, <a href="#b24_10">10</a></li>

<li>Araxus, promontory of Achaia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_65">65</a></li>

<li>Arbo, a city in Illyria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a></li>

<li>Arbucala, a city of the Vaccaei in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_14">14</a></li>

<li>Arcades, a city in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a></li>

<li>Arcadia and the Arcadians, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_62">62</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_70">70</a>-77; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_7">7</a>;<ul>
<li>practice of music in, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_21">21</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Arcas, the ancestor of the Arcadians, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a></li>

<li>Arcesilas of Pitane, academical philosopher, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_22">22</a></li>

<li>Arcesilaus, ambassador of the Lacedaemonian exiles, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_6">6</a></li>

<li>Arcesilaus of Megalopolis, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_25">25</a></li>

<li>Archedamus, an Aetolian, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_21">21</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_9">9</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a></li>

<li>Archedicus, a comedy writer, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_13">13</a></li>

<li>Archias, governor of Cyprus, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_5">5</a></li>

<li>Archicrates, an Achaean, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_10">10</a></li>

<li>Archidamus V., king of Sparta, ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 236-235, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a>-37; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_1">1</a></li>

<li>Archidamus, son of Pantaleon, an Aetolian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>-58</li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">576</a></span>
Archimedes of Syracuse, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_7">7</a>-9</li>

<li>Archippus, an Achaean, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_11">11</a></li>

<li>Archon of Aegira, an Achaean Strategus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189, 171, 169, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>, <a href="#b22_14">14</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a>, <a href="#b28_7">7</a>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>, <a href="#b29_25">25</a></li>

<li>Ardaxanus, a river in Illyria, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_15">15</a></li>

<li>Ardea, in Latium, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_24">24</a></li>

<li>Ardiaei, an Illyrian tribe, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_12">12</a></li>

<li>Ardyes, a Gallic tribe on the Rhone, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_47">47</a></li>

<li>Ardys, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_60">60</a></li>

<li>Ares, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>; <b>12</b>, <b>26</b>;<ul>
<li>plain of, in Thrace, <a href="#geo">Geo. Names</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Arethusa, a spring in Sicily, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a></li>

<li>Areus of Sparta, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>, <a href="#b22_16">16</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a></li>

<li>Arevaci, a Celtiberian tribe, <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_2">2</a>, <a href="#b35_3">3</a></li>

<li>Arexidamus, a soldier of Machanidas, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_18">18</a></li>

<li>Argennum, promontory in Ionia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_8">8</a></li>

<li>Argolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_64">64</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a></li>

<li>Argos, Argives, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>-54, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_70">70</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_87">87</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_16">16</a>-18, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_26">26</a>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_6">6</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>, <a href="#b18_17">17</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>, <a href="#b23_12">12</a>, <a href="#b23_13">13</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_8">8</a>;<ul>
<li>priestesses at, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_11">11</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Argos, Amphilochian, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_30">30</a></li>

<li>Arianus, of Crete, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_18">18</a>-22</li>

<li>Ariarathes V., king of Cappadocia <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-163, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_47">47</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_1">1</a>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a>, <a href="#b24_9">9</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a>-14</li>

<li>Ariarathes VI., king of Cappadocia <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 163-130, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_14">14</a>, <a href="#b31_17">17</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_3">3</a>, <a href="#b32_5">5</a>, <a href="#b32_22">22</a>, <a href="#b32_24">24</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_25">25</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_6">6</a>, <a href="#b33_12">12</a></li>

<li>Aribazus, commandant of Sardis, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_18">18</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_23">23</a></li>

<li>Aricia, in Latium, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a></li>

<li>Aridices, a Rhodian ambassador, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a></li>

<li>Ariminum, on the coast of Umbria (<i>Rimini</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_23">23</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a></li>

<li>Ariobazus of Sardis, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_23">23</a></li>

<li>Arisba, town in the Troad, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a></li>

<li>Aristaenetus of Dyme, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a></li>

<li>Aristaenus, Achaean Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 198, 195, 187, 185, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_7">7</a>, <a href="#b18_13">13</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_10">10</a>, <a href="#b22_12">12</a>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_13">13</a>-15</li>

<li>Aristarchus, a Phocaean ambassador, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_6">6</a></li>

<li>Aristeides of Athens, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_8">8</a></li>

<li>Aristeides, an ambassador of Ptolemy Epiphanes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a></li>

<li>Aristeides, a Theban painter (<i>flor. circ</i>. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 350), <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_13">13</a></li>

<li>Aristocrates, king of Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a></li>

<li>Aristocrates, of Rhodes, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_4">4</a></li>

<li><i>Aristocracy</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_3">3</a>-8</li>

<li>Aristodamus, an Achaean ambassador, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a></li>

<li>Aristodemus, tyrant of Megalopolis, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_22">22</a></li>

<li>Aristodemus, of Elis, fr. <a href="#ii">ii</a>.</li>

<li>Aristogeiton, of Elis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li>Aristomachus, tyrant of Argos, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_59">59</a></li>

<li>Aristomachus, of Corinth, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_5">5</a></li>

<li>Aristomenes, guardian of Ptolemy Epiphanes, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_31">31</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_53">53</a>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a></li>

<li>Aristomenes, king of Messenia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a></li>

<li>Ariston, Aetolian Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 221, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_17">17</a></li>

<li>Ariston of Megalopolis, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_25">25</a></li>

<li>Ariston of Rhodes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a></li>

<li>Aristonicus, a eunuch in the Court of Ptolemy Epiphanes, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a>, <a href="#b22_22">22</a></li>

<li>Aristonicus, a boxer, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_9">9</a></li>

<li>Aristophantus of Acarnania, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_6">6</a></li>

<li>Aristotle, the philosopher, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_5">5</a>-8, <a href="#b12_11">11</a>, <a href="#b12_23">23</a>, <a href="#b12_24">24</a></li>

<li>Aristotle of Argos, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_53">53</a></li>

<li>Aristotle, Rhodian ambassador, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_1">1</a></li>

<li>Arius, a river in Asia (<i>Heri Rud</i>), <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_49">49</a></li>

<li>Armenas, son of Nabis, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_2">2</a></li>

<li>Armenia, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_43">43</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a></li>

<li><i>Armies</i>, necessary accomplishment for commanding, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_12">12</a>-20</li>

<li>Armosata, a city of Armenia, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_25">25</a></li>

<li>Arpani, people of Arpi, in Apulia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_118">118</a></li>

<li>Arretium, a city of Etruria (<i>Arezzo</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_80">80</a></li>

<li>Arsaces III., king of the Parthians, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_28">28</a></li>

<li>Arsinoe, wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a></li>

<li>Arsinoe, sister and wife of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_87">87</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>, <a href="#b15_32">32</a>, <a href="#b15_33">33</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">577</a></span>
Arsinoe, a city of Aetolia, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_11">11</a></li>

<li>Artabazanes, an Asian prince, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a></li>

<li>Artaxerxes II., Mnemon, king of Persia, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>f</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 405-362</li>

<li>Artaxias, a prince in Armenia, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_17">17</a></li>

<li>Artemidorus of Syracuse, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_8">8</a></li>

<li>Artemis, temples of, near Lusi, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>;<ul>
<li>at Abydos, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_31">31</a>;</li>
<li>near Pergamum, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a>;</li>
<li>near Elyma, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_11">11</a>;</li>
<li>worship of, at Syracuse, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_37">37</a>;</li>
<li>image of, at Bargylia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Artemisium in Elis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_73">73</a></li>

<li>Arunculeius, Gaius, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a>, <a href="#b33_9">9</a></li>

<li><i>As</i>, Roman coin, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_15">15</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_39">39</a></li>

<li>Asclepius (Aesculapius), temples of, at Agrigentum, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_18">18</a>;<ul>
<li>at New Carthage, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_10">10</a>;</li>
<li>at Ambracia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_27">27</a>;</li>
<li>at Pergamum, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Ascondas of Boeotia, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a></li>

<li>Asia, one of the three divisions of the world, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_37">37</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_59">59</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>.<ul>
<li>This side Taurus, = Asia Minor, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_14">14</a>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a>; cp. <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_90">90</a>.</li></ul></li>

<li>Asine, a city in Laconia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a></li>

<li>Asine, a city in Messenia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_42">42</a></li>

<li>Aspasiacae, a Nomad tribe in Asia, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_48">48</a></li>

<li>Aspasianus, a Mede, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a></li>

<li>Aspasius of Elis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li>Aspendus, in Pamphylia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_73">73</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_35">35</a></li>

<li>Aspis, a city in Africa (Clupea), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_36">36</a></li>

<li>Ass&#8217;s Back (<i>Onei Montes</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a></li>

<li>Assyrians, <b>16</b> <a href="#Footnote_74">fn. 74</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_5">5</a></li>

<li>Astapa, a city in Spain, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_24">24</a></li>

<li>Asti, a Thracian tribe, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a></li>

<li>Astias (Artemis), <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a></li>

<li>Astymedes, of Rhodes, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_4">4</a>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a>, <a href="#b30_22">22</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a>, <a href="#b31_7">7</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_15">15</a></li>

<li>Atabyrium, mountain and town in Galilee, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a></li>

<li>Athamanes, a tribe in Epirus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_36">36</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_31">31</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a></li>

<li>Athen&egrave;, temples of, at Rhodes, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_15">15</a>;<ul>
<li>at Agrigentum, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a>;</li>
<li>at Sparta (of the Brazen-house), <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a>;</li>
<li>at Itone, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>among the Insubres, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a>;</li>
<li>statue of, at Alipheira, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_78">78</a>;</li>
<li>games of, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_49">49</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Athens, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_27">27</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_13">13</a>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_25">25</a>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_4">4</a>, <a href="#b38_11">11</a>;<ul>
<li>Olympieium at, <b>26</b>, <a href="#b26_1">1</a>.</li>
<li>Athenians, the, their triremes, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_63">63</a>;</li>
<li>assessment of, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_62">62</a>;</li>
<li>capture of Chrysopolis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a>;</li>
<li>conquered by Philip II., <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_10">10</a>;</li>
<li>their adulation of Ptolemy IV., <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_10">10</a>;</li>
<li>relieve Mantinea, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_8">8</a>;</li>
<li>their colonies in Thrace, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>;</li>
<li>suffer under Antipater, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_29">29</a>;</li>
<li>hostility to Sparta, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>at Aegospotami, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>k</i>;</li>
<li>their reception of king Attalus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_25">25</a>, <a href="#b16_26">26</a>;</li>
<li>attacked by Philip V., <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_34">34</a>;</li>
<li>intercede for the Aetolians, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_4">4</a>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_29">29</a>-31;</li>
<li>beaten at Chaeroneia, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>addressed by Roman Senate, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_12">12</a>;</li>
<li>send ambassadors to Alexandria, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a>;</li>
<li>petition the Senate for Delos and Lemnos, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_21">21</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_17">17</a>;</li>
<li>their quarrel with Oropus, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_25">25</a>;</li>
<li>their resistance to Xerxes, <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_4">4</a>;</li>
<li>their republican constitution, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_44">44</a>, cp. <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a>;</li>
<li>their list of Archons, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_11">11</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Athenaeum, a fortress near Megalopolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a></li>

<li>Athenaeum, a promontory of Campania (<i>Promontorium Minervae</i>, <i>Punta della Campanella</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Athenaeus, son of Attalus I., <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_28">28</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a></li>

<li>Athenagoras, a mercenary officer of Philip V., <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_22">22</a></li>

<li>Athinis, an Egyptian prince, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a></li>

<li>Athyrnus. <i>See</i> Vulturnus</li>

<li>Atilius, Aulus, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a></li>

<li>Atilius Calatinus, A., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 258, 254, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_38">38</a></li>

<li>Atilius Regulus, M., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 267, 256, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_28">28</a>-31, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_33">33</a>-35</li>

<li>Atilius Regulus, C., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 257, 250, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_41">41</a>-48</li>

<li>Atilius Regulus, M., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 227, 217, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_114">114</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_116">116</a></li>

<li>Atilius Regulus, Gaius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 225, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_28">28</a></li>

<li>Atilius Serranus, Gaius, praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a></li>

<li>Atintanes, a tribe in Epirus, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">578</a></span>
Atis, a Boian chief, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_21">21</a></li>

<li>Atlantic Ocean, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_59">59</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_29">29</a></li>

<li>Atreus, son of Pelops, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a></li>

<li>Atropatei, a tribe in Asia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a></li>

<li>Attalus I., king of Pergamum <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 241-197, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_65">65</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_107">107</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_30">30</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_7">7</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_1">1</a>-9, <a href="#b16_24">24</a>-28, <a href="#b16_30">30</a>, <a href="#b16_34">34</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_6">6</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a>, <a href="#b18_16">16</a>, <a href="#b18_17">17</a>, <a href="#b18_41">41</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_20">20</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_11">11</a>, <a href="#b22_20">20</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_22">22</a>;<ul>
<li>the Athenians name a tribe Attalica after him, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_25">25</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Attalus II., succeeds his brother Eumenes II. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 159-138, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_39">39</a>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_20">20</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_11">11</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_5">5</a>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_18">18</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_7">7</a>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_1">1</a>-3; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_3">3</a>, <a href="#b32_5">5</a>, <a href="#b32_22">22</a>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a>, <a href="#b32_28">28</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a>, <a href="#b33_6">6</a>, <a href="#b33_9">9</a>, <a href="#b33_12">12</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_6">6</a></li>

<li>Attalus III., son of Eumenes II., succeeded his uncle <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 138-133, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_2">2</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_18">18</a></li>

<li>Attica, valuation of, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_62">62</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>;<ul>
<li>excellence of its silver, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Attis, priest of Cybele, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li>Aufidus, river, in Apulia (<i>Ofanto</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_110">110</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a></li>

<li>Aurelius Orestes, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 157, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_7">7</a>, <a href="#b38_8">8</a></li>

<li>Ausones, in Italy, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Autaritus, a leader of Gallic mercenaries, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_77">77</a>-80, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_86">86</a></li>

<li>Autolychus, of Rhodes, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_5">5</a></li>

<li>Autonous, a Thessalian, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_5">5</a></li>

<li>Azanis, a district in Arcadia containing 17 towns (<i>St. Byz.</i>), <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_70">70</a></li>

<li>Azorium, a town of Perrhaebia in Thessaly, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Babylon</span>, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_52">52</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_43">43</a></li>

<li>Babyrtas, a Messenian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_4">4</a></li>

<li>Bactra, capital of Bactriana, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_12">12</a></li>

<li>Bactriana, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_48">48</a>, <a href="#b10_49">49</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Baebius, L., praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_1">1</a>, <a href="#b15_4">4</a></li>

<li>Baebius Tamphilus, M., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a></li>

<li>Baecula, a town in Spain, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_38">38</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_20">20</a>;<ul>
<li>battle of, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_39">39</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Baetis, river in Spain (Guadalquivir), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li>

<li>Balacer, father of Pantauchus, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_8">8</a></li>

<li>Balacer, son of Pantauchus, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a></li>

<li>Balearic slingers, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_67">67</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_113">113</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a></li>

<li><i>Ballistae</i>, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_41">41</a></li>

<li>Bantia, town in Illyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Barathra, in Egypt, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_80">80</a></li>

<li>Barca, a city in Cyrene, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a></li>

<li>Barcas. <i>See</i> Hamilcar</li>

<li>Bardylis, an Illyrian prince, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a></li>

<li>Bargusii, a Spanish tribe, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_35">35</a></li>

<li>Bargylia, a town in Caria, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a>, <a href="#b16_24">24</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>, <a href="#b18_44">44</a>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a>, <a href="#b18_50">50</a>;<ul>
<li>gulf of, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Barmocarus, a Carthaginian, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a></li>

<li>Barnus, in Macedonia, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Bastarnae, tribe on the Danube, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_6">6</a></li>

<li>Batanaea, in Palestine, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_39">39</a></li>

<li>Bato, fr. <a href="#xliii">xliii</a>.</li>

<li>Battacus, priest of Cybele, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li><i>Beacons.</i> <i>See</i> Signals</li>

<li>Belli, a Celtiberian tribe, <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_2">2</a></li>

<li>Belmina, in Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a></li>

<li>Benacus, lake, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Beneventum, in Samnium, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_90">90</a></li>

<li>Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus, wife of Antiochus II., <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a>; fr. <a href="#xxvi">xxvi</a>.</li>

<li>Berenice, wife of Ptolemy Euergetes, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_36">36</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a></li>

<li>Berga, in Macedonia, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a></li>

<li>Beroea, in Macedonia, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_8">8</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a></li>

<li>Berytus, in Phoenicia (<i>Beir&uacute;t</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Bessi, a Thracian tribe, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_8">8</a></li>

<li>Bionidas, of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a></li>

<li>Bippus, an Argive, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_18">18</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_1">1</a>, <a href="#b24_2">2</a></li>

<li>Bithynians, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_24">24</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_7">7</a></li>

<li>Bito, of Argos, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_20">20</a></li>

<li>Bodencus, Gallic name of the Po, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a></li>

<li>Boeae, town in Laconia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a></li>

<li>Boei, an Illyrican tribe, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Boeotarch, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_43">43</a></li>

<li>Boeotia, Boeotians, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_5">5</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_8">8</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_11">11</a>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>, <a href="#b18_43">43</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_2">2</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_20">20</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_12">12</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a>, <a href="#b27_5">5</a>, <a href="#b27_9">9</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a>;<ul>
<li>the decline of Boeotia, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_4">4</a>-7;</li>
<li>Panboeotian congress, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_3">3</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Boii, Cisalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_20">20</a>-24, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_31">31</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_67">67</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">579</a></span>
Bolax, a city of Triphylia in Elis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a></li>

<li>Bolis, of Crete, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_17">17</a>-22</li>

<li>Bomilcar, a Carthaginian suffes, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_42">42</a></li>

<li>Bomilcar, a Carthaginian admiral, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_9">9</a></li>

<li>Boodes, of Carthage, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_21">21</a></li>

<li>Bosporus, Cimmerian (<i>Straits of Yeni Kal&egrave;</i>), <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a></li>

<li>Bosporus, Thracian (<i>Channel of Constantinople</i>), <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a></li>

<li>Bostarus, Carthaginian general, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_79">79</a></li>

<li>Bostor, Carthaginian general, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_98">98</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_99">99</a></li>

<li>Botrys, city of Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Botrys, a Messenian writer, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_13">13</a></li>

<li>Bottia, in Macedonia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a></li>

<li>Brachylles, a Boeotian, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_43">43</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a>, <a href="#b20_7">7</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a></li>

<li><i>Brazen shields</i>, men with, Macedonians, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_67">67</a>;<ul>
<li>Megalopolitans, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_69">69</a>;</li>
<li>in Syrian army, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Breasts, the, sandbanks at the mouth of Danube, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_41">41</a></li>

<li>Brennus, leader of the Gallic invaders, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_46">46</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_35">35</a></li>

<li>Britain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_57">57</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Brochi, in Coele-Syria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a></li>

<li>Brundisium, in Calabria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_20">20</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a>;<ul>
<li>a Brundisian, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_69">69</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Bruttii, or Bruttium, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_56">56</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_6">6</a></li>

<li>Bubali, in Africa, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_3">3</a></li>

<li>Bubastus, in Egypt, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_27">27</a></li>

<li>Buchetus, in Epirus, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a></li>

<li>Bura, town in Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a></li>

<li>Bylazora, town in Paeonia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a></li>

<li>Byttachus, a Macedonian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a></li>

<li>Byzachium, district in Africa, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_23">23</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_1">1</a></li>

<li>Byzantium and Byzantines, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>its site and war with Rhodians, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_42">42</a>-52; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_24">24</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_4">4</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_2">2</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Cadi</span>, a town in Maeonia, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_12">12</a></li>

<li>Cadmea, the, citadel of Thebes, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_27">27</a></li>

<li>Cadusii, a tribe in Asia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a></li>

<li>Caecilius Metellus Denter, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 284, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a></li>

<li>Caecilius Metellus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 251, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a></li>

<li>Caecilius Metellus, Q., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 206, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_6">6</a>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>, <a href="#b22_16">16</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_2">2</a>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a></li>

<li>Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, Q., <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_10">10</a>, <a href="#b38_11">11</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_7">7</a>, <a href="#b39_10">10</a>, <a href="#b39_11">11</a></li>

<li>Caesarea, in Cappadocia, fr. <a href="#xx">xx</a>.</li>

<li>Calabrians, the, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a></li>

<li>Calamae, fort in Messenia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a></li>

<li>Calamus, a town in Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Calchedon, on the Propontis (<i>Chalkedon</i> or <i>Kadi-Kivi</i>), <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_23">23</a></li>

<li>Calena, or Calela, a fort near Larinum, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_101">101</a></li>

<li>Cales, in Campania (<i>Calvi</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a></li>

<li>Calicoeni, an Illyrian tribe, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Calleas, of Thespiae, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a></li>

<li>Callias, a pancratiast of Athens, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Callicrates, of Leontium in Achaia, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_10">10</a>-12; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>-25; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>, <a href="#b30_23">23</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_8">8</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_5">5</a></li>

<li>Callicritus, a Boeotian, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a></li>

<li>Calligito, of Byzantium, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a></li>

<li>Callimachus, school of, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>d</i>.</li>

<li>Calliope, a city of the Parthians, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_31">31</a></li>

<li>Callipolis, a city of Aetolia.</li>

<li>Callippus, of Ambracia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a></li>

<li>Callisthenes, of Olynthus, historian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_45">45</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_11">11</a>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a></li>

<li>Callistratus, of Elis, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_3">3</a></li>

<li>Callonitis, district in Mesopotamia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a></li>

<li>Calpitus, a city in Galatia, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a></li>

<li>Calycadnus, promontory in Cilicia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a></li>

<li>Calydonia, district of Aetolia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_65">65</a>, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a></li>

<li>Calynda, a city of Caria, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_15">15</a>, <a href="#b31_16">16</a></li>

<li>Camarina, a city in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_37">37</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>k</i></li>

<li>Cambylus, a Cretan, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_17">17</a>-20</li>

<li>Camerinum, a city in Umbria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a></li>

<li>Cammani, a tribe in Asia, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a></li>

<li>Campania, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_90">90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a>;<ul>
<li>the Campanian Mamertines, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_8">8</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_118">118</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_1">1</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_15">15</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Campus Martius, the, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>b</i></li>

<li>Camus, town in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">580</a></span>
Candavia, mountain in Illyria, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Cannae, in Apulia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a>;</li>
<li>battle of, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_113">113</a>-117; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_58">58</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_7">7</a>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a></li>

<li>Canobus, or Canopus, town in Egypt, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_39">39</a></li>

<li>Canuleius, ambassador to Egypt, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_18">18</a></li>

<li>Canusium, town in Apulia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a></li>

<li>Caphyae, town in Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_70">70</a>;<ul>
<li>plain of, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_13">13</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Capitolium, Capitol, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_31">31</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_19">19</a></li>

<li>Cappadocians, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_13">13</a>, <a href="#b31_14">14</a>, <a href="#b31_17">17</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_25">25</a>;</li>

<li>Cappadocia, extent of, fr. <a href="#xx">xx</a>.</li>

<li>Capros, river in Assyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a></li>

<li>Capua, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_90">90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_3">3</a>-5; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_15">15</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Carchi, a tribe in Asia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a></li>

<li>Cardaces, Asiatic mercenaries of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a></li>

<li>Caria, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_41">41</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_7">7</a>, <a href="#b31_15">15</a>;<ul>
<li>Carian war, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a>;</li>
<li>freed from the Rhodians, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a>;</li>
<li>as worthless as a Carian, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_32">32</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Carmania, district in Asia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Carneades, Academic philosopher, vol. ii. p. 466</li>

<li>Carneium, in Laconia, sacred to Apollo, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a></li>

<li>Carpetani, a tribe in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_14">14</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_7">7</a></li>

<li>Carseae (or Caresus), a town in the Troad, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a></li>

<li>Carsignatus, a Gallic chief in Galatia, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a></li>

<li>Carthage, its position, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_73">73</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_75">75</a>;<ul>
<li>its religion, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_25">25</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_20">20</a>;</li>
<li>its government, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_56">56</a>;</li>
<li>its magistrates, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_51">51</a>;</li>
<li>its senate, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_68">68</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_51">51</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_18">18</a>; <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_4">4</a>;</li>
<li>the Hundred, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_4">4</a>;</li>
<li>its dominion, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_39">39</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_11">11</a>;</li>
<li>its navy, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_52">52</a>;</li>
<li>its cavalry, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_110">110</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_117">117</a>;</li>
<li>its oppressive rule, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_72">72</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_19">19</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_52">52</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_19">19</a>; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_1">1</a>, <a href="#b14_5">5</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_4">4</a>.</li>
<li>Punic cunning, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_78">78</a>;</li>
<li>boys, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_30">30</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Carthage, New, in Spain, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_13">13</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_13">13</a>-17, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_95">95</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>;<ul>
<li>its situation, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_10">10</a>;</li>
<li>its capture, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_11">11</a>-16.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_6">6</a>, <a href="#b10_8">8</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_31">31</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Carthalo, a Carthaginian general, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_54">54</a></li>

<li>Caryneia, a city of Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a></li>

<li>Carystus, a city of Euboea, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a></li>

<li>Casius, a mountain on the borders of Egypt and Arabia Petraea (<i>El Katieh</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_80">80</a></li>

<li>Caspian, the. <i>See</i> Hyrcanian Sea</li>

<li>Caspian pass, the, in Media, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a></li>

<li>Cassander, son of Antipater, successor of Alexander the Great in Macedonia and Greece <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 306-296, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_67">67</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_29">29</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_13">13</a></li>

<li>Cassander, of Aegina, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_11">11</a></li>

<li>Cassander, of Corinth, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a></li>

<li>Cassander, minister of Philip V., <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_17">17</a>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a></li>

<li>Cassander, an ambassador from Phocaea, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_6">6</a></li>

<li>Cassius Longinus, C., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_6">6</a></li>

<li>Castulo, a town in Spain (<i>Cazlona</i>), <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_38">38</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_20">20</a></li>

<li><i>Catapults</i>, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_74">74</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a></li>

<li>Caucasus (<i>Hindoo Koosh</i>), <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_48">48</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Caulonia, a Greek city on the east coast of Bruttium, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a></li>

<li>Caunus, a city in Caria, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a>, <a href="#b30_22">22</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_1">1</a>, <a href="#b31_7">7</a>, <a href="#b31_16">16</a></li>

<li>Cavarus, king of the Gauls in Thrace, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_24">24</a></li>

<li>Celtiberians, in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_17">17</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_31">31</a>; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_7">7</a>, <a href="#b14_8">8</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_1">1</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_1">1</a>;<ul>
<li>their horses and swords, fr. <a href="#xxi">xxi</a>., <a href="#xxii">xxii</a>.</li></ul></li>

<li>Celtici, a tribe in Baetica, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li>

<li>Celts (Polybius seems to use the words &#922;&#949;&#955;&#964;&#959;&#8055; and &#915;&#945;&#955;&#8049;&#964;&#945;&#953; indifferently). <i>See</i> Gauls</li>

<li>Cenchreae, the eastern port of Corinth, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_60">60</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_16">16</a></li>

<li>Cenomani, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a></li>

<li>Censors, the, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_17">17</a></li>

<li>Centaurs, the, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_11">11</a></li>

<li>Centenius, Gaius, propraetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">581</a></span>

<i>Centurions</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_41">41</a></li>

<li>Ceos, island in the Aegean, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_26">26</a></li>

<li>Cephallenia, the largest island in the Ionian Sea (<i>Cephalonia</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>-5, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_109">109</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a>, <a href="#b21_30">30</a>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a></li>

<li>Cephalo, a servant of Aratus, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_14">14</a></li>

<li>Cephalus, a Molossian, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a>, <a href="#b30_8">8</a></li>

<li>Cephisodorus, ambassador from Athens, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a></li>

<li>Ceraeas, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a></li>

<li>Ceraunian Mountains, in Epirus, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a></li>

<li>Cerax, a town in Illyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Cercidas, of Megalopolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a></li>

<li>Cercidas, an Arcadian, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Cercina, an island off the lesser Syrtis (<i>Karkenah</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_96">96</a></li>

<li>Ceretae, a town in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a></li>

<li>Cersobleptes, king of the Thracians, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a></li>

<li>Cesbedium, a temple of Zeus in Pisidia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_76">76</a></li>

<li><i>Cestros, the</i>, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_11">11</a></li>

<li>Chaereas, an historian, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_20">20</a></li>

<li>Chaeron, of Sparta, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a>, <a href="#b23_18">18</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_7">7</a></li>

<li>Chaeroneia, in Boeotia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_10">10</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_6">6</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a></li>

<li>Chalceia, a town in Aetolia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li>Chalcidian Mount, in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_11">11</a></li>

<li>Chalcis, in Euboea, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_26">26</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a>, <a href="#b10_43">43</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_11">11</a>, <a href="#b18_45">45</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_3">3</a>, <a href="#b20_8">8</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_5">5</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_17">17</a></li>

<li>Chaldeans, the, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a></li>

<li>Chalesus, an Aetolian ambassador, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_9">9</a></li>

<li><i>Chalkeia, bronze works in Africa</i>, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_1">1</a></li>

<li>Charadra, or -drus, a town in Epirus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a></li>

<li>Chares, an Athenian, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a></li>

<li>Charimortus, a friend of Scopas, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_55">55</a></li>

<li>Charixenus, an Aetolian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a></li>

<li>Charmion, of Crete, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a></li>

<li>Charops, of Epirus, father of Machatas, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_3">3</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a></li>

<li>Charops, of Epirus, son of Machatas, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_12">12</a>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_8">8</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a>, <a href="#b32_21">21</a></li>

<li>Charybdis, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_3">3</a></li>

<li>Chattenia, district in Arabia, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_9">9</a></li>

<li>Chersonese, Tauric, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a></li>

<li>Chersonese, Thracian, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_51">51</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_15">15</a>, <a href="#b21_22">22</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Chesuphus, an Egyptian, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a></li>

<li>Chilon, of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a></li>

<li>Chimarus, of Crete, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a></li>

<li>Chiomara, wife of Ortiago the Gaul, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_38">38</a></li>

<li>Chiron&#8217;s villa, near Messene, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_4">4</a></li>

<li>Chius,<ul>
<li>island of, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_4">4</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_5">5</a>, <a href="#b16_6">6</a>, <a href="#b16_8">8</a>, <a href="#b16_14">14</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_22">22</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>;</li>
<li>battle at, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_2">2</a>-14</li></ul></li>

<li>Chlaeneas, an Aetolian ambassador, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_37">37</a>;</li>
<li>speech of, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>-31</li>

<li>Chremas, an Acarnanian, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_5">5</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a></li>

<li>Chryseis, wife of Antigonus Doson, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_89">89</a></li>

<li>Chrysogonus, an officer of Philip V., <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_12">12</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a></li>

<li>Chrysondyon, a city of the Illyrian Dassaretae, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Chrysopolis, on the Bosporus in Bithynia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a></li>

<li>Cibyra, a town in Phrygia (<i>Horzoom</i>), <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_34">34</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a></li>

<li>Cilicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_7">7</a>, <a href="#b12_17">17</a>-20; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a></li>

<li>Cilician Gates, the, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_8">8</a>, <a href="#b12_17">17</a></li>

<li>Cineas, of Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Cineas, a minister of Ptolemy Physcon, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Circeii, in Latium, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_24">24</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_22">22</a>, <a href="#b31_23">23</a></li>

<li>Circus maximus, the, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_14">14</a></li>

<li>Cirrha, in Phocis, harbour of Delphi, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_27">27</a></li>

<li>Cirta, a town in Numidia, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_10">10</a></li>

<li>Cissa, a town in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_76">76</a></li>

<li>Cissii, a tribe in Susiana, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a></li>

<li><i>Citadels, dangers of</i>, fr. <a href="#ix">ix</a>.</li>

<li>Cius, a town of Bithynia, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_21">21</a>, <a href="#b15_23">23</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_34">34</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>-5, <a href="#b18_44">44</a></li>

<li>Clarium, a fort near Megalopolis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a></li>

<li>Clastidium, a town in Cisalpine Gaul (<i>Casteggio</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_69">69</a></li>

<li>Claudius Caudex, App., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212, takes Messene and relieves the Mamertines, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_16">16</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">582</a></span>
Claudius Pulcher, App., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 185, as Trib. Mil. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197 under Flamininus meets Philip V. at Nicaea, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a>;<ul>
<li>sent as commissioner to Greece <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 185, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_16">16</a>-19; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Claudius Cento, App., legatus of the consul Q. Marcius in Achaia, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>;<ul>
<li>sent to Prusias <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 154, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a> (this may be a different man)</li></ul></li>

<li>Claudius Nero, C., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 207, at the battle of the Metaurus, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_1">1</a></li>

<li>Claudius Pulcher, C., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 177, sent to Istria, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a>;</li>
<li><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167 sent as legatus to Greece, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a></li>

<li>Claudius Cento, C., sent to Prusias, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a></li>

<li>Claudius Marcellus, M., five times consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222, 215 (suff.), 214, 210, 208, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a>;</li>
<li>besieges Syracuse, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_3">3</a>-9, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_37">37</a>:</li>
<li>engaged against Hannibal in Bruttium, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_32">32</a>; fr. <a href="#xii">xii</a>.</li>

<li>Claudius Marcellus, M., son of the last, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 196, wounded, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_32">32</a>;</li>
<li>opposes treaty with Philip V., <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_42">42</a></li>

<li>Claudius Marcellus, M., three times consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 166, 155, 152;</li>
<li>engaged in the Celtiberian war, <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_2">2</a>-4 (? fr. <a href="#xxiii">xxiii</a>.)</li>

<li>Claudius Pulcher, P., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 249, beaten in naval battle off Drepanum, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_49">49</a>-52</li>

<li>Claudius, Tib., a commissioner to Macedonia, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a></li>

<li>Claudius Pulcher, Tib., praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 178, commissioner to Asia and the islands, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_3">3</a></li>

<li>Clazomenae, Ionian city in Asia Minor, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Cleagoras, of Rhodes, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_15">15</a></li>

<li>Cleander, of Mantinea, tutor of Philopoemen, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_22">22</a></li>

<li>Clearchus, of Elis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li>Clearchus, tyrant of Heracleia, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a></li>

<li>Cleino, servant and mistress of Ptolemy Philadelphus, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a></li>

<li>Cleitor, a city of Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_70">70</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_2">2</a></li>

<li>Cleitomachus, an athlete, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_9">9</a></li>

<li>Cleobis, of Argos, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_20">20</a></li>

<li>Cleomachus, of Athens, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a></li>

<li>Cleombrotus I., king of Sparta <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 380-371, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a></li>

<li>Cleombrotus II., king of Sparta <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 243-240, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a></li>

<li>Cleombrotus, of Rhodes, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_10">10</a></li>

<li>Cleomenes III., son of Leonidas II., king of Sparta <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 236-221, alliance with the Aetolians, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_45">45</a>;<ul>
<li>at war with the Achaeans and Antigonus, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_46">46</a>-70; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_32">32</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a>;</li>
<li>resolute resistance to by the Achaeans, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_76">76</a>;</li>
<li>his residence at Alexandria and death, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>-39;</li>
<li>his destruction of Megalopolis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_93">93</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_18">18</a>;</li>
<li>his dealings with Archidamus, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_1">1</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_13">13</a>; <b>2</b>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_56">56</a>; <b>4</b>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a>;
<b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>;
<b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_1">1</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_29">29</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>; <b>18</b>,
<a href="#b18_53">53</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a>,
<a href="#b20_6">6</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Cleomenes, son of Cleombrotus II., <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a></li>

<li>Cleomenes, of Thebes, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_7">7</a></li>

<li>Cleon, of Athens, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a></li>

<li>Cleonae, a city on the road from Argos to Corinth, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a></li>

<li>Cleonaeus, a Rhodian admiral, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_9">9</a></li>

<li>Cleonicus, of Naupactus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_37">37</a> (? the same)</li>

<li>Cleonymus, tyrant of Phlius, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a></li>

<li>Cleopatra, wife of Ptolemy Epiphanes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a></li>

<li>Cleoptolemus, of Chalcis, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_8">8</a></li>

<li>Cleostratus, Athenian ambassador, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Cleoxenus, author of a code of five signals, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_45">45</a></li>

<li>Cletis, ambassador from Spartan exiles, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_18">18</a></li>

<li>Clupea. <i>See</i> Aspis</li>

<li>Clusium, town in Etruria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_25">25</a></li>

<li>Clusius, a river in Gallia Transpadana (<i>Chiese</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a></li>

<li>Cnidus, a city of Doris in Asia Minor, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>f</i>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_8">8</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_16">16</a></li>

<li>Cnopias, of Allaria in Crete, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a></li>

<li>Cnossus, in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a>-55; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_8">8</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_1">1</a></li>

<li>Cocynthus, a promontory in Bruttium (<i>Punta di Stilo</i>),
erroneously stated by Polybius to be the southernmost point in Italy,
<b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">583</a></span>
Coele-Syria, Hollow Syria, properly denotes only the plain between Libanus and Antilibanus, but in Polybius includes all Palestine and Phoenicia to the frontier of Egypt. Antiochus the Great contends with Ptolemy Philopator for the possession of it, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a>-87, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>.<ul>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>; <b>2</b>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_1">1</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>,
<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_49">49</a>;
<b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_12">12</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>,
<a href="#b16_22">22</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_19">19</a>; <b>28</b>,
<a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Coeranus, ambassador from Smyrna, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_52">52</a></li>

<li>Colaeus, in Megalopolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a></li>

<li>Colchians, the, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a></li>

<li>Colichas, a Spanish chief, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_20">20</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a></li>

<li>Colobatus (or Cobulatus), a river in Asia Minor, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_35">35</a></li>

<li>Coloneia, in Cappadocia, fr. <a href="#xx">xx</a>.</li>

<li>Colophon, a town of Ionia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Colossus of Rhodes, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_88">88</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_89">89</a>;<ul>
<li>another in honour of Rome, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_15">15</a>;</li>
<li>at Sicyon, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_16">16</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Comanus, minister of Ptolemy Physcon, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_28">28</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_1">1</a></li>

<li>Comontorius, king of the Gauls near Byzantium, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_46">46</a></li>

<li>Compasium, in Arcadia, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a>, <a href="#b22_10">10</a></li>

<li>Concolitanus, king of the Gaesatae, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_31">31</a></li>

<li>Conii, a Spanish tribe, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_7">7</a></li>

<li>Conope, a town in Aetolia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_64">64</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a></li>

<li>Consul, power of, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_15">15</a>;<ul>
<li>army of, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_16">16</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_26">26</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_16">16</a>;</li>
<li>two consular armies combined, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_110">110</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_32">32</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_16">16</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Contoporia, road from Corinth to Cleonae, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a></li>

<li>Corbilo, a town in Gaul on the Loire (<i>Coiron</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Corbrenae, a tribe in Asia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a></li>

<li>Corcyra (<i>Corfu</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_9">9</a>-12; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_3">3</a></li>

<li>Corduba, in Spain (<i>Cordova</i>), <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_2">2</a></li>

<li>Corinth, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>-69, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_72">72</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_26">26</a>-29, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a><i>b</i>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_6">6</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>, <a href="#b18_11">11</a>, <a href="#b18_45">45</a>-47; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_12">12</a>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_5">5</a>, <a href="#b38_10">10</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_8">8</a>, <a href="#b39_10">10</a>, <a href="#b39_13">13</a>, <a href="#b39_14">14</a></li>

<li>Cornelius Cethegus, C., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197, sent to Gaul, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_12">12</a></li>

<li>Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus, P., praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 203, sent <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 196 as one of the ten commissioners to Macedonia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a>, <a href="#b18_50">50</a></li>

<li>Cornelius Lentulus, Ser., praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169, placed in command of Chalcis (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171), <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a></li>

<li>Cornelius Lentulus, P., brother of the last, legatus in Greece, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>to Attalus, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_28">28</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Cornelius Lentulus, L., a commissioner for Greece and Asia, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_23">23</a></li>

<li>Cornelius Lentulus, C., ambassador to Ptolemy Physcon, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_1">1</a></li>

<li>Cornelius Merula, Cn., twice sent to Egypt to compose matters between the Ptolemies (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 161, 154), <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_18">18</a>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a>-28; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_1">1</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_8">8</a></li>

<li>(Cornelius) Scipio, in the middle of 4th cent. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> sent to Marseilles to inquire about trading ports in Britain, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Cornelius Scipio Asina, Cn., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 260, 254, made prisoner at Lipara, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_22">22</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_1">1</a>;</li>
<li>takes Panormus, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_38">38</a></li>

<li>Cornelius Scipio, P., the father of Africanus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218, sent to Spain to oppose Hannibal, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a>;<ul>
<li>has to enroll a second army, <i>ib.</i>;</li>
<li>arrives at the mouth of the Rhone, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_41">41</a>;</li>
<li>learning that Hannibal was on the Rhone, he starts in pursuit, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_45">45</a>;</li>
<li>finding himself outstripped, he goes to Italy and sends his brother to Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_49">49</a>;</li>
<li>lands at Pisae and marches to the Po, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_62">62</a>;</li>
<li>wounded at the battle of the Ticinus, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_64">64</a>-68;</li>
<li>his life saved by his son, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>dissuades his colleague from giving the enemy battle, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_70">70</a>;</li>
<li>sent (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217) to join his brother in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_97">97</a>;</li>
<li>restores the Spanish hostages, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_99">99</a>;</li>
<li>commands the Socii navales, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>his fall referred to, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_3">3</a>, <a href="#b10_7">7</a>, <a href="#b10_36">36</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">584</a></span>
Cornelius Scipio Calvus, Cn., brother of the last, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a>;</li>
<li>sent as legatus by Publius to Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>;</li>
<li>lands at Emporium and conquers Hanno and Andobales at Cissa, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_76">76</a>;</li>
<li>winters at Tarraco, <i>ib.</i>;</li>
<li>defeats Hasdrubal at the mouth of the Ebro, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_96">96</a>;</li>
<li>joined by his brother, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_97">97</a>-99.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_38">38</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_7">7</a>, <a href="#b10_36">36</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Cornelius Scipio Africanus (major), P., his first campaign in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_3">3</a>;<ul>
<li>his campaigns in Spain, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_2">2</a>-20, <a href="#b10_34">34</a>-40; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_20">20</a>-33;</li>
<li>in Africa, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_1">1</a>-10; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_1">1</a>-19;</li>
<li>his reception at Rome after the battle of Zama, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_23">23</a>;</li>
<li>in Greece as legatus of his brother, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_4">4</a>, <a href="#b21_5">5</a>, <a href="#b21_8">8</a>;</li>
<li>in the war with Antiochus, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a>-17, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>;</li>
<li>his position at Rome, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_14">14</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_35">35</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_14">14</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_12">12</a>, <a href="#b32_13">13</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, L., brother of Africanus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 190, elected Aedile, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_4">4</a>;<ul>
<li>commands in the war against Antiochus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_49">49</a>-52; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_4">4</a>, <a href="#b21_5">5</a>, <a href="#b21_8">8</a>-13, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_30">30</a>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>;</li>
<li>returns to Italy and triumphs, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>;</li>
<li>his accounts of the booty in the Asiatic war demanded, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_14">14</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Cornelius Scipio, P., son of Africanus, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_15">15</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_12">12</a>, <a href="#b32_13">13</a></li>

<li>Corneliae, two daughters of Africanus, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_13">13</a></li>

<li>Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus (minor), son of L. Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus, adopted by the son of Africanus major, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147, 134, his liberality, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_35">35</a>;<ul>
<li>his friendship with Polybius and character, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_9">9</a>-16; <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_8">8</a>;</li>
<li>volunteers for the Celtiberian war, <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_4">4</a>, <a href="#b35_5">5</a>;</li>
<li>arranges the succession of Massanissa, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_10">10</a>;</li>
<li>besieges Carthage, <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_1">1</a>, <a href="#b38_2">2</a>;</li>
<li>destroys Carthage, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_3">3</a>-6;</li>
<li>his simplicity of habits, fr. <a href="#xxix">xxix</a>.</li></ul></li>

<li>Cornelius Scipio Nasica, son-in-law of Africanus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162, 155, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_14">14</a>, <a href="#b29_15">15</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_13">13</a></li>

<li>Cornelius, Gnaeus, a commissioner in Greece <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 196, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a> (? Gn. Cornelius Lentulus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 201)</li>

<li>Coroebus (of Mygdon in Phrygia, Paus. 10, 27, 1), a synonym for a fool, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>a</i>. <i>See</i> Lucian, <i>Am.</i> &sect; 53, Suidas, s.v., &#914;&#959;&#965;&#964;&#945;&#955;&#8055;&#969;&#957;n.</li>

<li>Coroebus, of Elis, a stadium runner, fr. <a href="#ii">ii</a>.</li>

<li>Coronea, in Boeotia, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_7">7</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a>, <a href="#b27_5">5</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_12">12</a></li>

<li>Corsica, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_3">3</a>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a></li>

<li>Cortona, in Etruria, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_82">82</a></li>

<li>Coruncanius, Gaius and Lucius, sent to Queen Teuta, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_8">8</a></li>

<li>Coryphaeus, a mountain between Cilicia and Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a></li>

<li>Cos, island, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_15">15</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a></li>

<li><i>Cosmopolis</i>, a magistrate at Locri Epizephyrii, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_16">16</a></li>

<li><i>Cosmus</i>, a magistrate in Crete, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a></li>

<li>Cossaei, a hill tribe on the borders of Susiana, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a></li>

<li>Cossyrus, an island between Sicily and Africa (<i>Pantellaria</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_96">96</a></li>

<li>Cothon, of Byzantium, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a></li>

<li>Cotys, king of the Thracian Odrysae, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_12">12</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_18">18</a></li>

<li>Cow, the, a spot on the Asiatic side of the Thracian Bosporus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a></li>

<li>Cremona, a Roman colony in Gallia Cisalpina, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a></li>

<li>Creonium, a town of the Illyrian Dassaretae, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Creta, Island, character of the people, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_47">47</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_21">21</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_4">4</a>;<ul>
<li>its government, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_45">45</a>-47; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a>;</li>
<li>its pirates, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_8">8</a>;</li>
<li>the Cretans as mercenaries, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_66">66</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_75">75</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_46">46</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_6">6</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_27">27</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a>;</li>
<li>war with Rhodes, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_4">4</a>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a>, <a href="#b33_15">15</a>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a>;</li>
<li>to outwit a Cretan, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_21">21</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_71">71</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_14">14</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_4">4</a>, <a href="#b13_5">5</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_15">15</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_10">10</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_15">15</a>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Cretan sea, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a></li>

<li>Cretan wine, <b>SF</b>, <a href="#iv">iv</a></li>

<li>Cretopolis, in Mylias, part of Pamphylia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a></li>

<li>Crinon, a Macedonian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_16">16</a></li>

<li>Critolaus, a follower of Agathocles of Alexandria, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_26b">26</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">585</a></span>
Critolaus, Achaean Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146, <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_8">8</a>-11; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_7">7</a>, <a href="#b39_8">8</a></li>

<li>Critolaus, a Peripatetic philosopher, goes on a mission to Rome, vol. ii. p. 466</li>

<li>Cronus, tumulus of, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_10">10</a></li>

<li>Cropius (Nestor), <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a></li>

<li>Croton, a city in Magna Graecia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_1">1</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a></li>

<li><i>Crow, the</i>, a machine for grappling ships, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_28">28</a></li>

<li><i>Crown, mural</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_39">39</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_11">11</a>;<ul>
<li><i>civic</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_39">39</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Ctesiphon, a city in the south of Assyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a></li>

<li>Cumae, a city in Campania, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_56">56</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a></li>

<li>Curius Denatus, M., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 290, 275, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a></li>

<li>Cyamosorus, a river in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_9">9</a></li>

<li>Cyaneae, islands at the mouth of the Thracian Bosporus, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Cybele, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li>Cyclades, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_16">16</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a></li>

<li>Cycliadas, an Achaean, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_34">34</a></li>

<li>Cyclops, the, <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_6">6</a></li>

<li>Cydas, of Gortyn in Crete, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a>, <a href="#b29_7">7</a></li>

<li>Cydonia, town in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_14">14</a>, <a href="#b28_15">15</a></li>

<li>Cyllene, seaport town of Elis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a></li>

<li>Cyme, a city in Aeolis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a></li>

<li>Cynaetha, a town in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>-21, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_29">29</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a></li>

<li>Cynneus. <i>See</i> Apollo</li>

<li>Cynos, seaport of the Opuntian Locrians, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a></li>

<li>Cynoscephalae, hills in Thessaly, battle of, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_20">20</a>-27</li>

<li>Cyparissia, a town in Messenia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_18">18</a></li>

<li>Cyphanta, seaport town of Laconia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a></li>

<li>Cyprus, island of, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>f</i>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a>, <a href="#b18_55">55</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_18">18</a>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a>, <a href="#b31_27">27</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_1">1</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_5">5</a>, <a href="#b33_8">8</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_18">18</a></li>

<li>Cypsela, a Thracian town on the Hebrus (<i>Ipsala</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Cyrene, a Dorian colony in Africa from the island of Thera, founded <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 631, and capital of Cyrenaica; freed by Ecdemus and Demophanes, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_22">22</a>;</li>
<li>subject to the Ptolemies, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>, <a href="#b15_33">33</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_18">18</a>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a>-28; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_1">1</a></li>

<li>Cyrmasa, a town in Pisidia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_36">36</a></li>

<li>Cyrrhestae, a tribe in Syria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a></li>

<li>Cyrtii, slingers of, a robber tribe of Media, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_52">52</a></li>

<li>Cythera, island of, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a></li>

<li>Cyzicus, a town in Mysia on the Propontis (<i>Bal Kiz</i>), <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_31">31</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_20">20</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Daae</span>, a Scythian tribe, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a></li>

<li>Dalmatians, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_5">5</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_18">18</a>, <a href="#b32_23">23</a></li>

<li>Damasippus, a Macedonian, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a></li>

<li>Damippus, a Lacedaemonian, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_5">5</a></li>

<li>Damis, an Athenian ambassador, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_31">31</a></li>

<li>Damon, ambassador from Ptolemy Philometor, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a></li>

<li>Damon, a Rhodian ambassador, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_18">18</a></li>

<li>Damocles, a spy in the service of Philip V., <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_5">5</a></li>

<li>Damocritus of Calydon, an Aetolian ambassador, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_31">31</a></li>

<li>Damocritus, an Achaean, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_10">10</a></li>

<li>Damoteles, an Aetolian ambassador, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a>, <a href="#b21_29">29</a></li>

<li>Damoxenus, of Aegium, an Achaean ambassador, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_42">42</a></li>

<li>Dam&#363;ras, a river in Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Danae, of Alexandria, mother-in-law of Tlepolemus, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_27">27</a></li>

<li>Danaus, of Argos, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a></li>

<li>Daochus, of Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Daorsi, a tribe in Illyria, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_18">18</a></li>

<li>Daphne, near Antioch in Syria, sacred to Apollo and Artemis, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a></li>

<li>Dardani, an Illyrian tribe, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_6">6</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_6">6</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a></li>

<li>Darius, son of Hystaspes, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a></li>

<li>Darius (Codomanus), <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_17">17</a>-19, <a href="#b12_22">22</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a></li>

<li>Dassaretae, an Illyrian tribe, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Daulium, a town in Phocis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a></li>

<li>Daunia, part of Apulia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_7">7</a></li>

<li>Decietae, a Ligurian tribe, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_11">11</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">586</a></span>
Decius, a Campanian, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_7">7</a></li>

<li><i>Decuriones</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_25">25</a></li>

<li>Deep Road, the, at Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_35">35</a></li>

<li>Deianira, wife of Hercules, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_13">13</a></li>

<li>Deigma, the mart at Rhodes, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_88">88</a></li>

<li>Deinocrates, an officer of Attalus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_3">3</a></li>

<li>Deinocrates, of Messene, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_5">5</a>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a></li>

<li>Deinon, of Alexandria, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_26b">26</a><i>a</i></li>

<li>Deinon, of Rhodes, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>, <a href="#b27_14">14</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_11">11</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_6">6</a>-9</li>

<li>Delos, island of, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_3">3</a>; <b>26</b>, <a href="#b26_1">1</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_21">21</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_17">17</a>;<ul>
<li>made a free port, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_7">7</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Delphi, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_35">35</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_46">46</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_35">35</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_3">3</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_17">17</a></li>

<li>Delta, the, of the Nile, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_49">49</a></li>

<li>Demaratus, of Corinth (<b>6</b>, 2) fr. <a href="#vi">vi</a>.</li>

<li>Demaratus, an Athenian ambassador, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a></li>

<li>Demeter, temple of, at Alexandria (Thesmophorium), <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_27">27</a>, <a href="#b15_29">29</a>, <a href="#b15_33">33</a></li>

<li>Demetrias, a city of Magnesia in Thessaly, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_7">7</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_11">11</a>, <a href="#b18_45">45</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a></li>

<li>Demetrius I., Poliorcetes, king of Macedonia <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 294-283, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_63">63</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li>

<li>Demetrius II., king of Macedonia <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 239-229, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_60">60</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_9">9</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a></li>

<li>Demetrius, son of Philip V., brother of Perseus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_39">39</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_2">2</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>-3, <a href="#b23_7">7</a></li>

<li>Demetrius I., Soter, king of Syria <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162-150, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a>, <a href="#b31_19">19</a>-23; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_4">4</a>, <a href="#b32_6">6</a>, <a href="#b32_7">7</a>, <a href="#b32_24">24</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_5">5</a>, <a href="#b33_18">18</a>, <a href="#b33_19">19</a></li>

<li>Demetrius, of Pharos, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_66">66</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_18">18</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_14">14</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_23">23</a></li>

<li>Demetrius, of Phalerum, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_24">24</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_13">13</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_21">21</a>; <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_2">2</a></li>

<li>Demetrius, son of Ariarathes VI. of Cappadocia, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_12">12</a>, <a href="#b33_18">18</a></li>

<li>Demetrius, an Athenian, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a></li>

<li>Demetrius, son of Euthydemus, king of Bactria, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Demetrius, friend of Ptolemy Philometor, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a></li>

<li><i>Demiurgi, the</i>, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_5">5</a></li>

<li>Demochares, an historian, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_13">13</a>, <a href="#b12_15">15</a>, <a href="#b12_23">23</a></li>

<li>Democleitus, inventor of a system of fire signals, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_45">45</a></li>

<li><i>Democracy</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_4">4</a>;<ul>
<li>its origin, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>its degeneracy, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_10">10</a>;</li>
<li>in Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_38">38</a>;</li>
<li>in Messene, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_10">10</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Democrates, a Macedonian admiral, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_3">3</a></li>

<li>Demodocus, an Achaean, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a></li>

<li>Demophanes, of Megalopolis, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_22">22</a></li>

<li>Demosthenes, the famous orator, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_12">12</a><i>b</i>, <a href="#b12_13">13</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Demosthenes, of Bithynia, an historian, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_1">1</a></li>

<li>Demosthenes, secretary of Philip V., <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>, <a href="#b18_34">34</a></li>

<li>Dentheleti, a Thracian tribe, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_8">8</a></li>

<li>Diaeus, Achaean Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 151, 149, 147, <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_8">8</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_7">7</a>, <a href="#b39_8">8</a>, <a href="#b39_10">10</a>, <a href="#b39_11">11</a>, <a href="#b39_15">15</a></li>

<li>Diatonium, a city in Crete, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a></li>

<li>Dicaearchus, of Trichonium, an Aetolian ambassador, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_31">31</a></li>

<li>Dicaearchus, an officer of Philip V., <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a></li>

<li>Dicaearchus, of Messene in Sicily, a Peripatetic philosopher, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a></li>

<li>Dic&#277;tas, a Boeotian ambassador, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a></li>

<li><i>Dictator, power of</i>, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_103">103</a></li>

<li>Didascolondas, of Crete, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_37">37</a></li>

<li>Dimale, a city in Illyria, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_18">18</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a></li>

<li>Diocles, of Dyme, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a></li>

<li>Diocles, governor of Parapotamia in Assyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_69">69</a></li>

<li>Diocles, a Rhodian ambassador, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_10">10</a></li>

<li>Diodorus, tutor of Demetrius Soter at Rome, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_20">20</a>, <a href="#b31_21">21</a></li>

<li>Diogenes, Stoic Philosopher, vol. ii. p. 466</li>

<li>Diogenes, of Acarnania, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_5">5</a></li>

<li>Diogenes, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_29">29</a>, <a href="#b10_30">30</a></li>

<li>Diogenes, ambassador from Orophernes, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_24">24</a></li>

<li>Diognetus, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a>-70</li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">587</a></span>
Diomedon, governor of Seleucia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a></li>

<li>Diomedon, of Cos, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a></li>

<li>Dionysius, theatre of, at Alexandria, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_30">30</a>;<ul>
<li>artists in theatre of, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_21">21</a>;</li>
<li>pipers in festival of, in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_20">20</a>;</li>
<li>picture of, by Aristeides, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_2">2</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 405-367, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>a</i>, <a href="#b12_10">10</a>, <a href="#b12_24">24</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_35">35</a></li>

<li>Dionysius, son of the preceding, also tyrant of Syracuse <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 367-343, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>a</i></li>

<li>Dionysius, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_16">16</a>-18</li>

<li>Dionysius, secretary of Antiochus Epiphanes, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a></li>

<li>Dionysius, a Thracian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a></li>

<li>Dionysodorus, an officer of Attalus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_3">3</a>, <a href="#b16_6">6</a>, <a href="#b16_8">8</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a></li>

<li>Dionysodorus, ambassador from the Ptolemies, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a></li>

<li>Diopeithes, of Rhodes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_7">7</a></li>

<li>Diophanes, of Megalopolis, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_9">9</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_17">17</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a></li>

<li>Diophanes, an ambassador from Perseus, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>, <a href="#b27_14">14</a></li>

<li>Dioryctus, the channel between Leucas and Acarnania, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a></li>

<li>Dioscurium, temple and hamlet of Phlios, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_73">73</a></li>

<li>Dipylum, gate at Athens, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_25">25</a></li>

<li>Dium, a town in Macedonia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_62">62</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_11">11</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_35">35</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a></li>

<li>Dodona, in Epirus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a> <i>note</i>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_11">11</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_35">35</a></li>

<li>Dog-star, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_37">37</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_43">43</a></li>

<li>Doliche, a city in Perrhaebia, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a></li>

<li>Dolopes, the, in Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_31">31</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a></li>

<li>Domitius Ahenobarbus, Gnaeus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a></li>

<li>Dorimachus, of Trichonium, Aetolian Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_3">3</a>-6, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_58">58</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_42">42</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_1">1</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a></li>

<li>Dorymenes, an Aetolian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a></li>

<li>Drangene, a district in Asia (<i>Sejestan</i>), <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Drepana, a city in Sicily (<i>Trapani</i>), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_61">61</a></li>

<li>Dromichaetes, king of the Odrysae, fr. <a href="#xi">xi</a>.</li>

<li>Drymussa, one of the islands in front of Clazomenae, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Duilius, C., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 260, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_23">23</a></li>

<li>Dunax, a mountain in Thrace, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Dura, a town in Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_66">66</a></li>

<li>Dura, a town on the Euphrates in Mesopotamia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a></li>

<li>Dura, a town on the Tigris in Assyria (<i>D&uacute;r</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_52">52</a></li>

<li>Dyme, an Achaean town, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_51">51</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_86">86</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Ecbatana</span>, capital of Media, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a></li>

<li>Ecdemus, of Megalopolis, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_22">22</a></li>

<li>Echecrates, of Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_85">85</a></li>

<li>Echecrates, of Phlius, philosopher and historian, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_10">10</a></li>

<li>Echedemus, Athenian ambassador, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_4">4</a>, <a href="#b21_5">5</a></li>

<li>Echetla, a city in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_15">15</a></li>

<li>Echinus, a city in Thessaly, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_42">42</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_38">38</a></li>

<li>Ecnomus, a hill on the south coast of Sicily between Agrigentum and Gela (<i>Monte di Licata</i>), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_25">25</a></li>

<li>Edecon, chief of the Edetani in Spain, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_34">34</a>, <a href="#b10_35">35</a>, <a href="#b10_40">40</a></li>

<li>Edessa, a town in Macedonia originally the capital, on the via Egnatia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Edetani, a Spanish tribe, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_34">34</a></li>

<li>Egnatia via, from Apollonia to the Hellespont, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Egypt, its peaceful and prosperous state, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_37">37</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_44">44</a>;<ul>
<li>the conspiracy of Antiochus the Great and Philip against, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>;</li>
<li>succession of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>;</li>
<li>its king in possession of Seleucia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a>;</li>
<li>the savagery of the Egyptians, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_33">33</a>;</li>
<li>revolt of the nobles, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a>;</li>
<li>invasion of Antiochus Epiphanes, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_2">2</a>, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_17">17</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_4">4</a>;</li>
<li>jealousy in Rome of, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_18">18</a>;</li>
<li>visit of Polybius to, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_14">14</a>;</li>
<li>invasion by Iphicrates, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_80">80</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_107">107</a>; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_12">12</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_18">18</a>.</li>
<li>Idle<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">588</a></span>
character of the Egyptians, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_18">18</a>;</li>
<li>priests of, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Elaea, a city of Aeolis, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_10">10</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a>; fr. <a href="#liv">liv</a>.</li>

<li>Elateia, a city of Phocis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_26">26</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_43">43</a>, <a href="#b18_45">45</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_18">18</a></li>

<li>Elaus, a fort in the territory of Calydon, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_65">65</a></li>

<li><i>Elephants</i>, used by the Carthaginians, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_32">32</a>-34, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_74">74</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_85">85</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_74">74</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_79">79</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_1">1</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>Roman terror of, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a>;</li>
<li>African elephants afraid of Indian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_84">84</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Elephas. <i>See</i> Nicanor</li>

<li>Eleutherna, a town in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a></li>

<li>Elis, the city, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_86">86</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_3">3</a>;<ul>
<li>the country and people, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_69">69</a>-86; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_30">30</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_13">13</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_42">42</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_3">3</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>its wealth and peacefulness, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_73">73</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Elisphasii, in the Peloponnese, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a>;</li>

<li><i>Elks</i>, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Elleporus (<i>Helorus</i>, Diodor. Sic. 14, 104), a river in the territory of Caulon in South Italy, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a></li>

<li>Elpeius, a river in Macedonia, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a></li>

<li>Elymaei, a tribe living to the north of Mount Zagrus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_11">11</a></li>

<li>Emathia, a region in Macedonia, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_10">10</a></li>

<li>Emporia, a district in Africa near the Lesser Syrtis, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_23">23</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_2">2</a></li>

<li>Emporium, a city in north Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_76">76</a></li>

<li>Enchelanae, a tribe in Illyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>; fr. <a href="#xliii">xliii</a>.</li>

<li>Enipeus, a river in Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a></li>

<li>Eordi, a Macedonian tribe, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_23">23</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Epaenetus, a Boeotian ambassador, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a></li>

<li>Epaminondas, of Thebes, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_43">43</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_1">1</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_8">8</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>f</i>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_8">8</a></li>

<li>Eperatus, of Pharae, Achaean Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a></li>

<li>Epetium, a town of Illyria, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_18">18</a></li>

<li>Ephesus, a city of Ionia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_35">35</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_17">17</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a><i>c</i>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_41">41</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_11">11</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>, <a href="#b21_44">44</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_18">18</a></li>

<li><i>Ephors, the Spartan</i>, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_11">11</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_11">11</a>;<ul>
<li>of the Messenian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_31">31</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Ephorus, of Cyme, an historian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_20">20</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_33">33</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_45">45</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_4">4</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>a</i>, <a href="#b12_22">22</a>, <a href="#b12_23">23</a>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>f</i>, <a href="#b12_27">27</a>, <a href="#b12_28">28</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_1">1</a></li>

<li>Epichares, a Rhodian, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a></li>

<li>Epicharmus, of Cos, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_40">40</a>; cp. vol. ii. p. 442</li>

<li>Epicydes, of Syracuse, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_37">37</a></li>

<li>Epidamnus, a city of Illyria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_9">9</a>-11; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Epidaurus, in Argolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a></li>

<li>Epigenes, a friend of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_49">49</a>-51</li>

<li>Epipolae, a part of Syracuse, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_37">37</a></li>

<li>Epirus, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_5">5</a>-8, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>-6; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_40">40</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_5">5</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_23">23</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_3">3</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_12">12</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_12">12</a>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>, <a href="#b30_16">16</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a>, <a href="#b32_21">21</a>, <a href="#b32_26">26</a></li>

<li>Epistratus, of Acarnania, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_11">11</a></li>

<li>Epitalium, a town of Triphylia in Elis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a></li>

<li>Eposognatus, a chief in Galatia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li>Eratosthenes, of Cyrene, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>, <a href="#b34_4">4</a>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_13">13</a></li>

<li>Eretria, a town in Euboea, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_45">45</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a></li>

<li>Eretria, a town of Phthiotis in Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_20">20</a></li>

<li>Eribianus, a mountain pass between Samnium and Campania, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_92">92</a></li>

<li>Eridanus, a name of the Po, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a></li>

<li>Erymanthus, a river of Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_71">71</a></li>

<li>Erymanthus, a river of Arachosia in Persia, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Erythrae, a city in Ionia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_6">6</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Eryx, a mountain and city in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_55">55</a>-60, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_77">77</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_7">7</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_9">9</a>.<ul>
<li><i>See also</i> Aphrodite</li></ul></li>

<li>Etennians, a tribe in Pisidia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_73">73</a></li>

<li>Etesian winds, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">589</a></span>
Etruria, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_23">23</a>-27; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_80">80</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_108">108</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Etruscan sea, the. <i>See</i> Tyrrhenian sea</li>

<li>Euboea, island of, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_5">5</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_11">11</a>, <a href="#b18_46">46</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_8">8</a>;</li>

<li>Euboic talent, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_62">62</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_18">18</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_30">30</a>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a></li>

<li>Euboea, daughter of Cleoptolemus, wife of Antiochus the Great, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_8">8</a></li>

<li>Eubulidas, of Chalcis, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a></li>

<li>Eucampidas, of Arcadia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Euclidas, brother of Cleomenes III., <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_68">68</a></li>

<li>Eudamidas, of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a></li>

<li>Eudemus, of Rhodes, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_10">10</a></li>

<li>Eudemus, an ambassador of Miletus, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a></li>

<li>Eudoxus, a Greek historian, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_1">1</a></li>

<li>Euemerus, of Messene, a writer on religion, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a></li>

<li>Eulaeus, an Egyptian eunuch, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a>, <a href="#b28_21">21</a></li>

<li>Eumenes II., king of Pergamum <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 197-159, son of Attalus I., <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_8">8</a>-11, <a href="#b21_16">16</a>-22, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>-45, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a>-11, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>, <a href="#b22_17">17</a>, <a href="#b22_20">20</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>, <a href="#b23_3">3</a>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>, <a href="#b23_11">11</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_1">1</a>, <a href="#b24_5">5</a>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a>, <a href="#b24_9">9</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_6">6</a>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>, <a href="#b27_18">18</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_7">7</a>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a>, <a href="#b28_15">15</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a>, <a href="#b29_22">22</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_1">1</a>, <a href="#b30_2">2</a>, <a href="#b30_20">20</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a>, <a href="#b31_10">10</a>, <a href="#b31_25">25</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_3">3</a>, <a href="#b32_5">5</a>, <a href="#b32_22">22</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_18">18</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_7">7</a></li>

<li>Eumenes, an Egyptian ambassador, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a></li>

<li>Euphanes, of Crete, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_3">3</a></li>

<li>Euphrates, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_25">25</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_43">43</a></li>

<li>Eupolemus, an Aetolian, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_19">19</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a></li>

<li>Eureas, an Achaean ambassador, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a>, <a href="#b31_8">8</a></li>

<li>Euripidas, an Aetolian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_68">68</a>-72, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_83">83</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a></li>

<li>Euripides, quoted, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_35">35</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_106">106</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_21">21</a></li>

<li>Euripus, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_109">109</a></li>

<li>Euromus, a city in Caria, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_44">44</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a></li>

<li>Europe, position and size of, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a>-7</li>

<li>Europus, a city in Parapotamia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a></li>

<li>Eurotas, river in Laconia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_21">21</a>-23; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_35">35</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_8">8</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_18">18</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a></li>

<li>Eurotas, another name of the Galaesus, (q.v.) <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_35">35</a></li>

<li>Eurycleidas, of Athens, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_106">106</a></li>

<li>Euryleon, Achaean Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 210, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_21">21</a></li>

<li>Eurylochus, a Cretan, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a></li>

<li>Eurylochus, a Magnesian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a></li>

<li>Eurymedon, of Athens, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>k</i></li>

<li>Euthydemus, of Magnesia, king of Bactria, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_49">49</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Euxine, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_38">38</a>-44, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_56">56</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_55">55</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_29">29</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_3">3</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_24">24</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a></li>

<li>Evagoras, king of Salamis in Cyprus, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>f</i></li>

<li>Evagoras, of Aegium, <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_11">11</a></li>

<li>Evander, fr. <a href="#iii">iii</a>.</li>

<li>Evanoridas, of Elis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li>Evas, a hill in Laconia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a></li>

<li><i>Exile, voluntary</i>, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_14">14</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Fabius Maximus Cunctator, Q.</span>, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a>-94, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_103">103</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_105">105</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a></li>

<li>Fabius, L., <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_1">1</a></li>

<li>Fabius, Q., <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a></li>

<li>Fabius Labeo, Q., praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_46">46</a></li>

<li>Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, Q., elder brother of the younger Africanus, son of Aemilius Paullus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 145, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_35">35</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_14">14</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_9">9</a>, <a href="#b32_10">10</a>, <a href="#b32_14">14</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_9">9</a>; <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_5">5</a></li>

<li>Fabius Pictor, Q., annalist, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_58">58</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_9">9</a></li>

<li>Faesulae, in Etruria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_25">25</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_82">82</a></li>

<li>Fair Plain, the, in Armenia, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_25">25</a></li>

<li>Fair Promontory, the, near Carthage, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a>-24</li>

<li>Falernian district, the, in Campania, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_90">90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_92">92</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_94">94</a></li>

<li>Faliscans, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_65">65</a></li>

<li>Fannius, Gaius, ambassador to Illyria, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_18">18</a>, <a href="#b32_23">23</a>;<ul>
<li>to Prusias, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>to the Achaeans, <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_10">10</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Flamininus. <i>See</i> Quinctius</li>

<li>Flaminius, C., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 223, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_21">21</a>;<ul>
<li>conquers the Insubres, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_33">33</a>;</li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">590</a></span>consul II., <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217,</li>
<li>enrolls an army, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_78">78</a>;</li>
<li>encamped at Arretium, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_80">80</a>;</li>
<li>falls at the battle of Thrasymene, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_82">82</a>-84.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a></li>

<li>Flaminius, commissioner in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 153 to the Ligurians, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_10">10</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Fortune, mutability of, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_21">21</a></li>

<li>Frentani, a people of Samnium, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a></li>

<li>Fulvius Centumalus, Gn. consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_12">12</a></li>

<li>Fulvius Centumalus, Gn., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 211, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_7">7</a></li>

<li>Fulvius Flaccus, Qu., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 224, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_31">31</a></li>

<li>Fulvius Flaccus, Qu., a legatus under Flamininus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a></li>

<li>Fulvius Nobilior, Ser., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 255, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_37">37</a></li>

<li>Fulvius Nobilior, M., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>-31, <a href="#b21_40">40</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a></li>

<li>Furius Pacilus, Gaius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 251, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_40">40</a></li>

<li>Furius Philus, P., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 223, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_31">31</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gabinius</span>, Aulus, legate to the Achaeans, <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_10">10</a>, <a href="#b38_11">11</a></li>

<li>Gadara, a town in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_39">39</a></li>

<li>Gades, a town in Spain (<i>Cadiz</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a>;<ul>
<li>strait of, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Gaesatae, a tribe of Gauls in the valley of the Rhone, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a></li>

<li>Gaezoloris, a chief in Galatia, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a></li>

<li>Galadrae, a town in Macedonia, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_18">18</a></li>

<li>Galaesus, a river of Calabria flowing into the Gulf of Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_35">35</a></li>

<li>Galatia, a district in Asia Minor occupied by Gauls (&#915;&#945;&#955;&#8049;&#964;&#945;&#953;), <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a>, <a href="#b24_9">9</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a></li>

<li>Galatis, a district of Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a></li>

<li>Galatus, a chief of the Boii, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_21">21</a></li>

<li>Galli, priests of Cybele, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_6">6</a>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li>Garsyeris, an officer of Achaeus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a>-76</li>

<li>Gatalus, a Sarmatian prince, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a></li>

<li>Gaul, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_59">59</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>;<ul>
<li>Cisalpine Gaul, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_118">118</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_12">12</a>;</li>
<li>plains of, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Gauls (or Celts, q.v.)<ul>
<li>Take Rome under Brennus, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_18">18</a></li>
<li>Cisalpine Gauls, their country and their wars with Rome, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_13">13</a>-35.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_66">66</a>-75, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_83">83</a>-85, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_118">118</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_11">11</a>.</li>
<li><i>See</i> Agones, Anares, Boii, Cenomani, Insubres, Lai, Lebecii, Ligures, Lingones, Senones, Veneti</li>
<li>Gauls of the Alps, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_21">21</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_34">34</a>.</li>
<li><i>See</i> Allobroges, Taurini, Taurisci, Salassi</li>
<li>Transalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_22">22</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>-41, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_50">50</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a>.</li>
<li><i>See</i> Allobroges, Ardiges, Decietae, Ligures, Oxybii</li>
<li>Gauls invading Greece and conquered at Delphi, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_35">35</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_46">46</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_35">35</a>;</li>
<li>settled near Macedonia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_37">37</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_6">6</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>near Byzantium, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a>.</li>
<li><i>See</i> Aegosagae</li>
<li>Gauls in Asia (Gallograeci), <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_5">5</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_41">41</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_33">33</a>-39, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_21">21</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_22">22</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_1">1</a>-3, <a href="#b30_20">20</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_2">2</a>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a>, <a href="#b31_13">13</a>, <a href="#b31_23">23</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_3">3</a>.</li>
<li><i>See</i> Galatia, Tectosages, Tolistobogii, Trocmi</li>
<li>Gallic cavalry in the Roman army, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_65">65</a>-67;</li>
<li>character of the Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_35">35</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_79">79</a>;</li>
<li>their arms and mode of fighting, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_33">33</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_62">62</a>;</li>
<li>the Gallic sword, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_33">33</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_114">114</a></li>
<li>Gallic mercenaries in the service of Carthage, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_77">77</a> ; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_7">7</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_74">74</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_113">113</a>-115, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_117">117</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_1">1</a>, <a href="#b11_19">19</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a>.</li>
<li>In the service of Macedonia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_17">17</a>.</li>
<li>In the service of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Gaza, a city in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_80">80</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_86">86</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>, <a href="#b16_22">22</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_12">12</a></li>

<li>Gela, a town in Sicily, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>k</i></li>

<li>Gelias, an ambassador from Phocaea, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_6">6</a></li>

<li>Gelo, tyrant of Gela and afterwards of Syracuse <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 485-478, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>k</i>-26<i>b</i></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">591</a></span>
Gelo, son of Hiero II. of Syracuse, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_88">88</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_8">8</a></li>

<li>Genesara, a lake in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a></li>

<li>Genthius, son of Pleuratus, king of Illyria, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a>, <a href="#b29_9">9</a>, <a href="#b29_11">11</a>, <a href="#b29_13">13</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_14">14</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_18">18</a></li>

<li>Gephrus, a city in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a></li>

<li>Gerrha, a fort in Coele-Syria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a></li>

<li>Gertus, a city of the Dassaretae in Illyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Gerunium, a town in Apulia near Larinum, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_100">100</a>-102, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_108">108</a></li>

<li>Gerus, a town of the Dassaretae in Illyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Gesco, a Carthaginian general, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_68">68</a>-70, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_79">79</a>-81</li>

<li>Gesco Strytanus, a Carthaginian ambassador, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_3">3</a></li>

<li>Gillimas, a Carthaginian ambassador, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_3">3</a></li>

<li><i>Gladiators</i>, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_14">14</a></li>

<li>Glaucias, ambassador of Perseus, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a></li>

<li>Glaucides, of Abydus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_33">33</a></li>

<li>Glaucus, of Acarnania, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_5">5</a></li>

<li>Glympes, a fort on the frontiers of Argos and Laconia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_20">20</a></li>

<li>Gonni, a town in Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_27">27</a></li>

<li>Gordium, a town in Phrygia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li>Gorgus, of Messene, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_10">10</a></li>

<li>Gortyn, a city in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_15">15</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_1">1</a></li>

<li>Gortyna, a town in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_60">60</a></li>

<li>Gorza, a town in Africa, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_74">74</a></li>

<li>Greeks, history of, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_37">37</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_118">118</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_28">28</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_1">1</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_1">1</a>;<ul>
<li>their fickleness, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_56">56</a>;</li>
<li>amenability to bribes, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_34">34</a>;</li>
<li>decreased numbers, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>military customs, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_42">42</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_18">18</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <a href="#b18_35">35</a>, <a href="#b18_6">6</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_12">12</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Greeks in Thrace, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>;<ul>
<li>in Asia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>;</li>
<li>in Italy, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Greek mercenaries, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_48">48</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a>;<ul>
<li>half-bred Greeks (&#956;&#953;&#958;&#8051;&#955;&#955;&#951;&#957;&#949;&#962;), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_67">67</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Gulussa, a son of Massanissa, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_2">16</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_1">1</a>, <a href="#b38_2">2</a></li>

<li>Gyridas, of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a></li>

<li>Gyrton, a town in Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_22">22</a></li>

<li>Gythium, the seaport town of Sparta, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_69">69</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Hadriana</span>, district of Hadria, a town in Picenum, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a></li>

<li>Haemus, a mountain in Thrace (<i>Balkan</i>), <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_3">3</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Haliartus, a town in Boeotia, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a>, <a href="#b27_5">5</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_12">12</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_21">21</a></li>

<li>Halys, a river in Asia Minor (<i>Kisil Irmak</i>), <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_39">39</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a></li>

<li>Hamilcar, the elder, general in the first Punic war, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_44">44</a></li>

<li>Hamilcar Barcas, son of Hannibal, in the first Punic war, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_56">56</a>-58, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_66">66</a>;<ul>
<li>in the mercenary war, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_75">75</a>-88;</li>
<li>in Spain, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_1">1</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_9">9</a>-14.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_2">2</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Hamilcar, a Carthaginian admiral in the second Punic war, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_95">95</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_3">3</a></li>

<li>Hamilcar, a legate in the third Punic war, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_3">3</a></li>

<li>Hamilcar Phaneas, a Carthaginian officer in the third Punic war, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_8">8</a></li>

<li>Hannibal, commandant of Agrigentum in the first Punic war, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_43">43</a></li>

<li>Hannibal, son of the last, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_43">43</a></li>

<li>Hannibal, son of Hamilcar the elder, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_86">86</a></li>

<li>Hannibal Rhodius, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_47">47</a></li>

<li>Hannibal, son of Hamilcar Barcas, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_65">65</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_36">36</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_9">9</a>;<ul>
<li>his oath, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_12">12</a>;</li>
<li>succeeds Hasdrubal, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_13">13</a>;</li>
<li>his expeditions in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_14">14</a>-16;</li>
<li>takes Saguntum, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_17">17</a>;</li>
<li>his surrender demanded by Rome, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_20">20</a>;</li>
<li>winters (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219-218) at New Carthage, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_34">34</a>;</li>
<li>starts for Italy, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_35">35</a>;</li>
<li>crosses the Pyrenees, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a>;</li>
<li>crosses the Rhone, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_42">42</a>-47;</li>
<li>the Alps, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_48">48</a>-56;</li>
<li>in Gallia Cisalpina, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_60">60</a>-75;</li>
<li>in Etruria, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_79">79</a>-85;</li>
<li>in Umbria, Picenum, and the south, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a>-90;</li>
<li>invades Campania, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_90">90</a>-94;</li>
<li>in Bruttium, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_100">100</a>-118.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_58">58</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>.</li>
<li>Takes Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_26">26</a>-36;</li>
<li>at Capua and in the neighbourhood of Rome, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_3">3</a>-9;</li>
<li>his character, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_21">21</a>-26; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_32">32</a>, <a href="#b10_33">33</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_13">13</a>;</li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">592</a></span>confined to Bruttium, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>his 16 years in Italy, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_19">19</a>;</li>
<li>recalled to Africa, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_6">6</a>, <a href="#b14_9">9</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_1">1</a>-16;</li>
<li>his interview with Scipio, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_5">5</a>-8;</li>
<li>persuades the Carthaginians to accept Scipio&#8217;s terms, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_19">19</a>;</li>
<li>at the court of Antiochus, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_2">2</a>, <a href="#b11_3">3</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_4">4</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_23">23</a>, <a href="#b16_28">28</a>, <a href="#b16_37">37</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a>;</li>
<li>his death, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_13">13</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Hannibal, sent by the great Hannibal to Hieronymus, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a></li>

<li>Hannibal Monomachus, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_24">24</a></li>

<li>Hanno, Carthaginian commander at Agrigentum and Ecnomus, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_28">28</a>;<ul>
<li>conquered by Lutatius, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_61">61</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Hanno, crucified by the mercenaries in Sardinia, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_79">79</a></li>

<li>Hanno (Magnus), commander in the mercenary war, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_72">72</a>-74, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_81">81</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_87">87</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_88">88</a></li>

<li>Hanno, left by Hannibal in command of Northern Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_76">76</a></li>

<li>Hanno, son of Bomilcar, an officer under Hannibal, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_114">114</a></li>

<li><i>Harmosts, Spartan</i>, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_27">27</a></li>

<li>Harpyia, a town in Illyria, fr. <a href="#xliii">xliii</a>.</li>

<li>Hasdrubal, son of Hanno, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_40">40</a></li>

<li>Hasdrubal, son-in-law of Hamilcar Barcas, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_13">13</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_36">36</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_29">29</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_10">10</a></li>

<li>Hasdrubal, brother of Hannibal, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_96">96</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_98">98</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_22">22</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_7">7</a>, <a href="#b10_37">37</a>-40</li>

<li>Hasdrubal, an officer of Hannibal&#8217;s army, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_102">102</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_114">114</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_116">116</a></li>

<li>Hasdrubal, head of Hannibal&#8217;s commissariat, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_93">93</a></li>

<li>Hasdrubal, son of Gesco, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_22">22</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_7">7</a>, <a href="#b10_35">35</a>, <a href="#b10_38">38</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_20">20</a>-24; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_1">1</a>-6, <a href="#b14_8">8</a></li>

<li>Hasdrubal, a naval commander at Utica, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_2">2</a></li>

<li>Hasdrubal, a Carthaginian officer in the third Punic war, <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_1">1</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_4">4</a></li>

<li><i>Hastati</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_33">33</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_9">9</a></li>

<li>Hearths, the, on the Thracian Bosporus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a></li>

<li>Hebrus, a river in Thrace (<i>Maritza</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Hecatodorus, of Byzantium, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_47">47</a></li>

<li>Hecatodorus, an artist, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_78">78</a></li>

<li>Hecatombaeum, a place in the territory of Dyme, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_51">51</a></li>

<li>Hecatompylus, a city in Parthia, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_28">28</a>, <a href="#b10_29">29</a></li>

<li>Hecatompylus, a city in Africa, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_73">73</a></li>

<li>Hegesianax, ambassador from Antiochus the Great, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>, <a href="#b18_50">50</a></li>

<li>Hegesias, of Rhodes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a></li>

<li>Hegias, an ambassador from Phocaea, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_6">6</a></li>

<li>Heleia, a district in Laconia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_20">20</a></li>

<li>Helice, a town in Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a></li>

<li>Helicranum, a fort in Epirus, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_6">6</a></li>

<li>Heliotropium, a place near Thebes in Phthiotis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a></li>

<li>Hellespont, the, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_50">50</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_29">29</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_41">41</a>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_8">8</a>, <a href="#b21_13">13</a>, <a href="#b21_15">15</a>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_12">12</a>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a></li>

<li>Helmantica, a city of the Vaccaei in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_14">14</a></li>

<li>Helvius, Gaius, legatus of Manlius Vulso <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_34">34</a></li>

<li>Hephaestia, a city in Lemnus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a></li>

<li>Hephaestus, tumulus of, near Carthage, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_10">10</a>;<ul>
<li>island of, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Heracleia, a city in Thessaly, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_9">9</a>, <a href="#b20_11">11</a></li>

<li>Heracleia Lyncestis, a town in upper Macedonia, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Heracleium. <i>See</i> Heracleia Lyncestis, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_11">11</a>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a></li>

<li>Heracleidae, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_12">12</a><i>a</i></li>

<li>Heracleides, an ambassador of Antiochus Epiphanes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_22">22</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_15">15</a>, <a href="#b33_18">18</a></li>

<li>Heracleides, of Byzantium, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_13">13</a>-15</li>

<li>Heracleides, of Gyrton, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_22">22</a></li>

<li>Heracleides, of Tarentum, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_4">4</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_15">15</a></li>

<li>Heracles, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_59">59</a>; fr. <a href="#iii">iii</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_17">17</a>;<ul>
<li>picture of, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_13">13</a>;</li>
<li>Temple of, at Gades, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Heracles, columns of, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_1">1</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_57">57</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_7">7</a>, <a href="#b10_40">40</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_29">29</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_4">4</a>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">593</a></span>
Heraclitus, of Ephesus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_40">40</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_27">27</a></li>

<li>Heraea, a city in Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_42">42</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a></li>

<li>Herbesus, a town in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_18">18</a></li>

<li>Herete, a mountain between Mt. Eryx and Panormus (<i>Monte Pellegrino</i>), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_56">56</a></li>

<li>Here, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>;<ul>
<li>temple and priests of, at Argos, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_43">43</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_11">11</a>;</li>
<li>at Lacinium, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Hermaeum, on the Thracian Bosporus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a></li>

<li>Hermaeum, a promontory near Carthage, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_36">36</a></li>

<li>Hermeias, a Carian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_49">49</a>-56</li>

<li>Hermes, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a></li>

<li>Hermione, a city in Argolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a></li>

<li>Hermippus, of Lysimachia, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_14">14</a></li>

<li>Hermocrates, of Syracuse, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>k</i>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a></li>

<li>Hermogenes, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_60">60</a></li>

<li><i>Heroes</i>, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_20">20</a></li>

<li>Herophilus, followers of, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>d</i></li>

<li>Herophon, an ambassador from Perseus, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a></li>

<li>Hesiod, the poet, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_32">32</a>; fr. <a href="#vi">vi</a>.</li>

<li>Hexapyla, a gate at Syracuse, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_37">37</a></li>

<li>Hicesias, vol ii. p. 288, <a href="#Footnote_105"><i>note</i></a></li>

<li>Hicesius, of Miletus, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Hiero II., king of Syracuse <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 272-216, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_11">11</a>-18, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_83">83</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_1">1</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_75">75</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_88">88</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_8">8</a></li>

<li><i>Hieromnemon</i>, at Byzantium, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a></li>

<li>Hieron, a fort on the Thracian Bosporus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a></li>

<li>Hieronymus, son of Gelo II., king of Syracuse <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216-215, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a>-7; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_5">5</a></li>

<li>Hieronymus, of Arcadia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Himeras, a river in Sicily, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_5">5</a></li>

<li>Himerean Thermae, in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a></li>

<li>Himilco, commandant of Lilybaeum, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_45">45</a></li>

<li>Hippana, a city in Sicily near Panormus, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a></li>

<li>Hipparchus, an ambassador from Ilium, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a></li>

<li>Hippias, strategus of the Boeotians, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a>, <a href="#b27_6">6</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_9">9</a>, <a href="#b28_10">10</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a></li>

<li>Hippitas, a friend of Cleomenes III., <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_37">37</a></li>

<li>Hippo Regius, in Numidia, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_1">1</a></li>

<li>Hippo Zarytos (Diarrhytus), a town in Libya, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_73">73</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_88">88</a></li>

<li>Hippocrates, of Cos, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a></li>

<li>Hippocrates, of Syracuse, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_5">5</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_5">5</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_22">22</a></li>

<li><i>Hippodrome</i>, near Seleucia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a>;<ul>
<li>near Sardis, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_17">17</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Hippolochus, of Aetolia, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a></li>

<li>Hippolochus, of Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a></li>

<li>Hippomedon, a Spartan, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a></li>

<li>Hipposthenes, of Syracuse, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_4">4</a></li>

<li>Hirpini, a people of Central Italy, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a></li>

<li><i>History</i>, value of, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_35">35</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_35">35</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_31">31</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_75">75</a>;<ul>
<li>truth the eye of, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_14">14</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_7">7</a>;</li>
<li>connected with geography, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_36">36</a>;</li>
<li>and natural science, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_57">57</a>;</li>
<li>compared with tragedy, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_56">56</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_36">36</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Hollows, the, near Naupactus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_103">103</a></li>

<li>Holy Isle, one of the Aegates, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_61">61</a> (<i>Maritima</i>);<ul>
<li>an Aeolian island sacred to Hephaestus, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Holy Town, in Lydia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_1">1</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a></li>

<li>Homarium, the, at Megalopolis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_93">93</a>.<ul>
<li><i>See</i> Zeus</li></ul></li>

<li>Homer, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_16">16</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_24">24</a>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a>, <a href="#b12_27">27</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>-4; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_5">5</a>;<ul>
<li>quoted, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_94">94</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_38">38</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_9">9</a>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a>, <a href="#b12_27">27</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_12">12</a>, <a href="#b15_16">16</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_29">29</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>-4; <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_8">8</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_5">5</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Hoplites, a river in Laconia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a></li>

<li>Horatius Pulvillus, M., consul (suff.) <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 509, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a></li>

<li>Horatius Cocles, P., <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_55">55</a></li>

<li>Horii, a state in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a></li>

<li>Horn, the, gulf at Byzantium, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a></li>

<li><i>Horse, sacrifice of</i>, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>b</i></li>

<li>Hortensius, L., <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a>, <a href="#b33_9">9</a></li>

<li>Hostilius Mancinus, A., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 170, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a></li>

<li>Hostilius Mancinus, A., commissioner in Asia, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_6">6</a></li>

<li>Hyacinthus, tomb of, near Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_30">30</a></li>

<li>Hypana, a town of Triphylia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_79">79</a></li>

<li>Hypata, a town in Thessaly, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_9">9</a>-11; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_4">4</a>, <a href="#b21_5">5</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">594</a></span>
Hyperbasas, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_31">31</a></li>

<li>Hyperbatus, Achaean Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 179, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_10">10</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a></li>

<li>Hypsas, a river near Agrigentum, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a></li>

<li>Hyrcania, a region in Asia on the south of the Caspian, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_29">29</a>, <a href="#b10_31">31</a>, <a href="#b10_48">48</a></li>

<li>Hyrcanian sea, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_55">55</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_48">48</a></li>

<li>Hyscana, a city in Illyria, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Iapygia</span> (Appulia), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a></li>

<li>Iapygian promontory, in Calabria (<i>Capa Sta. Maria di Leuca</i>), <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Iasus, a city in Caria, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>, <a href="#b18_44">44</a></li>

<li>Iberia (Spain), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_10">10</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_36">36</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_8">8</a>-17, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>-35, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_89">89</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_96">96</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_98">98</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_33">33</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_24">24</a>, <a href="#b11_29">29</a>, <a href="#b11_31">31</a>, <a href="#b11_33">33</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_5">5</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_8">8</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>-9; <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_1">1</a>-5; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_8">8</a>;<ul>
<li>events in, <i>see</i> Cornelius Scipio</li></ul></li>

<li>Iberians, arms of, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_114">114</a>;<ul>
<li>character of, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_98">98</a>;</li>
<li>mercenaries, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_67">67</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_74">74</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_93">93</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_94">94</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_113">113</a>-115, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_117">117</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_1">1</a>, <a href="#b11_19">19</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Iberus, river in Spain (mod. <i>Ebro</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_13">13</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_97">97</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_28">28</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_35">35</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_32">32</a></li>

<li>Ida, Mt. <i>See</i> Zeus</li>

<li>Ilergetes, a tribe of north Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_35">35</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_18">18</a></li>

<li>Ilipa, a town in Spain, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_20">20</a></li>

<li>Ilium, a city in the Troad, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_5">5</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_5">5</a></li>

<li>Illeberis, a town and river of Aquitania, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Illyria, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_13">13</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_19">19</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_21">21</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_18">18</a>, <a href="#b32_23">23</a>, <a href="#b32_26">26</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a></li>

<li>Illyrians, their tactics, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_3">3</a>;<ul>
<li>their language, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_2">2</a>-12, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>-68, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_70">70</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_109">109</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_16">16</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a>, <a href="#b11_14">14</a>, <a href="#b11_15">15</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_14">14</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_23">23</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Ilurgia, a city in Spain, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_24">24</a></li>

<li><i>Impiety and Injustice, altar of</i>, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a></li>

<li>India, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_13">13</a></li>

<li>Indian drivers of elephants, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_40">40</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_46">46</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_1">1</a></li>

<li>Insubres, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_60">60</a></li>

<li>Intercatia, a town in Spain, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li>

<li>Io, daughter of Inachus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a></li>

<li>Iolaus, comrade of Hercules, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a></li>

<li>Ionia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_41">41</a><i>a</i>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_13">13</a>, <a href="#b21_14">14</a>, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_12">12</a></li>

<li>Ionian sea, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_5">5</a></li>

<li>Iphiades, of Abydus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_30">30</a></li>

<li>Iphicrates, of Athens, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a></li>

<li>Irobastus, an Egyptian, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a></li>

<li>Isara, a river in Gaul (Is&egrave;re), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_49">49</a></li>

<li>Iseas, tyrant of Caryneia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a></li>

<li>Isius. <i>See</i> Alexander</li>

<li>Island, the, between the Rhine and Isara, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_49">49</a></li>

<li>Ismenias, of Boeotia, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a></li>

<li>Isocrates, a grammarian, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_4">4</a>, <a href="#b32_6">6</a>, <a href="#b32_7">7</a></li>

<li>Issa, an island in the Adriatic on the coast of Illyria (<i>Lissa</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_18">18</a></li>

<li>Issus, in Cilicia, battle of, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_17">17</a>, <a href="#b12_18">18</a></li>

<li>Ister. <i>See</i> Danube</li>

<li>Isthmian games, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_12">12</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_44">44</a>, <a href="#b18_46">46</a></li>

<li>Isthmus of Corinth, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_32">32</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_13">13</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_12">12</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_6">6</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_17">17</a>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a>;<ul>
<li>ships dragged across, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>; fr. <a href="#xcviii">xcviii</a>.</li></ul></li>

<li>Istri, the, inhabitants of Istria, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a></li>

<li>Italy, geography and inhabitants of, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>-24;<ul>
<li>Italians, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_31">31</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_118">118</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_104">104</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_19">19</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_19">19</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_118">118</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Ithaca, island of, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a></li>

<li>Ithomates, citadel of Messene, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_11">11</a></li>

<li>Ithoria, a fort in Aetolia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_64">64</a></li>

<li>Itonian Athene, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_3">3</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Jason</span>, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a></li>

<li>Jews, the, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_39">39</a></li>

<li>Jordan, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a></li>

<li>Julius Caesar, Sex., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 157, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_24">24</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_7">7</a>-10</li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">595</a></span>Junius Brutus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 509, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a></li>

<li>Junius Pullus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 249, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_55">55</a></li>

<li>Junius Silanus, M., serves in Spain under Scipio, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_6">6</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_20">20</a>, <a href="#b11_23">23</a>, <a href="#b11_26">26</a>, <a href="#b11_33">33</a></li>

<li>Junius, Marcus, ambassador to Ariarathes, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_13">13</a></li>

<li>Jupiter, Capitolinus, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_26">26</a>;<ul>
<li>Lapis, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_25">25</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li>

<li><span class="smcap">King&#8217;s Dyke</span>, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Labae</span>, a city in Arabia, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_9">9</a></li>

<li>Labeatis, a district in Illyria, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a></li>

<li>Labus, a mountain between Parthia and Hyrcania, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_29">29</a>, <a href="#b10_31">31</a></li>

<li>Lacedaemon (or Sparta), its position and extent, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_22">22</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_21">21</a>.<ul>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_70">70</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a>-36; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_48">48</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_18">18</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_6">6</a>, <a href="#b13_8">8</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_13">13</a>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a>, <a href="#b16_37">37</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_17">17</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a>, <a href="#b20_12">12</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_1">1</a>, <a href="#b21_41">41</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a>, <a href="#b22_10">10</a>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>, <a href="#b22_16">16</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_5">5</a>, <a href="#b23_6">6</a>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>, <a href="#b23_11">11</a>, <a href="#b23_17">17</a>, <a href="#b23_18">18</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_1">1</a>, <a href="#b24_2">2</a>, <a href="#b24_7">7</a>, <a href="#b24_10">10</a>-12</li></ul></li>

<li>Lacedaemonians (Spartans), their numbers and territory, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_38">38</a>;<ul>
<li>their constitution, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_62">62</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_45">45</a>-51; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_6">6</a>, <a href="#b12_11">11</a>, <a href="#b12_23">23</a>;</li>
<li>their iron money, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_49">49</a>;</li>
<li>their use of the tibia in war, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_20">20</a>;</li>
<li>admitted to the Achaean league, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_17">17</a>, <a href="#b23_18">18</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_63">63</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_45">45</a>-47, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_58">58</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_70">70</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>-24, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_32">32</a>-34, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a>-23, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_39">39</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a>, <a href="#b11_15">15</a>-18; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_6">6</a>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_6">6</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_12">12</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_1">1</a>, <a href="#b21_2">2</a>, <a href="#b21_41">41</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>, <a href="#b22_16">16</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>, <a href="#b23_18">18</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_1">1</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_4">4</a>, <a href="#b38_8">8</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a>, <a href="#b39_8">8</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Lacinium, a promontory of Bruttium, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_1">1</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Laconia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_17">17</a>, <a href="#b16_20">20</a>, <a href="#b16_37">37</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_4">4</a></li>

<li>Lade, an island off Miletus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_10">10</a>, <a href="#b16_14">14</a>, <a href="#b16_15">15</a></li>

<li>Ladicus, an Acarnanian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a></li>

<li>Ladoceia, in the territory of Megalopolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a></li>

<li>Laelius, Gaius, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_3">3</a>, <a href="#b10_9">9</a>, <a href="#b10_12">12</a>, <a href="#b10_18">18</a>, <a href="#b10_19">19</a>, <a href="#b10_37">37</a>, <a href="#b10_39">39</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_32">32</a>, <a href="#b11_33">33</a>; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_4">4</a>, <a href="#b14_9">9</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_9">9</a>, <a href="#b15_12">12</a>, <a href="#b15_14">14</a></li>

<li>Laenas. <i>See</i> Popilius</li>

<li>Laestrygones, the, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_11">11</a></li>

<li>Lagius, an Achaean, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_11">11</a></li>

<li>Lagoras, of Crete, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_15">15</a>-18</li>

<li>Lagus, father of Ptolemy I., <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_67">67</a></li>

<li>Lai, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a></li>

<li>Lamia, a city in Thessaly, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_29">29</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_11">11</a></li>

<li>Lamius, of Ambracia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a></li>

<li>Lampsacus, a city in Mysia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_78">78</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_52">52</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_13">13</a>, <a href="#b21_14">14</a></li>

<li>Laodice, wife of Seleucus Callinicus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_51">51</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_22">22</a></li>

<li>Laodice, daughter of Mithridates IV., wife of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_55">55</a></li>

<li>Laodice, another daughter of Mithridates IV., wife of Achaeus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_74">74</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_23">23</a></li>

<li>Laodicea, a city in Phrygia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a></li>

<li>Laodicea by-the-Sea, a city in Syria, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_7">7</a></li>

<li>Laodicea, at Libanus, a city in Syria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a></li>

<li>Lapateni, fr. <a href="#xvii">xvii</a>.</li>

<li>Lapethus, a city in Cyprus, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_18">18</a></li>

<li>Lappa, a city in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a>-55</li>

<li>Larinum, a city in North Apulia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_101">101</a></li>

<li>Larisa, a city in Thessaly, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_18">18</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_19">19</a>, <a href="#b18_27">27</a>, <a href="#b18_33">33</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_5">5</a></li>

<li>Larisa Cremaste, in Thessalian Phthiotis, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_38">38</a></li>

<li>Larius (Lake of Como), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Larymna, a town in Boeotia, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a></li>

<li>Lases, an ambassador from Thespiae, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a></li>

<li>Lasio, a town in Elis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_72">72</a>-74; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a></li>

<li>Latin, old, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a></li>

<li>Latins, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a></li>

<li>Latium, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a>-24; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_8">8</a></li>

<li>Lattabus, an Aetolian, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li>

<li>Lavina, daughter of Evander, fr. <a href="#iii">iii</a>.</li>

<li>Laurentines, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a></li>

<li>Lebadeia, a town in Boeotia, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a></li>

<li>Lebecii, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">596</a></span>Lechaeum, the harbour of Corinth, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_25">25</a>-28, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a></li>

<li><i>Legion</i>, the Roman. <i>See</i> Roman Army</li>

<li>Lemnos, island of, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_21">21</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Leo, a Macedonian officer, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_22">22</a></li>

<li>Leo, an officer of Eumenes I., <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_15">15</a></li>

<li>Leonidas I., son of Anaxandridas, king of Sparta <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 491-480, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a></li>

<li>Leonidas II., king of Sparta <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 257-242, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a></li>

<li>Leontini, a city in Sicily, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_6">6</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_11">11</a></li>

<li>Leontium, a city in Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_10">10</a></li>

<li>Leontius, conspirator against Philip V., <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_87">87</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_14">14</a>-16, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_25">25</a>-27, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a></li>

<li>Leontius, governor of Pieria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_60">60</a></li>

<li>Lepreum, a city of Triphylia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>-80</li>

<li>Leptines, of Syracuse, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_9">9</a></li>

<li>Leptines, assassin of Gn. Octavius, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_4">4</a>, <a href="#b32_6">6</a>, <a href="#b32_7">7</a></li>

<li>Leptis, a city of Africa, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_87">87</a></li>

<li>Lergetae, an African tribe, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a></li>

<li>Leucas island, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_16">16</a>-18, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_109">109</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a></li>

<li>Leuctra (in Boeotia), battle of, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_13">13</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>f</i>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_4">4</a></li>

<li>Libanus, Mt. (Lebanon), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_69">69</a></li>

<li>Libba, a city in Mesopotamia on the Tigris, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a></li>

<li>Liburnus, Mt. in Apulia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_100">100</a></li>

<li>Libya, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_72">72</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>-39; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a><i>a</i>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_8">8</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_11">11</a>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a></li>

<li>Libyans, their war with Carthage, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_73">73</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_74">74</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_84">84</a>-87.<ul>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_74">74</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_113">113</a>-117; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_52">52</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_19">19</a>, <a href="#b11_22">22</a>, <a href="#b11_24">24</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_27">27</a>.</li>
<li>Philammon governor of, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Libyan sea, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_42">42</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a></li>

<li>Libyophoenicians, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a></li>

<li>Licinius Crassus, P., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_6">6</a>, <a href="#b27_8">8</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_3">3</a></li>

<li>Licinius, Marcus, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_6">6</a></li>

<li>Licinius Lucullus, L., <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_6">6</a></li>

<li>Liger, a river in Gaul (<i>Loire</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Ligures, a large tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_28">28</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_7">7</a>, <a href="#b33_10">10</a>-12; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a>.<ul>
<li>Serve the Carthaginians as mercenaries, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_67">67</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_19">19</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a>;</li>
<li>their shields, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_14">14</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Liguria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_31">31</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_41">41</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a></li>

<li>Lilybaeum, in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_38">38</a>-48, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_52">52</a>-56, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_59">59</a>-61, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_66">66</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_96">96</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_109">109</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_110">110</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_3">3</a>; <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_4">4</a>, <a href="#b36_5">5</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_3">3</a></li>

<li>Limnaea, a town of Acarnania, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_14">14</a></li>

<li>Limnaeus, a prince in Asia Minor, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_90">90</a></li>

<li>Limnasus, a Macedonian, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a></li>

<li>Lingones, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a></li>

<li>Lipara, a city and island, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a></li>

<li>Liparae Islands, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_25">25</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Lissus, a city of Illyria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_12">12</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_16">16</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_15">15</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a></li>

<li>Lissus, a river in Sicily (<i>Fiume Ruina</i>), <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_6">6</a></li>

<li>Livius Macatus, Gaius, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_32">32</a></li>

<li>Livius Salinator, Marcus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219, 207, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_1">1</a>, <a href="#b11_3">3</a></li>

<li>Livius Salinator, Gaius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 188, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_3">3</a>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a></li>

<li>Lochagus, an Aetolian, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a></li>

<li>Locri, in Greece, the, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_5">5</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_6">6</a>, <a href="#b12_9">9</a>-11; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_11">11</a>, <a href="#b18_46">46</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_5">5</a>, <a href="#b38_10">10</a>;<ul>
<li>Locris, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Locri Epizephyrii, in Magna Graecia, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_5">5</a>-12;<ul>
<li>Locris, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_56">56</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Logbasis, of Selge, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_74">74</a>-76</li>

<li>Longanus, a river in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_9">9</a></li>

<li>Lotophagi, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_3">3</a></li>

<li>Lucani, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a></li>

<li>Luceria, in Daunia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_100">100</a></li>

<li>Lucius, fr. <a href="#xi">xi</a>., l., xvii.</li>

<li>Lucretius Gallus, Gaius, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a></li>

<li>Lucretius, Spurius, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a>, <a href="#b31_13">13</a></li>

<li>Lugdunum, a town in Gaul, <b>34</b>, 15</li>

<li>Luna, a town in Etruria, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Lusi, a town in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li>

<li>Lusitani, the, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_17">17</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_8">8</a>; <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_2">2</a></li>

<li>Lusius, a stream in the territory of Megalopolis, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_17">17</a></li>

<li>Lutatius Catulus, Gaius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 242, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_59">59</a>-62; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_21">21</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a></li>

<li>Lutatius Catulus, Gaius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">597</a></span>
Lycaeum, a town in the territory of Megalopolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a></li>

<li>Lycaeus, a mountain in Arcadia, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Lycaonia, a district of Asia Minor, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_22">22</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Lycastium, a district of Crete, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a></li>

<li>Lychnidius, a lake in Illyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Lychnis, a town in Illyria, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Lycia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a>;  <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_9">9</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_7">7</a>, <a href="#b31_15">15</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_4">4</a></li>

<li>Lyciscus, an Acarnanian, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_32">32</a>-39</li>

<li>Lyciscus, an Aetolian, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_19">19</a>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a></li>

<li>Lycoa, a town in Arcadia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_17">17</a></li>

<li>Lycon, a Rhodian, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a></li>

<li>Lycophron, a Rhodian, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_5">5</a></li>

<li>Lycopolis, a city in Egypt, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a></li>

<li>Lycopus, an Aetolian, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a></li>

<li>Lycortas, of Megalopolis, Achaean Strategus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 184, 182, father of Polybius, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_40">40</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a>, <a href="#b22_10">10</a>, <a href="#b22_12">12</a>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>, <a href="#b22_16">16</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_12">12</a>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a>, <a href="#b23_17">17</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_6">6</a>, <a href="#b24_10">10</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>-25; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_5">5</a></li>

<li>Lyctians, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a>. <i>See</i> Lyttus</li>

<li>Lycurgus, the Spartan legislator, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_10">10</a>-12, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_48">48</a>-50; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_2">2</a></li>

<li>Lycurgus, king of Sparta, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-210, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a>-37, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_20">20</a>-23, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a></li>

<li>Lycus, of Pharae, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a></li>

<li>Lycus, a river in Mysia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a></li>

<li>Lycus, a river of Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Lycus, a river of Assyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a></li>

<li>Lydia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_16">16</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Lydiadas, tyrant of Megalopolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_51">51</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a></li>

<li>Lydiadas, a citizen of Megalopolis, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_10">10</a></li>

<li>Lyncestae, a tribe in Macedonia, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Lysanias, a prince in Asia Minor, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_90">90</a></li>

<li>Lysias, an ambassador of Antiochus the Great, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>, <a href="#b18_50">50</a></li>

<li>Lysias, guardian of Antiochus V., <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_17">17</a>, <a href="#b31_19">19</a>, <a href="#b31_20">20</a></li>

<li>Lysimacheia, a city of Aetolia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a></li>

<li>Lysimacheia, a city of the Thracian Chersonese, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_23">23</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_4">4</a>, <a href="#b18_50">50</a>, <a href="#b18_51">51</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_15">15</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Lysimachus, successor of Alexander the Great in Thrace, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_67">67</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_51">51</a>; fr. <a href="#xi">xi</a>.</li>

<li>Lysimachus, son of Ptolemy Philadelphus, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a></li>

<li>Lysimachus, a Gaul, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a></li>

<li>Lysinoe, a town in Pisidia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_36">36</a></li>

<li>Lysis, ambassador from Lacedaemonian exiles, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a></li>

<li>Lyttus, a town in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_54">54</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Macaras</span>, a river near Carthage (<i>Bagrodas</i>), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_86">86</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_2">2</a></li>

<li>Maccoei, a tribe in Libya, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a></li>

<li>Macedonia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_70">70</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_87">87</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>-110; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_4">4</a>, <a href="#b27_5">5</a>, <a href="#b27_8">8</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a>, <a href="#b28_10">10</a>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_1">1</a>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>, <a href="#b29_22">22</a>, <a href="#b29_24">24</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_8">8</a>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>, <a href="#b30_16">16</a>, <a href="#b30_18">18</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_8">8</a>, <a href="#b32_11">11</a>, <a href="#b32_15">15</a>, <a href="#b32_23">23</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a>; <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_4">4</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_1">1</a>, <a href="#b37_2">2</a>, <a href="#b37_8">8</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_5">5</a>, <a href="#b38_10">10</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a>;<ul>
<li>Roman settlement of, vol. ii. p. 434</li></ul></li>

<li>Macedonian soldiers at Alexandria, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_26b">26</a>, <a href="#b15_28">28</a>, <a href="#b15_29">29</a>, <a href="#b15_31">31</a></li>

<li>Macedonians, the, their empire, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>their government, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_76">76</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_27">27</a>;</li>
<li>their freedom of speech, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_27">27</a>;</li>
<li>their supremacy in Greece, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>-36, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_39">39</a>;</li>
<li>their army, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_8">8</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_28">28</a>-32. <i>See</i> Phalanx; serving in Egypt, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_26b">26</a>, <a href="#b15_28">28</a>, <a href="#b15_31">31</a>, <a href="#b15_32">32</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_48">48</a>-51, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>-71; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_16">16</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>-24, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_68">68</a>-73, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_87">87</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>-8, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_109">109</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a>-10, <a href="#b27_15">15</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>, <a href="#b28_5">5</a>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>, <a href="#b29_21">21</a>, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a>, <a href="#b31_7">7</a>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_14">14</a>; <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_4">4</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_2">2</a>, <a href="#b37_9">9</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_5">5</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Macedonians, the Upper, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a></li>

<li>Macella, a city in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a></li>

<li>Machanidas, tyrant of Sparta, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a>-18; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_6">6</a></li>

<li>Machatas, an Aetolian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a></li>

<li>Machatas, son of Charops, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a></li>

<li>Maeander, the river, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a></li>

<li>Maeander, of Alexandria, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_30">30</a></li>

<li>Maedi, a Thracian tribe, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_598" id="Page_598">598</a></span>Maeotis Palus (Sea of Azov), <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_42">42</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a>, <a href="#b10_48">48</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a></li>

<li>Magas, father of Berenice, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_26b">26</a></li>

<li>Magas, son of Ptolemy Euergetes and Berenice, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_36">36</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a></li>

<li>Magi, the, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a></li>

<li>Magilus, a Gallic chief, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_44">44</a></li>

<li><i>Magister equitum</i>, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a></li>

<li><i>Magistrates</i> at Rome, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_19">19</a></li>

<li>Magnesia, a district in Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_11">11</a>, <a href="#b18_46">46</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a></li>

<li>Magnesia, a city of Ionia on the Maeander, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_24">24</a></li>

<li>Mago, brother of Hannibal, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_71">71</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_114">114</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_22">22</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_7">7</a>, <a href="#b10_38">38</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_21">21</a></li>

<li>Mago Samnis, a friend of Hannibal, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_25">25</a></li>

<li>Mago, commandant of New Carthage, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_12">12</a>, <a href="#b10_15">15</a>, <a href="#b10_18">18</a>, <a href="#b10_19">19</a></li>

<li>Mago, an ambassador from Carthage, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_3">3</a></li>

<li>Mago Bruttius, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_5">5</a></li>

<li>Magonus, of Carthage, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a></li>

<li>Magus, the (false Smerdis), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a></li>

<li>Mahabal, an officer under Hannibal, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a></li>

<li>Malea, promontory of Laconia (<i>Mali&aacute;</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_109">109</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_4">4</a>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Malian Gulf, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_41">41</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a></li>

<li>Mamertines, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_7">7</a>-12, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_26">26</a></li>

<li>Mamilius Vitulus, Q., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 262, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_17">17</a>-19</li>

<li>Mandonius, a Spanish chief, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_18">18</a>, <a href="#b10_35">35</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_29">29</a></li>

<li>Manilius, Manius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 145, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_6">6</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_3">3</a></li>

<li>Manlius, Lucius, praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a></li>

<li>Manlius Torquatus, T., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 224, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_31">31</a></li>

<li>Manlius Torquatus, T., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 165, sent to support Ptolemy Physcon, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_18">18</a>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a>-28; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_1">1</a></li>

<li>Manlius Vulso Longus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 256, 250, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_41">41</a>-48</li>

<li>Manlius Vulso, Gnaeus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>, <a href="#b21_34">34</a>-39, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>, <a href="#b21_44">44</a>, <a href="#b21_47">47</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Manlius Vulso, Lucius, brother of the preceding, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_44">44</a>, <a href="#b21_46">46</a></li>

<li>Mantinea, a city of Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_58">58</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_61">61</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_43">43</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a>, <a href="#b11_14">14</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>f</i>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_4">4</a></li>

<li>Mantua, in Cisalpine Gaul (<i>Mantua</i>), <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_10">10</a></li>

<li>Marathus, a city in Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Marcius, Ancus, fr. <a href="#v">v</a>., vi.</li>

<li>Marcius, Lucius, legatus of Scipio, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_23">23</a></li>

<li>Marcius Philippus, Quintus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 186, 169, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a>, <a href="#b23_8">8</a>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_11">11</a>; <b>27</b>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>-25</li>

<li>Marcius Figulus, Gaius, praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162, 156, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_14">14</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_26">26</a></li>

<li>Marcius Censorinus, Lucius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_6">6</a></li>

<li>Margites, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>a</i>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a></li>

<li>Margus, of Caryneia, first sole Achaean Strategus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 255; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_43">43</a></li>

<li>Maroneia, a city of Thrace, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>, <a href="#b22_17">17</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a>, <a href="#b22_17">17</a>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_3">3</a></li>

<li>Marrucini, a tribe in Central Italy, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a></li>

<li>Mars Quirinus, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_25">25</a></li>

<li>Marseilles, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_95">95</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_7">7</a>, <a href="#b33_10">10</a>, <a href="#b33_11">11</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Marsh, the town in the, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_34">34</a></li>

<li>Marshes, the (<i>Barathra</i>), near Pelusium, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_80">80</a></li>

<li>Marsi, a nation in Italy, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a></li>

<li>Marsyas, plain of, between Libanus and Antilibanus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a></li>

<li>Masaesylii, a tribe in Africa, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_23">23</a></li>

<li>Massanissa, king of Numidia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_25">25</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_21">21</a>; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_3">3</a>, <a href="#b14_4">4</a>, <a href="#b14_8">8</a>, <a href="#b14_9">9</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_3">3</a>-5, <a href="#b15_9">9</a>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a>, <a href="#b15_12">12</a>, <a href="#b15_14">14</a>, <a href="#b15_18">18</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a>, <a href="#b21_21">21</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>character of, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_10">10</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Massolii, a Numidian tribe, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a></li>

<li>Mastia, a town of Africa, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_24">24</a></li>

<li>Mastiani, a Spanish tribe, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a></li>

<li>Magna Mater, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li>Mathos, a Libyan leader of mercenaries, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_69">69</a>-73, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_86">86</a>-88</li>

<li>Matiani, a tribe in Media, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a></li>

<li>Mauretania, <b>34</b>, 15</li>

<li>Mauretanians, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_1">1</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_599" id="Page_599">599</a></span>
Medes, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_85">85</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_22">22</a><i>a</i></li>

<li>Media, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_55">55</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a></li>

<li><i>Medicine, Schools of</i>, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>d</i></li>

<li><i>Medimnus, an Attic</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_39">39</a>;<ul>
<li><i>Sicilian</i>, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_15">15</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_44">44</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Mediolanum (<i>Milan</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a></li>

<li>Medion, a city of Acarnania, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_2">2</a>-4; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_40">40</a></li>

<li>Mediterranean, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_29">29</a></li>

<li>Megaleas, secretary of Philip V., <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_87">87</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_14">14</a>-16, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_25">25</a>-28</li>

<li>Megalopolis, a city in Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_64">64</a>-66; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a>-82; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>-93; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_8">8</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_17">17</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_12">12</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_9">9</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_10">10</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_12">12</a>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a>;<ul>
<li>taken by Cleomenes, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Megara, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_43">43</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_6">6</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_8">8</a></li>

<li>Megistus, a river of Mysia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a></li>

<li>Melambium, a township in Pelasgic Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_20">20</a></li>

<li>Melancomas, of Ephesus, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_17">17</a>-20</li>

<li>Meleager, ambassador from Antiochus Epiphanes, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_19">19</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_22">22</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_21">21</a></li>

<li>Melitaea, a city of Phthiotis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_18">18</a></li>

<li>Memphis, a city in Egypt, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_66">66</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a></li>

<li>Menalcidas, of Sparta, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_17">17</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_11">11</a></li>

<li>Menecrates, a Macedonian, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_6">6</a></li>

<li>Menedemus, of Alabanda, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a></li>

<li>Menelaium, a hill and shrine in Laconia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_22">22</a></li>

<li>Menestheus, brother of Meleager and Apollonius, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_21">21</a></li>

<li>Menestratus, of Epirus, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_31">31</a></li>

<li>Meninx, island of the Lotophagi, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_3">3</a></li>

<li>Menippus, a Macedonian, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a></li>

<li>Menneas, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a></li>

<li>Menochares, ambassador from Demetrius Soter, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_4">4</a>, <a href="#b32_6">6</a></li>

<li>Menoetius, of Crete, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a></li>

<li>Menyllus, of Alabanda, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_18">18</a>, <a href="#b31_20">20</a>, <a href="#b31_22">22</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_1">1</a></li>

<li>Mergan&egrave;, a town of Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_8">8</a></li>

<li>Mesembriani, a Thracian people, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a></li>

<li>Mesopotamia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a></li>

<li>Messapii, a tribe in Apulia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a></li>

<li>Messene, in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_7">7</a>-11, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_52">52</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_26">26</a></li>

<li>Messene, in the Peloponnese, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_62">62</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_19">19</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_11">11</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_14">14</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_6">6</a><i>b</i>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_13">13</a>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a>, <a href="#b16_17">17</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>, <a href="#b18_42">42</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_5">5</a>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>, <a href="#b23_12">12</a>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a>, <a href="#b23_17">17</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_2">2</a>, <a href="#b24_11">11</a>-13, <a href="#b24_15">15</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_9">9</a></li>

<li>Messenians, wars with the Aetolians, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_3">3</a>-7, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_15">15</a>;<ul>
<li>their old wars with Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_49">49</a>;</li>
<li>endeavour to join Philip V. in his attacks on Sparta, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_20">20</a>;</li>
<li>Lycurgus prepares an invasion of them, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>;</li>
<li>democracy among, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_10">10</a>;</li>
<li>obtain some Spartan territory, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_30">30</a>;</li>
<li>in alliance with Nabis, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_13">13</a>;</li>
<li>quarrel with the Achaeans, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>poison Philopoemen, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_12">12</a>;</li>
<li>subdued by Lycortas, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_2">2</a>, <a href="#b24_11">11</a>;</li>
<li>their attitude in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_9">9</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Metagonia, a district in Africa, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a></li>

<li>Metapa, a town in Aetolia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a></li>

<li>Metapontium, a city in Magna Graecia, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_36">36</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a></li>

<li>Meteon, a city of Labeatis in Illyria, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a></li>

<li>Methydrium, a town in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_13">13</a></li>

<li>Methymna, a city in Lesbos, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a></li>

<li><i>Metretes</i>, a, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_15">15</a></li>

<li>Metrodorus, an officer of Philip V., <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_24">24</a>; fr. <a href="#lxxii">lxxii</a>.</li>

<li>Metrodorus, an ambassador from Perseus, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>, <a href="#b29_11">11</a></li>

<li>Metropolis, a city of Acarnania, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_64">64</a></li>

<li>Miccus, of Dyme, sub-Strategus of the Achaeans, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_59">59</a></li>

<li>Micio, of Athens, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_106">106</a></li>

<li>Micipsa, son of Massanissa, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_10">10</a></li>

<li>Midon, of Beroea, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_8">8</a></li>

<li>Milestones on Roman roads, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_600" id="Page_600">600</a></span>
Miletus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a>, <a href="#b16_15">15</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_21">21</a></li>

<li>Milo, an officer of Perseus, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_15">15</a></li>

<li>Miltiades, ambassador from Demetrius Soter, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_24">24</a></li>

<li>Milyas, a district in Asia Minor, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Mincius, a river in Cisalpine Gaul (<i>Mincio</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li><i>Minervae promontorium</i>, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Minoa Heracleia, a city in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_25">25</a></li>

<li>Minucius Rufus, M., <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_90">90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_92">92</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_94">94</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_101">101</a>-106</li>

<li>Minucius Rufus, Q., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 194, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_12">12</a></li>

<li>Minucius Thermus, Q., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 183, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_46">46</a></li>

<li>Minucius Thermus, L., legate in Egypt, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_8">8</a></li>

<li>Misdes, a Carthaginian ambassador, <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_3">3</a></li>

<li>Misenum, a promontory in Campania, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Mithridates IV., king of Cappadocia on the Pontus from about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 242 to about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 190, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_56">56</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_90">90</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_22">22</a></li>

<li>Mithridates V., son of Pharnaces I., king of Cappadocia <i>circ.</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 154-120, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_12">12</a></li>

<li>Mithridates, nephew of Antiochus the Great, and grandfather of the preceding, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_25">25</a></li>

<li>Mithridates, Satrap of Armenia, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a></li>

<li>Mitylene, a city in Lesbos, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_4">4</a></li>

<li>Mnaseas, of Argos, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Mnasiades, of Argos, an athlete, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_64">64</a></li>

<li>Mnasilochus, of Acarnania, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a></li>

<li>Mnasippus, of Coronea, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a></li>

<li>Mnesis, a flute-girl, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a></li>

<li>Moagetes, tyrant of Cibyra, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_34">34</a></li>

<li><i>Mob-rule</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_4">4</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_5">5</a></li>

<li>Mochyrinus, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_27">27</a></li>

<li>Mocissus, a town in Cappadocia, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a></li>

<li>Moeragenes, guardian of Ptolemy Epiphanes, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_27">27</a>-29</li>

<li>Molon, Satrap of Media, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>-43, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a></li>

<li>Molossi, a people of Epirus, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a>, <a href="#b30_16">16</a></li>

<li>Molpagoras, tyrant of the Ciani, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_21">21</a></li>

<li>Molycria, a town in Aetolia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li><i>Monarchy</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_3">3</a>-6, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_9">9</a></li>

<li>Monunius, an Illyrian chief, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_13">13</a></li>

<li><i>Mora</i>, a Spartan, fr. <a href="#xxiv">xxiv</a>.</li>

<li>Morcus, an ambassador from Genthius, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a>, <a href="#b29_11">11</a></li>

<li>Morini, a Gallic tribe, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_14">15</a></li>

<li>Morzias, a prince in Paphlagonia, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a></li>

<li>Mummius, Lucius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_14">14</a>, <a href="#b39_17">17</a></li>

<li>Musaeum, in Macedonia, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_8">8</a></li>

<li>Musaeum, at Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_29">29</a></li>

<li>Musaeus, an ambassador from Antiochus the Great, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_16">16</a>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a></li>

<li><i>Music in Arcadia</i>, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_21">21</a></li>

<li>Mutina, in Cisalpine Gaul (<i>Modena</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a></li>

<li>Mycenae, in Argolis, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a></li>

<li>Mygdonia, a district in Mesopotamia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a></li>

<li>Myiscus, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a></li>

<li>Mylae, a city in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_23">23</a></li>

<li>Mylasa, a city in Caria, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_24">24</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a></li>

<li>Myndus, a city in Caria, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a>, <a href="#b16_15">15</a></li>

<li>Myrcanus, a Carthaginian, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a></li>

<li>Myrina, a city in Aeolis, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_44">44</a></li>

<li>Myrrhicus, a Boeotian, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a></li>

<li>Myrtis, of Argos, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Myrtium, a courtesan of Alexandria, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a></li>

<li>Myrton, a friend of Charops, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a>, <a href="#b32_21">21</a></li>

<li>Mysia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li><i>Mysteries, the</i>, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Myttistratum, a town in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a></li>

<li>Myttonus, a Libyan, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_22">22</a></li>

<li>Myus, a town of Ionia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_24">24</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Nabis</span>, tyrant of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_6">6</a>-8; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_13">13</a>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a>, <a href="#b16_17">17</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_17">17</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_2">2</a>, <a href="#b21_9">9</a>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a>. <i>See</i> Apega</li>

<li>Namnitae, a tribe of Transalpine Gaul, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Naragara, a town in Africa, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_5">5</a></li>

<li>Nar&aacute;vas, a Numidian, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_78">78</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_86">86</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_601" id="Page_601">601</a></span>
Narbo (or Atax), a river in Transalpine Gaul (the <i>Aude</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_38">38</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Narbo (<i>Narbonne</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Naucratis, a city in Egypt, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a></li>

<li>Naupactus, a city of the Aetolians (<i>Lepanto</i>), <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_103">103</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_5">5</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_11">11</a>; fr. <a href="#lxxxiii">lxxxiii</a>.;<ul>
<li>the Hollows of, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_103">103</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Neapolis (<i>Naples</i>), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_14">14</a></li>

<li>Neleus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a></li>

<li>Nemean games, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_70">70</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_26">26</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a></li>

<li>Neocaesareia, fr. <a href="#xx">xx</a>.</li>

<li>Neocretans, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a></li>

<li>Neolaidas, an ambassador from Ptolemy Philometor, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_8">8</a></li>

<li>Neolaus, brother of Molon, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a></li>

<li>Neon, a Messenian, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Neon, a Boeotian, father of Brachylles, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a></li>

<li>Neon, a relation of the preceding, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a>, <a href="#b27_6">6</a></li>

<li>Neptune, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_11">11</a>, <a href="#b10_14">14</a>. <i>See</i> Poseidon</li>

<li>Nercobrica, a city in Spain, <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_2">2</a></li>

<li>Nereis, daughter of Pyrrhus, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_4">4</a></li>

<li>Nestor Cropius, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a></li>

<li>Nesus, a town in Acarnania, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_39">39</a></li>

<li>Nicaea, a town in Locris, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_7">7</a></li>

<li>Nicagoras, of Messene, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_38">38</a></li>

<li>Nicagoras, of Rhodes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a></li>

<li>Nicander, Aetolian Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 190, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_27">27</a>, <a href="#b21_30">30</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a></li>

<li>Nicander, of Rhodes, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_16">16</a></li>

<li>Nicanor, assassin of Seleucus III., <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a></li>

<li>Nicanor, an officer of Philip V., <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a></li>

<li>Nicanor Elephantus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_24">24</a></li>

<li>Nicanor, friend of Demetrius Soter, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_22">22</a></li>

<li>Nicanor, son of Myrton, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a>, <a href="#b32_21">21</a></li>

<li>Nicarchus, officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_85">85</a></li>

<li>Nicasippus, of Elis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li>Nicephorium, a temple at Pergamum, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_1">1</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_6">6</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a></li>

<li>Nicias, of Athens, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_19">19</a></li>

<li>Nicias, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a></li>

<li>Nicias, of Epirus, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a></li>

<li>Nicippus, of Messene, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_31">31</a></li>

<li>Nicodemus, of Elis, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a></li>

<li>Nicodes, tyrant of Sicyon, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_22">22</a></li>

<li>Nicolaus, an Aetolian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_29">29</a></li>

<li>Nicomachus, of Acarnania, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a></li>

<li>Nicomachus, of Rhodes, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_17">17</a>-19</li>

<li>Nicomedes, of Cos, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_28">28</a></li>

<li>Nicomedes, son of king Prusias, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_28">28</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_6">6</a></li>

<li>Nicon, of Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_30">30</a></li>

<li>Nicon, connexion of Agathocles, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>, <a href="#b15_33">33</a></li>

<li>Nicophanes, of Megalopolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_50">50</a></li>

<li>Nicostratus, an Aetolian, father of Dorimachus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_3">3</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a></li>

<li>Nicostratus, a secretary of Agathocles, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_27">27</a>, <a href="#b15_28">28</a></li>

<li>Nicostratus, of Rhodes, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_5">5</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_10">10</a></li>

<li>Nicostratus, of Xanthus, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a></li>

<li>Nile, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a><ul>
<li>canals of, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_62">62</a>;</li>
<li>drinking from, fr. <a href="#xxvi">xxvi</a>.</li></ul></li>

<li>Nisaean cavalry, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_3">3</a>. <i>See</i> Herod. <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_20">20</a></li>

<li>Nola, a city in Campania (<i>Nola</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a></li>

<li>Nomads, the, a Scythian tribe, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a>. <i>See also</i> Apasiacae</li>

<li>Noricum (<i>Neumark in Styria</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Nothocrates, of Gortyn, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_15">15</a></li>

<li>Notium, harbour of Colophon, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Numenius, ambassador of the Ptolemies, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_17">17</a></li>

<li>Numidians, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_74">74</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_78">78</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_65">65</a>-73, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_112">112</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_116">116</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_117">117</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_21">21</a>; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_1">1</a>-9; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_9">9</a>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a>, <a href="#b15_12">12</a>.<ul>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_10">10</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_1">1</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Numisius, Titus, commissioner to Egypt, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_5">5</a></li>

<li>Nutria, a town in Illyria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Obols</span>, value of, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_15">15</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_39">39</a></li>

<li><i>Ocean</i>, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_29">29</a></li>

<li>Octavius, Gnaeus, praetor <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 166, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>-5; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_19">19</a>;<ul>
<li>consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 165, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a>, <a href="#b31_13">13</a>, <a href="#b31_19">19</a>, <a href="#b31_20">20</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_4">4</a>, <a href="#b32_6">6</a>, <a href="#b32_7">7</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_602" id="Page_602">602</a></span>
Odomantica, a district in Thrace, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_2">2</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Odrysae, a tribe in Thrace, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_8">8</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_18">18</a>; fr. <a href="#xi">xi</a>.</li>

<li>Oeanthia, a city of the Ozolian Locrians, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a></li>

<li>Oenanthe, mother of Agathocles, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>, <a href="#b15_29">29</a>, <a href="#b15_33">33</a></li>

<li>Oeniadae, a town in Acarnania, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_65">65</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_39">39</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a></li>

<li>Oenis, of Messene, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_31">31</a></li>

<li>Oenus, a river of Laconia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_66">66</a></li>

<li>Ogygus, an ancient king of Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a></li>

<li>Olana, a mouth of the Po, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a></li>

<li>Olenus, a town of Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a></li>

<li><i>Oligarchy</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_8">8</a></li>

<li>Olygyrtus, a mountain in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_70">70</a></li>

<li>Olympia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_73">73</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_86">86</a>;<ul>
<li>Olympic games, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_73">73</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>d</i>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_9">9</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_17">17</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Olympiad, an, 7th, fr. <a href="#i">i</a>.;<ul>
<li>27th, fr. <a href="#ii">ii</a>;</li>
<li>124th, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>;</li>
<li>129th, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_5">5</a>;</li>
<li>139th, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>;</li>
<li>140th, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_1">1</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>;</li>
<li>141st, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_1">1</a>;</li>
<li>147th, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>;</li>
<li>148th, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>;</li>
<li>149th, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Olympichus, a prince in Asia Minor, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_90">90</a></li>

<li>Olympichus, of Coronea, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a></li>

<li>Olympieion, at Athens, <b>26</b>, <a href="#b26_1">1</a></li>

<li>Olympiodorus, of Byzantium, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_47">47</a></li>

<li>Olympion, an ambassador from Genthius, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a></li>

<li>Olympus, Mt., in Laconia near Sallasia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_69">69</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a></li>

<li>Olympus, Mt., in Thessaly, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Olympus, Mt., in Galatia (<i>Ala Dagh</i>), <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li>Olynthus, a city in Macedonia, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_33">33</a></li>

<li>Omias, of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_23">23</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a></li>

<li>Onchestus, a river in Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_20">20</a></li>

<li>Onesigenes of Syracuse, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_4">4</a></li>

<li>Onomarchus, a Phocian, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_33">33</a></li>

<li>Onomastus, governor of Thrace, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_17">17</a>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a></li>

<li>Opheltas, of Boeotia, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_6">6</a></li>

<li>Opici, a tribe in Campania, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Opimius, Quintus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 154, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_8">8</a>, <a href="#b33_10">10</a>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a></li>

<li>Oppius, Lucius, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a></li>

<li>Orchomenus, a city of Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_12">12</a></li>

<li>Oreium, a mountain in Assyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_52">52</a></li>

<li>Orestae, a tribe in Macedonia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a></li>

<li>Orestes. <i>See</i> Aurelius</li>

<li>Orestes, father of Tisamenus, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a></li>

<li>Oretes, a Spanish tribe, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a></li>

<li>Oreus, a city in Euboea, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_43">43</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_5">5</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_45">45</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a></li>

<li>Orgyssus, a town in Illyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Orion, the rise of, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_37">37</a></li>

<li>Oroanda, a town in Pisidia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_44">44</a>, <a href="#b21_46">46</a></li>

<li>Orontes, a river in Syria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a></li>

<li>Orontes, a mountain in Media, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a></li>

<li>Orophernes, usurper of Cappadocia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_24">24</a>, <a href="#b32_25">25</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_6">6</a></li>

<li>Oropus, in Boeotia, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_25">25</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_2">2</a></li>

<li>Orthosia, a town in Caria, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a></li>

<li>Ortiago, a Gallic chief, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_38">38</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_21">21</a></li>

<li>Ossa, Mt., in Thessaly, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Ostia, harbour of Rome, fr. <a href="#v">v</a>. (<b>6</b>, 2); <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_22">22</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Otacilius Crassus, Manius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 261, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a></li>

<li>Oxus, a river in Asia, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_48">48</a></li>

<li>Oxybii, a tribe of Transalpine Gauls, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_8">8</a>, <a href="#b33_10">10</a>, <a href="#b33_11">11</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Pachynus</span>, a promontory of Sicily (<i>Capo Passaro</i>), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_54">54</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_3">3</a></li>

<li>Padoa, a mouth of the Po, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a></li>

<li>Padus (the <i>Po</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_35">35</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_3">3</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a>;<ul>
<li>the valley or plain of, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_35">35</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Paeanium, a town in Aetolia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_65">65</a></li>

<li>Paeonia, a district near Macedonia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_10">10</a></li>

<li>Palatine, the, fr. <a href="#iii">iii</a>.</li>

<li>Pale, a town in Cephallenia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a></li>

<li>Pallas, son of Hercules and Pallantium, fr. <a href="#iii">iii</a>.</li>

<li>Pamisus, a river in Messenia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a></li>

<li>Pamphia, a hamlet in Aetolia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a></li>

<li>Pamphilidas, of Rhodes, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_7">7</a>, <a href="#b21_10">10</a></li>

<li>Pamphylia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_35">35</a>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_4">4</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_603" id="Page_603">603</a></span>
Panachaicum, a mountain in Achaia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a></li>

<li>Panaetolus, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a></li>

<li>Panathenaea, the, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Pan-boeotii, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_3">3</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li>

<li>Panchaea, a fabulous island of Arabia Felix, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a></li>

<li>Pancrates, of Rhodes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a></li>

<li>Pancrates, tyrant of Cibyra, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a></li>

<li>Pangaeum, a mountain in Thrace, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a></li>

<li><i>Panic</i>, a, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_96">96</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a></li>

<li>Panium, a mountain in Coele-Syria (part of Lebanon), <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a></li>

<li>Panormus, a town in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_38">38</a>-40, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_56">56</a></li>

<li>Pantacnotus, of Abydus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_30">30</a></li>

<li>Pantaleon, an Aetolian, father of Archidamus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a></li>

<li>Pantaleon, an Aetolian ambassador, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_9">9</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a></li>

<li>Pantauchus, son of Balacrus, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_8">8</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a></li>

<li>Panteus, of Sparta, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_37">37</a></li>

<li>Paphlagonia, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a></li>

<li>Papiria, wife of Macedonicus, mother of the younger Africanus, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_12">12</a>, <a href="#b32_14">14</a></li>

<li>Papirius, Gnaeus, <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_10">10</a>, <a href="#b38_11">11</a></li>

<li>Parapotamia, a district in Assyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_69">69</a></li>

<li>Parmenio, of Lampsacus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_52">52</a></li>

<li>Parmenio, ambassador from Genthius, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a>, <a href="#b29_11">11</a></li>

<li>Parnassus, a mountain in Phocis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Parnassus, a city in Cappadocia, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a></li>

<li>Paropus, a town in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a></li>

<li>Parthenius, a mountain in the Peloponnese, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_23">23</a></li>

<li>Parthians, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_28">28</a>, <a href="#b10_31">31</a></li>

<li>Parthus, a city in Illyria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a></li>

<li>Pasiadas, an Achaean, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li><i>Passum</i>, raisin wine, fr. <a href="#iv">iv</a>.</li>

<li>Patara, a city in Lycia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_46">46</a></li>

<li>Patrae, a city of Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_83">83</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_9">9</a></li>

<li>Pausiras, an Egyptian prince, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a></li>

<li>Pausistratus, of Rhodes, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_7">7</a></li>

<li>Paxi, islands, near Corcyra, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_10">10</a></li>

<li>Pedasa, a town in Caria, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_44">44</a></li>

<li>Pednelissus, a city in Pisidia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_73">73</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_76">76</a></li>

<li>Pelagonia, a district in Macedonia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Pelecas, a mountain in Mysia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a></li>

<li>Pelion, a mountain in Thessaly, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_11">11</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Pella, a city in Macedonia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Pella, a town in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a></li>

<li>Pellene, a city in Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_72">72</a></li>

<li>Pellene, a town in Laconia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_37">37</a></li>

<li>Pelopidas, of Thebes, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_43">43</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_1">1</a></li>

<li>Peloponnese, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_42">42</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_62">62</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_73">73</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_87">87</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>d</i>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_10">10</a>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_2">2</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a>, <a href="#b27_18">18</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>, <a href="#b28_7">7</a>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_23">23</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_3">3</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_3">3</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_7">7</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a>, <a href="#b39_9">9</a>, <a href="#b39_14">14</a></li>

<li>Peloponnesians, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_62">62</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_106">106</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_49">49</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_25">25</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_5">5</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_12">12</a><i>a</i>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>i</i>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_11">11</a>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_5">5</a></li>

<li>Pelops, of Alexandria, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a></li>

<li>Pelorias, a promontory of Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_42">42</a></li>

<li>Pelusium, a city of Egypt, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_80">80</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_18">18</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_27">27</a></li>

<li>Penelope, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a><i>b</i></li>

<li>Peparethus, island of, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a></li>

<li>Peraea Rhodiorum, a part of Caria, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_6">6</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_24">24</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a></li>

<li>Pergamum (or Pergamos, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_20">20</a>), in Mysia, chief city of Attalus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_78">78</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_1">1</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_10">10</a>, <a href="#b21_20">20</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_5">5</a>, <a href="#b24_9">9</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_9">9</a></li>

<li>Perge, in Pamphylia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_44">44</a></li>

<li>Pericles, of Athens, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a></li>

<li>Perigenes, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_69">69</a></li>

<li>Perinthus, a city in Thrace on the Propontis, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_44">44</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li><i>Perioeci</i> of Sparta, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a></li>

<li>Perippia (or -ii), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_604" id="Page_604">604</a></span>Perrhaebi, a tribe in Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_46">46</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a></li>

<li>Perseus, son of Philip V., king of Macedonia <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 179-168, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_35">35</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a>;<ul>
<li>intrigues against his brother, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_3">3</a>, <a href="#b23_7">7</a>, <a href="#b23_10">10</a>;</li>
<li>beginning of his reign, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_3">3</a>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a>, <a href="#b25_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>war with Rome, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a>-11, <a href="#b27_14">14</a>-16; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>, <a href="#b28_5">5</a>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>;</li>
<li>defeated at Pydna, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a>-22, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_1">1</a>, <a href="#b30_3">3</a>, <a href="#b30_6">6</a>-8, <a href="#b30_10">10</a>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a>, <a href="#b30_16">16</a>, <a href="#b30_18">18</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a>, <a href="#b32_21">21</a>, <a href="#b32_23">23</a>;</li>
<li>in Alba, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_1">1</a>-3, <a href="#b37_9">9</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_32">32</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_11">11</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_11">11</a>; fr. <a href="#lxxxi">lxxxi</a>.</li></ul></li>

<li>Persian Gulf, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_43">43</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_9">9</a> (&#7960;&#961;&#965;&#952;&#961;&#8048; &#952;&#8049;&#955;&#945;&#963;&#963;&#945;,, cp. Herod. <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_20">20</a>)</li>

<li>Persian Gates, the, at Sardis, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_18">18</a></li>

<li>Persians, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_63">63</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_35">35</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_31">31</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_55">55</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_49">49</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_39">39</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_28">28</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_8">8</a>, <a href="#b12_20">20</a>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>f</i>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_22">22</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_21">21</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_5">5</a></li>

<li>Persis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_11">11</a></li>

<li>Pessinus, a city of Galatia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li>Petelia, a town of Bruttium (<i>Strongoli</i>), <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_1">1</a></li>

<li>Petraeus, of Epirus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_24">24</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a></li>

<li>Petronius, Gaius, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_28">28</a></li>

<li>Phacus, a town in Macedonia, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a></li>

<li>Phaeacians, the, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li>

<li>Phaeneas, Aetolian Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 198, 192, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_4">4</a>, <a href="#b18_7">7</a>, <a href="#b18_37">37</a>, <a href="#b18_38">38</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_9">9</a>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a>, <a href="#b21_29">29</a>, <a href="#b21_30">30</a></li>

<li>Phaestus, a city of Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a></li>

<li>Phaethon, fall of, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a></li>

<li>Phalanx, the Macedonian, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_20">20</a>, <a href="#b12_21">21</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_26">26</a>-28; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_17">17</a>;<ul>
<li>double, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_66">66</a>;</li>
<li>quadruple, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_20">20</a>;</li>
<li>of Pyrrhus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_28">28</a>;</li>
<li>of Achaeans, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a>, <a href="#b11_15">15</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Phalara, a city of Thessaly, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a>, <a href="#b20_11">11</a></li>

<li>Phalaris, tyrant of Agrigentum, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_7">7</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a></li>

<li>Phalasarna, a town in Crete, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a></li>

<li>Phanoteia, a town in Phocis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_96">96</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_12">12</a></li>

<li>Pharae (or Pharaea), a city of Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a></li>

<li>Pharae, a town of Messenia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_17">17</a></li>

<li>Pharnaces I., son of Mithridates IV., king of Cappadocia <i>circ.</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 190-170, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_1">1</a>, <a href="#b24_5">5</a>, <a href="#b24_8">8</a>, <a href="#b24_9">9</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>, <a href="#b27_17">17</a></li>

<li>Pharsalus, a city of Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_20">20</a>, <a href="#b18_38">38</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a></li>

<li>Pharus, island and town of, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_19">19</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>. <i>See</i> Demetrius</li>

<li>Pharycus, an Aetolian, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li>

<li>Phaselis, a city of Lycia, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a></li>

<li>Phasis, a river in Colchis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_56">56</a></li>

<li>Phayllus, an officer of Achaeus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_73">73</a></li>

<li>Pheias, harbour town in Elis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a></li>

<li>Pheidias, the Athenian artist, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a></li>

<li>Pheneus, a town in Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_68">68</a></li>

<li>Pherae, a city of Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_19">19</a>, <a href="#b18_20">20</a></li>

<li>Phibotides, a city of Illyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Phigaleia, a city in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_4">4</a></li>

<li>Philaenus, altars of, in the Greater Syrtis, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_40">40</a></li>

<li>Philaenis, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_13">13</a></li>

<li>Philammon, governor of Libya, under Ptolemy Epiphanes, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>, <a href="#b15_26b">26</a><i>a</i>, <a href="#b15_33">33</a></li>

<li>Philemenus, of Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_32">32</a></li>

<li>Philetaerus, son of Attalus I., <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_7">7</a></li>

<li>Philiades, of Messene, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Philinus, historian, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_15">15</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_26">26</a></li>

<li>Philinus, of Corinth, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_11">11</a></li>

<li>Philip II., king of Macedonia, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 360-336, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_48">48</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_10">10</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_11">11</a>-13; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_33">33</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_6">6</a>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a></li>

<li>Philip V., son of Demetrius II., king of Macedonia <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229-179, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>;<ul>
<li>his youth and succession, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_70">70</a>;</li>
<li>engages in the social war, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>-27, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>;</li>
<li>invades Aetolia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_61">61</a>-87;</li>
<li>renews the war by sea, attack on Thermus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>-30, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_97">97</a>-105, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>-110;</li>
<li>makes a treaty with Hannibal, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>, cp. <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>;</li>
<li>conduct at Messene, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_11">11</a>;</li>
<li>gets rid of Aratus, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_10">10</a>-16;</li>
<li>fails in an attack on Megalopolis, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_18">18</a>;</li>
<li>his lawless conduct in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_605" id="Page_605">605</a></span>
Greece, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_30">30</a>-32, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_35">35</a>-37, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_42">42</a>;</li>
<li>supports Achaeans against Rome, and Attalus, and Aetolians, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_9">9</a>, <a href="#b10_26">26</a>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>;</li>
<li>second attack on Thermus, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_5">5</a>-7; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_3">3</a>-5;</li>
<li>his designs against Ptolemy Epiphanes, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_20">20</a>-25;</li>
<li>defeated at Chius, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_1">1</a>-11, <a href="#b16_15">15</a>, <a href="#b16_22">22</a>;</li>
<li>his energy, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_28">28</a>, <a href="#b16_29">29</a>;</li>
<li>war with Rome, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_24">24</a>-35, <a href="#b16_38">38</a>;</li>
<li>attends conference at Nicaea, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>-12;</li>
<li>battle of Cynoscephalae, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_27">27</a>, <a href="#b18_33">33</a>, <a href="#b18_36">36</a>-39, <a href="#b18_41">41</a>-48, <a href="#b18_50">50</a>, <a href="#b18_51">51</a>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a>;</li>
<li>supports the Romans against Antiochus, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a>, <a href="#b20_7">7</a>, <a href="#b20_11">11</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_2">2</a>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a>, <a href="#b21_23">23</a>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_31">31</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_8">8</a>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>, <a href="#b22_17">17</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>-3, <a href="#b23_7">7</a>-10; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_12">12</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_3">3</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_9">9</a>; fr. <a href="#xcviii">xcviii</a>.-cii.</li>
<li>For his change of character <i>see</i> <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_14">14</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Philip, adopted son of Perseus, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_2">2</a></li>

<li>Philip, an Achaean, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a></li>

<li>Philip, an ambassador of Perseus, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_4">4</a></li>

<li>Philip, a companion of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a></li>

<li>Philippopolis, a city in Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a></li>

<li>Phillidas, an Aetolian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>-80</li>

<li>Philocles, friend of Philip V., <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_24">24</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>, <a href="#b23_3">3</a></li>

<li>Philocrates, of Rhodes, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_4">4</a></li>

<li>Philodemus, of Argos, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a></li>

<li>Philomelum, a city in Phrygia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_35">35</a></li>

<li>Philomelus, of Phocis, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_32">32</a></li>

<li>Philon, of Cnossus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a></li>

<li>Philo, friend of Agathocles, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_30">30</a>, <a href="#b15_33">33</a></li>

<li>Philo, of Chalcis, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_4">4</a>, <a href="#b30_22">22</a></li>

<li>Philo, of Thessaly, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_10">10</a></li>

<li>Philophron, of Rhodes, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_14">14</a></li>

<li>Philopoemen, of Megalopolis, Achaean Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 206, 204, 201, 192, 189-188, 183; completes the work of Aratus, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_40">40</a>;<ul>
<li>at the battle of Sallasia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_67">67</a>-69;</li>
<li>his education and reforms, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_21">21</a>-24; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_9">9</a>-18;</li>
<li>invades Laconia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_36">36</a>, <a href="#b16_37">37</a>;</li>
<li>goes to defend Megara, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>refuses a present from the Spartans, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_12">12</a>;</li>
<li>restores some Spartan exiles, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_41">41</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>;</li>
<li>accused at Rome, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>hostile steps against Boeotia, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a>;</li>
<li>his error about the treaty with Ptolemy, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_12">12</a>;</li>
<li>his policy in Sparta blamed by Caecilius, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>;</li>
<li>his conduct to Archon, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_14">14</a>;</li>
<li>his Spartan policy discussed in the Roman Senate, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_16">16</a>;</li>
<li>enmity of Flamininus to, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_5">5</a>;</li>
<li>joins in refusing to summon a meeting of the league, <i>ib.</i>; captured by the Messenians and put to death, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_12">12</a>, <a href="#b23_16">16</a>;</li>
<li>his character, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_13">13</a>-15;</li>
<li>his statues spared by Mummius, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_14">14</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Philostratus, of Rhodes, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_5">5</a></li>

<li>Philostratus, of Epirus, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a></li>

<li>Philoteria, a town in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a></li>

<li>Philotis, mother of Charops, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_20">20</a></li>

<li>Philoxenus, a poet and musician, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_20">20</a></li>

<li>Phlegraean plains, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a></li>

<li>Phlius, a city in the Peloponnese, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_67">67</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a></li>

<li>Phocaea, a city in Ionia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_6">6</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Phocis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_96">96</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_32">32</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a>, <a href="#b18_46">46</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_5">5</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_9">9</a></li>

<li>Phoebidas, of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_27">27</a></li>

<li>Phoenice, a town in Epirus, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_8">8</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_21">21</a>, <a href="#b32_26">26</a></li>

<li>Phoenicia, a district in Asia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_87">87</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_19">19</a></li>

<li>Phoetiae, a town in Acarnania, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a></li>

<li>Pholeus, in Megalopolis, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_18">18</a></li>

<li>Phoxidas, of Melitaea, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_85">85</a></li>

<li>Phrixa, a town in Triphylia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a></li>

<li>Phrygia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a>;<ul>
<li>on the Hellespont, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_22">22</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>;</li>
<li>the greater, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Phthiotid Thebes. <i>See</i> Thebes</li>

<li>Phthiotis, Achaeans of, in Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_46">46</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>.<ul>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_20">20</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Phylarchus, the historian, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_56">56</a>-63</li>

<li>Phyromachus, a statuary, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a></li>

<li>Physsias, of Elis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li>Phytaeum, a town in Aetolia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a></li>

<li>Phyxium, a place in Elis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a></li>

<li>Picenus ager, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_21">21</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a></li>

<li>Pictones, a tribe of Transalpine Gauls, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_606" id="Page_606">606</a></span>
Pieria, a region in Syria.</li>

<li>Pinarus, a river in Cilicia, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_17">17</a>, <a href="#b12_18">18</a></li>

<li>Pindar, quoted, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_31">31</a></li>

<li>Piraeus, the, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_25">25</a></li>

<li>Pisae, in Etruria (<i>Pisa</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_28">28</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_96">96</a></li>

<li>Pisantini, an Illyrian tribe, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Pisatis, a district in the Peloponnese, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_74">74</a></li>

<li>Pisidia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_73">73</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_22">22</a></li>

<li>Pisistratus, of Boeotia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_43">43</a></li>

<li>Pissaeum, a town in Macedonia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Plains, the Great (near Carthage), <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_7">7</a>, <a href="#b14_8">8</a>;<ul>
<li>the Fair, in Armenia, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_25">25</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Placentia (<i>Piacenza</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_74">74</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_11">11</a></li>

<li>Platanus, a fortress in Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Plato, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_47">47</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_13">13</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_28">28</a></li>

<li>Plator, an officer of Philip V., <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a></li>

<li>Plator, brother of Genthius, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_13">13</a></li>

<li><i>Pleiads</i>, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_54">54</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_18">18</a></li>

<li>Plena, a region in Macedonia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_62">62</a></li>

<li>Pleuratus, an Illyrian, father of Agron and Scerdilaidas, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_2">2</a></li>

<li>Pleuratus, son of Scerdilaidas, father of Genthius, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a>, <a href="#b21_21">21</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_18">18</a></li>

<li>Pleuratus, an Illyrian exile, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a></li>

<li><i>Polemarch</i>, the, in the Peloponnese, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_18">18</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_17">17</a>;<ul>
<li>at Cynaetha, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_18">18</a>;</li>
<li>at Phigaleia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_79">79</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Polemarchus, of Arsinoe, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a></li>

<li>Polemocles, of Rhodes, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a></li>

<li>Polemocrates, a courtier of Perseus, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>, <a href="#b29_8">8</a></li>

<li>Poliasium, in Laconia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a></li>

<li>Polichna, a town in Laconia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a></li>

<li>Polyaenus, of Cyprus, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_18">18</a></li>

<li>Polyaenus, an Achaean, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a></li>

<li>Polyaratus, of Rhodes, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>, <a href="#b27_14">14</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_6">6</a>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a></li>

<li>Polybius, of Megalopolis (not the historian), <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_15">15</a></li>

<li>Polybius, of Megalopolis, son of Lycortas, the historian, writes to instruct the Greeks and of contemporary events or those immediately preceding him, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_4">4</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>extent and scope of his history, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_32">32</a>;</li>
<li>his authorities for the Hannibalian war, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_48">48</a>;</li>
<li>his travels, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_59">59</a>;</li>
<li>interviews with Massanissa, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_25">25</a>;</li>
<li>his code of signals, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_45">45</a>;</li>
<li>his visits to Locri Epizephyrii, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_5">5</a>;</li>
<li>to Sardis, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_38">38</a>;</li>
<li>writes to Zeno of Rhodes, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_20">20</a>;</li>
<li>ambassador to Ptolemy Epiphanes <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181, <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>accused of hostility to Rome, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>hipparch, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>speech on the honours of Eumenes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_7">7</a>;</li>
<li>ambassador to Marcius Philippus, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>, <a href="#b28_14">14</a>;</li>
<li>invited to Alexandria, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>-26;</li>
<li>advice to Demetrius Soter in Rome (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 162), <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_19">19</a>-21;</li>
<li>his intimacy with Scipio Aemilianus, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_8">8</a>-16;</li>
<li>visits Alexandria, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_14">14</a>;</li>
<li>tries to influence Cato, <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_5">5</a>;</li>
<li>pleads in the Senate, <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_6">6</a>;</li>
<li>sent for by the Consul Manius Manilius, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>the only man so called, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_4">4</a>, but <i>see</i> <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_15">15</a>;</li>
<li>his view of Providence, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>at the siege and capture of Carthage, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>at the burning of Corinth, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_13">13</a>;</li>
<li>saves the statues of Philopoemen, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_14">14</a>;</li>
<li>refuses confiscated goods, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_15">15</a>;</li>
<li>employed in settlement of Achaia, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_16">16</a>;</li>
<li>his fondness for hunting, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_22">22</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_15">15</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Polycletus, of Cyrene, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a></li>

<li>Polycrates, of Argos, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_84">84</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_29">29</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_54">54</a>, <a href="#b18_55">55</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a></li>

<li>Polycritus, an Aetolian, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li>

<li>Polymedes, of Aegium, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a></li>

<li>Polyphontes, an officer of Philip V., <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a></li>

<li>Polyphontes, of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a></li>

<li>Polyrrhenii, a city in Crete, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_61">61</a></li>

<li>Polyxenidas, of Rhodes, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_29">29</a></li>

<li>Pompides, a Theban, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a></li>

<li>Pontus, the, <i>See</i> Euxine;<ul>
<li>Pontic fish, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_24">24</a>;</li>
<li>Cappadocia on the Pontus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Popilius Laenas, Gaius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 172, 158, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>-5; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_2">2</a>, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a>, <a href="#b30_17">17</a></li>

<li>Popilius Laenas, Marcus (? consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 139), <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_10">10</a></li>

<li>Popilius Laenas, the younger (? consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 132), <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_10">10</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_607" id="Page_607">607</a></span>
Porcius Cato, M., <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_24">24</a>; <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_6">6</a>; <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_8">8</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_6">6</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_12">12</a></li>

<li>Porphyrion, a town in Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Poseidon, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>;<ul>
<li>temple of, at Mantinea, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>;</li>
<li>at Taenarum, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>;</li>
<li>near Miletus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Postumius Albinus Megellus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 262, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_17">17</a>-19</li>

<li>Postumius Albinus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_12">12</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_118">118</a> (wrongly called Aulus in <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>)</li>

<li>Postumius Albinus, Aulus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 180, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_6">6</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_3">3</a></li>

<li>Postumius Albinus, Aulus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 151, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a>; <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_3">3</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_12">12</a></li>

<li>Pothine, a flute-girl, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a></li>

<li>Pothion, of Rhodes, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a></li>

<li><i>Pound</i>, weight of a Roman, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a></li>

<li>Praeneste, in Latium (<i>Palestrina</i>), <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_14">14</a></li>

<li><i>Praetorium</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_41">41</a></li>

<li>Praetutianus ager, in Picenum, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a></li>

<li>Prasiae, a town in Laconia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a></li>

<li>Pration, a Rhodian, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_23">23</a></li>

<li>Priene, a city of Ionia, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_6">6</a></li>

<li>Prinassus, a city of Caria, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_11">11</a></li>

<li>Prion. <i>See</i> Saw</li>

<li>Proagoras, of Megalopolis, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_8">8</a></li>

<li>Proander, an Aetolian, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a></li>

<li>Prolaus, of Sicyon, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_72">72</a></li>

<li>Pronni, harbour of Cephallenia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a></li>

<li>Propontis, the (<i>Sea of Marmora</i>), <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_29">29</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a></li>

<li>Propus, a place in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_11">11</a></li>

<li>Prusias I., king of Bithynia <i>circ.</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-180, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_47">47</a>-52; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_90">90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a></li>

<li>Prusias II., son of preceding, king of Bithynia <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 179-149, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_23">23</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_4">4</a>, <a href="#b18_5">5</a>, <a href="#b18_44">44</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_11">11</a>, <a href="#b22_20">20</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>, <a href="#b23_3">3</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_19">19</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_3">3</a>, <a href="#b32_5">5</a>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a>, <a href="#b32_28">28</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a>, <a href="#b33_9">9</a>, <a href="#b33_12">12</a>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_6">6</a></li>

<li>Prytanis, a Peripatetic philosopher, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_93">93</a></li>

<li><i>Prytanis</i>, a magistrate at Rhodes, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a></li>

<li>Pseudo-Philip, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_1">1</a>, <a href="#b37_2">2</a>, <a href="#b37_9">9</a></li>

<li>Psophis, a city in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_68">68</a>-73</li>

<li>Ptolemais, a city in Phoenicia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy Ceraunus, king of Thrace and Macedonia <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 281-280, son of Ptolemy I. of Egypt, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_35">35</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy I., son of Lagus, king of Egypt <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 323-285, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_63">63</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_67">67</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy II., Philadelphus, king of Egypt <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 286-247, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_17">17</a>; fr. <a href="#xxvi">xxvi</a>.</li>

<li>Ptolemy III., Euergetes, king of Egypt <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 247-222, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_24">24</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy IV., Philopator, king of Egypt <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222-205, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_51">51</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_38">38</a>-40, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a>-68, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>-87, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_89">89</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_105">105</a>-107; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_17">17</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_44">44</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_4">4</a>; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_11">11</a>, <a href="#b14_12">12</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_20">20</a>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>, <a href="#b15_34">34</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_9">9</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy V., Epiphanes, king of Egypt <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 205-181, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_20">20</a>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>-32; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_22">22</a>, <a href="#b16_27">27</a>, <a href="#b16_34">34</a>, <a href="#b16_39">39</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>, <a href="#b18_49">49</a>-51, <a href="#b18_54">54</a>, <a href="#b18_55">55</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a>, <a href="#b22_6">6</a>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a>, <a href="#b22_10">10</a>, <a href="#b22_12">12</a>, <a href="#b22_22">22</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_6">6</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy VI., Philometor, king of Egypt <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181-146, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_13">13</a>, <a href="#b27_19">19</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>, <a href="#b28_23">23</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>-27; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_9">9</a>, <a href="#b30_17">17</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_4">4</a>, <a href="#b31_18">18</a>, <a href="#b31_20">20</a>, <a href="#b31_22">22</a>, <a href="#b31_27">27</a>, <a href="#b31_28">28</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_1">1</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_8">8</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_18">18</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy VII., Physcon, brother of preceding, joint king <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 170-154, king of Cyrene <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 154-146, sole king <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146-117, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a>, <a href="#b28_21">21</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a>-25, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_17">17</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_18">18</a>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a>-28; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_1">1</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_8">8</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_14">14</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy, son of Aeropus, an Aetolian, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy, son of Agesarchus of Megalopolis, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_55">55</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_13">13</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy, son of Eumenes, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_53">53</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy, a courtier of Philip V., <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_26">26</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy, commandant of Alexandria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_39">39</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy, a rhetorician, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_28">28</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy, son of Sosibius, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_22">22</a></li>

<li>Ptolemy Sympetesis, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_27">27</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_608" id="Page_608">608</a></span>
Ptolemy, son of Thraseas, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a></li>

<li>Publicius Malleolus, Lucius, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_6">6</a></li>

<li>Punic army, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_19">19</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_19">19</a>;<ul>
<li>strength and courage compared with Italian, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_52">52</a>;</li>
<li>stratagem, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_78">78</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Pupius, Lucius, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_10">10</a></li>

<li>Puteoli (<i>Dicaearchia</i>), a city in Campania (<i>Pozzuoli</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a></li>

<li>Pylon, on the Via Egnatia, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Pylus, a town in Messenia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_42">42</a></li>

<li>Pyrenees, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>-41; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_39">39</a>, <a href="#b10_40">40</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Pyrgus, a town of Triphylia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a></li>

<li>Pyrrhias, an Aetolian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a></li>

<li>Pyrrhicus, put to death by Philip V., <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_10">10</a></li>

<li>Pyrrhus, palace of, at Ambracia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_27">27</a>;<ul>
<li>camp of, in Laconia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_23">23</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_25">25</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_2">2</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_4">4</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_26">26</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>k</i>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_28">28</a>; fr. <a href="#xi">xi</a>.</li></ul></li>

<li>Pythagoreans, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a></li>

<li>Pytheas, a traveller and writer, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Pytheas, of Thebes, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_7">7</a>, <a href="#b39_9">9</a></li>

<li><i>Pythia</i>, the, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_2">2</a></li>

<li>Pythiades, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_46">46</a></li>

<li>Pythias, of Pellene, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_72">72</a></li>

<li>Pythion, a spy, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_5">5</a></li>

<li>Pythionicus, tomb of, at Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_30">30</a></li>

<li>Pytho, an ambassador from Prusias, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a></li>

<li>Pythodorus, of Lampsacus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_52">52</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Quaestor</span>, the, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_35">35</a></li>

<li>Quinctius Crispinus, Titus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 208, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_32">32</a></li>

<li>Quinctius Flamininus, T., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 198, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>-12, <a href="#b18_18">18</a>-27, <a href="#b18_33">33</a>, <a href="#b18_34">34</a>, <a href="#b18_36">36</a>-39, <a href="#b18_42">42</a>-47, <a href="#b18_50">50</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_7">7</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_30">30</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a>, <a href="#b22_13">13</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_3">3</a>-5; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_15">15</a>;<ul>
<li>declares Greece free, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_46">46</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Quinctius Flamininus, Lucius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a></li>

<li>Quinctius Flamininus, Titus (son of Titus above), consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 150, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_10">10</a></li>

<li>Quintus, commissioner to Egypt, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_18">18</a>;<ul>
<li>and to Rhodes, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_15">15</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Quirinus, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_25">25</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Rabbatamana</span> (<i>Philadelphia</i>), a town in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a></li>

<li>Rhaeti, an Alpine tribe, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Rhaphia, a town in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_80">80</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_86">86</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_107">107</a></li>

<li>Rhaucus, a town in Crete, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_19">19</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_1">1</a></li>

<li>Rhegium, a city of Bruttium (<i>Reggio</i>), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>-8, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_10">10</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_26">26</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a></li>

<li>Rhigosages, mercenary Gauls, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_53">53</a></li>

<li>Rhinocolura, a town of Egypt, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_80">80</a></li>

<li>Rhium, promontory and harbour of Achaia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_26">26</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_28">28</a>-30; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_12">12</a><i>a</i>;<ul>
<li>Aetolian Rhium (<i>Antirrhium</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Rhium, the strait between Rhium and Antirrhium, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_64">64</a></li>

<li>Rhizon, a city in Illyria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a></li>

<li>Rhodes, island of, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_50">50</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_5">5</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_34">34</a>, <a href="#b16_35">35</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a>-6; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>, <a href="#b28_23">23</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>, <a href="#b29_11">11</a>, <a href="#b29_19">19</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a>-9; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_4">4</a>;<ul>
<li>earthquake at, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_88">88</a>-90;</li>
<li>Rhodians, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_47">47</a>-53, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_56">56</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_88">88</a>-90, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_4">4</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_4">4</a>, <a href="#b13_5">5</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_22">22</a>, <a href="#b15_23">23</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_4">4</a>-10, <a href="#b16_14">14</a>, <a href="#b16_15">15</a>, <a href="#b16_24">24</a>, <a href="#b16_26">26</a>, <a href="#b16_28">28</a>, <a href="#b16_30">30</a>, <a href="#b16_31">31</a>, <a href="#b16_34">34</a>, <a href="#b16_35">35</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>, <a href="#b18_6">6</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>, <a href="#b18_52">52</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_7">7</a>, <a href="#b21_10">10</a>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_18">18</a>, <a href="#b21_22">22</a>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>, <a href="#b21_25">25</a>, <a href="#b21_29">29</a>-31, <a href="#b21_45">45</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a>, <a href="#b25_5">5</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_3">3</a>, <a href="#b27_4">4</a>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a>, <a href="#b28_23">23</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_3">3</a>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>, <a href="#b29_10">10</a>, <a href="#b29_11">11</a>, <a href="#b29_19">19</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_4">4</a>-9, <a href="#b30_20">20</a>, <a href="#b30_22">22</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_2">2</a>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a>, <a href="#b31_7">7</a>, <a href="#b31_15">15</a>, <a href="#b31_16">16</a>, <a href="#b31_25">25</a>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_4">4</a>, <a href="#b33_6">6</a>, <a href="#b33_13">13</a>, <a href="#b33_15">15</a>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a>, <a href="#b33_17">17</a>;</li>
<li>Rhodian magistrates, navarch, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a>;</li>
<li>prytanies, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_5">5</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_23">23</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_10">10</a>;</li>
<li>their attempts to end the Social War, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_4">4</a>;</li>
<li>accept money for the cost of education, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_25">25</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Rhodon, of Phocaea, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_6">6</a></li>

<li>Rhodope, mountain, Thrace, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Rhodophon, of Rhodes, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a></li>

<li>Rhone, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_34">34</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_35">35</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_41">41</a>-49, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_64">64</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_76">76</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Rhositeles, of Sicyon, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a></li>

<li>Rhyncus, in Aetolia, <b>6</b>. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_59">59</a></li>

<li>Romans, their language, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_20">20</a>;<ul>
<li>their character, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_55">55</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_64">64</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_3">3</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>their treatment of the conquered, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_37">37</a>;</li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_609" id="Page_609">609</a></span>their ceremonies in proclaiming war, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_3">3</a>;</li>
<li>their <i>fides</i>, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_9">9</a>; <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_4">4</a>;</li>
<li>their desire for wealth, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_12">12</a>, <a href="#b32_13">13</a>;</li>
<li>Roman constitution, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_11">11</a>-42;</li>
<li>compared with others, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_43">43</a>-56.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_64">64</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_118">118</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_47">47</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_50">50</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_51">51</a>-58; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_3">3</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_16">16</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_13">13</a>.</li>
<li>Their readiness in adopting improvements, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_25">25</a>; fr. <a href="#xxvii">xxvii</a>.;</li>
<li>their incorruptibility, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_56">56</a>;</li>
<li>decline in their character, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_35">35</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_11">11</a>; cp. <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_1">1</a>;</li>
<li>Magistrates, <i>see</i> dictator, consul, tribune, aedile</li></ul></li>

<li>Roman Empire, extent of, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>how acquired, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_64">64</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_28">28</a>;</li>
<li>the first step out of Italy, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_11">11</a>;</li>
<li>effect of their eastern conquests, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_35">35</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Roman Army, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_19">19</a>-42;<ul>
<li>the legion, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_26">26</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_19">19</a>-21, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_30">30</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_16">16</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_17">17</a>;</li>
<li>enrollment of, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_26">26</a>;</li>
<li>officers of, military tribunes, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_19">19</a>-21, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_37">37</a>;</li>
<li>centurions, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_41">41</a>;</li>
<li>equites in, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_25">25</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_21">21</a>;</li>
<li>pedites in, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_21">21</a>;</li>
<li>velites, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_35">35</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_22">22</a>-24, <a href="#b11_32">32</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>hastati, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_33">33</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_9">9</a>;</li>
<li>principes, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_33">33</a>;</li>
<li>triarii, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_33">33</a>, cp. <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_26">26</a>;</li>
<li>socii, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_72">72</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_30">30</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_16">16</a>;</li>
<li>extraordinarii, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_31">31</a>;</li>
<li>maniples, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_24">24</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_23">23</a>;</li>
<li>arms of, <i>galea</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_23">23</a>;</li>
<li><i>gladius</i>, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_33">33</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_23">23</a>;</li>
<li><i>lorica</i>, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_25">25</a>;</li>
<li><i>pilum</i>, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_40">40</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_23">23</a>;</li>
<li><i>scutum</i>, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_30">30</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_23">23</a>-51;</li>
<li>compared with those of the Macedonians, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_28">28</a>-32.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_33">33</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_3">3</a>.</li>
<li>Line of battle compared with the Macedonian, <i>ib.</i>;</li>
<li>camp, formation of, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_27">27</a>-37, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_42">42</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Roman fleet, the first, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a>;<ul>
<li>its increase, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_25">25</a>;</li>
<li>rapid building of, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_52">52</a>;</li>
<li>its destruction, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_52">52</a>;</li>
<li>another built, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_59">59</a>;</li>
<li>losses of, in the first Punic war, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_63">63</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Rome, foundation of, fr. <a href="#i">i</a>.;<ul>
<li>captured by the Gauls, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_18">18</a>;</li>
<li>crowns in honour of, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_3">3</a>, <a href="#b32_24">24</a>;</li>
<li>colossal statue to, at Rhodes, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_15">15</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Ruscinus, (or -o), a river in Gaul (<i>Tet</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Sabines</span>, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a></li>

<li>Sagalassus, a city in Pisidia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_36">36</a></li>

<li>Saguntum, a city in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_14">14</a>-17, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_97">97</a>-99; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_17">17</a></li>

<li>Sais, a city in Egypt, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_7">7</a></li>

<li>Salassi, an Alpine tribe (<i>Val d&#8217; Aosta</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Salii, the, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_13">13</a></li>

<li>Sallentini, a tribe in Calabria. <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_14">15</a></li>

<li>Salutis via, at Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_35">35</a></li>

<li>Samaria, city and district in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_39">39</a></li>

<li>Sambucae, siege engines, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_6">6</a>-8</li>

<li>Samicum, a town in Triphylia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a></li>

<li>Samnites, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_90">90</a>-92; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_5">5</a></li>

<li>Samos, island of, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_35">35</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_2">2</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_8">8</a></li>

<li>Samothrace, an island in the Aegean, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_21">21</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_8">8</a></li>

<li>Samus, a poet, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_9">9</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_10">10</a></li>

<li>Sangarius, a river of Asia Minor (<i>Sakari</i>), <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li>Saperda, in Pisidia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a></li>

<li>Sarapieium, in Thrace, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a></li>

<li>Sardanapalus, king of Assyria, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_12">12</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_7">7</a></li>

<li>Sardinia, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_88">88</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_27">27</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a>-24, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_96">96</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>c</i>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_8">8</a></li>

<li>Sardinian sea, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_42">42</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_47">47</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a></li>

<li>Sardis, in Lydia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_15">15</a>-18; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_23">23</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_11">11</a>, <a href="#b21_13">13</a>, <a href="#b21_16">16</a>, <a href="#b21_38">38</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_12">12</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_10">10</a></li>

<li><i>Sarissae</i>, Macedonian spears, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_20">20</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_26">26</a>, <a href="#b18_29">29</a></li>

<li>Sarsina, a town in Umbria (<i>Sarsina</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a></li>

<li>Sason, an island off Illyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a></li>

<li>Saspiri, an Asian tribe, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a></li>

<li>Sation, a town in Illyria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Satrapeii, an Asian tribe, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a></li>

<li>Satyrus, of Ilium, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a></li>

<li>Satyrus, an Achaean, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_6">6</a></li>

<li>Saw, the, a place in Sardis, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_15">15</a>;<ul>
<li>another in Libya, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_85">85</a></li></ul></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_610" id="Page_610">610</a></span>
Scardus, a mountain in Illyria, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a></li>

<li>Scerdilaidas, an Illyrian general, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_6">6</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_29">29</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a></li>

<li><i>Science, progress of</i>, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_12">12</a></li>

<li>Scipio. <i>See</i> Cornelius. Cp. <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a>;<ul>
<li>pedigree of, vol. ii. p. 456.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> fr. <a href="#xc">xc</a>.-xciii.</li></ul></li>

<li>Scironian rocks, the, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a></li>

<li>Scodra, a town in Illyria, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a></li>

<li>Scopas, an Aetolian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_62">62</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_11">11</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_1">1</a>, <a href="#b13_2">2</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a>, <a href="#b16_19">19</a>, <a href="#b16_39">39</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_53">53</a>-55</li>

<li>Scopium, near Phthiotid Thebes, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a></li>

<li>Scorpions, name for cross-bows, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_7">7</a></li>

<li>Scotitas, a forest in Laconia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_37">37</a></li>

<li>Scotusa, a town in Thessaly, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_20">20</a></li>

<li><i>Scurvy</i>, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a></li>

<li>Scylla, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>, <a href="#b34_3">3</a>;<ul>
<li>promontory of (<i>Scilla</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>, <a href="#b34_3">3</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Scyron, of Messenia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_4">4</a></li>

<li>Scythian colonnade at Syracuse, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_5">5</a></li>

<li>Scythians, the, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_43">43</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li>

<li>Scythopolis, a city in Palestine, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a></li>

<li>Segesama, a town in Spain, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li>

<li>Segesta, a city in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a></li>

<li>Seleucia Pieria (Seleucia on the sea), a town in Syria, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a>-61, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_67">67</a></li>

<li>Seleucia, on the Tigris, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_9">9</a></li>

<li>Seleucia, in Mesopotamia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a></li>

<li>Seleucus I., Nicanor, king of Syria <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 306-280, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_67">67</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_27">27</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_51">51</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_7">7</a></li>

<li>Seleucus II., Callinicus, son of Antiochus I., king of Syria <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 246-226, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_51">51</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_89">89</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_22">22</a></li>

<li>Seleucus III., Ceraunus, son of the preceding, king of Syria <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 226-223, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_41">41</a></li>

<li>Seleucus IV., Philopator, son of Antiochus the Great, king of Syria <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 188-175, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_51">51</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_6">6</a>, <a href="#b21_8">8</a>, <a href="#b21_10">10</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_10">10</a>-13; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_5">5</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_12">12</a></li>

<li>Selge, a city in Pisidia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a>-77; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a></li>

<li>Selinus, a city in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a></li>

<li>Sellasia, a town in Laconia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_65">65</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_69">69</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a>, <a href="#b16_37">37</a></li>

<li>Selybria, a city in Thrace, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_49">49</a></li>

<li>Sempronius Blaesus, Gaius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 253, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a></li>

<li>Sempronius, Longus, Ti., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_68">68</a>-75; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a></li>

<li>Sempronius, Gracchus, Ti., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215, 213, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_1">1</a></li>

<li>Sempronius, Gracchus, Ti., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 177, son-in-law of Africanus, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a>, <i>note</i>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_1">1</a>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_5">5</a>-7, <a href="#b31_9">9</a>, <a href="#b31_14">14</a>, <a href="#b31_23">23</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_3">3</a>-5, <a href="#b32_13">13</a>; <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_2">2</a></li>

<li>Sena, a Roman colony in Cisalpine Gaul (<i>Sinigaglia</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li>Senate, the Roman, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_20">20</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_17">17</a>;<ul>
<li>the Spartan, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_35">35</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_45">45</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Senones, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_20">20</a></li>

<li>Sentinum, a town in Umbria (<i>Sentino</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_19">19</a></li>

<li>Serapis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a></li>

<li>Sergius, Lucius, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_1">1</a>, <a href="#b15_2">2</a></li>

<li>Sergius, Manius, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a></li>

<li>Serippus, a Lacedaemonian, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a></li>

<li>Servilius Caepio, Gnaeus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 253, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a></li>

<li>Servilius Caepio, Gnaeus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 203, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_1">1</a></li>

<li>Servilius Geminus, Gnaeus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_96">96</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_97">97</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_107">107</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_114">114</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_116">116</a></li>

<li>Servilius Geminus, Gnaeus, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 203, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_1">1</a></li>

<li>Servilius Glaucia, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_23">23</a></li>

<li>Sestus, a city in Thrace, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_50">50</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_29">29</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_2">2</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a></li>

<li>Sibyrtus, of Epirus, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_26">26</a></li>

<li>Sicca, a town near Carthage, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_67">67</a></li>

<li>Sicily, the war for, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_83">83</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_33">33</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a>;<ul>
<li>its position, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_42">42</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_16">16</a>-74, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_83">83</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_43">43</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_21">21</a>-29, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_32">32</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_96">96</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_108">108</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_33">33</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>k</i>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a><i>b</i>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>-4, <a href="#b34_11">11</a>; <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_5">5</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Sicilian Strait, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_21">21</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_49">49</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_110">110</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a></li>

<li>Sicilian medimnus, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_15">15</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_44">44</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_8">8</a></li>

<li>Sicilian Sea, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_42">42</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_11">11</a></li>

<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_611" id="Page_611">611</a></span>
Sicilians, the, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_16">16</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_20">20</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_2">2</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_104">104</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_5">5</a>, <a href="#b12_6">6</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_15">15</a></li>

<li>Sicyon, a city in Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_68">68</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_1">1</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_27">27</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_22">22</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_16">16</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_17">17</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_24">24</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a>, <a href="#b30_23">23</a></li>

<li>Sida, a city of Pisidia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_73">73</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_26">26</a></li>

<li>Sidon, a city in Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a></li>

<li><i>Signals</i> by fire, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_43">43</a>-47; cp. <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_19">19</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_30">30</a></li>

<li><i>Silver</i>, value of, compared with gold, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a>.<ul>
<li>Attic, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_32">32</a>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a>;</li>
<li>mines of, in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_57">57</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_10">10</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_9">9</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Simias, an Achaean, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_18">18</a></li>

<li>Simon, a Boeotian, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a></li>

<li>Simonides, of Ceos, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_26">26</a></li>

<li>Sinda, a town of Pisidia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_35">35</a></li>

<li>Sinope, a city of Paphlagonia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_56">56</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_9">9</a></li>

<li>Sinuessa, a city in Latium (<i>Mondragone</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a></li>

<li>Sipontum, a city in Apulia, on the Adriatic (<i>Sta. Maria di Siponto</i>), <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a></li>

<li>Sirynx, a city in Hyrcania, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_31">31</a></li>

<li><i>Six-banked ships</i>, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_26">26</a>; fr. <a href="#xvii">xvii</a>.</li>

<li>Smyrna, a city in Ionia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_52">52</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_13">13</a>, <a href="#b21_14">14</a>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_22">22</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Socrates, a Boeotian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a></li>

<li>Socrates, a trainer, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a></li>

<li>Soli, a city in Cilicia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a></li>

<li>Solon, a Macedonian, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_6">6</a></li>

<li>Sophagasenus, an Indian king, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Sosander, friend of Attalus II., <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a></li>

<li>Sosibius, a friend of Ptolemy Philopator, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_35">35</a>-38, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>-67, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_87">87</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_17">17</a>-19; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>, <a href="#b15_32">32</a>, <a href="#b15_34">34</a></li>

<li>Sosibius, son of the preceding, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_32">32</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_22">22</a></li>

<li>Sosicrates, Achaean sub-Strategus, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_11">11</a></li>

<li>Sosigenes, of Rhodes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_7">7</a></li>

<li>Sosiphanes, ambassador from Antiochus Epiphanes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_22">22</a></li>

<li>Sostratus, a statuary, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_78">78</a></li>

<li>Sostratus, of Calchedon, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_24">24</a></li>

<li>Sosylus, an historian, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_20">20</a></li>

<li>Sparta. <i>See</i> Lacedaemon</li>

<li>Spendius, a leader in the mercenary war, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_76">76</a>-80, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_86">86</a></li>

<li><i>Stade</i>, a, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a> <i>note</i></li>

<li>Stair, the, a pass near Selge in Pisidia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_72">72</a></li>

<li>Stasinus, a poet, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_10">10</a></li>

<li>Stephanus, of Athens, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_17">17</a></li>

<li>Stertinius, Lucius, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a></li>

<li>Sthembanus, son of Massanissa, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_10">10</a></li>

<li>Sthenelaus, of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a></li>

<li>Stratius, of Tritaea, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_7">7</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_11">11</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_10">10</a></li>

<li>Stratius, a physician, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_2">2</a></li>

<li>Strato, of Lampsacus, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>c</i></li>

<li>Stratocles, prytanis of Rhodes, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a></li>

<li>Stratonicea, a city in Caria, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_22">22</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_7">7</a></li>

<li>Stratus, a city in Acarnania, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_63">63</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_64">64</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_96">96</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a></li>

<li>Stratus, a town in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_73">73</a></li>

<li>Strymon, the, river in Thrace, <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_2">2</a></li>

<li>Stubera, a town in Macedonia, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_8">8</a></li>

<li>Stylangium, a town in Triphylia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a></li>

<li>Stymphalus, a city in Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_69">69</a></li>

<li><i>Sub-strategus</i>, the Achaean, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_94">94</a></li>

<li><i>Suffete</i>, a Carthaginian magistrate, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_42">42</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_51">51</a></li>

<li>Sulpicius Paterculus, Gaius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 258, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a></li>

<li>Sulpicius Galba, Publius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 211, 200, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_3">3</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_42">42</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_24">24</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_23">23</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_11">11</a></li>

<li>Sulpicius Gallus, Gaius, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_9">9</a>, <a href="#b31_10">10</a></li>

<li>Sunium, promontory of Attica, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a></li>

<li>Susa, capital of Susiana, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a>;<ul>
<li>Susiana, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_52">52</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Sybaris, a city of Magna Graecia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_1">1</a></li>

<li>Sycurium, a town in Thessaly, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_8">8</a></li>

<li>Syleium, a city in Phrygia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_34">34</a></li>

<li>Synes, near Messene in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_11">11</a></li>

<li>Syphax, king of Numidia, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_24">24</a>; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_1">1</a>-9; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_3">3</a>-5; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_23">23</a>.<ul>
<li>His wife Sophanisba, <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_1">1</a>, <a href="#b14_7">7</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Syracuse, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_8">8</a>-12, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_52">52</a>-54, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_62">62</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_88">88</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_5">5</a>-9, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_37">37</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_19">19</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>d</i>, <a href="#b12_15">15</a>, <a href="#b12_23">23</a>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_35">35</a></li>

<li>Syria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_71">71</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_36">36</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_58">58</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_85">85</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_87">87</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_43">43</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_17">17</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_46">46</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_27">27</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_11">11</a>, <a href="#b31_13">13</a>, <a href="#b31_19">19</a>-21; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_6">6</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_19">19</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_18">18</a>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_612" id="Page_612">612</a></span>
Syrinx, a covered way at Alexandria, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_30">30</a>, <a href="#b15_31">31</a></li>

<li>Syrinx, a town in Hyrcania, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_31">31</a></li>

<li>Syrtes, the, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_1">1</a>;<ul>
<li>the greater Syrtis, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_39">39</a>;</li>
<li>the lesser, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_23">23</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_2">2</a><br /><br /></li></ul></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Tabae</span>, a city in Persia, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_11">11</a></li>

<li>Taenarum, a promontory of Laconia (<i>C. Matapan</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_19">19</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li>

<li>Tagae, a city in Parthia, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_29">29</a></li>

<li>Tagus, river in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_14">14</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_7">7</a>, <a href="#b10_39">39</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a></li>

<li><i>Talent</i> (weight), <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_56">56</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_89">89</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_41">41</a>; <i>See</i> <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_8">8</a> <i>note</i></li>

<li><i>Talent</i> (money), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_89">89</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_12">12</a>. <i>See Euboic, Attic</i></li>

<li>Tambrax, a town in Hyrcania, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_31">31</a></li>

<li>Tanais (the Don), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_38">38</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>;<ul>
<li>confused with the Jaxartes, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_48">48</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Tannetus, a hamlet in Cisalpine Gaul, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_40">40</a></li>

<li>Tantalus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_45">45</a></li>

<li>Tapuri, a Median tribe, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>;<ul>
<li>Tapuria, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_49">49</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Tarentines, <i>i.e.</i> mercenary cavalry, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_12">12</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_18">18</a></li>

<li>Tarentum, a city in Italy (<i>Taranto</i>), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_118">118</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_26">26</a>-36; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_9">9</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a>; <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_4">4</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_12">12</a></li>

<li>Tarquinius Priscus (<b>6</b>, 2), fr. <a href="#vi">vi</a>.</li>

<li>Tarracina, a city in Latium (<i>Terracina</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_24">24</a></li>

<li>Tarraco, a city in Spain (<i>Tarragona</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_95">95</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_20">20</a>, <a href="#b10_34">34</a>, <a href="#b10_40">40</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_33">33</a></li>

<li>Tarseium, a town in Spain (<i>Tartessus</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a></li>

<li>Taurini, a Gallic tribe in the valley of the Po, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_60">60</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Taurion, minister of Philip V., <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_19">19</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_80">80</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_87">87</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_103">103</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_14">14</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_23">23</a></li>

<li>Taurisci, an Alpine tribe, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_15">15</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_30">30</a></li>

<li>Taurisci Norici, a tribe near Aquileia, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Taurus, mountain in Asia Minor, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_41">41</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_107">107</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_109">109</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_28">28</a>;<ul>
<li>as a boundary of Asia from Syria and other kingdoms, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_3">3</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_2">2</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_48">48</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_22">22</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_14">14</a>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_21">21</a>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a>, <a href="#b21_43">43</a>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Taygetus, mountain in the Peloponnese, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Teanum Sidicinum, a city in Campania (<i>Teano</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_91">91</a></li>

<li>Tectosages, a Gallic tribe in Asia Minor, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_39">39</a></li>

<li>Tegea, a city in Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_58">58</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_70">70</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_20">20</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_92">92</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a>, <a href="#b11_18">18</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_17">17</a>, <a href="#b16_36">36</a>, <a href="#b16_37">37</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_8">8</a>, <a href="#b38_9">9</a></li>

<li>Tegean gate at Messene, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_17">17</a></li>

<li>Telamon, on the coast of Etruria (<i>Telamone</i>), <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_27">27</a></li>

<li>Teleas, an ambassador of King Euthydemus, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_34">34</a></li>

<li>Telecles, of Aegium, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_7">7</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a></li>

<li>Telecles, of Megalopolis, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_3">3</a></li>

<li>Teledamus, of Argos, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Telemnastus, of Crete, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a></li>

<li>Telephus, of Rhodes, <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_10">10</a></li>

<li>Telmissus, a city of Lycia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Telocritus, an Achaean, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a></li>

<li>Telphusa, a city in Arcadia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_54">54</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_60">60</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a></li>

<li>Temenid gates at Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_30">30</a></li>

<li>Temnus, a city in Aeolis, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a></li>

<li>Tempe, in Thessaly, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_27">27</a>, <a href="#b18_33">33</a>, <a href="#b18_36">36</a>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a></li>

<li>Tenedos, island of, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_34">34</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a></li>

<li>Teos, a city in Ionia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a></li>

<li>Terentius Varro, Gaius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_106">106</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_110">110</a>-117; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_108">108</a></li>

<li>Terentius, Lucius, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a>, <a href="#b18_50">50</a></li>

<li>Termessus, a city in Pisidia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_35">35</a></li>

<li>Tetrapyrgia, in Cyrene, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_27">27</a></li>

<li>Teuta, queen of Illyria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_11">11</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_12">12</a></li>

<li>Thalamae, a town in Laconia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_16">16</a></li>

<li>Thalamae, a fort in Elis, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_75">75</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_84">84</a></li>

<li>Thasos, island of, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_24">24</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_44">44</a>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a>, <a href="#b18_50">50</a></li>

<li>Theaetetus, of Rhodes, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_5">5</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_14">14</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_2">2</a>, <a href="#b28_16">16</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_11">11</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_5">5</a>, <a href="#b30_22">22</a></li>

<li>Thearches, of Cleitor, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_55">55</a></li>

<li>Thearidas, an Achaean, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_17">17</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_8">8</a></li>

<li>Thebe, a city in Mysia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_1">1</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_10">10</a></li>

<li>Thebes, in Boeotia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_62">62</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_31">31</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_27">27</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_28">28</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_8">8</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_39">39</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a>; <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_5">5</a>, <a href="#b20_7">7</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a>, <a href="#b27_2">2</a>, <a href="#b27_5">5</a>;
<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_613" id="Page_613">613</a></span> <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_4">4</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_9">9</a>, <a href="#b39_12">12</a>;<ul>
<li>constitution of, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_43">43</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Thebes, Phthiotid, in Thessaly, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a>-101; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_8">8</a>, <a href="#b18_19">19</a>, <a href="#b18_38">38</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a></li>

<li>Themison, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a></li>

<li>Themistes, of Alexandria Troas, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a></li>

<li>Themistocles, of Athens, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_44">44</a></li>

<li>Themistocles, an officer of Achaeus, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a></li>

<li>Theodectes, an Achaean, <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_10">10</a></li>

<li>Theodoridas, of Sicyon, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_3">3</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_23">23</a></li>

<li>Theodorus, a Boeotian flute-player, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_14">14</a></li>

<li>Theodotus, an Aetolian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_40">40</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_81">81</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_18">18</a></li>

<li>Theodotus Hemiolius, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_71">71</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_87">87</a></li>

<li>Theodotus, of Epirus, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a></li>

<li>Theodotus, of Pherae, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a></li>

<li>Theogeiton, a Boeotian, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Theognetus, of Abydus, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_33">33</a></li>

<li>Theophanes, of Rhodes, <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_16">16</a></li>

<li>Theophiliscus, of Rhodes, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_2">2</a>, <a href="#b16_4">4</a>, <a href="#b16_5">5</a>, <a href="#b16_9">9</a></li>

<li>Theophrastus, a Peripatetic philosopher, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_11">11</a>, <a href="#b12_23">23</a></li>

<li>Theopompus, of Chios, historian, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_11">11</a>-13; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>a</i>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a>, <a href="#b12_27">27</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a></li>

<li>Theopompus, a flute-player, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_14">14</a></li>

<li>Theoprosopon, a promontory in Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Theotimus, a friend of Orophernes, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_25">25</a></li>

<li>Theris, ambassador from Antiochus Epiphanes, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_20">20</a></li>

<li>Thermae (or Therma), a town in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_24">24</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_39">39</a></li>

<li>Thermopylae, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a></li>

<li>Thermus, capital of the Aetolian League, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_6">6</a>-9, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_13">13</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_18">18</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_13">13</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_30">30</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_7">7</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>;<ul>
<li>assemblies at, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_8">8</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Thersitae, a tribe in Spain, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_33">33</a></li>

<li>Thersites, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a><i>b</i></li>

<li>Thesmophoreium, temple of Demeter, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_29">29</a>, <a href="#b15_33">33</a></li>

<li>Thespiae, a city in Boeotia, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_1">1</a></li>

<li>Thessalians, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_76">76</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_33">33</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_5">5</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_32">32</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_11">11</a>, <a href="#b18_46">46</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_1">1</a>; <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_6">6</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_7">7</a>; <b>37</b>, <a href="#b37_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>Thessalian cavalry, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_8">8</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_22">22</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Thessalonica, a city in Macedonia, <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_4">4</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_12">12</a></li>

<li>Thessaly, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_49">49</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_57">57</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_67">67</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_26">26</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_99">99</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_100">100</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_3">3</a>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a>, <a href="#b18_27">27</a>, <a href="#b18_38">38</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>; <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_16">16</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_3">3</a>, <a href="#b28_12">12</a>, <a href="#b28_13">13</a>; <b>29</b>, <a href="#b29_19">19</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a></li>

<li>Thestia (or Thestieis), a town in Aetolia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a></li>

<li>Thetis, temple of, at Pharsalus, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_20">20</a>, <a href="#b18_21">21</a></li>

<li>Thoas, an Aetolian, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_31">31</a>, <a href="#b21_45">45</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_4">4</a></li>

<li>Thoas, an agent between Perseus and Rhodes, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_8">8</a></li>

<li>Thrace, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_39">39</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_45">45</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_34">34</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_74">74</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_49">49</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_15">15</a>, <a href="#b22_17">17</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_8">8</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="#b24_3">3</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a>;<ul>
<li>Greek cities in, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_28">28</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a>, <a href="#b18_51">51</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_1">1</a>, <a href="#b22_9">9</a>, <a href="#b22_17">17</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_8">8</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Thracians, the, mercenaries, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_82">82</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_3">3</a>.<ul>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_38">38</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_24">24</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_41">41</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_4">4</a>, <a href="#b18_22">22</a>, <a href="#b18_37">37</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_17">17</a>, <a href="#b22_18">18</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_10">10</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_7">7</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_2">2</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Thraseas, an Alexandrian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_65">65</a></li>

<li>Thrason, of Syracuse, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a></li>

<li>Thrasycrates, of Rhodes, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_4">4</a></li>

<li>Thrasylochus of Messene, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Thrasymene Lake, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_108">108</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_101">101</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a></li>

<li>Thronium, a city of the Epicnemidian Locrians, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_41">41</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_9">9</a></li>

<li>Thucydides, the historian, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_13">13</a></li>

<li>Thule, island of, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_5">5</a></li>

<li>Thuria, a town in Messenia, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_17">17</a></li>

<li>Thurii, in Magna Graecia, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_26">26</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_1">1</a></li>

<li>Thyateira, a town in Lydia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_1">1</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_27">27</a></li>

<li>Thyestes, of Sparta, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_22">22</a></li>

<li>Thyreum, a town in Arcadia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_25">25</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_29">29</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_5">5</a></li>

<li>Tiber, the, fr. <a href="#v">v</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_55">55</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_20">20</a>, <a href="#b31_22">22</a>; <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_2">2</a></li>

<li>Tiboetes, uncle of Prusias I., <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_50">50</a>-52</li>

<li>Tibur (<i>Tivoli</i>), <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_14">14</a></li>

<li>Ticinus, a river in Cisalpine Gaul, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_64">64</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_614" id="Page_614">614</a></span>
Tigris, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_46">46</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_48">48</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_52">52</a></li>

<li>Timaeus, of Tauromenium in Sicily, the historian, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_5">5</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>; <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_12">12</a>;<ul>
<li>criticism of, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_3">3</a>-15, <a href="#b12_23">23</a>-28; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_19">19</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Timaeus, an Aetolian, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_34">34</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_34">34</a></li>

<li>Timagoras, a Rhodian admiral, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a></li>

<li>Timagoras, another Rhodian, a captain of a vessel, <b>27</b>, <a href="#b27_7">7</a></li>

<li>Timarchus, a Cretan, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_53">53</a></li>

<li>Timocrates, of Pellene, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_17">17</a></li>

<li>Timolas, of Boeotia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_14">14</a></li>

<li>Timolaus, of Sparta, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_12">12</a></li>

<li>Timoleon, of Corinth, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_23">23</a>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><i>k</i>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a></li>

<li>Timotheus, ambassador from Ptolemy Philometor, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_1">1</a></li>

<li>Timotheus, ambassador from Orophernes, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_24">24</a></li>

<li>Timotheus, of Miletus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_20">20</a></li>

<li>Timoxenus, Achaean Strategus <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_53">53</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_82">82</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_106">106</a></li>

<li>Tisaeus, Mt., in Thessaly, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_42">42</a></li>

<li>Tisamenus, king of Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_1">1</a></li>

<li>Tisippus, an Aetolian, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_13">13</a></li>

<li>Titti, a Spanish tribe, <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_2">2</a></li>

<li>Tium, a city in Bithynia, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_2">2</a></li>

<li>Tlepolemus, commandant of Pelusium, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_25">25</a>-27, <a href="#b15_29">29</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_21">21</a>, <a href="#b16_22">22</a></li>

<li>Tlepolemus, ambassador from Ptolemy Physcon, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Tolistobogii, a tribe in Galatia, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_37">37</a></li>

<li><i>Torches.</i> <i>See</i> Signals; used for starting horse races, fr. <a href="#lxiv">lxiv</a>.</li>

<li>Torus, a hill near Agrigentum, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_19">19</a></li>

<li>Tower, the, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a>. <i>See</i> Perippia.</li>

<li>Tragiscus, of Tarentum, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_29">29</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_30">30</a></li>

<li>Tragyrium, a city in Illyria, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_18">18</a></li>

<li>Tralles, a city in Caria, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_48">48</a></li>

<li>Trebia, a river in Cisalpine Gaul, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_67">67</a>-69, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_72">72</a>;<ul>
<li>battle of, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_72">72</a>-74, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_108">108</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_11">11</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Trench, the, in Messenia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a></li>

<li>Triarii. <i>See</i> Roman Army</li>

<li>Tribuni militum. <i>See</i> Roman Army;<ul>
<li>Tribuni plebi, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_87">87</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_12">12</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_16">16</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_4">4</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Trichonium, a town in Aetolia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a></li>

<li>Trichonian lake, the, in Aetolia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_7">7</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_7">7</a></li>

<li>Trieres, a town in Phoenicia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_68">68</a></li>

<li>Trigaboli, at the head of the delta of the Po, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a></li>

<li>Triphylia, a district in the Peloponnese, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_79">79</a>-81; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_27">27</a>; <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_42">42</a>, <a href="#b18_47">47</a></li>

<li>Triphylus, son of Arcas, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a></li>

<li>Tripolis, a district of Laconia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_81">81</a></li>

<li>Tritaea, a city of Achaia, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_41">41</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_6">6</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_59">59</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_95">95</a></li>

<li>Triton, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a></li>

<li>Triumph, a, <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_15">15</a>. <i>See</i> <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_19">19</a> (Paullus); <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_66">66</a>; <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_33">33</a> (Scipio); <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a> (L. and P. Scipio and L. Aemilius); <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_14">14</a> (L. Anicius)</li>

<li>Troas, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_111">111</a>. <i>See</i> Alexandria</li>

<li>Trocmi, a tribe of Galatia, <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_13">13</a></li>

<li>Troezen, a city of Argolis, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_52">52</a></li>

<li>Trojan war, the, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>;<ul>
<li>Trojans, the, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_4">4</a><i>b</i></li></ul></li>

<li>Tunes, a city in Africa (<i>Tunis</i>), <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_30">30</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_67">67</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_69">69</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_73">73</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_76">76</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_77">77</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_79">79</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_84">84</a>-86; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_10">10</a>; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_1">1</a></li>

<li>Turdetani, a Spanish tribe, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li>

<li>Turduli, a Spanish tribe, <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li>

<li>Tychaeus, a Numidian, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_3">3</a></li>

<li>Tychon, officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a></li>

<li>Tylis, a town in Thrace, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_46">46</a></li>

<li>Tylus, an island in the Arabian Gulf, <b>13</b>, <a href="#b13_9">9</a></li>

<li>Tyndaris, a city in Sicily, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_27">27</a></li>

<li>Typaneae, a town in Triphylia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_77">77</a>-79</li>

<li><i>Tyranny</i>, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_11">11</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_7">7</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_8">8</a></li>

<li>Tyrrhenian Sea, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_10">10</a>; <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_14">14</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_110">110</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_6">6</a>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Tyre, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_24">24</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_37">37</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_61">61</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_62">62</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_70">70</a>; <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_22">22</a>; <b>31</b>, <a href="#b31_20">20</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Ulysses</span>, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_16">16</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_27">27</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_2">2</a>-4; <b>35</b>, <a href="#b35_6">6</a></li>

<li>Umbrians, the, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a>; <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_86">86</a></li>

<li>Utica, a city of Africa, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_70">70</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_73">73</a>-76, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_82">82</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_83">83</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_88">88</a>; <b>14</b>, <a href="#b14_1">1</a>-3, <a href="#b14_6">6</a>-10; <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_2">2</a>; <b>36</b>, <a href="#b36_3">3</a>, <a href="#b36_6">6</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_1">1</a></li>

<li>Vaccaei, a Spanish tribe, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_5">5</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_14">14</a>; <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_9">9</a></li>

<li>Vadimonian Lake, the, in Etruria, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_20">20</a></li>

<li>Valerius Flaccus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 261, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a></li>

<li>Valerius Flaccus, L., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 195, <b>20</b>, <a href="#b20_9">9</a>, <a href="#b20_10">10</a></li>
<li><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_615" id="Page_615">615</a></span>
Valerius Laevinus, M., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 210, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_3">3</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_29">29</a></li>

<li>Valerius Laevinus, C., son of the preceding, consul suff. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 176, <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_29">29</a>, <a href="#b21_31">31</a></li>

<li>Valerius Maximus Messala, Manius, consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 263, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_16">16</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_17">17</a></li>

<li>Velia, a city in Lucania, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_20">20</a></li>

<li>Velites. <i>See</i> Roman Army</li>

<li>Veneti, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_17">17</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_18">18</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_23">23</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a></li>

<li>Venusia, a city of Apulia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_90">90</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_116">116</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_117">117</a></li>

<li>Verbanus lacus (<i>Lago Maggiore</i>), <b>34</b>, <a href="#b34_10">10</a></li>

<li>Vesta, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_93">93</a></li>

<li>Vestini, a people of central Italy, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_24">24</a></li>

<li>Vibo, a town in Bruttium (Hipponium, <i>Bivona</i>), <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_88">88</a></li>

<li>Villius Tapulus, P., consul <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 199, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_48">48</a>, <a href="#b18_50">50</a></li>

<li>Vulturnus, a river in Samnium, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_92">92</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Wall</span>, the, a fort near Dyme, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_59">59</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_83">83</a></li>

<li>Walls, the Two, a fort in Mysia, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_77">77</a></li>

<li><i>Walls</i>, scribbling on, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_33">33</a></li>

<li>White Rock, the, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_53">53</a>; cp. <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_30">30</a></li>

<li><i>World</i>, divisions of, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_37">37</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_25">25</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Xanthippus</span>, of Sparta, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_32">32</a>-36</li>

<li>Xanthus, Macedonian hero, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_10">10</a></li>

<li>Xanthus, a city in Lycia, <b>25</b>, <a href="#b25_4">4</a></li>

<li>Xenarchus, an Achaean, <b>23</b>, <a href="#b23_4">4</a></li>

<li>Xenis, a road near Mantinea, <b>11</b>, <a href="#b11_11">11</a></li>

<li>Xeno, of Aegium, <b>32</b>, <a href="#b32_7">7</a>; <b>33</b>, <a href="#b33_1">1</a></li>

<li>Xeno, tyrant of Hermione, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_44">44</a></li>

<li>Xeno, of Patrae, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_6">6</a></li>

<li>Xeno, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_42">42</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a></li>

<li>Xenoetas, an Achaean, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>-48</li>

<li>Xenophanes, of Athens, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a></li>

<li>Xenophantus, of Rhodes, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_50">50</a></li>

<li>Xenophon, the Athenian historian, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_6">6</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_45">45</a>; <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_20">20</a></li>

<li>Xenophon, of Aegium, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_1">1</a>, <a href="#b18_10">10</a>; <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_19">19</a></li>

<li>Xerxes, king of Persia, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_22">22</a>; <b>6</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b6_11">11</a>; <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_38">38</a>; <b>38</b>, <a href="#b38_4">4</a></li>

<li>Xerxes, a prince of Armosata, <b>8</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b8_25">25</a><br /><br /></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Zabdidelus</span>, an Arabian, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a></li>

<li>Zacynthus, island of (<i>Zante</i>), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_4">4</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_102">102</a></li>

<li>Zagrus, a mountain in Media, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_44">44</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_54">54</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_55">55</a></li>

<li>Zaleucus, legislator of the Locrians, <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_16">16</a></li>

<li>Zama, battle of, <b>15</b>, <a href="#b15_5">5</a>-16</li>

<li>Zarax, a town in Laconia, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_36">36</a></li>

<li>Zariaspa, a town of Bactriana, <b>10</b>, <a href="#b10_49">49</a></li>

<li>Zarzas, a Libyan, <b>1</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_84">84</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b1_85">85</a></li>

<li>Zelys, of Gortyn in Crete, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_79">79</a></li>

<li>Zeno, of Rhodes, an historian, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_14">14</a>-17, <a href="#b16_20">20</a></li>

<li>Zeugma, a bridge of boats across the Euphrates, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_43">43</a></li>

<li>Zeus, Homarius, <b>2</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b2_39">39</a>; <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_93">93</a>;<ul>
<li>Idaeus, <b>28</b>, <a href="#b28_14">14</a>;</li>
<li>Lycaeus, <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a>;</li>
<li>Olympius, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a>; <b>26</b>, <a href="#b26_1">1</a>; <b>39</b>, <a href="#b39_17">17</a>;</li>
<li>Atabyrius, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_27">27</a>;</li>
<li>temple of, at Selge (Cesbedium), <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_76">76</a>;</li>
<li>precinct of, in Arcadia, <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_12">12</a>;</li>
<li>statue of, by Pheidias, <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a>;</li>
<li>worshipped by the Carthaginians, <b>3</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b3_11">11</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>.</li>
<li><i>See also</i> <b>4</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b4_33">33</a>; <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_9">9</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_11">11</a>; <b>12</b>, <a href="#b12_26">26</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="#b30_10">10</a></li></ul></li>

<li>Zeuxippus, of Boeotia, <b>18</b>, <a href="#b18_43">43</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="#b22_4">4</a></li>

<li>Zeuxis, an officer of Antiochus the Great, <b>5</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_45">45</a>-48, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_51">51</a>-54, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b5_60">60</a>. <i>See also</i> <b>16</b>, <a href="#b16_1">1</a>, <a href="#b16_24">24</a>; <b>21</b>, <a href="#b21_16">16</a>, <a href="#b21_17">17</a>, <a href="#b21_24">24</a></li>

<li>Zodiac, signs of the, <b>9</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b9_15">15</a></li>

<li>Zoippus, of Syracuse, <b>7</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44125/44125-h/44125-h.htm#b7_2">2</a></li>

</ul>

<p class="center">THE END</p>

<p class="center"><i>Printed by</i> <span class="smcap">R. &amp; R. Clark</span>, <i>Edinburgh</i></p>
</html>