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  <H1>THE EVENTFUL HISTORY</H1>

  <H2>OF THE</H2>

  <H2>MUTINY AND PIRATICAL SEIZURE</H2>

  <H1>OF H.M.S. BOUNTY:</H1>

  <H2>ITS CAUSE AND CONSEQUENCES.</H2>

  <H3>[By Sir John Barrow]</H3>

  <P>LONDON:<BR>
  JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.<BR>
  MDCCCXXXI [1831]</P>

  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='CONTENTS' id="CONTENTS"></A>

  <center>
  <IMG src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:j:john-barrow-eventful-history-mutiny-frontispiece.jpg" alt="Frontispiece from 1831 Edition" width=453 height=657>
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  <HR style='width: 65%;'>

  <H2>CONTENTS</H2>
  <!-- Autogenerated TOC. Modify or delete as required. -->
  <A href='#PREFACE'><B>PREFACE</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#CHAPTER_I'><B>CHAPTER I. OTAHEITE</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#CHAPTER_II'><B>CHAPTER II. THE BREAD-FRUIT</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#CHAPTER_III'><B>CHAPTER III. THE MUTINY</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#CHAPTER_IV'><B>CHAPTER IV. THE OPEN-BOAT
  NAVIGATION</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#CHAPTER_V'><B>CHAPTER V. THE 'PANDORA'</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#CHAPTER_VI'><B>CHAPTER VI. THE
  COURT-MARTIAL</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#CHAPTER_VII'><B>CHAPTER VII. THE KING'S
  WARRANT</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#CHAPTER_VIII'><B>CHAPTER VIII. THE LAST OF THE
  MUTINEERS</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#CONCLUSION'><B>CONCLUSION</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#ADDITIONAL_NOTE'><B>ADDITIONAL NOTE</B></A><BR>
  <A href='#ENDNOTES'><B>ENDNOTES:</B></A><BR>
  <!-- End Autogenerated TOC. -->

  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='PREFACE' id="PREFACE"></A>

  <H2>PREFACE</H2><BR>

  <P>The Editor of this little volume (for he presumes not to write
  <I>Author</I>) has been induced to bring into one connected view
  what has hitherto appeared only as detached fragments (and some
  of these not generally accessible)&mdash;the historical narrative
  of an event which deeply interested the public at the time of its
  occurrence, and from which the naval service in particular, in
  all its ranks, may still draw instructive and useful lessons.</P>

  <P>The story in itself is replete with interest. We are taught by
  <I>The Book</I> of sacred history that the disobedience of our
  first parents entailed on our globe of earth a sinful and a
  suffering race: in our time there has sprung up from the most
  abandoned of this sinful family&mdash;from pirates, mutineers,
  and murderers&mdash;a little society which, under the precepts of
  that sacred volume, is characterized by religion, morality, and
  innocence. The discovery of this happy people, as unexpected as
  it was accidental, and all that regards their condition and
  history, partake so much of the romantic as to render the story
  not ill adapted for an epic poem. Lord Byron, indeed, has
  partially treated the subject; but by blending two incongruous
  stories, and leaving both of them imperfect, and by mixing up
  fact with fiction, has been less felicitous than usual; for,
  beautiful as many passages in his <I>Island</I> are, in a region
  where every tree, and flower, and fountain breathe poetry, yet as
  a whole the poem is feeble and deficient in dramatic effect.</P>

  <P>There still remains to us at least one poet, who, if he could
  be prevailed on to undertake it, would do justice to the story.
  To his suggestion the publication of the present narrative owes
  its appearance. But a higher object at present is engaging his
  attention, which, when completed, judging from that portion
  already before the public, will have raised a splendid and
  lasting monument to the name of William Sotheby, in his
  translation of the <I>Iliad</I> and the <I>Odyssey</I>.</P>

  <P>To the kindness of Mrs. Heywood, the relict of the late
  Captain Peter Heywood, the Editor is indebted for those beautiful
  and affectionate letters, written by a beloved sister to her
  unfortunate brother, while a prisoner and under sentence of
  death; as well as for some occasional poetry, which displays an
  intensity of feeling, a tenderness of expression, and a high tone
  of sentiment that do honour to the head and heart of this amiable
  and accomplished lady. Those letters also from the brother to his
  deeply afflicted family will be read with peculiar interest.</P>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='CHAPTER_I' id="CHAPTER_I"></A>

  <H2>CHAPTER I</H2>

  <P>OTAHEITE</P>The gentle island, and the genial soil,<BR>
  The friendly hearts, the feasts without a toil,<BR>
  The courteous manners but from nature caught,<BR>
  The wealth unhoarded, and the love unbougnt,<BR>
  <BR>
  <HR style='width: 45%;'>
  <BR>
  <BR>
  The bread-tree, which, without the ploughshare, yields<BR>
  The unreap'd harvest of unfurrow'd fields,<BR>
  And bakes its unadulterated loaves<BR>
  Without a furnace in unpurchased groves,<BR>
  And flings off famine from its fertile breast,<BR>
  A priceless market for the gathering guest;&mdash;<BR>
  These, etc.&mdash; BYRON.<BR>
  <BR>

  <P>The reign of George III will be distinguished in history by
  the great extension and improvement which geographical knowledge
  received under the immediate auspices of this sovereign. At a
  very early period, after his accession to the throne of these
  realms, expeditions of discovery were undertaken, 'not (as Dr.
  Hawkesworth observes) with a view to the acquisition of treasure,
  or the extent of dominion, but for the improvement of commerce,
  and the increase and diffusion of knowledge.' This excellent
  monarch was himself no mean proficient in the science of
  geography; and it may be doubted if any one of his subjects, at
  the period alluded to, was in possession of so extensive or so
  well-arranged a cabinet of maps and charts as his was, or who
  understood their merits or their defects so well as he did.</P>

  <P>The first expeditions that were sent forth, after the
  conclusion of the war, were those of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret.
  In the instructions to the first of these commanders it is said,
  'there is reason to believe that lands and islands of great
  extent, hitherto unvisited by any European power, may be found in
  the Atlantic Ocean, between the Cape of Good Hope and the
  Magellanic Strait, within the latitudes convenient for
  navigation, and in climates adapted to the produce of commodities
  useful in commerce.' It could not require much knowledge or
  consideration to be assured that, between the Cape and the
  Strait, climates producing commodities useful in commerce, with
  the exception of whales and seals, were likely to be found. The
  fact was that, among the real objects of this and other
  subsequent voyages, there was one which had engaged the attention
  of certain philosophers, from the time of the Spanish navigator,
  Quiros: this able navigator had maintained that a <I>Terra
  Australis incognita</I> must necessarily exist, somewhere in the
  high latitudes of the southern hemisphere, to counterbalance the
  great masses of land in those of the northern one, and thus
  maintain a just equipoise of the globe.</P>

  <P>While these expeditions were in progress, the Royal Society,
  in 1768, addressed an application to the king, praying him to
  appoint a ship of war to convey to the South Seas Mr. Alexander
  Dalrymple (who had adopted the opinion of Quiros), and certain
  others, for the main purpose, however, of observing the transit
  of Venus over the sun's disc, which was to happen in the year
  1769. By the king's command, a bark of three hundred and seventy
  tons was taken up by the Admiralty to perform this service, but,
  as Mr. Dalrymple was a civilian, he could not be entrusted with
  the command of the ship, and on that account declined going in
  her.</P>

  <P>The command was therefore conferred on Lieutenant James Cook,
  an officer of undoubted ability, and well versed in astronomy and
  the theory and practice of navigation, with whom the Royal
  Society associated Mr. Charles Green, who had long been assistant
  to Dr. Bradley, the astronomer royal, to aid him in the
  observation of the transit. Mr. Banks, a private gentleman of
  good fortune, who afterwards became the valuable and
  distinguished President of the Royal Society, and Dr. Solander, a
  Swedish gentleman of great acquirements, particularly in natural
  history, accompanied Lieutenant Cook on this interesting voyage.
  The islands of Marquesas de Mendoza, or those of Rotterdam or
  Amsterdam, were proposed by the Royal Society as proper places
  for making the observation. While fitting out, however, Captain
  Wallis returned from his expedition, and strongly recommended as
  most suitable for the purpose, Port Royal Harbour, on an island
  he had discovered, to which he had given the name of 'King
  George's Island,' and which has since been known by its native
  name, <I>Otaheite</I> or <I>Tahite</I>.<A name='FNanchor_1_1' id=
  "FNanchor_1_1"></A><A href='#Footnote_1_1'><SUP>[1]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>This lovely island is most intimately connected with the
  mutiny which took place on board the <I>Bounty</I>, and with the
  fate of the mutineers and their innocent offspring. Its many
  seducing temptations have been urged as one, if not the main,
  cause of the mutiny, which was supposed, at least by the
  commander of that ship, to have been excited by&mdash;</P>Young
  hearts which languish'd for some sunny isle,<BR>
  Where summer years, and summer women smile,<BR>
  Men without country, who, too long estranged,<BR>
  Had found no native home, or found it changed,<BR>
  And, half uncivilized, preferr'd the cave<BR>
  Of some soft savage to the uncertain wave.<BR>

  <P>It may be proper, therefore, as introductory to the present
  narrative, to give a general description of the rich and
  spontaneous gifts which Nature has lavished on this once 'happy
  island;'&mdash;of the simple and ingenuous manners of its
  natives,&mdash;and of those allurements which were supposed,
  erroneously however, to have occasioned the unfortunate
  catastrophe alluded to;&mdash;to glance at</P>The nymphs'
  seducements and the magic bower,<BR>

  <P>as they existed at the period of the first intercourse between
  the Otaheitans and the crews of those ships, which carried to
  their shores, in succession, Wallis, Bougainville, and Cook.</P>

  <P>The first communication which Wallis had with these people was
  unfortunately of a hostile nature. Having approached with his
  ship close to the shore, the usual symbol of peace and
  friendship, a branch of the plantain tree, was held up by a
  native in one of the numerous canoes that surrounded the ship.
  Great numbers, on being invited, crowded on board the stranger
  ship, but one of them, being butted on the haunches by a goat,
  and turning hastily round, perceived it rearing on its hind legs,
  ready to repeat the blow, was so terrified at the appearance of
  this strange animal, so different from any he had ever seen,
  that, in the moment of terror, he jumped overboard, and all the
  rest followed his example with the utmost precipitation.</P>

  <P>This little incident, however, produced no mischief; but as
  the boats were sounding in the bay, and several canoes crowding
  round them, Wallis suspected the islanders had a design to attack
  them, and, on this mere suspicion, ordered the boats by signal to
  come on board, 'and at the same time,' he says, 'to intimidate
  the Indians, I fired a nine-pounder over their heads.' This, as
  might have been imagined, startled the islanders, but did not
  prevent them from attempting immediately to cut off the cutter,
  as she was standing towards the ship. Several stones were thrown
  into this boat, on which the commanding officer fired a musket,
  loaded with buck-shot, at the man who threw the first stone, and
  wounded him in the shoulder.</P>

  <P>Finding no good anchorage at this place, the ship proceeded to
  another part of the island, where, on one of the boats being
  assailed by the Indians in two or three canoes, with their clubs
  and paddles in their hands, 'Our people,' says the commander,
  'being much pressed, were obliged to fire, by which one of the
  assailants was killed, and another much wounded.' This unlucky
  rencontre did not, however, prevent, as soon as the ship was
  moored, a great number of canoes from coming off the next
  morning, with hogs, fowls, and fruit. A brisk traffic soon
  commenced, our people exchanging knives, nails, and trinkets, for
  more substantial articles of food, of which they were in want.
  Among the canoes that came out last were some double ones of very
  large size, with twelve or fifteen stout men in each, and it was
  observed that they had little on board except a quantity of round
  pebble stones. Other canoes came off along with them, having only
  women on board; and while these females were assiduously
  practising their allurements, by attitudes that could not be
  misunderstood, with the view, as it would seem, to distract the
  attention of the crew, the large double canoes closed round the
  ship; and as these advanced, some of the men began singing, some
  blowing conchs, and others playing on flutes. One of them, with a
  person sitting under a canopy, approached the ship so close, as
  to allow this person to hand up a bunch of red and yellow
  feathers, making signs it was for the captain. He then put off to
  a little distance, and, on holding up the branch of a cocoa-nut
  tree, there was an universal shout from all the canoes, which at
  the same moment moved towards the ship, and a shower of stones
  was poured into her on every side. The guard was now ordered to
  fire, and two of the quarter-deck guns, loaded with small shot,
  were fired among them at the same time, which created great
  terror and confusion, and caused them to retreat to a short
  distance. In a few minutes, however, they renewed the attack. The
  great guns were now ordered to be discharged among them, and also
  into a mass of canoes that were putting off from the shore. It is
  stated that, at this time, there could not be less than three
  hundred canoes about the ship, having on board at least two
  thousand men. Again they dispersed, but having soon collected
  into something like order, they hoisted white streamers, and
  pulled towards the ship's stern, when they again began to throw
  stones with great force and dexterity, by the help of slings,
  each of the stones weighing about two pounds, and many of them
  wounded the people on board. At length a shot hit the canoe that
  apparently had the chief on board, and cut it asunder. This was
  no sooner observed by the rest, than they all dispersed in such
  haste, that in half an hour there was not a single canoe to be
  seen; and all the people who had crowded the shore fled over the
  hills with the utmost precipitation. What was to happen on the
  following day was matter of conjecture, but this point was soon
  decided.</P>The white man landed;&mdash;need the rest be
  told?<BR>
  The new world stretch'd its dusk hand to the old.<BR>

  <P>Lieutenant Furneaux, on the next morning, landed, without
  opposition, close to a fine river that fell into the
  bay&mdash;stuck up a staff on which was hoisted a
  pendant,&mdash;turned a turf,&mdash;and by this process took
  possession of the island in the name of his Majesty, and called
  it <I>King George the Third's Island</I>. Just as he was
  embarking, an old man, to whom the Lieutenant had given a few
  trifles, brought some green boughs, which he threw down at the
  foot of the staff, then retiring, brought about a dozen of his
  countrymen, who approached the staff in a supplicating posture,
  then retired and brought two live hogs, which they laid down at
  the foot of the staff, and then began to dance. After this
  ceremony the hogs were put into a canoe and the old man carried
  them on board, handing up several green plantain leaves, and
  uttering a sentence on the delivery of each. Some presents were
  offered him in return, but he would accept of none.</P>

  <P>Concluding that peace was now established, and that no further
  attack would be made, the boats were sent on shore the following
  day to get water. While the casks were filling, several natives
  were perceived coming from behind the hills and through the
  woods, and at the same time a multitude of canoes from behind a
  projecting point of the bay. As these were discovered to be laden
  with stones, and were making towards the ship, it was concluded
  their intention was to try their fortune in a second grand
  attack. 'As to shorten the contest would certainly lessen the
  mischief, I determined,' says Captain Wallis, 'to make this
  action decisive, and put an end to hostilities at once.'
  Accordingly a tremendous fire was opened at once on all the
  groups of canoes, which had the effect of immediately dispersing
  them. The fire was then directed into the wood, to drive out the
  islanders, who had assembled in large numbers, on which they all
  fled to the hill, where the women and children had seated
  themselves. Here they collected to the amount of several
  thousands, imagining themselves at that distance to be perfectly
  safe. The captain, however, ordered four shot to be fired over
  them, but two of the balls, having fallen close to a tree where a
  number of them were sitting, they were so struck with terror and
  consternation, that, in less than two minutes, not a creature was
  to be seen. The coast being cleared, the boats were manned and
  armed, and all the carpenters with their axes were sent on shore,
  with directions to destroy every canoe they could find; and we
  are told this service was effectually performed, and that more
  than fifty canoes, many of which were sixty feet long, and three
  broad, and lashed together, were cut to pieces.</P>

  <P>This act of severity must have been cruelly felt by these poor
  people, who, without iron or any kind of tools, but such as
  stones, shells, teeth, and bones supplied them with, must have
  spent months and probably years in the construction of one of
  these extraordinary double boats.</P>

  <P>Such was the inauspicious commencement of our acquaintance
  with the natives of Otaheite. Their determined hostility and
  perseverance in an unequal combat could only have arisen from one
  of two motives&mdash;either from an opinion that a ship of such
  magnitude, as they had never before beheld, could only be come to
  their coast to take their country from them; or an irresistible
  temptation to endeavour, at all hazards, to possess themselves of
  so valuable a prize. Be that as it may, the dread inspired by the
  effects of the cannon, and perhaps a conviction of the truth of
  what had been explained to them, that the 'strangers wanted only
  provisions and water,' had the effect of allaying all jealousy;
  for from the day of the last action, the most friendly and
  uninterrupted intercourse was established, and continued to the
  day of the <I>Dolphin's</I> departure; and provisions of all
  kinds, hogs, dogs, fruit, and vegetables, were supplied in the
  greatest abundance, in exchange for pieces of iron, nails, and
  trinkets.</P>

  <P>As a proof of the readiness of these simple people to forgive
  injuries, a poor woman, accompanied by a young man bearing a
  branch of the plantain tree, and another man with two hogs,
  approached the gunner, whom Captain Wallis had appointed to
  regulate the market, and looking round on the strangers with
  great attention, fixing her eyes sometimes on one and sometimes
  on another, at length burst into tears. It appeared that her
  husband and three of her sons had been killed in the attack on
  the ship. While this was under explanation, the poor creature was
  so affected as to require the support of the two young men, who
  from their weeping were probably two more of her sons. When
  somewhat composed, she ordered the two hogs to be delivered to
  the gunner, and gave him her hand in token of friendship, but
  would accept nothing in return.</P>

  <P>Captain Wallis was now so well satisfied that there was
  nothing further to apprehend from the hostility of the natives,
  that he sent a party up the country to cut wood, who were treated
  with great kindness and hospitality by all they met, and the ship
  was visited by persons of both sexes, who by their dress and
  behaviour appeared to be of a superior rank. Among others was a
  tall lady about five and forty years of age, of a pleasing
  countenance and majestic deportment. She was under no restraint,
  either from diffidence or fear, and conducted herself with that
  easy freedom which generally distinguishes conscious superiority
  and habitual command. She accepted some small present which the
  captain gave her, with a good grace and much pleasure; and having
  observed that he was weak and suffering from ill health, she
  pointed to the shore, which he understood to be an invitation,
  and made signs that he would go thither the next morning. His
  visit to this lady displays so much character and good feeling,
  that it will best be described in the captain's own words.</P>

  <P>'The next morning I went on shore for the first time, and my
  princess or rather queen, for such by her authority she appeared
  to be, soon after came to me, followed by many of her attendants.
  As she perceived that my disorder had left me very weak, she
  ordered her people to take me in their arms, and carry me not
  only over the river, but all the way to her house; and observing
  that some of the people who were with me, particularly the first
  lieutenant and purser, had also been sick, she caused them also
  to be carried in the same manner, and a guard, which I had
  ordered out upon the occasion, followed. In our way, a vast
  multitude crowded about us, but upon her waving her hand, without
  speaking a word, they withdrew, and left us a free passage. When
  we approached near her house, a great number of both sexes came
  out to meet her; these she presented to me, after having
  intimated by signs that they were her relations, and taking hold
  of my hand she made them kiss it.</P>

  <P>'We then entered the house, which covered a piece of ground
  three hundred and twenty-seven feet long, and forty-two feet
  broad. It consisted of a roof thatched with palm leaves, and
  raised upon thirty-nine pillars on each side, and fourteen in the
  middle. The ridge of the thatch, on the inside, was thirty feet
  high, and the sides of the house, to the edge of the roof, were
  twelve feet high; all below the roof being open. As soon as we
  entered the house, she made us sit down, and then calling four
  young girls, she assisted them to take off my shoes, draw down my
  stockings, and pull off my coat, and then directed them to smooth
  down the skin, and gently chafe it with their hands. The same
  operation was also performed on the first lieutenant and the
  purser, but upon none of those who appeared to be in health.
  While this was doing, our surgeon, who had walked till he was
  very warm, took off his wig to cool and refresh himself: a sudden
  exclamation of one of the Indians, who saw it, drew the attention
  of the rest, and in a moment every eye was fixed upon the
  prodigy, and every operation was suspended. The whole assembly
  stood some time motionless, in silent astonishment, which could
  not have been more strongly expressed, if they had discovered
  that our friend's limbs had been screwed on to the trunk. In a
  short time, however, the young women who were chafing us, resumed
  their employment, and having continued for about half an hour,
  they dressed us again, but in this they were, as may easily be
  imagined, very awkward; I found great benefit, however, from the
  chafing, and so did the lieutenant and the purser.</P>

  <P>'After a little time our generous benefactress ordered some
  bales of Indian cloth to be brought out, with which she clothed
  me, and all that were with me, according to the fashion of the
  country. At first I declined the acceptance of this favour, but
  being unwilling not to seem pleased with what was intended to
  please me, I acquiesced. When we went away, she ordered a very
  large sow, big with young, to be taken down to the boat, and
  accompanied us thither herself. She had given directions to her
  people to carry me, as they had done when I came, but as I chose
  rather to walk, she took me by the arm, and whenever we came to a
  plash of water or dirt, she lifted me over with as little trouble
  as it would have cost me to have lifted over a child, if I had
  been well.'</P>

  <P>The following morning Captain Wallis sent her a present by the
  gunner, who found her in the midst of an entertainment given to
  at least a thousand people. The messes were put into shells of
  cocoa-nuts, and the shells into wooden trays, like those used by
  our butchers, and she distributed them with her own hands to the
  guests, who were seated in rows in the open air, round the great
  house. When this was done, she sat down herself upon a place
  somewhat elevated above the rest, and two women, placing
  themselves, one on each side of her, fed her, she opening her
  mouth as they brought their hands up with the food. From this
  time, provisions were sent to market in the greatest abundance.
  The queen frequently visited the captain on board, and always
  with a present, but she never condescended to barter, nor would
  she accept of any return.</P>

  <P>One day, after visiting her at her house, the captain at
  parting made her comprehend by signs, that he intended to quit
  the island in seven days: she immediately understood his meaning,
  and by similar signs, expressed her wish that he should stay
  twenty days; that he should go with her a couple of days' journey
  into the country, stay there a few days, return with plenty of
  hogs and poultry, and then go away; but on persisting in his
  first intention, she burst into tears, and it was not without
  great difficulty that she could be pacified. The next time that
  she went on board, Captain Wallis ordered a good dinner for her
  entertainment and those chiefs who were of her party; but the
  queen would neither eat nor drink. As she was going over the
  ship's side, she asked, by signs, whether he still persisted in
  leaving the island at the time he had fixed, and on receiving an
  answer in the affirmative, she expressed her regret by a flood of
  tears; and as soon as her passion subsided, she told the captain
  that she would come on board again the following day.</P>

  <P>Accordingly, the next day she again visited the ship twice,
  bringing each time large presents of hogs, fowls, and fruits. The
  captain, after expressing his sense of her kindness and bounty,
  announced his intention of sailing the following morning. This,
  as usual, threw her into tears, and after recovering herself, she
  made anxious inquiry when he should return; he said in fifty
  days, with which she seemed to be satisfied. 'She stayed on
  board,' says Captain Wallis, 'till night, and it was then with
  the greatest difficulty that she could be prevailed upon to go on
  shore. When she was told that the boat was ready, she threw
  herself down upon the arm-chest, and wept a long time, with an
  excess of passion that could not be pacified; at last, however,
  with the greatest reluctance, she was prevailed upon to go into
  the boat, and was followed by her attendants.'</P>

  <P>The next day, while the ship was unmooring, the whole beach
  was covered with the inhabitants. The queen came down, and having
  ordered a double canoe to be launched, was rowed off by her own
  people, followed by fifteen or sixteen other canoes. She soon
  made her appearance on board, but, not being able to speak, she
  sat down and gave vent to her passion by weeping. Shortly after a
  breeze springing up, the ship made sail; and finding it now
  necessary to return into her canoe, 'she embraced us all,' says
  Captain Wallis, 'in the most affectionate manner, and with many
  tears; all her attendants also expressed great sorrow at our
  departure. In a few minutes she came into the bow of her canoe,
  where she sat weeping with inconsolable sorrow. I gave her many
  things which I thought would be of great use to her, and some for
  ornament; she silently accepted of all, but took little notice of
  any thing. About ten o'clock we had got without the reef, and a
  fresh breeze springing up, our Indian friends, and particularly
  the queen, once more bade us farewell, with such tenderness of
  affection and grief, as filled both my heart and my eyes.'</P>

  <P>The tender passion had certainly caught hold of one or both of
  these worthies; and if her Majesty's language had been as well
  understood by Captain Wallis, as that of Dido was to &AElig;neas,
  when pressing him to stay with her, there is no doubt it would
  have been found not less pathetic&mdash;</P>Nec te noster amor,
  nec te data dextera quondam,<BR>
  Nec moritura tenet crudeli funere Dido?<BR>

  <P>This lady, however, did not sink, like the 'miserrima Dido,'
  under her griefs; on the contrary, we find her in full activity
  and animation, and equally generous, to Lieut. Cook and his
  party, under the name of <I>Oberea</I>, who, it now appeared, was
  no queen, but whose husband they discovered was uncle to the
  young king, then a minor, but from whom she was separated. She
  soon evinced a partiality for Mr. Banks, though not quite so
  strong as that for Wallis, but it appears to have been mutual,
  until an unlucky discovery took place, that she had, at her
  command, a stout strong-boned <I>cavaliere servente</I>; added to
  which, a theft, rather of an amusing nature, contributed for a
  time to create a coolness, and somewhat to disturb the good
  understanding that had subsisted between them. It happened that a
  party, consisting of Cook, Banks, Solander, and three or four
  others, were benighted at a distance from the anchorage. Mr.
  Banks, says Lieut. Cook, thought himself fortunate in being
  offered a place by Oberea, in her own canoe, and wishing his
  friends a good night, took his leave. He went to rest early,
  according to the custom of the country; and taking off his
  clothes, as was his constant practice, the nights being hot,
  Oberea kindly insisted upon taking them into her own custody, for
  otherwise, she said, they would certainly be stolen. Mr. Banks
  having, as he thought, so good a safeguard, resigned himself to
  sleep with all imaginable tranquillity; but awakening about
  eleven o'clock, and wanting to get up, he searched for his
  clothes where he had seen them carefully deposited by Oberea,
  when he lay down to sleep, and perceived to his sorrow and
  surprise, that they were missing. He immediately awakened Oberea,
  who, starting up and hearing his complaint, ordered lights, and
  prepared in great haste to recover what had been lost. Tootahah
  (the regent) slept in the next canoe, and being soon alarmed, he
  came to them and set out with Oberea in search of the thief. Mr.
  Banks was not in a condition to go with them, as of his apparel
  scarcely any thing was left him but his breeches. In about half
  an hour his two noble friends returned, but without having
  obtained any intelligence of his clothes or of the thief. Where
  Cook and Solander had disposed of themselves he did not know; but
  hearing music, which was sure to bring a crowd together, in which
  there was a chance of his associates being among them, he rose,
  and made the best of his way towards it, and joined his party, as
  Cook says, 'more than half naked, and told us his melancholy
  story.'</P>

  <P>It was some consolation to find that his friends were
  fellow-sufferers, Cook having lost his stockings, that had been
  stolen from under his head, though he had never been asleep, and
  his associates their jackets. At day-break Oberea brought to Mr.
  Banks some of her country clothes; 'so that when he came to us,'
  says Cook, 'he made a most motley appearance, half Indian and
  half English.' Such an adventure must have been highly amusing to
  him who was the object of it, when the inconvenience had been
  removed, as every one will admit who knew the late venerable
  President of the Royal Society. He never doubted, however, that
  Oberea was privy to the theft, and there was strong suspicion of
  her having some of the articles in her custody. Being aware that
  this feeling existed, she absented herself for some time, and
  when she again appeared, she said a favourite of hers had taken
  them away, whom she had beaten and dismissed; 'but she seemed
  conscious,' says Cook, 'that she had no right to be believed; she
  discovered the strongest signs of fear, yet she surmounted it
  with astonishing resolution, and was very pressing to be allowed
  to sleep with her attendants in Mr. Banks's tent; in this,
  however, she was not gratified.' Sir Joseph might have thought
  that, if he complied with her request, his breeches might be in
  danger of following the other articles of his dress.</P>

  <P>The Otaheitans cannot resist pilfering. 'I must bear my
  testimony,' says Cook, 'that the people of this country, of all
  ranks, men and women, are the arrantest thieves upon the face of
  the earth; but,' he adds, 'we must not hastily conclude that
  theft is a testimony of the same depravity in them that it is in
  us, in the instances in which our people were sufferers by their
  dishonesty; for their temptation was such, as to surmount what
  would be considered as a proof of uncommon integrity among those
  who have more knowledge, better principles, and stronger motives
  to resist the temptations of illicit advantage; an Indian among
  penny knives and beads, and even nails and broken glass, is in
  the same state of mind with the meanest servant in Europe among
  unlocked coffers of jewels and gold.' Captain Wallis has
  illustrated the truth of this position by an experiment he made
  on some persons, whose dress and behaviour indicated that they
  were of a superior cast. 'To discover what present,' he says,
  'would most gratify them, I laid down before them a Johannes, a
  guinea, a crown piece, a Spanish dollar, a few shillings, some
  new halfpence, and two large nails, making signs that they should
  take what they liked best. The nails were first seized with great
  eagerness, and then a few of the halfpence, but the silver and
  gold lay neglected.' Here then it might with truth be said was
  discovered</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>The goldless age, where gold disturbs no dreams.</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>But their thirst after iron was irresistible; Wallis's ship
  was stripped of all the nails in her by the seamen to purchase
  the good graces of the women, who assembled in crowds on the
  shore. The men even drew out of different parts of the ship those
  nails that fastened the cleats to her side. This commerce
  established with the women rendered the men, as might readily be
  expected, less obedient to command, and made it necessary to
  punish some of them by flogging. The Otaheitans regarded this
  punishment with horror. One of Cook's men having insulted a
  chief's wife, he was ordered to be flogged in their presence. The
  Indians saw him stripped and tied up to the rigging with a fixed
  attention, waiting in silent suspense for the event; but as soon
  as the first stroke was given, they interfered with great
  agitation, earnestly entreating that the rest of the punishment
  might be remitted; and when they found they were unable to
  prevail, they gave vent to their pity by tears. 'But their
  tears,' as Cook observes, 'like those of children, were always
  ready to express any passion that was strongly excited, and like
  those of children, they also appeared to be forgotten as soon as
  shed.' And he instances this by the following incident:&mdash;Mr.
  Banks seeing a young woman in great affliction, the tears
  streaming from her eyes, inquired earnestly the cause; but
  instead of answering, she took from under her garment a shark's
  tooth, and struck it six or seven times into her head with great
  force; a profusion of blood followed, and disregarding his
  inquiries, she continued to talk loud in a melancholy tone, while
  those around were laughing and talking without taking the least
  notice of her distress. The bleeding having ceased, she looked up
  with a smile, and collecting the pieces of cloth which she had
  used to stanch the blood, threw them into the sea; then plunging
  into the river, and washing her whole body, she returned to the
  tents with the same gaiety and cheerfulness as if nothing had
  happened. The same thing occurred in the case of a chief, who had
  given great offence to Mr. Banks, when he and all his followers
  were overwhelmed with grief and dejection; but one of his women,
  having struck a shark's tooth into her head several times, till
  it was covered with blood, the scene was immediately changed, and
  laughing and good humour took place. Wallis witnessed the same
  kind of conduct. This, therefore, and the tears, are probably
  considered a sort of expiation or doing penance for a fault.</P>

  <P>But the sorrows of these simple and artless people are
  transient. Cook justly observes, that what they feel they have
  never been taught either to disguise or suppress; and having no
  habits of thinking, which perpetually recall the past and
  anticipate the future, they are affected by all the changes of
  the passing hour, and reflect the colour of the time, however
  frequently it may vary. They grieve for the death of a relation,
  and place the body on a stage erected on piles and covered with a
  roof of thatch, for they never bury the dead, and never approach
  one of these <I>morais</I> without great solemnity; but theirs is
  no lasting grief.</P>

  <P>An old woman having died, Mr. Banks, whose pursuit was
  knowledge of every kind, and to gain it made himself one of the
  people, requested he might attend the ceremony and witness all
  the mysteries of the solemnity of depositing the body in the
  morai. The request was complied with, but on no other condition
  than his taking a part in it. This was just what he wished. In
  the evening he repaired to the house of mourning, where he was
  received by the daughter of the deceased and several others,
  among whom was a boy about fourteen years old. One of the chiefs
  of the district was the principal mourner, wearing a fantastical
  dress. Mr. Banks was stripped entirely of his European clothes,
  and a small piece of cloth was tied round his middle. His face
  and body were then smeared with charcoal and water, as low as the
  shoulders, till they were as black as those of a negro: the same
  operation was performed on the rest, among whom were some women,
  who were reduced to a state as near to nakedness as himself; the
  boy was blacked all over, after which the procession set forward,
  the chief mourner having mumbled something like a prayer over the
  body. It is the custom of the Indians to fly from these
  processions with the utmost precipitation. On the present
  occasion several large bodies of the natives were put to flight,
  all the houses were deserted, and not an Otaheitan was to be
  seen. The body being deposited on the stage, the mourners were
  dismissed to wash themselves in the river, and to resume their
  customary dresses and their usual gaiety.</P>

  <P>They are, however, so jealous of any one approaching these
  abodes of the dead, that one of Cook's party, happening one day
  to pull a flower from a tree which grew in one of these
  sepulchral inclosures, was struck by a native who saw it, and
  came suddenly behind him. The morai of Oberea was a pile of
  stone-work raised pyramidically, two hundred and sixty-seven feet
  long, eighty-seven feet wide, and forty-four feet high,
  terminating in a ridge like the roof of a house, and ascended by
  steps of white coral stone neatly squared and polished, some of
  them not less than three feet and a half by two feet and a half.
  Such a structure, observes Cook, raised without the assistance of
  iron tools, or mortar to join them, struck us with astonishment,
  as a work of considerable skill and incredible labour.</P>

  <P>On the same principle of making himself acquainted with every
  novelty that presented itself, Captain Cook states that 'Mr.
  Banks saw the operation of <I>tattooing</I> performed upon the
  back of a girl about thirteen years old. The instrument used upon
  this occasion had thirty teeth, and every stroke, of which at
  least a hundred were made in a minute, drew an ichor or serum a
  little tinged with blood. The girl bore it with most stoical
  resolution for about a quarter of an hour; but the pain of so
  many hundred punctures as she had received in that time then
  became intolerable: she first complained in murmurs, then wept,
  and at last burst into loud lamentations, earnestly imploring the
  operator to desist. He was however inexorable; and when she began
  to struggle, she was held down by two women, who sometimes
  soothed and sometimes chid her, and now and then, when she was
  most unruly, gave her a smart blow. Mr. Banks stayed in the
  neighbouring house an hour, and the operation was not over when
  he went away.'</P>

  <P>The sufferings of this young lady did not however deter the
  late President of the Royal Society from undergoing the operation
  on his own person.</P>

  <P>The skill and labour which the Otaheitans bestow on their
  large double boats is not less wonderful than their stone morais,
  from the felling of the tree and splitting it into plank, to the
  minutest carved ornaments that decorate the head and the stern.
  The whole operation is performed without the use of any metallic
  instrument. 'To fabricate one of their principal vessels with
  their tools is,' says Cook, 'as great a work as to build a
  British man of war with ours.' The fighting boats are sometimes
  more than seventy feet long, but not above three broad; but they
  are fastened in pairs, side by side, at the distance of about
  three feet; the head and stern rise in a semi-circular form, the
  latter to the height of seventeen or eighteen feet. To build
  these boats, and the smaller kinds of canoes;&mdash;to build
  their houses, and finish the slight furniture they
  contain;&mdash;to fell, cleave, carve, and polish timber for
  various purposes;&mdash;and, in short, for every conversion of
  wood&mdash;the tools they make use of are the following: an adze
  of stone; a chisel or gouge of bone, generally that of a man's
  arm between the wrist and elbow; a rasp of coral; and the skin of
  a sting-ray, with coral sand as a file or polisher.</P>

  <P>The persons of the Otaheitan men are in general tall, strong,
  well-limbed and finely shaped; equal in size to the largest of
  Europeans. The women of superior rank are also above the middle
  stature of Europeans, but the inferior class are rather below it.
  The complexion of the former class is that which we call a
  brunette, and the skin is most delicately smooth and soft. The
  shape of the face is comely, the cheek bones are not high,
  neither are the eyes hollow, nor the brow prominent; the nose is
  a little, but not much, flattened; but their eyes, and more
  particularly those of the women, are full of expression,
  sometimes sparkling with fire, and sometimes melting with
  softness; their teeth also are, almost without exception, most
  beautifully even and white, and their breath perfectly without
  taint. In their motions there is at once vigour as well as ease;
  their walk is graceful, their deportment liberal, and their
  behaviour to strangers and to each other, affable and courteous.
  In their dispositions they appear to be brave, open, and candid,
  without suspicion or treachery, cruelty or revenge. Mr. Banks had
  such confidence in them, as to sleep frequently in their houses
  in the woods, without a companion, and consequently wholly in
  their power. They are delicate and cleanly, almost wholly without
  example.</P>

  <P>'The natives of Otaheite,' says Cook, 'both men and women,
  constantly wash their whole bodies in running water three times
  every day; once as soon as they rise in the morning, once at
  noon, and again before they sleep at night, whether the sea or
  river be near them or at a distance. They wash not only the
  mouth, but the hands at their meals, almost between every morsel;
  and their clothes, as well as their persons, are kept without
  spot or stain.'</P>

  <P>If any one should think this picture somewhat overcharged, he
  will find it fully confirmed in an account of them made by a
  description of men who are not much disposed to represent worldly
  objects in the most favourable light. In the first missionary
  voyage, in the year 1797, the natives of Otaheite are thus
  described:</P>

  <P>'Natural colour olive, inclining to copper; the women, who
  carefully clothe themselves, and avoid the sun-beams, are but a
  shade or two darker than an European brunette; their eyes are
  black and sparkling; their teeth white and even; their skin soft
  and delicate; their limbs finely turned; their hair jetty,
  perfumed and ornamented with flowers; they are in general large
  and wide over the shoulders; we were therefore disappointed in
  the judgement we had formed from the report of preceding
  visitors; and though here and there was to be seen a young person
  who might be esteemed comely, we saw few who, in fact, could be
  called beauties; yet they possess eminent feminine graces: their
  faces are never darkened with a scowl, or covered with a cloud of
  sullenness or suspicion. Their manners are affable and engaging;
  their step easy, firm, and graceful; their behaviour free and
  unguarded; always boundless in generosity to each other, and to
  strangers; their tempers mild, gentle, and unaffected; slow to
  take offence, easily pacified, and seldom retaining resentment or
  revenge, whatever provocation they may have received. Their arms
  and hands are very delicately formed; and though they go
  barefoot, their feet are not coarse and spreading.</P>

  <P>'As wives in private life, they are affectionate, tender and
  obedient to their husbands, and uncommonly fond of their
  children: they nurse them with the utmost care, and are
  particularly attentive to keep the infant's limbs supple and
  straight. A cripple is hardly ever seen among them in early life.
  A rickety child is never known; anything resembling it would
  reflect the highest disgrace on the mother.</P>

  <P>'The Otaheitans have no partitions in their houses; but, it
  may be affirmed, they have in many instances more refined ideas
  of decency than ourselves; and one, long a resident, scruples not
  to declare, that he never saw any appetite, hunger and thirst
  excepted, gratified in public. It is too true that, for the sake
  of gaining our extraordinary curiosities, and to please our
  brutes, they have appeared immodest in the extreme. Yet they lay
  this charge wholly at our door, and say that Englishmen are
  ashamed of nothing, and that we have led them to public acts of
  indecency never before practised among themselves. Iron here,
  more precious than gold, bears down every barrier of restraint;
  honesty and modesty yield to the force of temptation.'<A name=
  'FNanchor_2_2' id="FNanchor_2_2"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_2_2'><SUP>[2]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>Such are the females and the mothers here described, whose
  interesting offspring are now peopling Pitcairn's Island, and
  who, while they inherit their mothers' virtues, have hitherto
  kept themselves free from their vices.</P>

  <P>The greater part of the food of Otaheitans is vegetable. Hogs,
  dogs, and poultry are their only animals, and all of them serve
  for food. 'We all agreed,' says Cook, 'that a South-Sea dog was
  little inferior to an English lamb,' which he ascribes to its
  being kept up and fed wholly on vegetables. Broiling and baking
  are the only two modes of applying fire to their cookery. Captain
  Wallis observes, that having no vessel in which water could be
  subjected to the action of fire, they had no more idea that it
  could be made <I>hot</I>, than that it could be made
  <I>solid</I>; and he mentions that one of the attendants of the
  supposed queen, having observed the surgeon fill the tea-pot from
  an urn, turned the cock himself, and received the water in his
  hand; and that as soon as he felt himself scalded, he roared out
  and began to dance about the cabin with the most extravagant and
  ridiculous expressions of pain and astonishment; his companions,
  unable to conceive what was the matter, staring at him in amaze,
  and not without some mixture of terror.</P>

  <P>One of Oberea's peace-offerings to Mr. Banks, for the robbery
  of his clothes committed in her boat, was a fine fat dog, and the
  way in which it was prepared and baked was as follows. Tupei, the
  high priest, undertook to perform the double office of butcher
  and cook. He first killed him by holding his hands close over his
  mouth and nose for the space of a quarter of an hour. A hole was
  then made in the ground about a foot deep, in which a fire was
  kindled, and some small stones placed in layers, alternately with
  the wood, to be heated. The dog was then singed, scraped with a
  shell, and the hair taken off as clean as if he had been scalded
  in hot water. He was then cut up with the same instrument, and
  his entrails carefully washed. When the hole was sufficiently
  heated, the fire was taken out, and some of the stones, being
  placed at the bottom, were covered with green leaves. The dog,
  with the entrails, was then placed upon the leaves, and other
  leaves being laid upon them, the whole was covered with the rest
  of the hot stones, and the mouth of the hole close stopped with
  mould. In somewhat less than four hours, it was again opened, and
  the dog taken out excellently baked, and the party all agreed
  that he made a very good dish. These dogs it seems are bred to be
  eaten, and live wholly on bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, yams, and
  other vegetables of the like kind.</P>

  <P>The food of the natives, being chiefly vegetable, consists of
  the various preparations of the bread-fruit, of cocoa-nuts,
  bananas, plantains, and a great variety of other fruit, the
  spontaneous products of a rich soil and genial climate. The
  bread-fruit, when baked in the same manner as the dog was, is
  rendered soft, and not unlike a boiled potato; not quite so
  farinaceous as a good one, but more so than those of the middling
  sort. Much of this fruit is gathered before it is ripe, and by a
  certain process is made to undergo the two states of
  fermentation, the saccharine and acetous, in the latter of which
  it is moulded into balls, and called <I>Mahie</I>. The natives
  seldom make a meal without this sour paste. Salt water is the
  universal sauce, without which no meal is eaten. Their drink in
  general consists of water, or the juice of the cocoa-nut; the art
  of producing liquors that intoxicate by fermentation being at
  this time happily unknown among them; neither did they make use
  of any narcotic, as the natives of some other countries do opium,
  beetel-nut, and tobacco. One day the wife of one of the chiefs
  came running to Mr. Banks, who was always applied to in every
  emergency and distress, and with a mixture of grief and terror in
  her countenance, made him understand that her husband was dying,
  in consequence of something the strangers had given him to eat.
  Mr. Banks found his friend leaning his head against a post, in an
  attitude of the utmost languor and despondency. His attendants
  brought out a leaf folded up with great care, containing part of
  the poison of the effects of which their master was now dying. On
  opening the leaf Mr. Banks found in it a chew of tobacco, which
  the chief had asked from some of the seamen, and imitating them,
  as he thought, he had rolled it about in his mouth, grinding it
  to powder with his teeth, and ultimately swallowing it. During
  the examination of the leaf he looked up at Mr. Banks with the
  most piteous countenance, and intimated that he had but a very
  short time to live. A copious draught of cocoa-nut milk, however,
  set all to rights, and the chief and his attendants were at once
  restored to that flow of cheerfulness and good-humour, which is
  the characteristic of these single-minded people.</P>

  <P>There is, however, one plant from the root of which they
  extract a juice of an intoxicating quality, called <I>Ava</I>,
  but Cook's party saw nothing of its effects, probably owing to
  their considering drunkenness as a disgrace. This vice of
  drinking ava is said to be peculiar almost to the chiefs, who vie
  with each other in drinking the greatest number of draughts, each
  draught being about a pint. They keep this intoxicating juice
  with great care from the women.</P>

  <P>As eating is one of the most important concerns of life, here
  as well as elsewhere, Captain Cook's description of a meal made
  by one of the chiefs of the island cannot be considered as
  uninteresting, and is here given in his own words.</P>

  <P>'He sits down under the shade of the next tree, or on the
  shady side of his house, and a large quantity of leaves, either
  of the bread-fruit or bananas, are neatly spread before him upon
  the ground as a table-cloth; a basket is then set by him that
  contains his provision, which, if fish or flesh, is ready
  dressed, and wrapped up in leaves, and two cocoa-nut shells, one
  full of salt water and one of fresh. His attendants, which are
  not few, seat themselves round him, and when all is ready, he
  begins by washing his hands and his mouth thoroughly with the
  fresh water, and this he repeats almost continually throughout
  the whole meal. He then takes part of his provision out of the
  basket, which generally consists of a small fish or two, two or
  three bread-fruits, fourteen or fifteen ripe bananas, or six or
  seven apples. He first takes half a bread-fruit, peels off the
  rind, and takes out the core with his nails; of this he puts as
  much into his mouth as it can hold, and while he chews it, takes
  the fish out of the leaves and breaks one of them into the salt
  water, placing the other, and what remains of the bread-fruit,
  upon the leaves that have been spread before him. When this is
  done, he takes up a small piece of the fish that has been broken
  into the salt-water, with all the fingers of one hand, and sucks
  it into his mouth, so as to get with it as much of the salt-water
  as possible. In the same manner he takes the rest by different
  morsels, and between each, at least very frequently, takes a
  small sup of the salt-water, either out of the cocoa-nut shell,
  or the palm of his hand. In the meantime one of his attendants
  has prepared a young cocoa-nut, by peeling off the outer rind
  with his teeth, an operation which to an European appears very
  surprising; but it depends so much upon sleight, that many of us
  were able to do it before we left the island, and some that could
  scarcely crack a filbert. The master when he chooses to drink
  takes the cocoa-nut thus prepared, and boring a hole through the
  shell with his fingers, or breaking it with a stone, he sucks out
  the liquor. When he has eaten his bread-fruit and fish, he begins
  with his plantains, one of which makes but a mouthful, though it
  be as big as a black-pudding; if instead of plantains he has
  apples, he never tastes them till they have been pared; to do
  this a shell is picked up from the ground, where they are always
  in plenty, and tossed to him by an attendant. He immediately
  begins to cut or scrape off the rind, but so awkwardly that great
  part of the fruit is wasted. If, instead of fish, he has flesh,
  he must have some succedaneum for a knife to divide it; and for
  this purpose a piece of bamboo is tossed to him, of which he
  makes the necessary implement by splitting it transversely with
  his nail. While all this has been doing, some of his attendants
  have been employed in beating bread-fruit with a stone pestle
  upon a block of wood; by being beaten in this manner, and
  sprinkled from time to time with water, it is reduced to the
  consistence of a soft paste, and is then put into a vessel
  somewhat like a butcher's tray, and either made up alone, or
  mixed with banana or <I>mahie</I>, according to the taste of the
  master, by pouring water upon it by degrees and squeezing it
  often through the hand. Under this operation it acquires the
  consistence of a thick custard, and a large cocoa-nut shell full
  of it being set before him, he sips it as we should do a jelly if
  we had no spoon to take it from the glass. The meal is then
  finished by again washing his hands and his mouth. After which
  the cocoa-nut shells are cleaned, and everything that is left is
  replaced in the basket.'</P>

  <P>Captain Cook adds, 'the quantity of food which these people
  eat at a meal is prodigious. I have seen one man devour two or
  three fishes as big as a perch; three bread-fruits, each bigger
  than two fists; fourteen or fifteen plantains or bananas, each of
  them six or seven inches long, and four or five round; and near a
  quart of the pounded bread-fruit, which is as substantial as the
  thickest unbaked custard. This is so extraordinary that I
  scarcely expect to be believed; and I would not have related it
  upon my own single testimony, but Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and
  most of the other gentlemen have had ocular demonstration of its
  truth, and know that I mention them on the occasion.'</P>

  <P>The women, who, on other occasions, always mix in the
  amusements of the men, who are particularly fond of their
  society, are wholly excluded from their meals; nor could the
  latter be prevailed on to partake of anything when dining in
  company on board ship; they said it was not right: even brothers
  and sisters have each their separate baskets, and their
  provisions are separately prepared; but the English officers and
  men, when visiting the young ones at their own houses, frequently
  ate out of the same basket and drank out of the same cup, to the
  horror and dismay of the older ladies, who were always offended
  at this liberty; and if by chance any of the victuals were
  touched, or even the basket that contained them, they would throw
  them away.</P>

  <P>In this fine climate houses are almost unnecessary. The
  minimum range of the thermometer is about 63&deg;, the maximum
  85&deg;, giving an average of 74&deg;. Their sheds or houses
  consist generally of a thatched roof raised on posts, the eaves
  reaching to within three or four feet of the ground; the floor is
  covered with soft hay, over which are laid mats, so that the
  whole is one cushion, on which they sit by day and sleep by
  night. They eat in the open air, under the shade of the nearest
  tree. In each district there is a house erected for general use,
  much larger than common, some of them exceeding two hundred feet
  in length, thirty broad, and twenty high. The dwelling-houses all
  stand in the woody belt which surrounds the island, between the
  feet of the central mountains and the sea, each having a very
  small piece of ground cleared, just enough to keep the dropping
  of the trees from the thatch. An Otaheitan wood consists chiefly
  of groves of bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, without underwood, and
  intersected in all directions by the paths that lead from one
  house to another. 'Nothing,' says Cook, 'can be more grateful
  than this shade, in so warm a climate, nor anything more
  beautiful than these walks,'</P>

  <P>With all the activity they are capable of displaying, and the
  sprightliness of their disposition, they are fond of indulging in
  ease and indolence. The trees that produce their food are mostly
  of spontaneous growth&mdash;the bread-fruit, cocoa-nut, bananas
  of thirteen sorts, besides plantains; a fruit not unlike an
  apple, which, when ripe, is very pleasant; sweet potatoes, yams,
  and a species of <I>arum</I>; the pandanus, the jambu and the
  sugar-cane; a variety of plants whose roots are
  esculent&mdash;these, with many others, are produced with so
  little culture, that, as Cook observes, they seem to be exempted
  from the first general curse that 'man should eat his bread in
  the sweat of his brow.' Then for clothing they have the bark of
  three different trees, the paper mulberry, the bread-fruit tree,
  and a tree which resembles the wild fig-tree of the West Indies;
  of these the mulberry only requires to be cultivated.</P>

  <P>In preparing the cloth they display a very considerable degree
  of ingenuity. Red and yellow are the two colours most in use for
  dyeing their cloth; the red is stated to be exceedingly brilliant
  and beautiful, approaching nearest to our full scarlet; it is
  produced by the mixture of the juices of two vegetables, neither
  of which separately has the least tendency to that hue: one is
  the <I>Cordia Sebestina</I>, the other a species of <I>Ficus</I>;
  of the former the leaves, of the latter the fruits yield the
  juices. The yellow dye is extracted from the bark of the root of
  the <I>Morinda citrifolia</I>, by scraping and infusing it in
  water.</P>

  <P>Their matting is exceedingly beautiful, particularly that
  which is made from the bark of the <I>Hibiscus tiliaceus</I>, and
  of a species of <I>Pandanus</I>. Others are made of rushes and
  grass with amazing facility and dispatch. In the same manner
  their basket and wicker work are most ingeniously made; the
  former in patterns of a thousand different kinds. Their nets and
  fishing-lines are strong and neatly made, so are their fish-hooks
  of pearl-shell; and their clubs are admirable specimens of
  wood-carving.</P>

  <P>A people so lively, sprightly, and good-humoured as the
  Otaheitans are, must necessarily have their amusements. They are
  fond of music, such as is derived from a rude flute and a drum;
  of dancing, wrestling, shooting with the bow, and throwing the
  lance. They exhibit frequent trials of skill and strength in
  wrestling; and Cook says it is scarcely possible for those who
  are acquainted with the athletic sports of very remote antiquity,
  not to remark a rude resemblance of them in a wrestling-match
  (which he describes) among the natives of a little island in the
  midst of the Pacific Ocean.</P>

  <P>But these simple-minded people have their vices, and great
  ones too. Chastity is almost unknown among a certain description
  of women: there is a detestable society called <I>Arreoy</I>,
  composed, it would seem, of a particular class, who are supposed
  to be the chief warriors of the island. In this society the men
  and women live in common; and on the birth of a child it is
  immediately smothered, that its bringing up may not interfere
  with the brutal pleasures of either father or mother. Another
  savage practice is that of immolating human beings at the
  <I>Morais</I>, which serve as temples as well as sepulchres, and
  yet, by the report of the missionaries, they entertain a due
  sense and reverential awe of the Deity. 'With regard to their
  worship,' Captain Cook does the Otaheitans but justice in saying,
  'they reproach many who bear the name of Christians. You see no
  instances of an Otaheitan drawing near the Eatooa with
  carelessness and inattention; he is all devotion; he approaches
  the place of worship with reverential awe; uncovers when he
  treads on sacred ground; and prays with a fervour that would do
  honour to a better profession. He firmly credits the traditions
  of his ancestors. None dares dispute the existence of the Deity.'
  Thieving may also be reckoned as one of their vices; this,
  however, is common to all uncivilized nations, and, it may be
  added, civilized too. But to judge them fairly in this respect,
  we should compare their situation with that of a more civilized
  people. A native of Otaheite goes on board a ship and finds
  himself in the midst of iron bolts, nails, knives, scattered
  about, and is tempted to carry off a few of them. If we could
  suppose a ship from El Dorado to arrive in the Thames, and that
  the custom-house officers, on boarding her, found themselves in
  the midst of bolts, hatchets, chisels, all of solid gold,
  scattered about the deck, one need scarcely say what would be
  likely to happen. If the former found the temptation irresistible
  to supply himself with what was essentially useful&mdash;the
  latter would be as little able to resist that which would
  contribute to the indulgence of his avarice or the gratification
  of his pleasures, or of both.</P>

  <P>Such was the state of this beautiful island and its
  interesting and fascinating natives at the time when Captain
  Wallis first discovered and Lieutenant Cook shortly afterwards
  visited it. What they now are, as described by Captain Beechey,
  it is lamentable to reflect. All their usual and innocent
  amusements have been denounced by the missionaries, and, in lieu
  of them, these poor people have been driven to seek for resources
  in habits of indolence and apathy: that simplicity of character,
  which atoned for many of their faults, has been converted into
  cunning and hypocrisy; and drunkenness, poverty, and disease have
  thinned the island of its former population to a frightful
  degree. By a survey of the first missionaries, and a census of
  the inhabitants, taken in 1797, the population was estimated at
  16,050 souls; Captain Waldegrave, in 1830, states it, on the
  authority of a census also taken by the missionaries, to amount
  only to 5000&mdash;and there is but too much reason to ascribe
  this diminution to praying, psalm-singing, and
  dram-drinking.<A name='FNanchor_3_3' id=
  "FNanchor_3_3"></A><A href='#Footnote_3_3'><SUP>[3]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>The island of Otaheite is in shape two circles united by a low
  and narrow isthmus. The larger circle is named Otaheite
  Moo&eacute;, and is about thirty miles in diameter; the lesser,
  named Tiaraboo, about ten miles in diameter. A belt of low land,
  terminating in numerous valleys, ascending by gentle slopes to
  the central mountain, which is about seven thousand feet high,
  surrounds the larger circle, and the same is the case with the
  smaller circle on a proportionate scale. Down these valleys flow
  streams and rivulets of clear water, and the most luxuriant and
  verdant foliage fills their sides and the hilly ridges that
  separate them, among which were once scattered the smiling
  cottages and little plantations of the natives. All these are now
  destroyed, and the remnant of the population has crept down to
  the flats and swampy ground on the sea shore, completely
  subservient to the seven establishments of missionaries, who have
  taken from them what little trade they used to carry on, to
  possess themselves of it; who have their warehouses, act as
  agents, and monopolize all the cattle on the island&mdash;but, in
  return, they have given them a new religion and a <I>parliament
  (risum teneatis?)</I> and reduced them to a state of complete
  pauperism&mdash;and all, as they say, and probably have so
  persuaded themselves, for the honour of God, and the salvation of
  their souls! How much is such a change brought about by such
  conduct to be deprecated! how lamentable is it to reflect, that
  an island on which Nature has lavished so many of her bounteous
  gifts, with which neither Cyprus nor Cythera, nor the fanciful
  island of Calypso, can compete in splendid and luxuriant
  beauties, should be doomed to such a fate,&mdash;in an
  enlightened age, and by a people that call themselves
  civilized!</P>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='CHAPTER_II' id="CHAPTER_II"></A>

  <H2>CHAPTER II</H2>

  <P>THE BREAD-FRUIT</P>&mdash;The happy shores without a law,<BR>
  <BR>
  <HR style='width: 45%;'>
  <BR>
  <BR>
  Where all partake the earth without dispute,<BR>
  And bread itself is gather'd as a fruit;<BR>
  Where none contest the fields, the woods, the streams:&mdash;<BR>
  The goldless age, where gold disturbs no dreams,<BR>
  Inhabits or inhabited the shore,<BR>
  Till Europe taught them better than before,<BR>
  Bestow'd her customs, and amended theirs,<BR>
  But left her vices also to their heirs. BYRON.<BR>
  <BR>

  <P>In the year 1787, being seventeen years after Cook's return
  from his first voyage, the merchants and planters resident in
  London, and interested in the West India possessions, having
  represented to his Majesty, that the introduction of the
  bread-fruit tree into the islands of those seas, to constitute an
  article of food, would be of very essential benefit to the
  inhabitants, the king was graciously pleased to comply with their
  request; and a vessel was accordingly purchased, and fitted at
  Deptford with the necessary fixtures and preparations, for
  carrying into effect the benevolent object of the voyage. The
  arrangements for disposing the plants were undertaken, and
  completed in a most ingenious and effective manner, by Sir Joseph
  Banks, who superintended the whole equipment of the ship with the
  greatest attention and assiduity till she was in all respects
  ready for sea. He named the ship the <I>Bounty</I>, and
  recommended Lieutenant Bligh, who had been with Captain Cook, to
  command her. Her burden was about two hundred and fifteen tons;
  and her establishment consisted of one lieutenant, who was
  commanding officer, one master, three warrant officers, one
  surgeon, two master's mates, two midshipmen, and thirty-four
  petty officers and seamen, making in all forty-four; to which
  were added two skilful and careful men, recommended by Sir Joseph
  Banks, to have the management of the plants intended to be
  carried to the West Indies, and others to be brought home for his
  Majesty's garden at Kew: one was David Nelson, who had served in
  a similar situation in Captain Cook's last voyage; the other
  William Brown, as an assistant to him.</P>

  <P>The object of all the former voyages to the South Seas,
  undertaken by command of his Majesty George III, was the increase
  of knowledge by new discoveries, and the advancement of science,
  more particularly of natural history and geography: the intention
  of the present voyage was to derive some practical benefit from
  the distant discoveries that had already been made; and no object
  was deemed more likely to realise the expectation of benefit than
  the bread-fruit, which afforded to the natives of Otaheite so
  very considerable a portion of their food, and which it was hoped
  it might also do for the black population of the West India
  Islands. The bread-fruit plant was no new discovery of either
  Wallis or Cook. So early as the year 1688, that excellent old
  navigator, Dampier, thus describes it:&mdash;'The bread-fruit, as
  we call it, grows on a large tree, as big and high as our largest
  apple-trees; it hath a spreading head, full of branches and dark
  leaves. The fruit grows on the boughs like apples; it is as big
  as a penny-loaf, when wheat is at five shillings the bushel; it
  is of a round shape, and hath a thick tough rind; when the fruit
  is ripe it is yellow and soft, and the taste is sweet and
  pleasant. The natives of Guam use it for bread. They gather it,
  when full grown, while it is green and hard; then they bake it in
  an oven, which scorcheth the rind and makes it black, but they
  scrape off the outside black crust, and there remains a tender
  thin crust; and the inside is soft, tender, and white, like the
  crumb of a penny-loaf. There is neither seed nor stone in the
  inside, but all is of a pure substance like bread. It must be
  eaten new; for if it is kept above twenty-four hours, it grows
  harsh and choaky; but it is very pleasant before it is too stale.
  This fruit lasts in season eight months in the year, during which
  the natives eat no other sort of food of bread kind. I did never
  see of this fruit anywhere but here. The natives told us that
  there is plenty of this fruit growing on the rest of the Ladrone
  Islands; and I did never hear of it anywhere else.'</P>

  <P>Lord Anson corroborates this account of the bread-fruit, and
  says that, while at Tinian, it was constantly eaten by his
  officers and ship's company during their two months' stay,
  instead of bread; and so universally preferred, that no ship's
  bread was expended in that whole interval. The only essential
  difference between Dampier's and Cook's description is, where the
  latter says, which is true, that this fruit has a <I>core</I>,
  and that the eatable part lies between the skin and the core.
  Cook says also that its taste is insipid, with a slight
  sweetness, somewhat resembling that of the crumb of wheaten bread
  mixed with a Jerusalem artichoke. From such a description, it is
  not surprising that the West India planters should have felt
  desirous of introducing it into those islands; and accordingly
  the introduction of it was subsequently accomplished,
  notwithstanding the failure of the present voyage; it has not,
  however, been found to answer the expectation that had reasonably
  been entertained. The climate, as to latitude, ought to be the
  same, or nearly so, as that of Otaheite, but there would appear
  to be some difference in the situation or nature of the soil,
  that prevents it from thriving in the West India Islands. At
  Otaheite and on several of the Pacific Islands,</P>The
  bread-tree, which, without the ploughshare yields,<BR>
  The unreap'd harvest of unfurrow'd fields,<BR>
  And bakes its unadulterated loaves<BR>
  Without a furnace in unpurchased groves,<BR>
  And flings off famine from its fertile breast,<BR>
  A priceless market for the gathering guest&mdash;<BR>

  <P>is to the natives of those islands a most invaluable gift, but
  it has not been found to yield similar benefits to the West India
  Islands.</P>

  <P>On the 23rd December, 1787, the <I>Bounty</I> sailed from
  Spithead, and on the 26th it blew a severe storm of wind from the
  eastward, which continued to the 29th, in the course of which the
  ship suffered greatly. One sea broke away the spare-yards and
  spars out of the starboard main-chains. Another heavy sea broke
  into the ship and stove all the boats. Several casks of beer that
  had been lashed upon deck, were broke loose and washed overboard;
  and it was not without great difficulty and risk that they were
  able to secure the boats from being washed away entirely. Besides
  other mischief done to them in this storm, a large quantity of
  bread was damaged and rendered useless, for the sea had stove in
  the stern and filled the cabin with water.</P>

  <P>This made it desirable to touch at Teneriffe to put the ship
  to rights, where they arrived on the 5th January, 1788, and
  having refitted and refreshed, they sailed again on the 10th.</P>

  <P>'I now,' says Bligh, 'divided the people into three watches,
  and gave the charge of the third watch to Mr. Fletcher Christian,
  one of the mates. I have always considered this a desirable
  regulation when circumstances will admit of it, and I am
  persuaded that unbroken rest not only contributes much towards
  the health of the ship's company, but enables them more readily
  to exert themselves in cases of sudden emergency.'</P>

  <P>Wishing to proceed to Otaheite without stopping, and the late
  storm having diminished their supply of provisions, it was deemed
  expedient to put all hands on an allowance of two-thirds of
  bread. It was also decided that water for drinking should be
  passed through filtering stones that had been procured at
  Teneriffe. 'I now,' says Bligh, 'made the ship's company
  acquainted with the object of the voyage, and gave assurances of
  the certainty of promotion to every one whose endeavours should
  merit it.' Nothing, indeed, seemed to be neglected on the part of
  the commander to make his officers and men comfortable and happy.
  He was himself a thorough-bred sailor, and availed himself of
  every possible means of preserving the health of his crew.
  Continued rain and a close atmosphere had covered everything in
  the ship with mildew. She was therefore aired below with fires,
  and frequently sprinkled with vinegar, and every interval of dry
  weather was taken advantage of to open all the hatchways, and
  clean the ship, and to have all the people's wet things washed
  and dried. With these precautions to secure health, they passed
  the hazy and sultry atmosphere of the low latitudes without a
  single complaint.</P>

  <P>On Sunday, the 2nd of March, Lieutenant Bligh observes, 'after
  seeing that every person was clean, Divine service was performed,
  according to my usual custom. On this day I gave to Mr. Fletcher
  Christian, whom I had before desired to take charge of the third
  watch, a written order to act as lieutenant.'</P>

  <P>Having reached as far as the latitude of 36 degrees south, on
  the 9th March, 'the change of temperature,' he observes, 'began
  now to be sensibly felt, there being a variation in the
  thermometer, since yesterday, of eight degrees. That the people
  might not suffer by their own negligence, I gave orders for their
  light tropical clothing to be put by, and made them dress in a
  manner more suited to a cold climate. I had provided for this
  before I left England, by giving directions for such clothes to
  be purchased as would be found necessary. On this day, on a
  complaint of the master, I found it necessary to punish Matthew
  Quintal, one of the seamen, with two dozen lashes, for insolence
  and mutinous behaviour. Before this I had not had occasion to
  punish any person on board.'</P>

  <P>The sight of New Year's Harbour, in Staaten Land, almost
  tempted him, he says, to put in; but the lateness of the season,
  and the people being in good health, determined him to lay aside
  all thoughts of refreshment until they should reach Otaheite.
  Indeed the extraordinary care he had taken to preserve the health
  of the ship's company rendered any delay in this cold and
  inhospitable region unnecessary.</P>

  <P>They soon after this had to encounter tremendous weather off
  Cape Horn, storms of wind, with hail and sleet, which made it
  necessary to keep a constant fire night and day; and one of the
  watch always attended to dry the people's wet clothes. This
  stormy weather continued for nine days; the ship began to
  complain, and required pumping every hour; the decks became so
  leaky that the commander was obliged to allot the great cabin to
  those who had wet berths, to hang their hammocks in. Finding they
  were losing ground every day, and that it was hopeless to persist
  in attempting a passage by this route, at this season of the
  year, to the Society Islands, and after struggling for thirty
  days in this tempestuous ocean, it was determined to bear away
  for the Cape of Good Hope. The helm was accordingly put
  a-weather, to the great joy of every person on board.</P>

  <P>They arrived at the Cape on the 23rd of May, and having
  remained there thirty-eight days to refit the ship, replenish
  provisions, and refresh the crew, they sailed again on the 1st
  July, and anchored in Adventure Bay, in Van Diemen's Land, on the
  20th August. Here they remained taking in wood and water till the
  4th September, and on the evening of the 25th October they saw
  Otaheite; and the next day came to anchor in Matavai Bay, after a
  distance which the ship had run over, by the log, since leaving
  England, of twenty-seven thousand and eighty-six miles, being on
  an average one hundred and eight miles each twenty-four hours. Of
  their proceedings in Otaheite a short abstract from Bligh's
  Journal will suffice.</P>

  <P>Many inquiries were made by the natives after Captain Cook,
  Sir Joseph Banks, and others of their former friends. 'One of my
  first questions,' says Bligh, 'was after our friend Omai; and it
  was a sensible mortification and disappointment to me to hear,
  that not only Omai, but both the New Zealand boys who had been
  left with him, were dead. There appeared among the natives in
  general great good-will towards us, and they seemed to be much
  rejoiced at our arrival. The whole day we experienced no instance
  of dishonesty; and we were so much crowded, that I could not
  undertake to remove to a more proper station, without danger of
  disobliging our visitors, by desiring them to leave the
  ship.'</P>

  <P>Otoo, the chief of the district, on hearing of the arrival of
  the <I>Bounty</I>, sent a small pig and a young plantain tree, as
  a token of friendship. The ship was now plentifully supplied with
  provisions; every man on board having as much as he could
  consume.</P>

  <P>As soon as the ship was secured, Lieutenant Bligh went on
  shore with the chief, Poeeno, passing through a walk delightfully
  shaded with bread-fruit trees, to his own house, where his wife
  and her sister were busily employed staining a piece of cloth
  red. They desired him to sit down on a mat, and with great
  kindness offered him refreshments. Several strangers were now
  introduced, who came to offer their congratulations, and behaved
  with great decorum and attention. On taking leave, he says, 'the
  ladies, for they deserve to be called such from their natural and
  unaffected manners, and elegance of deportment, got up, and
  taking some of their finest cloth and a mat, clothed me in the
  Otaheitan fashion, and then said, "We will go with you to your
  boat;" and each taking me by the hand, amidst a great crowd, led
  me to the water side, and then took their leave.' In this day's
  walk, Bligh had the satisfaction to see that the island had
  received some benefit from the former visits of Captain Cook. Two
  shaddocks were brought to him, a fruit which they had not till
  Cook introduced it; and among the articles which they brought off
  to the ship, and offered for sale, were capsicums, pumpkins, and
  two young goats. In the course of two or three days,' says he,
  'an intimacy between the natives and the ship's company was
  become so general, that there was scarcely a man in the ship who
  had not already his <I>tayo</I> or friend.'</P>

  <P>Nelson, the gardener, and his assistant, being sent out to
  look for young plants, it was no small degree of pleasure to find
  them report on their return, that, according to appearances, the
  object of the voyage would probably be accomplished with ease;
  the plants were plentiful, and no apparent objection on the part
  of the natives to collect as many as might be wanted. Nelson had
  the gratification to meet with two fine shaddock trees which he
  had planted in 1777, and which were now full of fruit, but not
  ripe.</P>

  <P>Presents were now given to Otoo, the Chief of Matavai, who had
  changed his name to Tinah. He was told that, on account of the
  kindness of his people to Captain Cook, and from a desire to
  serve him and his country; King George had sent out those
  valuable presents to him; and 'will you not, Tinah,' said Bligh,
  'send something to King George in return?' 'Yes,' he said, 'I
  will send him anything I have;' and then began to enumerate the
  different articles in his power, among which he mentioned the
  bread-fruit. This was the exact point to which Bligh was
  endeavouring to lead him, and he was immediately told that the
  bread-fruit trees were what King George would like very much, on
  which he promised that a great many should be put on board.</P>

  <P>Hitherto no thefts had been committed, and Bligh was
  congratulating himself on the improvement of the Otaheitans in
  this respect, as the same facilities and the same temptations
  were open to them as before. The ship, as on former occasions,
  was constantly crowded with visitors. One day, however, the
  gudgeon of the rudder belonging to the large cutter was drawn out
  and stolen, without being perceived by the man who was stationed
  to take care of her; and as this and some other petty thefts,
  mostly owing to the negligence of the men, were commencing, and
  would have a tendency to interrupt the good terms on which they
  were with the chiefs, 'I thought,' says Bligh, 'it would have a
  good effect to punish the boat-keeper in their presence, and
  accordingly I ordered him a dozen lashes. All who attended the
  punishment interceded very earnestly to get it mitigated: the
  women shewed great sympathy, and that degree of feeling which
  characterizes the amiable part of their sex.'</P>

  <P>The longer they remained on the island, the more they had
  occasion to be pleased with the conduct of the islanders, and the
  less incommoded either on board or when on shore, by the natives
  following them as at first. Into every house they wished to
  enter, they always experienced a kind reception. The Otaheitans,
  we are told, have the most perfect easiness of manner, equally
  free from forwardness and formality; and that 'there is a candour
  and sincerity about them that is quite delightful.' When they
  offer refreshments, for instance, if they are not accepted, they
  do not think of offering them a second time; for they have not
  the least idea of that ceremonious kind of refusal which expects
  a second invitation. 'Having one day,' says Bligh, 'exposed
  myself too much in the sun, I was taken ill, on which all the
  powerful people, both men and women, collected round me, offering
  their assistance. For this short illness I was made ample amends
  by the pleasure I received from the attention and appearance of
  affection in these kind people.'</P>

  <P>On one occasion the <I>Bounty</I> had nearly gone ashore in a
  tremendous gale of wind, and on another did actually get aground;
  on both which accidents, these kind-hearted people came in crowds
  to congratulate the captain on her escape; and many of them are
  stated to have been affected in the most lively manner, shedding
  tears while the danger in which the ship was placed
  continued.</P>

  <P>On the 9th December, the surgeon of the <I>Bounty</I> died
  from the effects of intemperance and indolence. This unfortunate
  man is represented to have been in a constant state of
  intoxication, and was so averse from any kind of exercise, that
  he never could be prevailed on to take half a dozen hours upon
  deck at a time in the whole course of the voyage. Lieutenant
  Bligh had obtained permission to bury him on shore; and on going
  with the chief Tinah to the spot intended for his burial place,
  'I found,' says he, 'the natives had already begun to dig his
  grave.' Tinah asked if they were doing it right? 'There,' says
  he, 'the sun rises, and there it sets.' Whether the idea of
  making the grave east and west is their own, or whether they
  learnt it from the Spaniards, who buried the captain of their
  ship on the island in 1774, there were no means of ascertaining;
  but it was certain they had no intimation of that kind from
  anybody belonging to the <I>Bounty.</I> When the funeral took
  place, the chiefs and many of the natives attended the ceremony,
  and shewed great attention during the service. Many of the
  principal natives attended divine service on Sundays, and behaved
  with great decency. Some of the women at one time betrayed an
  inclination to laugh at the general responses; but, the captain
  says, on looking at them they appeared much ashamed.</P>

  <P>The border of low land, which is of the breadth of about three
  miles, between the sea-coast and the foot of the hills, consists
  of a very delightful country, well covered with bread-fruit and
  cocoa-trees, and strewed with houses in which are swarms of
  children playing about. 'It is delightful,' Bligh observes, 'to
  see the swarms of little children that are every where to be seen
  employed at their several amusements; some flying kites, some
  swinging in ropes suspended from the boughs of trees, others
  walking on stilts, some wrestling, and others playing all manner
  of antic tricks such as are common to boys in England. The little
  girls have also their amusements, consisting generally of heivahs
  or dances. On an evening, just before sunset the whole beach
  abreast the ship is described as being like a parade, crowded
  with men, women, and children, who go on with their sports and
  amusements till nearly dark, when every one peaceably returns to
  his home. At such times, we are told, from three to four hundred
  people are assembled together, and all happily diverted, good
  humoured, and affectionate to one another, without a single
  quarrel having ever happened to disturb the harmony that existed
  among these amiable people. Both boys and girls are said to be
  handsome and very sprightly.</P>

  <P>It did not appear that much pains were taken in their
  plantations, except those of the ava and the cloth-plant; many of
  the latter are fenced with stone, and surrounded with a ditch. In
  fact, Nature has done so much for them, that they have no great
  occasion to use exertion in obtaining a sufficient supply of
  either food or raiment. Yet when Bligh commenced taking up the
  bread-fruit plants, he derived much assistance from the natives
  in collecting and pruning them, which they understood perfectly
  well.</P>

  <P>The behaviour of these people on all occasions was highly
  deserving of praise. One morning, at the relief of the watch, the
  small cutter was missing. The ship's company were immediately
  mustered, when it appeared that three men were absent. They had
  taken with them eight stand of arms and ammunition; but what
  their plan was, or which way they had gone, no one on board
  seemed to have the least knowledge. Information being given of
  the route they had taken, the master was dispatched to search for
  the cutter, and one of the chiefs went with him; but before they
  had got half way, they met the boat with five of the natives, who
  were bringing her back to the ship. For this service they were
  handsomely rewarded. The chiefs promised to use every possible
  means to detect and bring back the deserters, which, in a few
  days, some of the islanders had so far accomplished as to seize
  and bind them, but let them loose again on a promise that they
  would return to their ship, which they did not exactly fulfil,
  but gave themselves up soon after on a search being made for
  them.</P>

  <P>A few days after this, a much more serious occurrence
  happened, that was calculated to give to the commander great
  concern. The wind had blown fresh in the night, and at daylight
  it was discovered that the cable, by which the ship rode, had
  been cut near the water's edge, in such a manner, that only one
  strand remained whole. While they were securing the ship, Tinah
  came on board; and though there was no reason whatever to suppose
  otherwise than that he was perfectly innocent of the transaction,
  nevertheless, says the commander, 'I spoke to him in a very
  peremptory manner, and insisted upon his discovering and bringing
  to me the offender. He promised to use his utmost endeavours to
  discover the guilty person. The next morning he and his wife came
  to me, and assured me that they had made the strictest inquiries
  without success. This was not at all satisfactory, and I behaved
  towards them with great coolness, at which they were much
  distressed; and the lady at length gave vent to her sorrow by
  tears. I could no longer keep up the appearance of mistrusting
  them, but I earnestly recommended to them, as they valued the
  King of England's friendship, that they would exert their utmost
  endeavours to find out the offenders, which they faithfully
  promised to do.'</P>

  <P>Here Bligh observes, it had since occurred to him, that this
  attempt to cut the ship adrift was most probably the act of some
  of his own people; whose purpose of remaining at Otaheite might
  have been effectually answered without danger, if the ship had
  been driven on shore. At the time it occurred, he says, he
  entertained not the least thought of this kind, nor did the
  possibility of it enter into his ideas, having no suspicion that
  so general an indication, or so strong an attachment to these
  islands, could prevail among his people, as to induce them to
  abandon every prospect of returning to their native country.</P>

  <P>This after-thought of Bligh will appear in the sequel to be
  wholly gratuitous, and yet he might naturally enough have
  concluded that so long and unrestrained an intercourse with a
  people among whom every man had his <I>tayo</I> or friend; among
  whom every man was free to indulge every wish of his heart;
  where, from the moment he set his foot on shore, he found himself
  surrounded by female allurements in the midst of ease and
  indolence, and living in a state of luxury without submitting to
  any kind of labour&mdash;such enticements to a common sailor
  might naturally enough be supposed to create a desire for a
  longer residence in such a country; but this supposition is not
  borne out by subsequent events. The damage done to the cable was,
  in all probability, owing to its chafing over the rocky
  bottom.</P>

  <P>The <I>Bounty</I> arrived on the 26th October, 1788, and
  remained till the 4th April, 1789. On the 31st March, the
  Commander says, 'To-day, all the plants were on board, being in
  seven hundred and seventy-four pots, thirty-nine tubs, and
  twenty-four boxes. The number of bread-fruit plants were one
  thousand and fifteen; besides which, we had collected a number of
  other plants: the <I>avee</I>, which is one of the finest
  flavoured fruits in the world; the <I>ayyah</I>, which is a fruit
  not so rich, but of a fine flavour and very refreshing; the
  <I>rattah</I>, not much unlike a chestnut, which grows on a large
  tree in great quantities; they are singly in large pods, from one
  to two inches broad, and may be eaten raw, or boiled in the same
  manner as Windsor beans, and so dressed are equally good; the
  <I>orai-ab</I>, which is a very superior kind of plantain. All
  these I was particularly recommended to collect, by my worthy
  friend Sir Joseph Banks.'</P>

  <P>While these active preparations for departure were going on,
  the good chief Tinah, on bringing a present for King George,
  could not refrain from shedding tears. During the remainder of
  their stay, there appeared among the natives an evident degree of
  sorrow that they were so soon to leave them, which they showed by
  a more than usual degree of kindness and attention. The
  above-mentioned excellent chief, with his wife, brothers, and
  sister, requested permission to remain on board for the night
  previous to the sailing of the <I>Bounty</I>. The ship was
  crowded the whole day with the natives, and she was loaded with
  presents of cocoa-nuts, plantains, bread-fruits, hogs, and goats.
  Contrary to what had been the usual practice, there was this
  evening no dancing or mirth on the beach, such as they had long
  been accustomed to, but all was silent.</P>

  <P>At sunset, the boat returned from landing Tinah and his wife,
  and the ship made sail, bidding farewell to Otaheite, where,
  Bligh observes, 'for twenty-three weeks we had been treated with
  the utmost affection and regard, and which seemed to increase in
  proportion to our stay. That we were not insensible to their
  kindness, the events which followed more than sufficiently prove;
  for to the friendly and endearing behaviour of these people, may
  be ascribed the motives for that event which effected the ruin of
  an expedition, that there was every reason to hope would have
  been completed in the most fortunate manner.'</P>

  <P>The morning after their departure, they got sight of Huaheine;
  and a double canoe soon coming alongside, containing ten natives,
  among them was a young man who recollected Captain Bligh, and
  called him by name; having known him when here in the year 1780,
  with Captain Cook in the <I>Resolution</I>. Several other canoes
  arrived with hogs, yams, and other provisions, which they
  purchased. This person confirmed, the account that had already
  been received of Omai, and said that, of all the animals which
  had been left with Omai, the mare only remained alive; that the
  seeds and plants had been all destroyed, except one tree: but of
  what kind that was, he could not satisfactorily explain. A few
  days after sailing from this island, the weather became squally,
  and a thick body of black clouds collected in the east. A
  water-spout was in a short time seen at no great distance from
  the ship, which appeared to great advantage from the darkness of
  the clouds behind it. The upper part is described as being about
  two feet in diameter; and the lower about eight inches. It
  advanced rapidly towards the ship, when it was deemed expedient
  to alter the course, and to take in all the sails, except the
  foresail; soon after which it passed within ten yards of the
  stern, making a rustling noise, but without their feeling the
  least effect from its being so near. The rate at which it
  travelled was judged to be about ten miles per hour, going
  towards the west, in the direction of the wind; and in a quarter
  of an hour after passing the ship, it dispersed. As they passed
  several low islands, the natives of one of them came out in their
  canoes, and it was observed that they all spoke the language of
  Otaheite. Presents of iron, beads, and a looking-glass were given
  to them; but it was observed that the chief, on leaving the ship,
  took possession of everything that had been distributed. One of
  them showed some signs of dissatisfaction; but after a little
  altercation they joined noses and were reconciled.</P>

  <P>The <I>Bounty</I> anchored at Anamooka on the 23rd April; and
  an old lame man, named Tepa, whom Bligh had known here in 1777,
  and immediately recollected, came on board along with others from
  different islands in the vicinity. This man having formerly been
  accustomed to the English manner of speaking their language, the
  Commander found he could converse with him tolerably well. He
  told him that the cattle which had been left at Tongataboo had
  all bred, and that the old ones were yet living. Being desirous
  of seeing the ship, he and his companions were taken below, and
  the bread-fruit and other plants were shown to them, on seeing
  which they were greatly surprised.</P>

  <P>'I landed,' says Bligh, 'in order to procure some bread-fruit
  plants to supply the place of one that was dead, and two or three
  others that were a little sickly. I walked to the west part of
  the bay, where some plants and seeds had been sown by Captain
  Cook; and had the satisfaction to see, in a plantation close by,
  about twenty fine pineapple plants, but no fruit, this not being
  the proper season. They told me that they had eaten many of them,
  that they were very fine and large, and that at Tongataboo there
  were great numbers.'</P>

  <P>Numerous were the marks of mourning with which these people
  disfigure themselves, such as bloody temples, their heads
  deprived of most of the hair, and, which was worse, almost all of
  them with the loss of some of their fingers. Several fine boys,
  not above six years of age, had lost both their little fingers;
  and some of the men had parted with the middle finger of the
  right hand.</P>

  <P>A brisk trade soon began to be carried on for yams; some
  plantains and bread-fruit were likewise brought on board, but no
  hogs. Some of the sailing canoes, which arrived in the course of
  the day, were large enough to contain not less than ninety
  passengers. From these the officers and crew purchased hogs,
  dogs, fowls, and shaddocks; yams, very fine and large; one of
  them actually weighed above forty-five pounds. The crowd of
  natives had become so great the next day, Sunday 26th, that it
  became impossible to do anything. The watering party were
  therefore ordered to go on board, and it was determined to sail;
  the ship was accordingly unmoored and got under weigh. A grapnel,
  however, had been stolen, and Bligh informed the chiefs that were
  still on board, that unless it was returned, they must remain in
  the ship, at which they were surprised and not a little alarmed.
  'I detained them,' he says, 'till sunset, when their uneasiness
  and impatience increased to such a degree, that they began to
  beat themselves about the face and eyes, and some of them cried
  bitterly. As this distress was more than the grapnel was worth, I
  could not think of detaining them longer, and called their canoes
  alongside. I told them they were at liberty to go, and made each
  of them a present of a hatchet, a saw, with some knives, gimlets,
  and nails. This unexpected present, and the sudden change in
  their situation, affected them not less with joy than they had
  before been with apprehension. They were unbounded in their
  acknowledgements; and I have little doubt but that we parted
  better friends than if the affair had never happened.'</P>

  <P>From this island the ship stood to the northward all night,
  with light winds; and on the next day, the 27th, at noon, they
  were between the islands Tofoa and Kotoo.</P>

  <P>'Thus far,' says Bligh, 'the voyage had advanced in a course
  of uninterrupted prosperity, and had been attended with many
  circumstances equally pleasing and satisfactory. A very different
  scene was now to be experienced. A conspiracy had been formed,
  which was to render all our past labour productive only of
  extreme misery and distress. The means had been concerted and
  prepared with so much secrecy and circumspection, that no one
  circumstance appeared to occasion the smallest suspicion of the
  impending calamity, the result of an act of piracy the most
  consummate and atrocious that was probably ever committed.'</P>

  <P>How far Bligh was justified in ascribing the calamity to a
  conspiracy will be seen hereafter. The following chapter will
  detail the facts of the mutinous proceedings as stated by the
  Lieutenant, in his own words.</P>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='CHAPTER_III' id="CHAPTER_III"></A>

  <H2>CHAPTER III</H2>

  <P>THE MUTINY</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>That,&mdash;Captain Bligh,&mdash;that is the thing;&mdash;I
    am in hell!&mdash;I am in hell!&mdash;FLETCHER CHRISTIAN.</P>
  </DIV>&mdash;Horror and doubt distract<BR>
  His troubled thoughts, and from the bottom stir<BR>
  The hell within him; for within him hell<BR>
  He brings, and round about him, nor from hell<BR>
  One step no more than from himself can fly<BR>
  By change of place; now conscience wakes despair<BR>
  That slumber'd, wakes the bitter memory<BR>
  Of what he was, what is, and what must be<BR>
  Worse; of worse deeds worse sufferings must ensue.<BR>
  <BR>

  <P>'In the morning of the 28th April, the north-westernmost of
  the Friendly Islands, called Tofoa, bearing north-east, I was
  steering to the westward with a ship in most perfect order, all
  my plants in a most flourishing condition, all my men and
  officers in good health, and in short, everything to flatter and
  insure my most sanguine expectations. On leaving the deck I gave
  directions for the course to be steered during the night. The
  master had the first watch; the gunner, the middle watch; and Mr.
  Christian, the morning watch. This was the turn of duty for the
  night.</P>

  <P>'Just before sun-rising on Tuesday the 28th, while I was yet
  asleep, Mr. Christian, officer of the watch, Charles Churchill,
  ship's corporal, John Mills, gunner's mate, and Thomas Burkitt,
  seaman, came into my cabin, and seizing me, tied my hands with a
  cord behind my back, threatening me with instant death if I spoke
  or made the least noise. I called, however, as loud as I could in
  hopes of assistance; but they had already secured the officers
  who were not of their party, by placing sentinels at their doors.
  There were three men at my cabin door, besides the four within;
  Christian had only a cutlass in his hand, the others had muskets
  and bayonets. I was hauled out of bed, and forced on deck in my
  shirt, suffering great pain from the tightness with which they
  had tied my hands<A name='FNanchor_4_4' id=
  "FNanchor_4_4"></A><A href='#Footnote_4_4'><SUP>[4]</SUP></A>
  [behind my back, held by Fletcher Christian, and Charles
  Churchill, with a bayonet at my breast, and two men, Alexander
  Smith and Thomas Burkitt behind me, with loaded muskets cocked
  and bayonets fixed]. I demanded the reason of such violence, but
  received no other answer than abuse, for not holding my tongue.
  The master, the gunner, Mr. Elphinstone, the master's mate, and
  Nelson, were kept confined below; and the fore-hatchway was
  guarded by sentinels. The boatswain and carpenter, and also Mr.
  Samuel the clerk, were allowed to come upon deck, where they saw
  me standing abaft the mizen-mast, with my hands tied behind my
  back, under a guard, with Christian at their head. The boatswain
  was ordered to hoist the launch out, with a threat, if he did not
  do it instantly, to take care of himself.</P>

  <P>'When the boat was out, Mr. Hayward and Mr. Hallet, two of the
  midshipmen, and Mr. Samuel, were ordered into it. I demanded what
  their intention Was in giving this order, and endeavoured to
  persuade the people near me not to persist in such acts of
  violence; but it was to no effect&mdash;"Hold your tongue, Sir,
  or you are dead this instant," was constantly repeated to me.</P>

  <P>'The master by this time had sent to request that he might
  come on deck, which was permitted; but he was soon ordered back
  again to his cabin.</P>

  <P>'[When I exerted myself in speaking loud, to try if I could
  rally any with a sense of duty in them, I was saluted
  with&mdash;"d&mdash;n his eyes, the&mdash;&mdash;, blow his
  brains out"; while Christian was threatening me with instant
  death, if I did not hold my tongue.]</P>

  <P>'I continued my endeavours to turn the tide of affairs, when
  Christian changed the cutlass which he had in his hand for a
  bayonet that was brought to him, and holding me with a strong
  grip by the cord that tied my hands, he threatened, with many
  oaths, to kill me immediately, if I would not be quiet; the
  villains round me had their pieces cocked and bayonets fixed.
  Particular persons were called on to go into the boat and were
  hurried over the side; whence I concluded that with these people
  I was to be set adrift. I therefore made another effort to bring
  about a change, but with no other effect than to be threatened
  with having my brains blown out.</P>

  <P>The boatswain and seamen who were to go in the boat, were
  allowed to collect twine, canvas, lines, sails, cordage, an
  eight-and-twenty gallon cask of water; and Mr. Samuel got one
  hundred and fifty pounds of bread, with a small quantity of rum
  and wine, also a quadrant and compass; but he was forbidden, on
  pain of death, to touch either map, ephemeris, book of
  astronomical observations, sextant, timekeeper, or any of my
  surveys or drawings.</P>

  <P>'The mutineers having forced those of the seamen whom they
  meant to get rid of into the boat, Christian directed a dram to
  be served to each of his own crew. I then unhappily saw that
  nothing could be done to effect the recovery of the ship: there
  was no one to assist me, and every endeavour on my part was
  answered with threats of death.</P>

  <P>'The officers were next called upon deck, and forced over the
  side into the boat, while I was kept apart from every one, abaft
  the mizen-mast; Christian, armed with a bayonet, holding me by
  the bandage that secured my hands. The guard round me had their
  pieces cocked, but on my daring the ungrateful wretches to fire,
  they uncocked them.</P>

  <P>'Isaac Martin, one of the guard over me, I saw had an
  inclination to assist me, and as he fed me with shaddock (my lips
  being quite parched) we explained our wishes to each other by our
  looks; but this being observed, Martin was removed from me. He
  then attempted to leave the ship, for which purpose he got into
  the boat; but with many threats they obliged him to return.</P>

  <P>'The armourer, Joseph Coleman, and two of the carpenters,
  M'Intosh and Norman, were also kept, contrary to their
  inclination; and they begged of me, after I was astern in the
  boat, to remember that they declared they had no hand in the
  transaction. Michael Byrne, I am told, likewise wanted to leave
  the ship.</P>

  <P>'It is of no moment for me to recount my endeavours to bring
  back the offenders to a sense of their duty; all I could do was
  by speaking to them in general; but it was to no purpose, for I
  was kept securely bound, and no one except the guard suffered to
  come near me.</P>

  <P>'To Mr. Samuel (clerk) I am indebted for securing my journals
  and commission, with some material ship papers. Without these I
  had nothing to certify what I had done, and my honour and
  character might have been suspected, without my possessing a
  proper document to have defended them. All this he did with great
  resolution, though guarded and strictly watched. He attempted to
  save the timekeeper, and a box with my surveys, drawings, and
  remarks, for fifteen years past, which were numerous; when he was
  hurried away with "D&mdash;n your eyes, you are well off to get
  what you have."</P>

  <P>It appeared to me that Christian was some time in doubt
  whether he should keep the carpenter, or his mates; at length he
  determined on the latter, and the carpenter was ordered into the
  boat. He was permitted, but not without some opposition, to take
  his tool-chest.</P>

  <P>'Much altercation took place among the mutinous crew during
  the whole business: some swore "I'll be d&mdash;&mdash; d if he
  does not find his way home, if he gets anything with him"; and
  when the carpenter's chest was carrying away, "D&mdash;&mdash; n
  my eyes, he will have a vessel built in a month"; while others
  laughed at the helpless situation of the boat, being very deep,
  and so little room for those who were in her. As for Christian,
  he seemed as if meditating destruction on himself and every one
  else.</P>

  <P>'I asked for arms, but they laughed at me, and said I was well
  acquainted with the people among whom I was going, and therefore
  did not want them; four cutlasses, however, were thrown into the
  boat, after we were veered astern.</P>

  <P>'The officers and men being in the boat, they only waited for
  me, of which the master-at-arms informed Christian; who then
  said&mdash;"Come, Captain Bligh, your officers and men are now in
  the boat, and you must go with them; if you attempt to make the
  least resistance, you will instantly be put to death"; and
  without further ceremony, with a tribe of armed ruffians about
  me, I was forced over the side, when they untied my hands. Being
  in the boat, we were veered astern by a rope, a few pieces of
  pork were thrown to us, and some clothes, also the cutlasses I
  have already mentioned; and it was then that the armourer and
  carpenters called out to me to remember that they had no hand in
  the transaction. After having undergone a great deal of ridicule,
  and been kept for some time to make sport for these unfeeling
  wretches, we were at length cast adrift in the open ocean.</P>

  <P>'I had with me in the boat the following persons:</P>Names.
  Stations.<BR>
  <BR>
  JOHN FRYER Master.<BR>
  THOMAS LEDWAKD Acting Surgeon.<BR>
  DAVID NELSON Botanist.<BR>
  WILLIAM PECKOVER Gunner.<BR>
  WILLIAM COLE Boatswain.<BR>
  WILLIAM PURCELL Carpenter.<BR>
  WILLIAM ELPHINSTONE Master's Mate.<BR>
  THOMAS HAYWARD } Midshipman.<BR>
  JOHN HALLET } do.<BR>
  JOHN NORTON } Quarter-Master.<BR>
  PETER LENKLETTER } do.<BR>
  LAWRENCE LEBOGUE Sailmaker.<BR>
  JOHN SMITH } Cook.<BR>
  THOMAS HALL } do.<BR>
  GEORGE SIMPSON Quarter-Master's Mate.<BR>
  ROBERT TINKLER A boy.<BR>
  ROBERT LAMB Butcher.<BR>
  MR. SAMUEL Clerk.<BR>
  <BR>
  In all eighteen.<BR>
  <BR>
  'There remained in the <I>Bounty</I>:<BR>
  <BR>
  Names. Stations.<BR>
  <BR>
  FLETCHER CHRISTIAN Master's Mate.<BR>
  PETER HEYWOOD } Midshipman.<BR>
  EDWARD YOUNG } Midshipman.<BR>
  GEORGE STEWART } Midshipman.<BR>
  CHARLES CHURCHILL Master-at-Arms.<BR>
  JOHN MILLS Gunner's Mate.<BR>
  JAMES MORRISON Boatswain's Mate.<BR>
  THOMAS BURKITT } Able Seaman.<BR>
  MATTHEW QUINTAL } do.<BR>
  JOHN SUMNER } do.<BR>
  JOHN MILLWARD } do.<BR>
  WILLIAM M'KOY } do.<BR>
  HENRY HILLBRANT } do.<BR>
  MICHAEL BYRNE } do.<BR>
  WILLIAM MUSPRATT } do.<BR>
  ALEXANDER SMITH } do.<BR>
  JOHN WILLIAMS } do.<BR>
  THOMAS ELLISON } do.<BR>
  ISAAC MARTIN } do.<BR>
  RICHARD SKINNER } do.<BR>
  MATTHEW THOMPSON } do.<BR>
  WILLIAM BROWN Gardener.<BR>
  JOSEPH COLEMAN Armourer.<BR>
  CHARLES NORMAN Carpenter's Mate.<BR>
  THOMAS M'INTOSH Carpenter's Crew.<BR>
  <BR>
  In all twenty-five&mdash;and the most able of the ship's
  company.<BR>

  <P>'Christian, the chief of the mutineers, is of a respectable
  family in the North of England. This was the third voyage he had
  made with me; and as I found it necessary to keep my ship's
  company at three watches, I had given him an order to take charge
  of the third, his abilities being thoroughly equal to the task;
  and by this means the master and gunner were not at watch and
  watch.</P>

  <P>'Heywood is also of a respectable family in the North of
  England,<A name='FNanchor_5_5' id="FNanchor_5_5"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_5_5'><SUP>[5]</SUP></A> and a young man of abilities
  as well as Christian. These two had been objects of my particular
  regard and attention, and I had taken great pains to instruct
  them, having entertained hopes that, as professional men, they
  would have become a credit to their country.</P>

  <P>'Young was well recommended, and had the look of an able,
  stout seaman; he, however, fell short of what his appearance
  promised. [In the account sent home he is thus described: Edward
  Young, midshipman, aged twenty-two years. Dark complexion and
  rather a bad look&mdash;strong made&mdash;has lost several of his
  fore teeth, and those that remain are all rotten.]</P>

  <P>'Stewart was a young man of creditable parents in the Orkneys;
  at which place, on the return of the <I>Resolution</I> from the
  South Seas, in 1780, we received so many civilities that, on that
  account only, I should gladly have taken him with me: but,
  independent of this recommendation, he was a seaman, and had
  always borne a good character.</P>

  <P>'Notwithstanding the roughness with which I was treated, the
  remembrance of past kindnesses produced some signs of remorse in
  Christian. When they were forcing me out of the ship, I asked him
  if this treatment was a proper return for the many instances he
  had received of my friendship? he appeared disturbed at my
  question, and answered with much emotion, "That,&mdash;Captain
  Bligh,&mdash;that is the thing;&mdash;I am in hell,&mdash;I am in
  hell!"</P>

  <P>'As soon as I had time to reflect, I felt an inward
  satisfaction, which prevented any depression of my spirits:
  conscious of my integrity, and anxious solicitude for the good of
  the service in which I had been engaged, I found my mind
  wonderfully supported, and I began to conceive hopes,
  notwithstanding so heavy a calamity, that I should one day be
  able to account to my king and country for the misfortune. A few
  hours before my situation had been peculiarly flattering. I had a
  ship in the most perfect order, and well stored with every
  necessary both for service and health; by early attention to
  those particulars I had, as much as lay in my power, provided
  against any accident in case I could not get through Endeavour
  Straits, as well as against what might befall me in them; add to
  this, the plants had been successfully preserved in the most
  flourishing state: so that, upon the whole, the voyage was
  two-thirds completed, and the remaining part, to all appearance,
  in a very promising way; every person on board being in perfect
  health, to establish which was ever amongst the principal objects
  of my attention.</P>

  <P>'It will very naturally be asked, what could be the reason for
  such a revolt? In answer to which I can only conjecture that the
  mutineers had flattered themselves with the hopes of a more happy
  life among the Otaheitans than they could possibly enjoy in
  England; and this, joined to some female connexions, most
  probably occasioned the whole transaction. The ship, indeed,
  while within our sight, steered to the W.N.W., but I considered
  this only as a feint; for when we were sent away,&mdash;"Huzza
  for Otaheite!"&mdash;was frequently heard among the
  mutineers.</P>

  <P>'The women of Otaheite are handsome, mild, and cheerful in
  their manners and conversation, possessed of great sensibility,
  and have sufficient delicacy to make them admired and beloved.
  The chiefs were so much attached to our people, that they rather
  encouraged their stay among them than otherwise, and even made
  them promises of large possessions. Under these and many other
  attendant circumstances, equally desirable, it is now perhaps not
  so much to be wondered at, though scarcely possible to have been
  foreseen, that a set of sailors, most of them void of connexions,
  should be led away; especially when, in addition to such powerful
  inducements, they imagined it in their power to fix themselves in
  the midst of plenty, on one of the finest islands in the world,
  where they need hot labour, and where the allurements of
  dissipation are beyond anything that can be conceived. The
  utmost, however, that any commander could have supposed to have
  happened is, that some of the people would have been tempted to
  desert. But if it should be asserted that a commander is to guard
  against an act of mutiny and piracy in his own ship, more than by
  the common rules of service, it is as much as to say that he must
  sleep locked up, and when awake, be girded with pistols.</P>

  <P>'Desertions have happened, more or less, from most of the
  ships that have been at the Society Islands; but it has always
  been in the commander's power to make the chiefs return their
  people; the knowledge, therefore, that it was unsafe to desert,
  perhaps first led mine to consider with what ease so small a ship
  might be surprised, and that so favourable an opportunity would
  never offer to them again.</P>

  <P>'The secrecy of this mutiny is beyond all conception. Thirteen
  of the party, who were with me, had always lived forward among
  the seamen; yet neither they, nor the messmates of Christian,
  Stewart, Heywood, and Young, had ever observed any circumstance
  that made them in the least suspect what was going on. To such a
  close-planned act of villainy, my mind being entirely free from
  any suspicion, it is not wonderful that I fell a sacrifice.
  Perhaps, if there had been marines on board, a sentinel at my
  cabin-door might have prevented it; for I slept with the door
  always open, that the officer of the watch might have access to
  me on all occasions, the possibility of such a conspiracy being
  ever the farthest from my thoughts. Had their mutiny been
  occasioned by any grievances, either real or imaginary, I must
  have discovered symptoms of their discontent, which would have
  put me on my guard; but the ease was far otherwise. Christian, in
  particular, I was on the most friendly terms with: that very day
  he was engaged to have dined with me; and the preceding night he
  excused himself from supping with me, on pretence of being
  unwell; for which I felt concerned, having no suspicions of his
  integrity and honour.'</P>

  <P>Such is the story published by Lieutenant Bligh immediately on
  his return to England, after one of the most distressing and
  perilous passages over nearly four thousand miles of the wide
  ocean, with eighteen persons, in an open boat. The story obtained
  implicit credit; and though Lieutenant Bligh's character never
  stood high in the navy for suavity of manners or mildness of
  temper, he was always considered as an excellent seaman, and his
  veracity stood unimpeached. But in this age of refined
  liberality, when the most atrocious criminals find their
  apologists, it is not surprising it should now be discovered,
  when all are dead that could either prove or disprove it, that it
  was the tyranny of the commander alone, and not the wickedness of
  the ringleader of the mutineers of the <I>Bounty</I>, that caused
  that event. 'We all know,' it is said, 'that mutiny can arise but
  from one of these two sources, excessive folly or excessive
  tyranny; therefore' &mdash;the logic is admirable&mdash;'as it is
  admitted that Bligh was no idiot, the inference is
  obvious.'<A name='FNanchor_6_6' id="FNanchor_6_6"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_6_6'><SUP>[6]</SUP></A> If this be so, it may be asked
  to which of the two causes must be ascribed the mutiny at the
  Nore, etc.? The true answer will be, to neither. 'Not only,'
  continues the writer, 'was the <I>narrative</I> which he
  published proved to be false in many material bearings, by
  evidence before a court-martial, but every act of his public life
  after this event, from his successive command of the
  <I>Director</I>, the <I>Glatton</I>, and the <I>Warrior</I>, to
  his disgraceful expulsion from New South Wales,&mdash;was stamped
  with an insolence, an inhumanity, and coarseness, which fully
  developed his character.'</P>

  <P>There is no intention, in narrating this eventful history, to
  accuse or defend either the character or the conduct of the late
  Admiral Bligh; it is well known his temper was irritable in the
  extreme; but the circumstance of his having been the friend of
  Captain Cook, with whom he sailed as his master,&mdash;of his
  ever afterwards being patronized by Sir Joseph Banks,&mdash;of
  the Admiralty promoting him to the rank of commander, appointing
  him immediately to the <I>Providence</I>, to proceed on the same
  expedition to Otaheite,&mdash;and of his returning in a very
  short time to England with complete success, and recommending all
  his officers for promotion on account of their exemplary
  conduct;&mdash;of his holding several subsequent employments in
  the service,&mdash;of his having commanded ships of the line in
  the battles of Copenhagen and Camperdown,&mdash;and risen to the
  rank of a flag-officer,&mdash;these may perhaps be considered to
  speak something in his favour, and be allowed to stand as some
  proof that, with all his failings, he had his merits. That he was
  a man of coarse habits, and entertained very mistaken notions
  with regard to discipline, is quite true: yet he had many
  redeeming qualities. The accusation, by the writer in question,
  of Bligh having falsified his 'narrative,' is a very heavy
  charge, and, it is to be feared, is not wholly without
  foundation; though it would perhaps be more correct to say, that
  in the printed narrative of his voyage, and the narrative on
  which the mutineers were tried, there are many important
  omissions from his original manuscript journal, some of which it
  will be necessary to notice presently.</P>

  <P>The same writer further says, 'We know that the officers fared
  in every way worse than the men, and that even young Heywood was
  kept at the mast head no less than eight hours at one spell, in
  the worst weather which they encountered off Cape Horn.'</P>

  <P>Perhaps Heywood may himself be brought forward as authority,
  if not to disprove, at least to render highly improbable, his
  experiencing any such treatment on the part of his captain. This
  young officer, in his defence, says, 'Captain Bligh, in his
  narrative, acknowledges that he had left some friends on board
  the <I>Bounty</I>, and no part of my conduct could have induced
  him to believe that I ought not to be reckoned of the number.
  Indeed, from his attention to, <I>and very kind treatment of me
  personally</I>, I should have been a monster of depravity to have
  betrayed him. The idea alone is sufficient to disturb a mind,
  where humanity and gratitude have, I hope, ever been noticed as
  its characteristic features.' Bligh, too, has declared in a
  letter to Heywood's uncle, Holwell, after accusing him of
  ingratitude, that 'he never once had an angry word from me during
  the whole course of the voyage, as his conduct always gave me
  much pleasure and satisfaction.'</P>

  <P>In looking over a manuscript journal, kept by Morrison, the
  boatswain's mate, who was tried and convicted as one of the
  mutineers, but received the king's pardon, the conduct of Bligh
  appears in a very unfavourable point of view. This Morrison was a
  person, from talent and education, far above the situation he
  held in the <I>Bounty</I>; he had previously served in the navy
  as midshipman, and, after his pardon, was appointed gunner of the
  <I>Blenheim</I>, in which he perished with Sir Thomas Troubridge.
  In comparing this journal with other documents, the dates and
  transactions appear to be correctly stated, though the latter may
  occasionally be somewhat too highly coloured. How he contrived to
  preserve this journal, in the wreck of the <I>Pandora</I>, does
  not appear; but there can be no doubt of its authenticity, having
  been kept among the late Captain Heywood's papers; various
  passages in it have been corrected either by this officer or some
  other person, but without altering their sense.</P>

  <P>It would appear from this important document that the seeds of
  discord, in the unfortunate ship <I>Bounty</I>, were sown at a
  very early period of the voyage. It happened, as was the case in
  all small vessels, that the duties of commander and purser were
  united in the person of Lieutenant Bligh; and it would seem that
  this proved the cause of very serious discontent among the
  officers and crew; of the mischief arising out of this union, the
  following statement of Mr. Morrison may serve as a specimen. At
  Teneriffe, Lieutenant Bligh ordered the cheese to be hoisted up
  and exposed to the air; which was no sooner done, than he
  pretended to miss a certain quantity, and declared that it had
  been stolen. The cooper, Henry Hillbrant, informed him that the
  cask in question had been opened by the orders of Mr. Samuel, his
  clerk, who acted also as steward, and the cheese sent on shore to
  his own house, previous to the <I>Bounty</I> leaving the river on
  her way to Portsmouth. Lieutenant Bligh, without making any
  further inquiry, immediately ordered the allowance of that
  article to be stopped, both from <I>officers</I> and <I>men</I>,
  until the deficiency should be made good, and told the cooper he
  would give him a d&mdash;d good flogging if he said another word
  on the subject. It can hardly be supposed that a man of Bligh's
  shrewdness, if disposed to play the rogue, would have placed
  himself so completely in the hands of the cooper, in a
  transaction which, if revealed, must have cost him his
  commission.</P>

  <P>Again, on approaching the equator, some decayed pumpkins,
  purchased at Teneriffe, were ordered to be issued to the crew, at
  the rate of <I>one</I> pound of pumpkin for <I>two</I> pounds of
  biscuit. The reluctance of the men to accept this proposed
  substitute, <I>on such terms</I>, being reported to Lieutenant
  Bligh, he flew upon deck in a violent rage, turned the hands up,
  and ordered the first man on the list of each mess to be called
  by name; at the same time saying, 'I'll see who will dare to
  refuse the pumpkin, or any thing else I may order to be served
  out;' to which he added, 'You d&mdash;d infernal scoundrels, I'll
  make you eat grass, or any thing you can catch, before I have
  done with you.' This speech had the desired effect, every one
  receiving the pumpkins, even the <I>officers</I>.</P>

  <P>Next comes a complaint respecting the mode of issuing beef and
  pork: but when a representation was made to Lieutenant Bligh in
  the quiet and orderly manner prescribed by the twenty-first
  article of war, he called the crew aft, told them that every
  thing relative to the provisions was transacted by his orders;
  that it was therefore needless for them to complain, as they
  would get no redress, he being the fittest judge of what was
  right or wrong, and that he would flog the first man who should
  dare attempt to make any complaint in future. To this imperious
  menace they bowed in silence, and not another murmur was heard
  from them during the remainder of the voyage to Otaheite, it
  being their determination to seek legal redress on the
  <I>Bounty's</I> return to England. Happy would it have been had
  they kept their resolution. By so doing, if the story be true,
  they would amply have been avenged, a vast number of human lives
  spared, and a world of misery avoided.</P>

  <P>According to this Journalist, 'the seeds of eternal discord
  were sown between Lieutenant Bligh and some of his officers,'
  while in Adventure Bay, Van Diemen's Land; and on arriving at
  Matavai Bay, in Otaheite, he is accused of taking the officers'
  hogs and bread-fruit, and serving them to the ship's company; and
  when the master remonstrated with him on the subject, he replied
  that 'he would convince him that every thing became <I>his</I> as
  soon as it was brought on board; that he would take nine-tenths
  of every man's property, and let him see who dared to say
  anything to the contrary.' The sailors' pigs were seized without
  ceremony, and it became a favour for a man to obtain an extra
  pound of his own meat.</P>

  <P>The writer then says, 'the object of our visit to the Society
  Islands being at length accomplished, we weighed on the 4th
  April, 1789. Every one seemed in high spirits, and began to talk
  of home, as though they had just left Jamaica instead of
  Otaheite, so far onward did their flattering fancies waft them.
  On the 23rd, we anchored off Anamooka, the inhabitants of which
  island were very rude, and attempted to take the casks and axes
  from the parties sent to fill water and cut wood. A musket
  pointed at them produced no other effect than a return of the
  compliment, by poising their clubs or spears with menacing looks;
  and, as it was Lieutenant Bligh's orders, that no person should
  affront them on any occasion, they were emboldened by meeting
  with no check to their insolence. They at length became so
  troublesome, that Mr. Christian, who commanded the watering
  party, found it difficult to carry on his duty; but on
  acquainting Lieutenant Bligh with their behaviour, he received a
  volley of abuse, was d&mdash;d as a cowardly rascal, and asked if
  he were afraid of naked savages whilst he had weapons in his
  hand? To this he replied in a respectful manner, "The arms are of
  no effect, Sir, while your orders prohibit their use."'</P>

  <P>This happened but three days before the mutiny, and the same
  circumstance is noticed, but somewhat differently, in Bligh's MS.
  Journal, where he says, 'the men cleared themselves, and they
  therefore merit no punishment. As to the officers I have no
  resource, nor do I ever feel myself safe in the few instances I
  trust to them.' A perusal of all the documents certainly leads to
  the conclusion that all his officers were of a very inferior
  description; they had no proper feeling of their own situation;
  and this, together with the contempt in which they were held by
  Bligh, and which he could not disguise, may account for that
  perfect indifference, with regard both to the captain and the
  ship, which was manifested on the day of the mutiny.</P>

  <P>That sad catastrophe, if the writer of the Journal be correct,
  was hastened, if not brought about by, the following
  circumstance, of which Bligh takes no notice.</P>

  <P>'In the afternoon of the 27th, Lieutenant Bligh came upon
  deck, and missing some of the cocoa-nuts, which had been piled up
  between the guns, said they had been stolen, and could not have
  been taken away without the knowledge of the officers, all of
  whom were sent for and questioned on the subject. On their
  declaring that they had not seen any of the people touch them, he
  exclaimed, "Then you must have taken them yourselves"; and
  proceeded to inquire of them separately, how many they had
  purchased. On coming to Mr. Christian, that gentleman answered,
  "I do not know, Sir, but I hope you do not think me so mean as to
  be guilty of stealing yours." Mr. Bligh replied, "Yes, you
  d&mdash;&mdash; d hound, I do&mdash;you must have stolen them
  from me, or you would be able to give a better account of them;"
  then turning to the other officers, he said, "God d&mdash;&mdash;
  n you, you scoundrels, you are all thieves alike, and combine
  with the men to rob me: I suppose you will steal my yams next;
  but I'll sweat you for it, you rascals&mdash;I'll make half of
  you jump overboard, before you get through Endeavour Straits."
  This threat was followed by an order to the clerk "to stop the
  villains' grog, and give them but half a pound of yams to-morrow;
  if they steal them, I'll reduce them to a quarter."'</P>

  <P>It is difficult to believe that an officer in his Majesty's
  service could condescend to make use of such language to the
  meanest of the crew, much less to gentlemen: it is to be feared,
  however, that there is sufficient ground for the truth of these
  statements: with regard to the last, it is borne out by the
  evidence of Mr. Fryer, the master, on the court-martial. This
  officer, being asked, 'what did you suppose to be Mr. Christian's
  meaning, when he said he had been in hell for a fortnight?'
  answered, 'From the frequent quarrels they had had, and the abuse
  which he had received from Mr. Bligh.'&mdash;'Had there been any
  very recent quarrel?'&mdash;'The day before Mr. Bligh challenged
  all the young gentlemen and people with stealing his cocoa-nuts.'
  It was on the evening of this day that Lieutenant Bligh,
  according to his printed narrative, says Christian was to have
  supped with him; but excused himself on account of being unwell;
  and that he was invited to dine with him on the day of the
  mutiny.</P>

  <P>Every one of these circumstances, and many others, which might
  be stated from Mr. Morrison's Journal, are omitted in Bligh's
  published narrative; but many of them are alluded to in his
  original Journal, and others that prove distinctly the constant
  reproofs to which his officers were subject, and the bad terms on
  which they stood with their commander. A few extracts from this
  Journal will sufficiently establish this point.</P>

  <P>In so early a part of the voyage as their arrival in Adventure
  Bay, he found fault with his officers, and put the carpenter into
  confinement. Again, at Matavai Bay, on the 5th December, Bligh
  says, 'I ordered the carpenter to cut a large stone that was
  brought off by one of the natives, requesting me to get it made
  fit for them to grind their hatchets on, but to my astonishment
  he refused, in direct terms, to comply, saying, "I will not cut
  the stone, for it will spoil my chisel; and though there may be
  law to take away my clothes, there is none to take away my
  tools." This man having before shown his mutinous and insolent
  behaviour, I was under the necessity of confining him to his
  cabin.'</P>

  <P>On the 5th January three men deserted in the cutter, on which
  occasion Bligh says, 'Had the mate of the watch been awake, no
  trouble of this kind would have happened. I have therefore
  disrated and turned him before the mast; such neglectful and
  worthless petty officers, I believe, never were in a ship as are
  in this. No orders for a few hours together are obeyed by them,
  and their conduct in general is so bad, that no confidence or
  trust can be reposed in them; in short, they have driven me to
  every thing but corporal punishment, and that must follow if they
  do not improve.'</P>

  <P>By Morrison's Journal it would appear that 'corporal
  punishment' was not long delayed; for, on the very day, he says,
  the midshipman was put in irons, and confined from the 5th
  January to the 23rd March&mdash;eleven weeks!</P>

  <P>On the 17th January, orders being given to clear out the
  sail-room and to air the sails, many of them were found very much
  mildewed and rotten in many places, on which he observes, 'If I
  had any officers to supersede the master and boatswain, or was
  capable of doing without them, considering them as common seamen,
  they should no longer occupy their respective stations; scarcely
  any neglect of duty can equal the criminality of this.'</P>

  <P>On the 24th January, the three deserters were brought back and
  flogged, then put in irons for further punishment. 'As this
  affair,' he says, 'was solely caused by the neglect of the
  officers who had the watch, I was induced to give them all a
  lecture on this occasion, and endeavour to show them that,
  however exempt they were at present from the like punishment, yet
  they were equally subject, by the articles of war, to a condign
  one.' He then tells them, that it is only necessity that makes
  him have recourse to reprimand, because there are no means of
  trying them by court-martial; and adds a remark, not very
  intelligible, but what he calls an unpleasant one, about
  <I>such</I> offenders having no feelings of honour or sense of
  shame.</P>

  <P>On the 7th March, a native Otaheitan, whom Bligh had confined
  in irons, contrived to break the lock of the bilboa-bolt and make
  his escape. 'I had given,' says Bligh, 'a written order that the
  mate of the watch was to be answerable for the prisoners, and to
  visit and see that they were safe in his watch, but I have such a
  neglectful set about me, that I believe nothing but condign
  punishment can alter their conduct. Verbal orders, in the course
  of a month, were so forgotten, that they would impudently assert
  no such thing or directions were given, and I have been at last
  under the necessity to trouble myself with writing, what, by
  decent young officers, would be complied with as the common rules
  of the service. Sir. Stewart was the mate of the watch.'</P>

  <P>These extracts show the terms on which Bligh was with his
  officers; and these few instances, with others from Morrison's
  Journal, make it pretty clear, that though Christian, as fiery
  and passionate a youth as his commander could well be, and with
  feelings too acute to bear the foul and opprobious language
  constantly addressed to him, was the sole instigator of the
  mutiny;&mdash;the captain had no support to expect, and certainly
  received none, from the rest of his officers. That Christian was
  the sole author appears still more strongly from the following
  passage in Morrison's Journal. 'When Mr. Bligh found he must go
  into the boat, he begged of Mr. Christian to desist, saying "I'll
  pawn my honour, I'll give my bond, Mr. Christian, never to think
  of this, if you'll desist," and urged his wife and family; to
  which Mr. Christian replied, "No, Captain Bligh, if you had any
  honour, things had not come to this; and if you had any regard
  for your wife and family, you should have thought on them before,
  and not behaved so much like a villain." Lieutenant Bligh again
  attempted to speak, but was ordered to be silent. The boatswain
  also tried to pacify Mr. Christian, to whom he replied, "It is
  too late, I have been in hell for this fortnight past, and am
  determined to bear it no longer; and you know, Mr. Cole, that I
  have been used like a dog all the voyage."'</P>

  <P>It is pretty evident, therefore, that the mutiny was not, as
  Bligh in his narrative states it to have been, the result of a
  conspiracy. It will be seen by the minutes of the court-martial,
  that the whole affair was planned and executed between the hours
  of four and eight o'clock, on the morning of the 28th April, when
  Christian had the watch upon deck; that Christian, unable longer
  to bear the abusive and insulting language, had meditated his own
  escape from the ship the day before, choosing to trust himself to
  fate, rather than submit to the constant upbraiding to which he
  had been subject; but the unfortunate business of the cocoa-nuts
  drove him to the commission of the rash and felonious act, which
  ended, as such criminal acts usually do, in his own destruction,
  and that of a great number of others, many of whom were wholly
  innocent.</P>

  <P>Lieutenant Bligh, like most passionate men, whose unruly
  tempers get the better of their reason, having vented his rage
  about the cocoa-nuts, became immediately calm, and by inviting
  Christian to sup with him the same evening, evidently wished to
  renew their friendly intercourse; and happy would it have been
  for all parties had he accepted the invitation. On the same
  night, towards ten o'clock, when the master had the watch, Bligh
  came on deck, as was his custom, before retiring to sleep. It was
  one of those calm and beautiful nights, so frequent in tropical
  regions, whose soothing influence can be appreciated only by
  those who have felt it, when, after a scorching day, the air
  breathes a most refreshing coolness,&mdash;it was an evening of
  this sort, when Bligh for the last time came upon deck, in the
  capacity of commander; a gentle breeze scarcely rippled the
  water, and the moon, then in its first quarter, shed its soft
  light along the surface of the sea. The short and quiet
  conversation that took place between Bligh and the master on this
  evening, after the irritation of the morning had subsided, only
  to burst forth again in all the horrors of mutiny and piracy,
  recalls to one's recollection that beautiful passage of
  Shakespeare, where, on the evening of the murder, Duncan, on
  approaching the castle of Macbeth, observes to
  Banquo&mdash;</P>&mdash;'The air<BR>
  Nimbly and sweetly recommends itself<BR>
  Unto our gentle senses,' etc.&mdash;<BR>

  <P>a passage which Sir Joshua Reynolds considers as a striking
  instance of what in painting is termed <I>repose</I>. 'The
  subject,' he says, 'of this quiet and easy conversation, gives
  that repose so necessary to the mind, after the tumultuous bustle
  of the preceding scenes, and beautifully contrasts the scene of
  terror that immediately succeeds.' While, on this lovely night,
  Bligh and his master were congratulating themselves on the
  pleasing prospect of fine weather and a full moon, to light them
  through Endeavour's dangerous straits, the unhappy and deluded
  Christian was, in all probability, brooding over his wrongs, and
  meditating on the criminal act he was to perpetrate the following
  morning; for he has himself stated, that he had just fallen
  asleep about half after three in the morning, and was much out of
  order.</P>

  <P>The evidence on the court-martial is sufficiently explicit as
  to the mode in which this act of piracy was committed. By the
  Journal of James Morrison, the following is the account of the
  transaction, as given by Christian himself to the two midshipmen,
  Heywood and Stewart (both of whom had been kept below), the
  moment they were allowed to come upon deck, after the boat, in
  which were Bligh and his companions, had been turned adrift.</P>

  <P>He said, that, 'finding himself much hurt by the treatment he
  had received from Lieutenant Bligh, he had determined to quit the
  ship the preceding evening, and had informed the boatswain,
  carpenter, and two midshipmen (Stewart and Hayward), of his
  intention to do so; that by them he was supplied with part of a
  roasted pig, some nails, beads, and other articles of trade,
  which he put into a bag that was given him by the last-named
  gentleman; that he put this bag into the clue of Robert Tinkler's
  hammock, where it was discovered by that young gentleman when
  going to bed at night, but the business was smothered, and passed
  off without any further notice. He said he had fastened some
  staves to a stout plank, with which he intended to make his
  escape; but finding he could not effect it during the first and
  middle watches, as the ship had no way through the water, and the
  people were all moving about, he laid down to rest about
  half-past three in the morning; that when Mr. Stewart called him
  to relieve the deck at four o'clock, he had but just fallen
  asleep, and was much out of order; upon observing which, Mr.
  Stewart strenuously advised him to abandon his intention; that as
  soon as he had taken charge of the deck, he saw Mr. Hayward, the
  mate of his watch, lie down on the arm-chest to take a nap; and
  finding that Mr. Hallet, the other midshipman, did not make his
  appearance, he suddenly formed the resolution of seizing the
  ship. Disclosing his intention to Matthew Quintal and Isaac
  Martin, both of whom had been flogged by Lieutenant Bligh, they
  called up Charles Churchill, who had also tasted the cat, and
  Matthew Thompson, both of whom readily joined in the plot. That
  Alexander Smith (<I>alias</I> John Adams), John Williams, and
  William M'Koy, evinced equal willingness, and went with Churchill
  to the armourer, of whom they obtained the keys of the arm-chest,
  under pretence of wanting a musket to fire at a shark, then
  alongside; that finding Mr. Hallet asleep on an arm-chest in the
  main-hatchway, they roused and sent him on deck. Charles Norman,
  unconscious of their proceedings, had in the meantime awaked Mr.
  Hayward, and directed his attention to the shark, whose movements
  he was watching at the moment that Mr. Christian and his
  confederates came up the fore-hatchway, after having placed arms
  in the hands of several men who were not aware of their design.
  One man, Matthew Thompson, was left in charge of the chest, and
  he served out arms to Thomas Burkitt and Robert Lamb. Mr.
  Christian said he then proceeded to secure Lieutenant Bligh, the
  master, gunner, and botanist.'</P>

  <P>'When Mr. Christian,' observes Morrison in his Journal,
  'related the above circumstances, I recollected having seen him
  fasten some staves to a plank lying on the larboard gangway, as
  also having heard the boatswain say to the carpenter, "it will
  not do to-night." I likewise remembered that; Mr. Christian had
  visited the fore-cockpit several times that evening, although he
  had very seldom, if ever, frequented the warrant-officers' cabins
  before.'</P>

  <P>If this be a correct statement, and the greater part of it is
  borne out by evidence on the court-martial, it removes every
  doubt of Christian being the sole instigator of the mutiny, and
  that no conspiracy nor pre-concerted measures had any existence,
  but that it was suddenly conceived by a hot-headed young man, in
  a state of great excitement of mind, amounting to a temporary
  aberration of intellect, caused by the frequent abusive and
  insulting language of his commanding officer. Waking out of a
  short half hour's disturbed sleep, to take the command of the
  deck&mdash;finding the two mates of the watch, Hayward and
  Hallet, asleep (for which they ought to have been dismissed the
  service instead of being, as they were, promoted)&mdash;the
  opportunity tempting, and the ship completely in his power, with
  a momentary impulse he darted down the fore-hatchway, got
  possession of the keys of the arm-chest, and made the hazardous
  experiment of arming such of the men as he thought he could
  trust, and effected his purpose.</P>

  <P>There is a passage in Captain Beechey's account of Pitcairn
  Island, which, if correct, would cast a stain on the memory of
  the unfortunate Stewart&mdash;who, if there was one innocent man
  in the ship, was that man. Captain Beechey says (speaking of
  Christian), 'His plan, strange as it must appear for a young
  officer to adopt, who was fairly advanced in an honourable
  profession, was to set himself adrift upon a raft, and make his
  way to the island (Tofoa) then in sight. As quick in the
  execution as in the design, the raft was soon constructed,
  various useful articles were got together, and he was on the
  point of launching it, when a young officer, <I>who afterwards
  perished in the Pandora</I>, to whom Christian communicated his
  intention, recommended him, rather than risk his life on so
  hazardous an expedition, <I>to endeavour to take possession of
  the ship</I>, which he thought would not be very difficult, as
  many of the ship's company were not well disposed towards the
  commander, and would all be very glad to return to Otaheite, and
  reside among their friends in that island. This daring
  proposition is even more extraordinary than the premeditated
  scheme of his companion, and, if true, certainly relieves
  Christian from part of the odium which has hitherto attached to
  him as the sole instigator of the mutiny.' Relieve him?&mdash;not
  a jot&mdash;but on the best authority it may boldly be stated,
  that it is <I>not</I> true&mdash;the authority of Stewart's
  friend and messmate, the late Captain Heywood.</P>

  <P>Captain Beechey, desirous of being correct in his statement,
  very properly sent his chapter on Pitcairn's Island for any
  observations Captain Heywood might have to make on what was said
  therein regarding the mutiny; observing in his note which
  accompanied it, that this account, received from Adams, differed
  materially from a footnote in Marshall's <I>Naval Biography</I>;
  to which Captain Heywood returned the following reply.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>5th April</I>, 1830.</P>

    <P>'DEAR SIR,&mdash;I have perused the account you received
    from Adams of the mutiny in the <I>Bounty</I>, which does
    indeed differ very materially from a footnote in Marshall's
    <I>Naval Biography</I>, by the editor, to whom I verbally
    detailed the facts, which are strictly true.</P>

    <P>'That Christian informed the boatswain and the carpenter,
    Messrs. Hayward and Stewart, of his determination to leave the
    ship upon a raft, on the night preceding the mutiny, is
    certain; but that any one of them (Stewart in particular)
    should have "recommended, rather than risk his life on so
    hazardous an expedition, that he should try the expedient of
    taking the ship from the captain, etc.," is entirely at
    variance with the whole character and conduct of the latter,
    both before and after the mutiny; as well as with the assurance
    of Christian himself, the very night he quitted Taheit&eacute;,
    that the idea of attempting to take the ship had never entered
    his distracted mind, until the moment he relieved the deck, and
    found his mate and midshipman asleep.<A name='FNanchor_7_7' id=
    "FNanchor_7_7"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_7_7'><SUP>[7]</SUP></A></P>

    <P>'At that last interview with Christian he also communicated
    to me, for the satisfaction of his relations, other
    circumstances connected with that unfortunate disaster, which,
    after their deaths, may or may not be laid before the public.
    And although they can implicate none but himself, either living
    or dead, they may extenuate but will contain not a word of his
    in defence of the crime he committed against the laws of his
    country.&mdash;I am, etc.,</P>

    <P>'P. HEYWOOD.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>Captain Beechey stated only what he had heard from old Adams,
  who was not always correct in the information he gave to the
  visitors of his island; but this part of his statement gave great
  pain to Heywood, who adverted to it on his death-bed, wishing,
  out of regard for Stewart's memory and his surviving friends,
  that it should be publicly contradicted; and with this view the
  above reply of Captain Heywood is here inserted.</P>

  <P>The temptations, therefore, which it was supposed Otaheite
  held out to the deluded men of the <I>Bounty</I>, had no more
  share in the transaction than the supposed conspiracy; it does
  not appear, indeed, that the cry of 'Huzza for Otaheite!' was
  ever uttered; if this island had been the object of either
  Christian or the crew, they would not have left it three hundred
  miles behind them, before they perpetrated the act of piracy; but
  after the deed had been committed, it would be natural enough
  that they should turn their minds to the lovely island and its
  fascinating inhabitants, which they had but just quitted, and
  that in the moment of excitement some of them should have so
  called out; but Bligh is the only person who has said they did
  so.</P>

  <P>If, however, the recollection of the 'sunny isle' and its
  'smiling women' had really tempted the men to mutiny, Bligh would
  himself not be free from blame, for having allowed them to
  indulge for six whole months among this voluptuous and
  fascinating people; for though he was one of the most active and
  anxious commanders of his time, 'the service,' as is observed by
  a naval officer, 'was carried on in those days in a very
  different spirit from that which regulates its movements now,
  otherwise the <I>Bounty</I> would never have passed six whole
  months at one island "stowing away the fruit," during which time
  the officers and seamen had free access to the shore. Under
  similar circumstances nowadays, if the fruit happened not to be
  ready, the ship would have been off, after ten days' relaxation,
  to survey other islands, or speculate on coral reefs, or make
  astronomical observations; in short, to do something or other to
  keep the devil out of the heads of the crew.'<A name=
  'FNanchor_8_8' id="FNanchor_8_8"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_8_8'><SUP>[8]</SUP></A> Bligh would appear to have
  been sensible of this on his next expedition in the
  <I>Providence</I>, for on that occasion he collected more
  bread-fruit plants than on the former, and spent only half the
  time in doing so.</P>

  <P>Be that as it may, Bligh might naturally enough conclude that
  the seamen were casting 'a lingering look behind' towards
  Otaheite. 'If,' says Forster (who accompanied Cook), 'we fairly
  consider the different situations of a common sailor on board the
  <I>Resolution</I>, and of a Taheitan on his island, we cannot
  blame the former if he attempt to rid himself of the numberless
  discomforts of a voyage round the world, and prefer an easy life,
  free from cares, in the happiest climate of the world, to the
  frequent vicissitudes which are entailed upon the mariner. The
  most favourable prospects of future success in England, which he
  might form in idea, could never be so flattering to his senses as
  the lowly hope of living like the meanest Taheitan. And supposing
  him to escape the misfortunes incident to seamen, still he must
  earn his subsistence in England at the expense of labour, and "in
  the sweat of his brow," when this oldest curse on mankind is
  scarcely felt at Taheit&eacute;. Two or three bread-fruit trees,
  which grow almost without any culture, and which flourish as long
  as he himself can expect to live, supply him with abundant food
  during three-fourths of the year. The cloth-trees and eddo-roots
  are cultivated with much less trouble than our cabbages and
  kitchen-herbs. The banana, the royal palm, the golden apple, all
  thrive with such luxuriance, and require so little trouble, that
  I may venture to call them spontaneous. Most of their days are
  therefore spent in a round of various enjoyments, where Nature
  has lavished many a pleasing landscape; where the temperature of
  the air is warm, but continually refreshed by a wholesome breeze
  from the sea; and where the sky is almost constantly serene. A
  kind of happy uniformity runs through the whole life of the
  Taheitans. They rise with the sun, and hasten to rivers and
  fountains to perform an ablution equally reviving and cleanly.
  They pass the morning at work, or walk about till the heat of the
  day increases, when they retreat to their dwellings, or repose
  under some tufted tree. There they amuse themselves with
  smoothing their hair, and anoint it with fragrant oils; or they
  blow the flute, and sing to it, or listen to the songs of the
  birds. At the hour of noon, or a little later, they go to dinner.
  After their meals they resume their domestic amusements, during
  which the flame of mutual affection spreads in every heart, and
  unites the rising generation with new and tender ties. The lively
  jest, without any ill-nature, the artless tale, the jocund dance
  and frugal supper, bring on the evening; and another visit to the
  river concludes the actions of the day. Thus contented with their
  simple way of life, and placed in a delightful country, they are
  free from cares, and happy in their ignorance.'</P>

  <P>Such is the picture drawn of the happy people of Otaheite by a
  cold, philosophical, German doctor, and such, with very little
  change, Bligh found them. As far, however, as the mutiny of his
  people was concerned, we must wholly discard the idea thrown out
  by him, that the seductions of Otaheite had any share in
  producing it. It could not have escaped a person of Christian's
  sagacity, that certain interrogatories would unquestionably be
  put by the natives of Otaheite, on finding the ship return so
  soon without her commander, without the bread-fruit plants, and
  with only about half her crew; questions he knew to which no
  satisfactory answer could be made; and though, at subsequent
  periods, he twice visited that island, it was some time
  afterwards, and not from choice but necessity; his object was to
  find a place of concealment, where he might pass the remainder of
  his days, unheard of and unknown, and where it is to be hoped he
  had time for sincere repentance, the only atonement he could make
  for the commission of a crime, which involved so many human
  beings in misery, and brought others to an untimely end&mdash;but
  of this hereafter.</P>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='CHAPTER_IV' id="CHAPTER_IV"></A>

  <H2>CHAPTER IV</H2>

  <P>THE OPEN-BOAT NAVIGATION</P>The boat is lower'd with all the
  haste of hate,<BR>
  With its slight plank between thee and thy fate;<BR>
  Her only cargo such a scant supply<BR>
  As promises the death their hands deny;<BR>
  And just enough of water and of bread<BR>
  To keep, some days, the dying from the dead:<BR>
  Some cordage, canvas, sails, and lines, and twine.<BR>
  But treasures all to hermits of the brine,<BR>
  Were added after, to the earnest prayer<BR>
  Of those who saw no hope save sea and air;<BR>
  And last, that trembling vassal of the Pole,<BR>
  The feeling compass, Navigation's soul.<BR>
  <BR>
  <HR style='width: 45%;'>
  <BR>
  <BR>
  The launch is crowded with the faithful few<BR>
  Who wait their Chief&mdash;a melancholy crew:<BR>
  But some remained reluctant on the deck<BR>
  Of that proud vessel, now a moral wreck&mdash;And<BR>
  view'd their Captain's fate with piteous eyes;<BR>
  While others scoff'd his augur'd miseries,<BR>
  Sneer'd at the prospect of his pigmy sail,<BR>
  And the slight bark so laden and so frail.<BR>
  <BR>

  <P>Christian had intended to send away his captain and associates
  in the cutter, and ordered that it should be hoisted out for that
  purpose, which was done&mdash;a small wretched boat, that could
  hold but eight or ten men at the most, with a very small
  additional weight; and, what was still worse, she was so
  worm-eaten and decayed, especially in the bottom planks, that the
  probability was, she would have gone down before she had
  proceeded a mile from the ship. In this 'rotten carcass of a
  boat,' not unlike that into which Prospero and his lovely
  daughter were 'hoist,'</P><SPAN style='margin-left: 14em;'>not
  rigg'd,</SPAN><BR>
  Nor tackle, sail, nor mast; the very rats<BR>
  Instinctively had quit it,<BR>

  <P>did Christian intend to cast adrift his late commander and his
  eighteen innocent companions, or as many of them as she would
  stow, to find, as they inevitably must have found, a watery
  grave. But the remonstrances of the master, boatswain, and
  carpenter prevailed on him to let those unfortunate men have the
  launch, into which nineteen persons were thrust, whose weight,
  together with that of the few articles they were permitted to
  take, brought down the boat so near to the water, as to endanger
  her sinking with but a moderate swell of the sea&mdash;and to all
  human appearance, in no state to survive the length of voyage
  they were destined to perform over the wide ocean, but which they
  did most miraculously survive.</P>

  <P>The first consideration of Lieutenant Bligh and his eighteen
  unfortunate companions, on being cast adrift in their open boat,
  was to examine the state of their resources. The quantity of
  provisions which they found to have been thrown into the boat, by
  some few kind-hearted messmates, amounted to one hundred and
  fifty pounds of bread, sixteen pieces of pork, each weighing two
  pounds, six quarts of rum, six bottles of wine, with twenty-eight
  gallons of water, and four empty barricoes. Being so near to the
  island of Tofoa, it was resolved to seek there a supply of
  bread-fruit and water, to preserve if possible the
  above-mentioned stock entire; but after rowing along the coast,
  they discovered only some cocoa-nut trees, on the top of high
  precipices, from which, with much danger owing to the surf, and
  great difficulty in climbing the cliffs, they succeeded in
  obtaining about twenty nuts. The second day they made excursions
  into the island, but without success. They met however with a few
  natives, who came down with them to the cove where the boat was
  lying; and others presently followed. They made inquiries after
  the ship, and Bligh unfortunately advised they should say that
  the ship had overset and sunk, and that they only were saved. The
  story might be innocent, but it was certainly indiscreet to put
  the people in possession of their defenceless situation; however,
  they brought in small quantities of bread-fruit, plantains, and
  cocoa-nuts, but little or no water could be procured. These
  supplies, scanty as they were, served to keep up the spirits of
  the men; 'They no longer, says Bligh, 'regarded me with those
  anxious looks, which had constantly been directed towards me,
  since we lost sight of the ship: every countenance appeared to
  have a degree of cheerfulness, and they all seemed determined to
  do their best.'</P>

  <P>The numbers of the natives having so much increased as to line
  the whole beach, they began knocking stones together, which was
  known to be the preparatory signal for an attack. With some
  difficulty on account of the surf, our seamen succeeded in
  getting the things that were on shore into the boat, together
  with all the men, except John Norton, quarter-master, who was
  casting off the stern-fast. The natives immediately rushed upon
  this poor man, and actually stoned him to death. A volley of
  stones was also discharged at the boat, and every one in it was
  more or less hurt. This induced the people to push out to sea
  with all the speed they were able to give to the launch, but to
  their surprise and alarm, several canoes, filled with stones,
  followed close after them and renewed the attack; against which,
  the only return the unfortunate men in the boat could make, was
  with the stones of the assailants that lodged in her, a species
  of warfare in which they were very inferior to the Indians. The
  only expedient left was to tempt the enemy to desist from the
  pursuit, by throwing overboard some clothes, which fortunately
  induced the canoes to stop and pick them up; and night coming on,
  they returned to the shore, leaving the party in the boat to
  reflect on their unhappy situation.</P>

  <P>The men now intreated their commander to take them towards
  home; and on being told that no hope of relief could be
  entertained till they reached Timor, a distance of full twelve
  hundred leagues, they all readily agreed to be content with an
  allowance, which, on calculation of their resources, the
  commander informed them would not exceed one ounce of bread, and
  a quarter of a pint of water, per day. Recommending them,
  therefore, in the most solemn manner, not to depart from their
  promise in this respect, 'we bore away,' says Bligh, 'across a
  sea where the navigation is but little known, in a small boat
  twenty-three feet long from stem to stern, deeply laden with
  eighteen men. I was happy, however, to see that every one seemed
  better satisfied with our situation than myself. It was about
  eight o'clock at night on the 2nd May, when we bore away under a
  reefed lug-foresail; and having divided the people into watches,
  and got the boat into a little order, we returned thanks to God
  for our miraculous preservation, and, in full confidence of His
  gracious support, I found my mind more at ease than it had been
  for some time past.'</P>

  <P>At day-break on the 3rd, the forlorn and almost hopeless
  navigators saw with alarm the sun to rise fiery and red,&mdash;a
  sure indication of a severe gale of wind; and accordingly, at
  eight o'clock it blew a violent storm, and the sea ran so very
  high, that the sail was becalmed when between the seas, and too
  much to have set when on the top of the sea; yet it is stated
  that they could not venture to take it in, as they were in very
  imminent danger and distress, the sea curling over the stern of
  the boat, and obliging them to bale with all their might. 'A
  situation,' observes the commander, 'more distressing has,
  perhaps, seldom been experienced.'</P>

  <P>The bread, being in bags, was in the greatest danger of being
  spoiled by the wet, the consequence of which, if not prevented,
  must have been fatal, as the whole party would inevitably be
  starved to death, if they should fortunately escape the fury of
  the waves. It was determined, therefore, that all superfluous
  clothes, with some rope and spare sails, should be thrown
  overboard, by which the boat was considerably lightened. The
  carpenter's tool-chest was cleared, and the tools stowed in the
  bottom of the boat, and the bread secured in the chest. All the
  people being thoroughly wet and cold, a teaspoonful of rum was
  served out to each person, with a quarter of a bread-fruit, which
  is stated to have been scarcely eatable, for dinner; Bligh having
  determined to preserve sacredly, and at the peril of his life,
  the engagement they entered into, and to make their small stock
  of provisions last eight weeks, let the dally proportion be ever
  so small.</P>

  <P>The sea continuing to run even higher than in the morning, the
  fatigue of baling became very great; the boat was necessarily
  kept before the sea. The men were constantly wet, the night very
  cold, and at daylight their limbs were so benumbed, that they
  could scarcely find the use of them. At this time a teaspoonful
  of rum served out to each person was found of great benefit to
  all. Five small cocoa-nuts were distributed for dinner, and every
  one was satisfied; and in the evening, a few broken pieces of
  bread-fruit were served for supper, after which prayers were
  performed.</P>

  <P>On the night of the 4th and morning of the 5th, the gale had
  abated; the first step to be taken was to examine the state of
  the bread, a great part of which was found to be damaged and
  rotten&mdash;but even this was carefully preserved for use. The
  boat was now running among some islands, but after their
  reception at Tofoa, they did not venture to land. On the 6th,
  they still continued to see islands at a distance; and this day,
  for the first time, they hooked a fish, to their great joy;
  'but,' says the commander, 'we were miserably disappointed by its
  being lost in trying to get it into the boat.' In the evening,
  each person had an ounce of the damaged bread, and a quarter of a
  pint of water for supper.</P>

  <P>Lieutenant Bligh observes, 'it will readily be supposed our
  lodgings were very miserable, and confined for want of room'; but
  he endeavoured to remedy the latter defect, by putting themselves
  at watch and watch; so that one half always sat up, while the
  other lay down on the boat's bottom, or upon a chest, but with
  nothing to cover them except the heavens. Their limbs, he says,
  were dreadfully cramped, for they could not stretch them out; and
  the nights were so cold, and they were so constantly wet, that,
  after a few hours' sleep, they were scarcely able to move. At
  dawn of day on the 7th, being very wet and cold, he says, 'I
  served a spoonful of rum and a morsel of bread for
  breakfast.'</P>

  <P>In the course of this day they passed close to some rocky
  isles, from which two large sailing-canoes came swiftly after
  them, but in the afternoon gave over the chase. They were of the
  same construction as those of the Friendly Islands, and the land
  seen for the last two days was supposed to be the Fiji Islands.
  But being constantly wet, Bligh says, 'it is with the utmost
  difficulty I can open a book to write, and I feel truly sensible
  I can do no more than point out where these lands are to be
  found, and give some idea of their extent.' Heavy rain came on in
  the afternoon, when every person in the boat did his utmost to
  catch some water, and thus succeeded in increasing their stock to
  thirty-four gallons, besides quenching their thirst for the first
  time they had been able to do so since they had been at sea: but
  it seems an attendant consequence of the heavy rain caused them
  to pass the night very miserably; for being extremely wet, and
  having no dry things to shift or cover themselves, they
  experienced cold and shiverings scarcely to be conceived.</P>

  <P>On the 8th, the allowance issued was an ounce and a half of
  pork, a teaspoonful of rum, half a pint of cocoa-nut milk, and an
  ounce of bread. The rum, though so small in quantity, is stated
  to have been of the greatest service. In the afternoon they were
  employed in cleaning out the boat, which occupied them until
  sunset before they got every thing dry and in order. 'Hitherto,'
  Bligh says, 'I had issued the allowance by guess, but I now made
  a pair of scales with two cocoa-nut shells; and having
  accidentally some pistol-balls in the boat, twenty-five of which
  weighed one pound or sixteen ounces, I adopted one of these balls
  as the proportion of weight that each person should receive of
  bread at the times I served it. I also amused all hands with
  describing the situations of New Guinea and New Holland, and gave
  them every information in my power, that in case any accident
  should happen to me, those who survived might have some idea of
  what they were about, and be able to find their way to Timor,
  which at present they knew nothing of more than the name, and
  some not even that. At night I served a quarter of a pint of
  water and half an ounce of bread for supper.</P>

  <P>On the morning of the 9th, a quarter of a pint of cocoa-nut
  milk and some of the decayed bread were served for breakfast; and
  for dinner, the kernels of four cocoa-nuts, with the remainder of
  the rotten bread, which, he says, was eatable only by such
  distressed people as themselves. A storm of thunder and lightning
  gave them about twenty gallons of water. 'Being miserably wet and
  cold, I served to the people a teaspoonful of rum each, to enable
  them to bear with their distressing situation. The weather
  continued extremely bad, and the wind increased; we spent a very
  miserable night, without sleep, except such as could be got in
  the midst of rain.'</P>

  <P>The following day, the 10th, brought no relief, except that of
  its light. The sea broke over the boat so much, that two men were
  kept constantly baling; and it was necessary to keep the boat
  before the waves for fear of its filling. The allowance now
  served regularly to each person was one twenty-fifth part of a
  pound of bread and a quarter of a pint of water, at eight in the
  morning, at noon, and at sunset. To-day was added about half an
  ounce of pork for dinner, which, though any moderate person would
  have considered only as a mouthful, was divided into three or
  four.</P>

  <P>The morning of the 11th did not improve. 'At day-break I
  served to every person a teaspoonful of rum, our limbs being so
  much cramped that we could scarcely move them. Our situation was
  now extremely dangerous, the sea frequently running over our
  stern, which kept us baling with all our strength. At noon the
  sun appeared, which gave us as much pleasure as is felt when it
  shows itself on a winter's day in England.</P>

  <P>'In the evening of the 12th it still rained hard, and we again
  experienced a dreadful night. At length the day came, and showed
  a miserable set of beings, full of wants, without any thing to
  relieve them. Some complained of great pain in their bowels, and
  every one of having almost lost the use of his limbs. The little
  sleep we got was in no way refreshing, as we were constantly
  covered with the sea and rain. The weather continuing, and no sun
  affording the least prospect of getting our clothes dried, I
  recommended to every one to strip and wring them through the
  sea-water, by which means they received a warmth that, while wet
  with rain-water, they could not have.' The shipping of seas and
  constant baling continued; and though the men were shivering with
  wet and cold, the commander was under the necessity of informing
  them, that he could no longer afford them the comfort they had
  derived from the teaspoonful of rum.</P>

  <P>On the 13th and 14th the stormy weather and heavy sea
  continued unabated, and on these days they saw distant land, and
  passed several islands. The sight of these islands, it may well
  be supposed, served only to increase the misery of their
  situation. They were as men very little better than starving with
  plenty in their view; yet, to attempt procuring any relief was
  considered to be attended with so much danger, that the
  prolongation of life, even in the midst of misery, was thought
  preferable, while there remained hopes of being able to surmount
  their hardships.</P>

  <P>The whole day and night of the 15th were still rainy; the
  latter was dark, not a star to be seen by which the steerage
  could be directed, and the sea was continually breaking over the
  boat. On the next day, the 16th, was issued for dinner an ounce
  of salt pork, in addition to their miserable allowance of one
  twenty-fifth part of a pound of bread. The night was again truly
  horrible, with storms of thunder, lightning, and rain; not a star
  visible, so that the steerage was quite uncertain.</P>

  <P>On the morning of the 17th, at dawn of day, 'I found,' says
  the commander, 'every person complaining, and some of them
  solicited extra allowance, which I positively refused. Our
  situation was miserable; always wet, and suffering extreme cold
  in the night, without the least shelter from the weather. The
  little rum we had was of the greatest service: when our nights
  were particularly distressing, I generally served a teaspoonful
  or two to each person, and it was always joyful tidings when they
  heard of my intentions. The night was again a dark and dismal
  one, the sea constantly breaking over us, and nothing but the
  wind and waves to direct our steerage. It was my intention, if
  possible, to make the coast of New Holland to the southward of
  Endeavour Straits, being sensible that it was necessary to
  preserve such a situation as would make a southerly wind a fair
  one; that we might range along the reefs till an opening should
  be found into smooth water, and we the sooner be able to pick up
  some refreshments.'</P>

  <P>On the 18th the rain abated, when, at their commander's
  recommendation, they all stripped and wrung their clothes through
  the sea-water, from which, as usual, they derived much warmth and
  refreshment; but every one complained of violent pains in their
  bones. At night the heavy rain recommenced, with severe
  lightning, which obliged them to keep baling without
  intermission. The same weather continued through the 19th and
  20th; the rain constant&mdash;at times a deluge&mdash;the men
  always baling; the commander, too, found it necessary to issue
  for dinner only half an ounce of pork.</P>

  <P>At dawn of day, Lieutenant Bligh states, that some of his
  people seemed half dead; that their appearances were horrible;
  'and I could look,' says he, 'no way, but I caught the eye of
  some one in distress. Extreme hunger was now too evident, but no
  one suffered from thirst, nor had we much inclination to drink,
  that desire perhaps being satisfied through the skin. The little
  sleep we got was in the midst of water, and we constantly awoke
  with severe cramps and pains in our bones. At noon the sun broke
  out and revived every one.</P>

  <P>'During the whole of the afternoon of the 21st we were so
  covered with rain and salt water, that we could scarcely see. We
  suffered extreme cold, and every one dreaded the approach of
  night. Sleep, though we longed for it, afforded no comfort; for
  my own part, I almost lived without it. On the 22nd, our
  situation was extremely calamitous. We were obliged to take the
  course of the sea, running right before it, and watching with the
  utmost care, as the least error in the helm would in a moment
  have been our destruction. It continued through the day to blow
  hard, and the foam of the sea kept running over our stern and
  quarters.</P>

  <P>'The misery we suffered this night exceeded the preceding. The
  sea flew over us with great force, and kept us baling with horror
  and anxiety. At dawn of day I found every one in a most
  distressed condition, and I began to fear that another such night
  would put an end to the lives of several, who seemed no longer
  able to support their sufferings. I served an allowance of
  <I>two</I> teaspoonfuls of rum; after drinking which, and having
  wrung our clothes and taken our breakfast of bread and water, we
  became a little refreshed.</P>

  <P>On the evening of the 24th, the wind moderated and the weather
  looked much better, which rejoiced all hands, so that they ate
  their scanty allowance with more satisfaction than for some time
  past. The night also was fair; but being always wet with the sea,
  we suffered much from the cold. I had the pleasure to see a fine
  morning produce some cheerful countenances; and for the first
  time, during the last fifteen days, we experienced comfort from
  the warmth of the sun. We stripped and hung up our clothes to
  dry, which were by this time become so thread-bare, that they
  could not keep out either wet or cold. In the afternoon we had
  many birds about us, which are never seen far from land, such as
  boobies and noddies.'</P>

  <P>As the sea now began to run fair, and the boat shipped but
  little water, Lieutenant Bligh took the opportunity to examine
  into the state of their bread; and it was found that, according
  to the present mode of living, there was a sufficient quantity
  remaining for twenty-nine days' allowance, by which time there
  was every reason to expect they would be able to reach Timor. But
  as this was still uncertain, and it was possible that, after all,
  they might be obliged to go to Java, it was determined to
  proportion the allowance, so as to make the stock hold out six
  weeks. 'I was apprehensive,' he says, 'that this would be ill
  received, and that it would require my utmost resolution to
  enforce it; for, small as the quantity was which I intended to
  take away for our future good, yet it might appear to my people
  like robbing them of life; and some who were less patient than
  their companions, I expected would very ill brook it. However, on
  my representing the necessity of guarding against delays that
  might be occasioned by contrary winds, or other causes, and
  promising to enlarge upon the allowance as we got on, they
  cheerfully agreed to my proposal.' It was accordingly settled
  that every person should receive one twenty-fifth part of a pound
  of bread for breakfast, and the same quantity for dinner as
  usual, but that the proportion for supper should be discontinued;
  this arrangement left them forty-three days' consumption.</P>

  <P>On the 25th about noon, some noddies came so near to the boat,
  that one of them was caught by hand. This bird was about the size
  of a small pigeon. 'I divided it,' says Bligh, 'with its
  entrails, into eighteen portions, and by a well-known method at
  sea, of "<I>Who shall have this?</I>"<A name='FNanchor_9_9' id=
  "FNanchor_9_9"></A><A href='#Footnote_9_9'><SUP>[9]</SUP></A> it
  was distributed, with the allowance of bread and water for
  dinner, and eaten up, bones and all, with salt water for sauce.
  In the evening, several boobies flying very near to us, we had
  the good fortune to catch one of them. This bird is as large as a
  duck. They are the most presumptive proof of being near land, of
  any sea-fowl we are acquainted with. I directed the bird to be
  killed for supper, and the blood to be given to three of the
  people who were the most distressed for want of food. The body,
  with the entrails, beak, and feet, I divided into eighteen
  shares, and with the allowance of bread, which I made a merit of
  granting, we made a good supper compared with our usual fare.</P>

  <P>'On the next day, the 26th, we caught another booby, so that
  Providence appeared to be relieving our wants in an extraordinary
  manner. The people were overjoyed at this addition to their
  dinner, which was distributed in the same manner as on the
  preceding evening; giving the blood to those who were the most in
  want of food. To make the bread a little savoury, most of the men
  frequently dipped it in salt water, but I generally broke mine
  into small pieces, and ate it in my allowance of water, out of a
  cocoa-nut shell, with a spoon; economically avoiding to take too
  large a piece at a time, so that I was as long at dinner as if it
  had been a much more plentiful meal.'</P>

  <P>The weather was now serene, which, nevertheless, was not
  without its inconveniences, for, it appears, they began to feel
  distress of a different kind from that which they had hitherto
  been accustomed to suffer. The heat of the sun was now so
  powerful, that several of the people were seized with a languor
  and faintness, which made life indifferent. But the little
  circumstance of catching two boobies in the evening, trifling as
  it may appear, had the effect of raising their spirits. The
  stomachs of these birds contained several flying-fish, and small
  cuttle-fish, all of which were carefully saved to be divided for
  dinner the next day; which were accordingly divided with their
  entrails, and the contents of their maws, into eighteen portions,
  and, as the prize was a very valuable one, it was distributed as
  before, by calling out, '<I>Who shall have this?</I>'&mdash;'so
  that to-day,' says the lieutenant, 'with the usual allowance of
  bread at breakfast and at dinner, I was happy to see that every
  person thought he had feasted.' From the appearance of the clouds
  in the evening, Mr. Bligh had no doubt they were then near the
  land, and the people amused themselves with conversing on the
  probability of what they would meet with on it.</P>

  <P>Accordingly, at one in the morning of the 28th, the person at
  the helm heard the sound of breakers. It was the 'barrier reef'
  which runs along the eastern coast of New Holland, through which
  it now became the anxious object to discover a passage; Mr. Bligh
  says this was now become absolutely necessary, without a moment's
  loss of time. The idea of getting into smooth water and finding
  refreshments kept up the people's spirits. The sea broke
  furiously over the reef in every part; within, the water was so
  smooth and calm, that every man already anticipated the heartfelt
  satisfaction he was about to receive, as soon as he should have
  passed the barrier. At length a break in the reef was discovered,
  a quarter of a mile in width, and through this the boat rapidly
  passed with a strong stream running to the westward, and came
  immediately into smooth water, and all the past hardships seemed
  at once to be forgotten.</P>

  <P>They now returned thanks to God for His generous protection,
  and with much content took their miserable allowance of the
  twenty-fifth part of a pound of bread, and a quarter of a pint of
  water, for dinner.</P>

  <P>The coast now began to show itself very distinctly, and in the
  evening they landed on the sandy point of an island, when it was
  soon discovered there were oysters on the rocks, it being low
  water. The party sent out to reconnoitre returned highly rejoiced
  at having found plenty of oysters and fresh water. By help of a
  small magnifying&mdash;glass a fire was made, and among the
  things that had been thrown into the boat was a tinder-box and a
  piece of brimstone, so that in future they had the ready means of
  making a fire. One of the men too had been so provident as to
  bring away with him from the ship a copper pot; and thus with a
  mixture of oysters, bread, and pork, a stew was made, of which
  each person received a full pint. It is remarked that the oysters
  grew so fast to the rocks, that it was with great difficulty they
  could be broken off; but they at length discovered it to be the
  most expeditious way to open them where they were fixed.</P>

  <P>The general complaints among the people were a dizziness in
  the head, great weakness in the joints, and violent tenesmus, but
  none of them are stated to have been alarming; and
  notwithstanding their sufferings from cold and hunger, all of
  them retained marks of strength. Mr. Bligh had cautioned them not
  to touch any kind of berry or fruit that they might find; yet it
  appears they were no sooner out of sight, than they began to make
  free with three different kinds that grew all over the island,
  eating without any reserve. The symptoms of having eaten too much
  began at last to frighten some of them; they fancied they were
  all poisoned, and regarded each other with the strongest marks of
  apprehension, uncertain what might be the issue of their
  imprudence: fortunately the fruit proved to be wholesome and
  good.</P>

  <P>'This day (29th May) being,' says Lieutenant Bligh, 'the
  anniversary of the restoration of King Charles II, and the name
  not being inapplicable to our present situation (for we were
  <I>restored</I> to fresh life and strength), I named this
  "Restoration Island"; for I thought it probable that Captain Cook
  might not have taken notice of it.'</P>

  <P>With oysters and palm-tops stewed together the people now made
  excellent meals, without consuming any of their bread. In the
  morning of the 30th, Mr. Bligh saw with great delight a visible
  alteration in the men for the better, and he sent them away to
  gather oysters, in order to carry a stock of them to sea, for he
  determined to put off again that evening. They also procured
  fresh water, and filled all their vessels to the amount of nearly
  sixty gallons. On examining the bread, it was found there still
  remained about thirty-eight days' allowance.</P>

  <P>Being now ready for sea, every person was ordered to attend
  prayers; but just as they were embarking, about twenty naked
  savages made their appearance, running and hallooing, and
  beckoning the strangers to come to them; but, as each was armed
  with a spear or lance, it was thought prudent to hold no
  communication with them. They now proceeded to the northward,
  having the continent on their left, and several islands and reefs
  on their right.</P>

  <P>On the 31st they landed on one of these islands, to which was
  given the name of 'Sunday.' 'I sent out two parties (says Bligh),
  one to the northward and the other to the southward, to seek for
  supplies, and others I ordered to stay by the boat. On this
  occasion, fatigue and weakness so far got the better of their
  sense of duty, that some of the people expressed their discontent
  at having worked harder than their companions, and declared that
  they would rather be without their dinner than go in search of
  it. One person, in particular, went so far as to tell me, with a
  mutinous look, that he was as good a man as myself. It was not
  possible for one to judge where this might have an end, if not
  stopped in time; to prevent therefore such disputes in future, I
  determined either to preserve my command or die in the attempt;
  and seizing a cutlass, I ordered him to lay hold of another and
  defend himself; on which he called out that I was going to kill
  him, and immediately made concessions. I did not allow this to
  interfere further with the harmony of the boat's crew, and every
  thing soon became quiet.'</P>

  <P>On this island they obtained oysters, and clams, and dog-fish;
  also a small bean, which Nelson, the botanist, pronounced to be a
  species of dolichos. On the 1st of June, they stopped in the
  midst of some sandy islands, such as are known by the name of
  <I>keys</I>, where they procured a few clams and beams. Here
  Nelson was taken very ill with a violent heat in his bowels, a
  loss of sight, great thirst, and an inability to walk. A little
  wine, which had carefully been saved, with some pieces of bread
  soaked in it, was given to him in small quantities, and he soon
  began to recover. The boatswain and carpenter were also ill, and
  complained of headache and sickness of the stomach. Others became
  shockingly distressed with tenesmus; in fact, there were few
  without complaints.</P>

  <P>A party was sent out by night to catch birds; they returned
  with only twelve noddies, but it is stated, that, had it not been
  for the folly and obstinacy of one of the party, who separated
  from the others and disturbed the birds, a great many more might
  have been taken. The offender was Robert Lamb, who acknowledged,
  when he got to Java, that he had that night eaten <I>nine</I> raw
  birds, after he separated from his two companions. The birds,
  with a few clams, were the whole of the supplies afforded at
  these small islands.</P>

  <P>On the 3rd of June, after passing several keys and islands,
  and doubling Cape York, the north-easternmost point of New
  Holland, at eight in the evening the little boat and her brave
  crew once more launched into the open ocean. 'Miserable,' says
  Lieutenant Bligh, 'as our situation was in every respect, I was
  secretly surprised to see that it did not appear to affect any
  one so strongly as myself; on the contrary, it seemed as if they
  had embarked on a voyage to Timor in a vessel sufficiently
  calculated for safety and convenience. So much confidence gave me
  great pleasure, and I may venture to assert that to this cause
  our preservation is chiefly to be attributed. I encouraged every
  one with hopes that eight or ten days would bring us to a land of
  safety; and, after praying to God for a continuance of His most
  gracious protection, I served out an allowance of water for
  supper, and directed our course to the west south-west.</P>

  <P>'We had been just six days on the coast of New Holland, in the
  course of which we found oysters, a few clams, some birds and
  water. But a benefit, probably not less than this, was that of
  being relieved from the fatigue of sitting constantly in the
  boat, and enjoying good rest at night. These advantages certainly
  preserved our lives; and small as the supply was, I am very
  sensible how much it alleviated our distresses. Before this time
  nature must have sunk under the extremes of hunger and fatigue.
  Even in our present situation, we were most deplorable objects,
  but the hopes of a speedy relief kept up our spirits. For my own
  part, incredible as it may appear, I felt neither extreme hunger
  nor thirst. My allowance contented me, knowing that I could have
  no more.' In his manuscript journal, he adds, 'This, perhaps,
  does not permit me to be a proper judge on a story of miserable
  people like us being at last driven to the necessity of
  destroying one another for food&mdash;but, if I may be allowed, I
  deny the fact in its greatest extent. I say, I do not believe
  that, among us, such a thing could happen, but death through
  famine would be received in the same way as any mortal
  disease.'<A name='FNanchor_10_10' id=
  "FNanchor_10_10"></A><A href='#Footnote_10_10'><SUP>[10]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>On the 5th a booby was caught by the hand, the blood of which
  was divided among three of the men who were weakest, and the bird
  kept for next day's dinner; and on the evening of the 6th the
  allowance for supper was recommenced, according to a promise made
  when it had been discontinued. On the 7th, after a miserably wet
  and cold night, nothing more could be afforded than the usual
  allowance for breakfast; but at dinner each person had the luxury
  of an ounce of dried clams, which consumed all that remained. The
  sea was running high and breaking over the boat the whole of this
  day. Mr. Ledward, the surgeon, and Lawrence Lebogue, an old hardy
  seaman, appeared to be giving way very fast. No other assistance
  could be given to them than a teaspoonful or two of wine, that
  had been carefully saved for such a melancholy occasion, which
  was not at all unexpected.</P>

  <P>On the 8th the weather was more moderate, and a small dolphin
  was caught, which gave about two ounces to each man: in the night
  it again blew strong, the boat shipped much water, and they all
  suffered greatly from wet and cold. The surgeon and Lebogue still
  continued very ill, and the only relief that could be afforded
  them was a small quantity of wine, and encouraging them with the
  hope that a very few days more, at the rate they were then
  sailing, would bring them to Timor.</P>

  <P>'In the morning of the 10th, after a very comfortless night,
  there was a visible alteration for the worse,' says Mr. Bligh,
  'in many of the people, which gave me great apprehensions. An
  extreme weakness, swelled legs, hollow and ghastly countenances,
  a more than common inclination to sleep, with an apparent
  debility of understanding, seemed to me the melancholy presages
  of an approaching dissolution. The surgeon and Lebogue, in
  particular, were most miserable objects. I occasionally gave them
  a few teaspoonfuls of wine, out of the little that remained,
  which greatly assisted them. The hope of being able to accomplish
  the voyage was our principal support. The boatswain very
  innocently told me that he really thought I looked worse than any
  in the boat. The simplicity with which he uttered such an opinion
  amused me, and I returned him a better compliment.'</P>

  <P>On the 11th Lieutenant Bligh announced to his wretched
  companions that he had no doubt they had now passed the meridian
  of the eastern part of Timor, a piece of intelligence that
  diffused universal joy and satisfaction. Accordingly at three in
  the morning of the following day Timor was discovered at the
  distance only of two leagues from the shore.</P>

  <P>'It is not possible for me,' says this experienced navigator,
  'to describe the pleasure which the blessing of the sight of this
  land diffused among us. It appeared scarcely credible to
  ourselves that, in an open boat, and so poorly provided, we
  should have been able to reach the coast of Timor in forty-one
  days after leaving Tofoa, having in that time run, by our log, a
  distance of three thousand six hundred and eighteen nautical
  miles; and that, notwithstanding our extreme distress, no one
  should have perished in the voyage.'</P>

  <P>On Sunday the 14th they came safely to anchor in Coupang Bay,
  where they were received with every mark of kindness,
  hospitality, and humanity. The houses of the principal people
  were thrown open for their reception. The poor sufferers when
  landed were scarcely able to walk; their condition is described
  as most deplorable. 'The abilities of a painter could rarely,
  perhaps, have been displayed to more advantage than in the
  delineation of the two groups of figures which at this time
  presented themselves to each other. An indifferent spectator (if
  such could be found) would have been at a loss which most to
  admire, the eyes of famine sparkling at immediate relief, or the
  horror of their preservers at the sight of so many spectres,
  whose ghastly countenances, if the cause had been unknown, would
  rather have excited terror than pity. Our bodies were nothing but
  skin and bones, our limbs were full of sores, and we were clothed
  in rags, in this condition, with the tears of joy and gratitude
  flowing down our cheeks, the people of Timor beheld us with a
  mixture of horror, surprise, and pity.</P>

  <P>'When,' continues the commander, 'I reflect how providentially
  our lives were saved at Tofoa, by the Indians delaying their
  attack? and that, with scarcely anything to support life, we
  crossed a sea of more than twelve hundred leagues, without
  shelter from the inclemency of the weather; when I reflect that
  in an open boat, with so much stormy weather, we escaped
  foundering, that not any of us were taken off by disease, that we
  had the great good fortune to pass the unfriendly natives of
  other countries without accident, and at last to meet with the
  most friendly and best of people to relieve our
  distresses&mdash;I say, when I reflect on all these wonderful
  escapes, the remembrance of such great mercies enables me to bear
  with resignation and cheerfulness the failure of an expedition,
  the success of which I had so much at heart, and which was
  frustrated at a time when I was congratulating myself on the
  fairest prospect of being able to complete it in a manner that
  would fully have answered the intention of his Majesty, and the
  humane promoters of so benevolent a plan.'</P>

  <P>Having recruited their strength by a residence of two months
  among the friendly inhabitants of Coupang, they proceeded to the
  westward on the 20th August in a small schooner, which was
  purchased and armed for the purpose, and arrived on the 1st
  October in Batavia Road, where Mr. Bligh embarked in a Dutch
  packet, and was landed on the Isle of Wight on the 14th March,
  1790. The rest of the people had passages provided for them in
  ships of the Dutch East India Company, then about to sail for
  Europe. All of them, however, did not survive to reach England.
  Nelson, the botanist, died at Coupang; Mr. Elphinstone,
  master's-mate, Peter Linkletter and Thomas Hall, seamen, died at
  Batavia; Robert Lamb, seaman (the booby-eater), died on the
  passage; and Mr. Ledward, the surgeon, was left behind, and not
  afterwards heard of. These six, with John Norton, who was stoned
  to death, left twelve of the nineteen, forced by the mutineers
  into the launch, to survive the difficulties and dangers of this
  unparalleled voyage, and to revisit their native country. With
  great truth might Bligh exclaim with the poet,</P>&mdash;'Tis
  mine to tell their tale of grief,<BR>
  Their constant peril and their scant relief;<BR>
  Their days of danger, and their nights of pain;<BR>
  Their manly courage, even when deem'd in vain;<BR>
  The sapping famine, rendering scarce a son<BR>
  Known to his mother in the skeleton;<BR>
  The ills that lessen'd still their little store,<BR>
  And starved even Hunger till he wrung no more;<BR>
  The varying frowns and favours of the deep,<BR>
  That now almost engulphs, then leaves to creep<BR>
  With crazy oar and shatter'd strength along<BR>
  The tide, that yields reluctant to the strong;<BR>
  Th' incessant fever of that arid thirst<BR>
  Which welcomes, as a well, the clouds that burst<BR>
  Above their naked bones, and feels delight<BR>
  In the cold drenching of the stormy night,<BR>
  And from the outspread canvas gladly wrings<BR>
  A drop to moisten Life's all-gasping springs;<BR>
  The savage foe escaped, to seek again<BR>
  More hospitable shelter from the main;<BR>
  The ghastly spectres which were doom'd at last<BR>
  To tell as true a tale of dangers past,<BR>
  As ever the dark annals of the deep<BR>
  Disclosed for man to dread or woman weep.<BR>

  <P>It is impossible not fully to accord with Bligh when he says,
  'Thus happily ended, through the assistance of Divine Providence,
  without accident, a voyage of the most extraordinary nature that
  ever happened in the world,<A name='FNanchor_11_11' id=
  "FNanchor_11_11"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_11_11'><SUP>[11]</SUP></A> let it be taken either in
  its extent, duration, or the want of every necessary of life.' We
  may go further and say, it is impossible to read this
  extraordinary and unparalleled voyage, without bestowing the meed
  of unqualified praise on the able and judicious conduct of its
  commander, who is in every respect, as far as this extraordinary
  enterprise is concerned, fully entitled to rank with Parry,
  Franklin, and Richardson. Few men, indeed, were ever placed for
  so long a period in a more trying, distressing, and perilous
  situation than he was; and it may safely be pronounced, that, to
  his discreet management of the men and their scanty resources,
  and to his ability as a thorough seaman, eighteen souls were
  saved from imminent and otherwise inevitable destruction, it was
  not alone the dangers of the sea, in an open boat, crowded with
  people, that he had to combat, though they required the most
  consummate nautical skill, to be enabled to contend successfully
  against them; but the unfortunate situation, to which the party
  were exposed, rendered him subject to the almost daily murmuring
  and caprice of people less conscious than himself of their real
  danger. From the experience they had acquired at Tofoa of the
  savage disposition of the people against the defenceless boat's
  crew, a lesson was learned how little was to be trusted, even to
  the mildest of uncivilized people, when a conscious superiority
  was in their hands. A striking proof of this was experienced in
  the unprovoked attack made by those amiable people, the
  Otaheitans, on Captain Wallis's ship, of whose power they had
  formed no just conception; but having once experienced the full
  force of it, on no future occasion was any attempt made to repeat
  the attack. Lieutenant Bligh, fully aware of his own weakness,
  deemed it expedient, therefore, to resist all desires and
  temptations to land at any of those islands, among which they
  passed in the course of the voyage, well knowing how little could
  be trusted to the forbearance of savages, unarmed and wholly
  defenceless as his party were.</P>

  <P>But the circumstance of being tantalized with the appearance
  of land, clothed with perennial verdure, whose approach was
  forbidden to men chilled with wet and cold, and nearly perishing
  with hunger, was by no means the most difficult against which the
  commander had to struggle. 'It was not the least of my
  distresses,' he observes, 'to be constantly assailed with the
  melancholy demands of my people for an increase of allowance,
  which it grieved me to refuse.' He well knew that to reason with
  men reduced to the last stage of famine, yet denied the use of
  provisions within their reach, and with the power to seize upon
  them in their own hands, would be to no purpose. Something more
  must be done to ensure even the possibility of saving them from
  the effect of their own imprudence. The first thing he set about,
  therefore, was to ascertain the exact state of their provisions,
  which were found to amount to the ordinary consumption of five
  days, but which were to be spun out so as to last fifty days.
  This was at once distinctly stated to the men, and an agreement
  entered into, and a solemn promise made by all, that the settled
  allowance should never be deviated from, as they were made
  clearly to understand that on the strict observance of this
  agreement rested the only hope of their safety; and this was
  explained and made so evident to every man, at the time it was
  concluded, that they unanimously agreed to it; and by reminding
  them of this compact, whenever they became clamorous for more,
  and showing a firm determination not to swerve from it,
  Lieutenant Bligh succeeded in resisting all their
  solicitations.</P>

  <P>This rigid adherence to the compact, in doling out their
  miserable pittance,&mdash;the constant exposure to wet,&mdash;the
  imminent peril of being swallowed up by the ocean,&mdash;their
  cramped and confined position,&mdash;and the unceasing reflection
  on their miserable and melancholy situation;&mdash;all these
  difficulties and sufferings made it not less than miraculous,
  that this voyage, itself a miracle, should have been completed,
  not only without the loss of a man from sickness, but with so
  little loss of health. 'With respect to the preservation of our
  health,' says the commander, 'during the course of sixteen days
  of heavy and almost continual rain, I would recommend to every
  one in a similar situation, the method we practised of dipping
  their clothes in salt-water, and to wring them out, as often as
  they become soaked with rain; it was the only resource we had,
  and I believe was of the greatest service to us, for it felt more
  like a change of dry clothes than could well be imagined. We had
  occasion to do this so often, that at length all our clothes were
  wrung to pieces.'</P>

  <P>But the great art of all was to divert their attention from
  the almost hopeless situation in which they were placed, and to
  prevent despondency from taking possession of their minds; and in
  order to assist in effecting this, some employment was devised
  for them; among other things, a logline, an object of interest to
  all, was measured and marked; and the men were practised in
  counting seconds correctly, that the distance run on each day
  might be ascertained with a nearer approach to accuracy than by
  mere guessing. These little operations afforded them a temporary
  amusement; and the log being daily and hourly hove gave them also
  some employment, and diverted their thoughts for the moment from
  their melancholy situation. Then, every noon, when the sun was
  out, or at other times before and after noon, and also at night
  when the stars appeared, Lieutenant Bligh never neglected to take
  observations for the latitude, and to work the day's work for
  ascertaining the ship's place. The anxiety of the people to hear
  how they had proceeded, what progress had been made, and
  whereabouts they were on the wide ocean, also contributed for the
  time to drive away gloomy thoughts that but too frequently would
  intrude themselves. These observations were rigidly attended to,
  and sometimes made under the most difficult circumstances, the
  sea breaking over the observer, and the boat pitching and rolling
  so much, that he was obliged to be 'propped up,' while taking
  them. In this way, with now and then a little interrupted sleep,
  about a thousand long and anxious hours were consumed in pain and
  peril, and a space of sea passed over equal to four thousand five
  hundred miles, being at the rate of four and one-fifth miles an
  hour, or one hundred miles a day.</P>

  <P>Lieutenant Bligh has expressed his conviction, that the six
  days spent among the coral islands, off the coast of New Holland,
  were the salvation of the whole party, by the refreshing sleep
  they here procured, by the exercise of walking about, and, above
  all, by the nutriment derived from the oysters and clams, the
  beans and berries, they procured while there; for that such, he
  says, was the exhausted condition of all on their arrival at the
  'barrier reef,' that a few days more at sea must have terminated
  the existence of many of them. This stoppage, however, had
  likewise been nearly productive of fatal consequences to the
  whole party. In fact, another mutiny was within an ace of
  breaking out, which, if not checked at the moment, could only, in
  their desperate situation, have ended in irretrievable and total
  destruction. Bligh mentions, in his printed narrative, the
  mutinous conduct of a person to whom he gave a cutlass to defend
  himself. This affair, as stated in his original manuscript
  journal, wears a far more serious aspect.</P>

  <P>'The carpenter (Purcell) began to be insolent to a high
  degree, and at last told me, with a mutinous aspect, he was as
  good a man as I was. I did not just now see where this was to
  end; I therefore determined to strike a final blow at it, and
  either to preserve my command or die in the attempt; and taking
  hold of a cutlass, I ordered the rascal to take hold of another
  and defend himself, when he called out that I was going to kill
  him, and began to make concessions. I was now only assisted by
  Mr. Nelson; and the master (Fryer) very deliberately called out
  to the boatswain, to put me under an arrest, and was stirring up
  a greater disturbance, when I declared, if he interfered, when I
  was in the execution of my duty to preserve order and regularity,
  and that in consequence any tumult arose, I would certainly put
  him to death the first person. This had a proper effect on this
  man, and he now assured me that, on the contrary, I might rely on
  him to support my orders and directions for the future. This is
  the outline of a tumult that lasted about a quarter of hour'; and
  he adds, 'I was told that the master and carpenter, at the last
  place, were endeavouring to produce altercations, and were the
  principal cause of their murmuring there.' This carpenter he
  brought to a court-martial on their arrival in England, on
  various charges, of which he was found guilty in part, and
  reprimanded. Purcell is said to be at this time in a
  mad-house.</P>

  <P>On another occasion, when a stew of oysters was distributed
  among the people, Lieutenant Bligh observes (in the MS. Journal),
  'In the distribution of it, the voraciousness of some and the
  moderation of others were very discernible. The <I>master</I>
  began to be dissatisfied the first, because it was not made into
  a larger quantity by the addition of water, and showed a
  turbulent disposition, until I laid my commands on him to be
  silent.' Again, on his refusing bread to the men, because they
  were collecting oysters, he says, 'this occasioned some murmuring
  with the master and carpenter, the former of whom endeavoured to
  prove the propriety of such an expenditure, and was troublesomely
  ignorant, tending to create disorder among those, if any were
  weak enough to listen to him.'</P>

  <P>If what Bligh states with regard to the conduct of the master
  and the carpenter be true, it was such, on several occasions, as
  to provoke a man much less irritable than himself. He thus speaks
  of the latter, when in the ship and in the midst of the mutiny.
  'The boatswain and carpenter were fully at liberty; the former
  was employed, on pain of death, to hoist the boats out, but the
  latter I saw acting the part of an idler, with an impudent and
  ill-looking countenance, which led me to believe he was one of
  the mutineers, until he was among the rest ordered to leave the
  ship, for it appeared to me to be a doubt with Christian, at
  first, whether he should keep the carpenter or his mate (Norman),
  but knowing the former to be a troublesome fellow, he determined
  on the latter.'</P>

  <P>The following paragraph also appears in his original journal,
  on the day of the mutiny, but is not alluded to in his printed
  narrative. 'The master's cabin was opposite to mine; he saw them
  (the mutineers) in my cabin, for our eyes met each other through
  his door-window. He had a pair of ship's pistols loaded, and
  ammunition in his cabin&mdash;a firm resolution might have made a
  good use of them. After he had sent twice or thrice to Christian
  to be allowed to come on deck, he was at last permitted, and his
  question then was, "Will you let me remain in the
  ship?"&mdash;"No." "Have <I>you</I> any objection, Captain
  Bligh?" I whispered to him to knock him down&mdash;Martin is good
  (this is the man who gave the shaddock), for this was just before
  Martin was removed from me. Christian, however, pulled me back,
  and sent away the master, with orders to go again to his cabin,
  and I saw no more of him, until he was put into the boat. He
  afterwards told me that he could find nobody to act with him;
  that by staying in the ship he hoped to have retaken her, and
  that, as to the pistols, he was so flurried and surprised, that
  he did not recollect he had them.' This master tells a very
  different story respecting the pistols, in his evidence before
  the court-martial.</P>

  <P>Whatever, therefore, on the whole, may have been the conduct
  of Bligh towards his officers, that of some of the latter appears
  to have been on several occasions provoking enough, and well
  calculated to stir up the irascible temper of a man, active and
  zealous in the extreme, as Bligh always was, in the execution of
  his duty. Some excuse may be found for hasty expressions uttered
  in a moment of irritation, when passion gets the better of
  reason; but no excuse can be found for one, who deeply and
  unfeelingly, without provocation, and in cold blood, inflicts a
  wound on the heart of a widowed mother, already torn with anguish
  and tortured with suspense for a beloved son, whose life was in
  imminent jeopardy: such a man was William Bligh. This charge is
  not loosely asserted; it is founded on documentary evidence under
  his own hand. Since the death of the late Captain Heywood, some
  papers have been brought to light, that throw a still more
  unfavourable stigma on the character of the two commanders, Bligh
  and Edwards, than any censure that has hitherto appeared in
  print, though the conduct of neither of them has been spared,
  whenever an occasion has presented itself for bringing their
  names before the public.</P>

  <P>Bligh, it may be recollected, mentions young Heywood only as
  one of those left in the ship; he does not charge him with taking
  any active part in the mutiny; there is every reason, indeed, to
  believe that Bligh did not, and indeed could not, see him on the
  deck on that occasion: in point of fact, he never was within
  thirty feet of Captain Bligh, and the booms were between them.
  About the end of March, 1790, two months subsequent to the death
  of a most beloved and lamented husband, Mrs. Heywood received the
  afflicting information, but by report only, of a mutiny having
  taken place on board the <I>Bounty</I>. In that ship Mrs.
  Heywood's son had been serving as midshipman, who, when he left
  his home, in August, 1787, was under fifteen years of age, a boy
  deservedly admired and beloved by all who knew him, and, to his
  own family, almost an object of adoration, for his superior
  understanding and the amiable qualities of his disposition. In a
  state of mind little short of distraction, on hearing this fatal
  intelligence, which was at the same time aggravated by every
  circumstance of guilt that calumny or malice could invent with
  respect to this unfortunate youth, who was said to be one of the
  ringleaders, and to have gone armed into the captain's cabin, his
  mother addressed a letter to Captain Bligh, dictated by a
  mother's tenderness, and strongly expressive of the misery she
  must necessarily feel on such an occasion. The following is
  Bligh's reply:&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>London, April 2nd</I>, 1790.</P>

    <P>'MADAM,&mdash;I received your letter this day, and feel for
    you very much, being perfectly sensible of the extreme distress
    you must suffer from the conduct of your son Peter. <I>His
    baseness is beyond all description</I>, but I hope you will
    endeavour to prevent the loss of him, heavy as the misfortune
    is, from afflicting you too severely. I imagine he is, with the
    rest of the mutineers, returned to Otaheite.&mdash;- I am,
    Madam,</P>

    <P>(Signed) 'WM. BLIGH.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>Colonel Holwell, the uncle of young Heywood, had previously
  addressed Bligh on the same melancholy subject, to whom he
  returned the following answer:&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>26th March</I>, 1790.</P>

    <P>'SIR,&mdash;I have just this instant received your letter.
    With much concern I inform you that your nephew, Peter Hey
    wood, is among the mutineers. <I>His ingratitude to me is of
    the blackest dye</I>, for I was a father to him in every
    respect, and he never once had an angry word from me through
    the whole course of the voyage, as his conduct always gave me
    much pleasure and satisfaction. I very much regret <I>that so
    much baseness formed the character</I> <I>of a young man</I> I
    had a real regard for, and it will give me much pleasure to
    hear that his friends <I>can bear the loss of him without much
    concern</I>.&mdash;I am, Sir, etc.</P>

    <P>(Signed) 'WM. BLIGH.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>The only way of accounting for this ferocity of sentiment
  towards a youth, who had in point of fact no concern in the
  mutiny, is by a reference to certain points of evidence given by
  Hayward, Hallet, and Purcell on the court-martial, each point
  wholly unsupported. Those in the boat would no doubt, during
  their long passage, often discuss the conduct of their messmates
  left in the <I>Bounty</I>, and the unsupported evidence given by
  these three was well calculated to create in Bligh's mind a
  prejudice against young Heywood; yet, if so, it affords but a
  poor excuse for harrowing up the feelings of near and dear
  relatives.</P>

  <P>As a contrast to these ungracious letters, it is a great
  relief to peruse the correspondence that took place, on this
  melancholy occasion, between this unfortunate young officer and
  his amiable but dreadfully afflicted family. The letters of his
  sister, Nessy Heywood (of which a few will be inserted in the
  course of this narrative), exhibit so lively and ardent an
  affection for her beloved brother, are couched in so high a tone
  of feeling for his honour, and confidence in his innocence, and
  are so nobly answered by the suffering youth, that no apology
  seems to be required for their introduction, more especially as
  their contents are strictly connected with the story of the
  ill-fated crew of the <I>Bounty</I>. After a state of long
  suspense, this amiable and accomplished young lady thus addresses
  her brother:&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>Isle of Man, 2nd June</I>, 1792.</P>

    <P>'In a situation of mind only rendered supportable by the
    long and painful state of misery and suspense we have suffered
    on his account, how shall I address my dear, my fondly beloved
    brother!&mdash;how describe the anguish we have felt at the
    idea of this long and painful separation, rendered still more
    distressing by the terrible circumstances attending it! Oh! my
    ever dearest boy, when I look back to that dreadful moment
    which brought us the fatal intelligence that you had remained
    in the <I>Bounty</I> after Mr. Bligh had quitted her, and were
    looked upon by him as a <I>mutineer</I>!&mdash;when I contrast
    that day of horror with my present hopes of again beholding
    you, such as my most sanguine wishes could expect, I know not
    which is the most predominant sensation,&mdash;pity,
    compassion, and terror for your sufferings, or joy and
    satisfaction at the prospect of their being near a termination,
    and of once more embracing the dearest object of our
    affections.</P>

    <P>'I will not ask you, my beloved brother, whether you are
    innocent of the dreadful crime of mutiny; if the transactions
    of that day were as Mr. Bligh has represented them, such is my
    conviction of your worth and honour, that I will, without
    hesitation, stake my life on your innocence. If, on the
    contrary, you were concerned in such a conspiracy against your
    commander, I shall be as firmly persuaded <I>his</I> conduct
    was the occasion of it; but, alas! could any occasion justify
    so atrocious an attempt to destroy a number of our
    fellow-creatures? No, my ever dearest brother, nothing but
    conviction from your own mouth can possibly persuade me, that
    you would commit an action in the smallest degree inconsistent
    with honour and duty; and the circumstance of your having swam
    off to the <I>Pandora</I> on her arrival at Otaheite (which
    filled us with joy to which no words can do justice), is
    sufficient to convince all who know you, that you certainly
    staid behind either by force or from views of preservation.</P>

    <P>'How strange does it seem to me that I am now engaged in the
    delightful task of writing to you. Alas! my beloved brother,
    two years ago I never expected again to enjoy such a felicity,
    and even yet I am in the most painful uncertainty whether you
    are alive. Gracious God, grant that we may be at length blessed
    by your return I but, alas! the <I>Pandora's</I> people have
    been long expected, and are not even yet arrived. Should any
    accident have happened, after all the miseries you have already
    suffered, the poor gleam of hope with which we have been lately
    indulged, will render our situation ten thousand times more
    insupportable than if time had inured us to your loss. I send
    this to the care of Mr. Hayward, of Hackney, father to the
    young gentleman you so often mention in your letters while you
    were on board the <I>Bounty</I>, and who went out as third
    lieutenant of the <I>Pandora</I>&mdash;a circumstance which
    gave us infinite satisfaction, as you would, on entering the
    <I>Pandora</I>, meet your old friend. On discovering old Mr.
    Hayward's residence, I wrote to him, as I hoped he could give
    me some information respecting the time of your arrival, and in
    return he sent me a most friendly letter, and has promised this
    shall be given to you when you reach England, as I well know
    how great must be your anxiety to hear of us, and how much
    satisfaction it will give you to have a letter immediately on
    your return. Let me conjure you, my dearest Peter, to write to
    us the very first moment&mdash;do not lose a post&mdash;'tis of
    no consequence how short your letter may be, if it only informs
    us you are well. I need not tell you that you are the first and
    dearest object of our affections. Think, then, my adored boy,
    of the anxiety we must feel on your account; for my own part, I
    can know no real joy or happiness independent of you, and if
    any misfortune should now deprive us of you, my hopes of
    felicity are fled for ever.</P>

    <P>'We are at present making all possible interest with every
    friend and connexion we have, to ensure you a sufficient
    support and protection at your approaching trial; for a trial
    you must unavoidably undergo, in order to convince the world of
    that innocence, which those who know you will not for a moment
    doubt; but, alas! while circumstances are against you, the
    generality of mankind will judge severely. Bligh's
    representations to the Admiralty are, I am told, very
    unfavourable, and hitherto the tide of public opinion has been
    greatly in his favour. My mamma is at present well, considering
    the distress she has suffered since you left us; for, my
    dearest brother, we have experienced a complicated scene of
    misery from a variety of causes, which, however, when compared
    with the sorrow we felt on your account, was trifling and
    insignificant; <I>that</I> misfortune made all others light,
    and to see you once more returned, and safely restored to us,
    will be the summit of all earthly happiness.</P>

    <P>'Farewell, my most beloved brother! God grant this may soon
    be put into your hands I Perhaps at this moment you are arrived
    in England, and I may soon have the dear delight of again
    beholding you. My mamma, brothers, and sisters, join with me in
    every sentiment of love and tenderness. Write to us
    immediately, my ever-loved Peter, and may the Almighty preserve
    you until you bless with your presence your fondly affectionate
    family, and particularly your unalterably faithful friend and
    sister,</P>

    <P>(Signed) 'NESSY HEYWOOD.'<A name='FNanchor_12_12' id=
    "FNanchor_12_12"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_12_12'><SUP>[12]</SUP></A></P>
  </DIV>

  <P>The gleam of joy which this unhappy family derived from the
  circumstance, which had been related to them, of young Heywood's
  swimming off to the <I>Pandora</I>, was dissipated by a letter
  from himself to his mother, soon after his arrival in England, in
  which he says:&mdash;'The question, my dear mother, in one of
  your letters, concerning my swimming off to the <I>Pandora</I>,
  is one falsity among the too many, in which I have often thought
  of undeceiving you, and as frequently forgot. The story was
  this:&mdash;On the morning she arrived, accompanied by two of my
  friends (natives), I was going up the mountains, and having got
  about a hundred yards from my own house, another of my friends
  (for I was an universal favourite among those Indians, and
  perfectly conversant in their language) came running after me,
  and informed me there was a ship coming. I immediately ascended a
  rising ground, and saw, with indescribable joy, a ship laying-to
  off Hapiano; it was just after daylight, and thinking Coleman
  might not be awake, and therefore ignorant of this pleasing news,
  I sent one of my servants to inform him of it, upon which he
  immediately went off in a single canoe. There was a fresh breeze,
  and the ship working into the bay; he no sooner got alongside
  than the rippling capsized the canoe, and he being obliged to let
  go the tow-rope to get her righted, went astern, and was picked
  up the next tack and taken on board the <I>Pandora</I>, he being
  the first person. I, along with my messmate Stewart, was then
  standing upon the beach with a double canoe, manned with twelve
  paddles ready for launching; and just as she made her last tack
  into her berth (for we did not think it requisite to go off
  sooner), we put off and got alongside just as they streamed the
  buoy; and being dressed in the country manner, tanned as brown as
  themselves, and I <I>tattooed</I> like them in the most curious
  manner, I do not in the least wonder at their taking us for
  natives. I was tattooed, not to gratify my own desire, but
  theirs; for it was my constant endeavour to acquiesce in any
  little custom which I thought would be agreeable to them, though
  painful in the process, provided I gained by it their friendship
  and esteem, which you may suppose is no inconsiderable object in
  an island where the natives are so numerous. The more a man or
  woman there is tattooed, the more they are respected; and a
  person having none of these marks is looked upon as bearing an
  unworthy badge of disgrace, and considered as a mere outcast of
  society.'</P>

  <P>Among the many anxious friends and family connexions of the
  Heywoods, was Commodore Pasley, to whom this affectionate young
  lady addressed herself on the melancholy occasion; and the
  following is the reply she received from this officer.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>Sheerness, June 8th</I>, 1792.</P>

    <P>'Would to God, my dearest Nessy, that I could rejoice with
    you on the early prospect of your brother's arrival in England.
    One division of the <I>Pandora's</I> people has arrived, and
    now on board the <I>Vengeance</I> (my ship). Captain Edwards
    with the remainder, and all the prisoners late of the
    <I>Bounty</I>, in number ten (four having been drowned on the
    loss of that ship), are daily expected. They have been most
    rigorously and closely confined since taken, and will continue
    so, no doubt, till Bligh's arrival. You have no chance of
    seeing him, for no bail can be offered. Your intelligence of
    his swimming off on the <I>Pandoras</I> arrival is not founded;
    a man of the name of Coleman swam off ere she
    anchored&mdash;your brother and Mr. Stewart the next day; this
    last youth, when the <I>Pandora</I> was lost, refused to allow
    his irons to be taken off to save his life.</P>

    <P>'I cannot conceal it from you, my dearest Nessy, neither is
    it proper I should&mdash;your brother appears, by all accounts,
    to be the greatest culprit of all, Christian alone excepted.
    Every exertion, you may rest assured, I shall use to save his
    life, but on trial I have no hope of his not being condemned.
    Three of the ten who are expected are mentioned, in Bligh's
    narrative, as men detained against their inclination. Would to
    God your brother had been one of that number! I will not
    distress you more by enlarging on this subject; as intelligence
    arises on their arrival, you shall be made acquainted. Adieu!
    my dearest Nessy&mdash;present my affectionate remembrances to
    your mother and sisters, and believe me always, with the
    warmest affection,&mdash;Your uncle,</P>

    <P>THOS. PASLEY.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>How unlike is this from the letter of Bligh! while it frankly
  apprises this amiable lady of the real truth of the case, without
  disguise, as it was then understood to be from Mr. Bligh's
  representations, it assures her of his best exertions to save her
  brother's life. Every reader of sensibility will sympathise in
  the feeling displayed in her reply.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>Isle of Man, 22nd June</I>, 1792.</P>

    <P>'Harassed by the most torturing suspense, and miserably
    wretched as I have been, my dearest uncle, since the receipt of
    your last, conceive, if it is possible, the heartfelt joy and
    satisfaction we experienced yesterday morning, when, on the
    arrival of the packet, the dear delightful letter from our
    beloved Peter (a copy of which I send you enclosed) was brought
    to us. Surely, my excellent friend, you will agree with me in
    thinking there could not be a stronger proof of his innocence
    and worth, and that it must prejudice every person who reads it
    most powerfully in his favour. Such a letter in less
    distressful circumstances than those in which he writes, would,
    I am persuaded, reflect honour on the pen of a person much
    older than my poor brother. But when we consider his extreme
    youth (only sixteen at the time of the mutiny, and now but
    nineteen), his fortitude, patience, and manly resignation under
    the pressure of sufferings and misfortunes almost unheard of,
    and scarcely to be supported at any age, without the assistance
    of that which seems to be my dear brother's greatest
    comfort&mdash;- a quiet conscience, and a thorough conviction
    of his own innocence&mdash;when I add, at the same time, with
    real pleasure and satisfaction, that his relation corresponds
    in many particulars with the accounts we have hitherto heard of
    the fatal mutiny, and when I also add, with inconceivable pride
    and delight, that my beloved Peter never was known to breathe a
    syllable inconsistent with truth and honour;&mdash;when these
    circumstances, my dear uncle, are all united, what man on earth
    can doubt of the innocence which could dictate such a letter?
    In short, let it speak for him: the perusal of his artless and
    pathetic story will, I am persuaded, be a stronger
    recommendation in his favour than any thing I can urge.<A name=
    'FNanchor_13_13' id="FNanchor_13_13"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_13_13'><SUP>[13]</SUP></A></P>

    <P>'I need not tire your patience, my ever loved uncle, by
    dwelling longer on this subject (the dearest and most
    interesting on earth to my heart); let me conjure you only, my
    kind friend, to read it, and consider the innocence and
    defenceless situation of its unfortunate author, which calls
    for, and I am sure deserves, all the pity and assistance his
    friends can afford him, and which, I am sure also, the goodness
    and benevolence of your heart will prompt you to exert in his
    behalf. It is perfectly unnecessary for me to add, after the
    anxiety I feel, and cannot but express, that no benefit
    conferred upon myself will be acknowledged with half the
    gratitude I must ever feel for the smallest instance of
    kindness shown to my beloved Peter. Farewell, my dearest uncle.
    With the firmest reliance on your kind and generous promises, I
    am, ever with the truest gratitude and sincerity,&mdash;Your
    most affectionate niece,</P>

    <P>NESSY HEYWOOD.'</P>
  </DIV>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='CHAPTER_V' id="CHAPTER_V"></A>

  <H2>CHAPTER V</H2>

  <P>THE 'PANDORA'</P>&mdash;O! I have suffer'd<BR>
  With those that I saw suffer! a brave vessel,<BR>
  Who had, no doubt, some noble creatures in her,<BR>
  Dash'd all to pieces. O, the cry did knock<BR>
  Against my very heart! Poor souls! they perish'd<BR>
  Had I been any god of power, I would<BR>
  Have sunk the sea within the earth, or e'er<BR>
  It should the good ship so have swallow'd, and<BR>
  The freighting souls within her.<BR>
  <BR>

  <P>The tide of public applause set as strongly in favour of
  Bligh, on account of his sufferings and the successful issue of
  his daring enterprise, as its indignation was launched against
  Christian and his associates, for the audacious and criminal deed
  they had committed. Bligh was promoted by the Admiralty to the
  rank of Commander, and speedily sent out a second time to
  transport the bread-fruit to the West Indies, which he without
  the least obstruction successfully accomplished; and his
  Majesty's government were no sooner made acquainted with the
  atrocious act of piracy and mutiny, than it determined to adopt
  every possible means to apprehend and bring to condign punishment
  the perpetrators of so foul a deed. For this purpose, the
  <I>Pandora</I> frigate, of twenty-four guns and one hundred and
  sixty men, was despatched under the command of Captain Edward
  Edwards, with orders to proceed, in the first instance, to
  Otaheite, and not finding the mutineers there, to visit the
  different groups of the Society and Friendly Islands, and others
  in the neighbouring parts of the Pacific, using his best
  endeavours to seize and bring home in confinement the whole or
  such part of the delinquents as he might be able to discover.</P>

  <P>This voyage was in the sequel almost as disastrous as that of
  the <I>Bounty</I>, but from a different cause. The waste of human
  life was much greater, occasioned by the wreck of the ship, and
  the distress experienced by the crew not much less, owing to the
  famine and thirst they had to suffer in a navigation of eleven
  hundred miles in open boats; but the Captain succeeded in
  fulfilling a part of his instructions, by taking fourteen of the
  mutineers, of whom ten were brought safe to England, the other
  four being drowned when the ship was wrecked.</P>

  <P>The only published account of this voyage is contained in a
  small volume by Mr. George Hamilton, the surgeon, who appears to
  have been a coarse, vulgar, and illiterate man, more disposed to
  relate licentious scenes and adventures, in which he and his
  companions were engaged, than to give any information of
  proceedings and occurrences connected with the main object of the
  voyage. From this book, therefore, much information is not to be
  looked for. In a more modern publication, many abusive epithets
  have been bestowed on Captain Edwards, and observations made on
  the conduct of this officer highly injurious to his reputation,
  in regard to his inhuman treatment of, and disgraceful acts of
  cruelty towards, his prisoners, which it is to be feared have but
  too much foundation in fact.</P>

  <P>The account of his proceedings, rendered by himself to the
  Admiralty, is vague and unsatisfactory; and had it not been for
  the journal of Morrison, and a circumstantial letter of young
  Heywood to his mother, no record would have remained of the
  unfeeling conduct of this officer towards his unfortunate
  prisoners, who were treated with a rigour which could not be
  justified on any ground of necessity or prudence.</P>

  <P>The <I>Pandora</I> anchored in Matavai Bay on the 23rd March
  1791. Captain Edwards, in his narrative, states that Joseph
  Coleman, the armourer of the <I>Bounty</I>, attempted to come on
  board before the <I>Pandora</I> had anchored; that on reaching
  the ship, he began to make inquiries of him after the
  <I>Bounty</I> and her people, and that he seemed to be ready to
  give him any information that was required; that the next who
  came on board, just after the ship had anchored, were Mr. Peter
  Heywood and Mr. Stewart, before any boat had been sent on shore;
  that they were brought down to his cabin, when, after some
  conversation, Heywood asked if Mr. Hayward (midshipman of the
  <I>Bounty</I>, but now lieutenant of the <I>Pandora</I>) was on
  board, as he had heard that he was; that Lieutenant Hayward, whom
  he sent for, treated Heywood. with a sort of contemptuous look,
  and began to enter into conversation with him respecting the
  <I>Bounty</I>; but Edwards ordered him to desist, and called in
  the sentinel to take the prisoners into safe custody, and to put
  them in irons; that four other mutineers soon made their
  appearance; and that, from them and some of the natives, he
  learned that the rest of the <I>Bounty's</I> people had built a
  schooner, with which they had sailed the day before from Matavai
  Bay to the north-west part of the island.</P>

  <P>He goes on to say that, on this intelligence, he despatched
  the two lieutenants, Corner and Hayward, with the pinnace and
  launch, to endeavour to intercept her. They soon got sight of her
  and chased her out to sea, but the schooner gained so much upon
  them, and night coming on, they were compelled to give up the
  pursuit and return to the ship. It was soon made known, however,
  that she had returned to Paparr&eacute;, on which they were again
  despatched in search of her. Lieutenant Corner had taken three of
  the mutineers, and Hayward, on arriving at Paparr&eacute;, found
  the schooner there, but the mutineers had abandoned her and fled
  to the mountains. He carried off the schooner, and returned next
  day, when he learned they were not far off; and the following
  morning, on hearing they were coming down, he drew up his party
  in order to receive them, and when within hearing, called to them
  to lay down their arms and to go on one side, which they did,
  when they were confined and brought as prisoners to the ship.</P>

  <P>The following were the persons received on Board the
  <I>Pandora</I>:</P>PETER HEYWOOD Midshipman.<BR>
  GEORGE STEWART Ditto.<BR>
  JAMES MORRISON Boatswain's mate.<BR>
  CHARLES NORMAN Carpenter's mate.<BR>
  THOMAS M'INTOSH Carpenter's crew.<BR>
  JOSEPH COLEMAN Armourer.<BR>
  RICHARD SKINNER }<BR>
  THOMAS ELLISON }<BR>
  HENRY HILLBRANT }<BR>
  THOMAS BURKITT } Seamen.<BR>
  JOHN MILLWARD }<BR>
  JOHN SUMNER }<BR>
  WILLIAM MUSPRATT }<BR>
  MICHAEL BYRNE }<BR>

  <P>In all fourteen. The other two, which made up the sixteen that
  had been left on the island, were murdered, as will appear
  presently.</P>

  <P>Captain Edwards will himself explain how he disposed of his
  prisoners. 'I put the pirates,' he says, 'into a round-house
  which I built on the after part of the quarter-deck, for their
  more effectual security in this airy and healthy situation, and
  to separate them from, and to prevent their having communication
  with, or to crowd and incommode, the ship's company.' Dr.
  Hamilton calls it the most desirable place in the ship, and adds,
  that 'orders were given that the prisoners should be victualled,
  in every respect, the same as the ship's company, both in meat,
  liquor, and all the extra indulgences with which they were so
  liberally supplied, notwithstanding the established laws of the
  service, which restrict prisoners to two-thirds allowance; but
  Captain Edwards very humanely commiserated their unhappy and
  inevitable length of confinement.' Mr. Morrison, one of the
  prisoners, gives a very different account of their treatment from
  that of Edwards or Hamilton. He says that Captain Edwards put
  both legs of the two midshipmen in irons, and that he branded
  them with the opprobrious epithet of 'piratical villains': that
  they, with the rest, being strongly handcuffed, were put into a
  kind of round-house only eleven feet long, built as a prison, and
  aptly named '<I>Pandora's</I> Box,' which was entered by a
  scuttle in the roof, about eighteen inches square. This was done
  in order that they might be kept separate from the crew, and also
  the more effectually to prevent them from having any
  communication with the natives; that such of those friendly
  creatures as ventured to look pitifully towards them were
  instantly turned out of the ship, and never again allowed to come
  on board. But two sentinels were kept constantly upon the roof of
  the prison, with orders to shoot the first of its inmates who
  should attempt to address another in the Otaheitan dialect.</P>

  <P>That Captain Edwards took every precaution to keep his
  prisoners in safe custody, and place them in confinement, as by
  his instructions he was directed to do, may be well
  imagined,<A name='FNanchor_14_14' id=
  "FNanchor_14_14"></A><A href='#Footnote_14_14'><SUP>[14]</SUP></A>
  but Mr. Morrison will probably be thought to go somewhat beyond
  credibility in stating that orders were given 'to <I>shoot</I>
  any of the prisoners,' when confined in irons. Captain Edwards
  must have known that such an act would have cost him his
  commission or something more. The fact is, that information was
  given to Edwards, at least he so asserts, by the brother of the
  King of Otaheite, an intelligent chief, that a conspiracy was
  formed among the natives to cut the ship's cables the first
  strong wind that should blow on the shore, which was considered
  to be the more probable, as many of the prisoners were said to be
  married to the most respectable chiefs' daughters in the district
  opposite to the anchorage; that the midshipman Stewart, in
  particular, had married the daughter of a man of great landed
  property near Matavai Bay. This intelligence, no doubt, weighed
  with the Captain in giving his orders for the close confinement
  of the prisoners; and particularly in restricting the visits of
  the natives; but so far is it from being true that all
  communication between the mutineers and the natives was cut off,
  that we are distinctly told by Mr. Hamilton, that 'the prisoners'
  wives visited the ship daily, and brought their children, who
  were permitted to be carried to their unhappy fathers. To see the
  poor captives in irons,' he says, 'weeping over their tender
  offspring, was too moving a scene for any feeling heart, Their
  wives brought them ample supplies of every delicacy that the
  country afforded, while we lay there, and behaved with the
  greatest fidelity and affection to them.'<A name='FNanchor_15_15'
  id="FNanchor_15_15"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_15_15'><SUP>[15]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>Of the fidelity and attachment of these simple-minded
  creatures an instance is afforded in the affecting story which is
  told, in the first <I>Missionary Voyage of the Duff</I>, of the
  unfortunate wife of the reputed mutineer Mr. Stewart. It would
  seem also to exonerate Edwards from some part of the charges
  which have been brought against him.</P>

  <P>'The history of Peggy Stewart marks a tenderness of heart that
  never will be heard without emotion: she was the daughter of a
  chief, and taken for his wife by Mr. Stewart, one of the unhappy
  mutineers. They had lived with the old chief in the most tender
  state of endearment; a beautiful little girl had been the fruit
  of their union, and was at the breast when the <I>Pandora</I>
  arrived, seized the criminals, and secured them in irons on board
  the ship. Frantic with grief, the unhappy Peggy (for so he had
  named her) flew with her infant in a canoe to the arms of her
  husband. The interview was so affecting and afflicting, that the
  officers on board were overwhelmed with anguish, and Stewart
  himself, unable to bear the heartrending scene, begged she might
  not be admitted again on board. She was separated from him by
  violence, and conveyed on shore in a state of despair and grief
  too big for utterance. Withheld from him, and forbidden to come
  any more on board, she sunk into the deepest dejection; it preyed
  on her vitals; she lost all relish for food and life, rejoiced no
  more, pined under a rapid decay of two months, and fell a victim
  to her feelings, dying literally of a broken heart. Her child is
  yet alive, and the tender object of our care, having been brought
  up by a sister, who nursed it as her own, and has discharged all
  the duties of an affectionate mother to the orphan
  infant.'<A name='FNanchor_16_16' id="FNanchor_16_16"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_16_16'><SUP>[16]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>It does not appear that young Heywood formed any matrimonial
  engagement during his abode in Otaheite. He was not, however,
  insensible to the amiable and good qualities of these people. In
  some laudatory verses which he wrote while on the island, their
  numerous good qualities are spoken of in terms of the highest
  commendation.</P>

  <P>All the mutineers that were left on the island being received
  on board the <I>Pandora</I>, that ship proceeded in search of
  those who had gone away in the <I>Bounty</I>. It may be
  mentioned, however, that two of the most active in the mutiny,
  Churchill and Thompson, had perished on the island before her
  arrival, by violent deaths. These two men had accompanied a
  chief, who was the <I>tayo</I>, or sworn friend, of Churchill,
  and having died without children, this mutineer succeeded to his
  property and dignity, according to the custom of the country.
  Thompson, for some real or fancied insult, took an opportunity of
  shooting his companion. The natives assembled, and came to a
  resolution to avenge the murder, and literally stoned Thompson to
  death, and his skull was brought on board the <I>Pandora</I>.
  This horrible wretch had some time before slain a man and a child
  through mere wantonness, but escaped punishment by a mistake that
  had nearly proved fatal to young Heywood. It seems that the
  description of a person in Otaheite is usually given by some
  distinguishing figure of the <I>tattoo</I>, and Heywood, having
  the same marks as Thompson, was taken for him; and just as the
  club was raised to dash out his brains, the interposition of an
  old chief, with whom he was travelling round the island, was just
  in time to avert the blow.</P>

  <P>Captain Edwards had no clue to guide him as to the route taken
  by the <I>Bounty</I>, but he learnt from different people and
  from journals kept on board that ship, which were found in the
  chests of the mutineers at Otaheite, the proceedings of Christian
  and his associates after Lieutenant Bligh and his companions had
  been turned adrift in the launch. From these it appears that the
  pirates proceeded in the first instance to the island of
  Toobouai, in lat. 20&deg; 13' S., long. 149&deg; 35' W., where
  they anchored on the 25th May, 1789. They had thrown overboard
  the greater part of the bread-fruit plants, and divided among
  themselves the property of the officers and men who had been so
  inhumanly turned adrift. At this island they intended to form a
  settlement, but the opposition of the natives, the want of many
  necessary materials, and quarrels among themselves, determined
  them to go to Otaheite to procure what might be required to
  effect their purpose, provided they should agree to prosecute
  their original intention. They accordingly sailed from Toobouai
  about the latter end of the month, and arrived at Otaheite on the
  6th June. The Otoo, or reigning sovereign, and other principal
  natives, were very inquisitive and anxious to know what had
  become of Lieutenant Bligh and the rest of the crew, and also
  what had been done with the bread-fruit plants? They were told
  they had most unexpectedly fallen in with Captain Cook at an
  island he had just discovered, called Whytootakee, where he
  intended to form a settlement, and where the plants had been
  landed; and that Lieutenant Bligh and the others were stopping
  there to assist Captain Cook in the business he had in hand, and
  that he had appointed Mr. Christian commander of the
  <I>Bounty</I>; and that he was now come by his orders for an
  additional supply of hogs, goats, fowls, bread-fruit, and various
  other articles which Otaheite could supply.</P>

  <P>This artful story was quite sufficient to impose on the
  credulity of these humane and simple-minded islanders; and so
  overcome with joy were they to hear that their old friend Captain
  Cook was alive, and about to settle so near them, that every
  possible means were forthwith made use of to procure the things
  that were wanted; so that in the course of a very few days the
  <I>Bounty</I> received on board three hundred and twelve hogs,
  thirty-eight goats, eight dozen of fowls, a bull and a cow, and a
  large quantity of bread-fruit, plantains, bananas, and other
  fruits. They also took with them eight men, nine women, and seven
  boys. With these supplies they left Otaheite on the 19th June,
  and arrived a second time at Toobouai on the 26th. They warped
  the ship up the harbour, landed the live stock, and set about
  building a fort of fifty yards square.</P>

  <P>While this work was carrying on, quarrels and disagreements
  were daily happening among them, and continual disputes and
  skirmishes were taking place with the natives, generally brought
  on by the violent conduct of the invaders, and by depredations
  committed on their property. Retaliations were attempted by the
  natives without success, numbers of whom being pursued with
  fire-arms were put to death. Still the situation of the mutineers
  became so disagreeable and unsafe, the work went on so slowly and
  reluctantly, that the building of the fort was agreed to be
  discontinued. Christian, in fact, had very soon perceived that
  his authority was on the wane, and that no peaceful establishment
  was likely to be accomplished at Toobouai; he therefore held a
  consultation as to what would be the most advisable step to take.
  After much angry discussion, it was at length determined that
  Toobouai should be abandoned; that the ship should once more be
  taken to Otaheite; and that those who might choose to go on shore
  there might do so, and those who preferred to remain in the ship
  might proceed in her to whatever place they should agree upon
  among themselves.</P>

  <P>In consequence of this determination they sailed from Toobouai
  on the 15th, and arrived at Matavai Bay on the 20th September,
  1789. Here sixteen of the mutineers were put on shore, at their
  own request, fourteen of whom were received on board the
  <I>Pandora</I>, and two of them, as before mentioned, were
  murdered on the island. The remaining nine agreed to continue in
  the <I>Bounty</I>. The small arms, powder, canvas, and the small
  stores belonging to the ship, were equally divided among the
  whole crew. The <I>Bounty</I> sailed finally from Otaheite on the
  night of the 21st September, and was last seen the following
  morning to the north-west of Point Venus. They took with them
  seven Otaheitan men and twelve women. It was not even conjectured
  whither they meant to go; but Christian had frequently been heard
  to say, that his object was to discover some unknown or
  uninhabited island, in which there was no harbour for shipping;
  that he would run the <I>Bounty</I> on shore, and make use of her
  materials to form a settlement; but this was the only account,
  vague as it was, that could be procured to direct Captain Edwards
  in his intended search.</P>

  <P>It appears that when the schooner, of which we have spoken,
  had been finished, six of the fourteen mutineers that were left
  on Otaheite embarked in her, with the intention of proceeding to
  the East Indies, and actually put to sea; but meeting with bad
  weather, and suspecting the nautical abilities of Morrison, whom
  they had elected as commanding officer, to conduct her in safety,
  they resolved on returning to Otaheite. Morrison, it seems, first
  undertook the construction of this schooner, being himself a
  tolerable mechanic, in which he was assisted by the two
  carpenters, the cooper, and some others. To this little band of
  architects, we are told, Morrison acted both as director and
  chaplain, distinguishing the Sabbath day by reading to them the
  Church Liturgy, and hoisting the British colours on a flagstaff
  erected near the scene of their operations. Conscious of his
  innocence, his object is stated to have been that of reaching
  Batavia in time to secure a passage home in the next fleet bound
  to Holland; but that their return was occasioned, not by any
  distrust of Morrison's talents, but by a refusal, on the part of
  the natives, to give them a sufficient quantity of matting and
  other necessaries for so long a voyage, being, in fact, desirous
  of retaining them on the island. Stewart and young Heywood took
  no part in this transaction, having made up their minds to remain
  at Otaheite, and there to await the arrival of a king's ship, it
  being morally certain that ere long one would be sent out thither
  to search for them, whatever might have been the fate of Bligh
  and his companions; and that this was really their intention is
  evident by the alacrity they displayed in getting on board the
  <I>Pandora</I>, the moment of her arrival.</P>

  <P>On the 8th of May, this frigate left Otaheite, accompanied by
  the little schooner which the mutineers had built, and the
  history of which is somewhat remarkable. In point of size she was
  not a great deal larger than Lieutenant Bligh's launch, her
  dimensions being thirty feet length of keel; thirty-five feet
  length on deck; nine feet and a half extreme breadth; five feet
  depth of the hold. She parted from the <I>Pandora</I> near the
  Palmerston Islands, when searching for the <I>Bounty</I>, and was
  not heard of till the arrival of the <I>Pandora's</I> crew at
  Samarang, in Java, where they found her lying at anchor, the crew
  having suffered so dreadfully from famine and the want of water,
  that one of the young gentlemen belonging to her became
  delirious. She was a remarkably swift sailer, and, being
  afterwards employed in the sea-otter trade, is stated to have
  made one of the quickest passages ever known from China to the
  Sandwich Islands. This memorable little vessel was purchased at
  Canton by the late Captain Broughton, to assist him in surveying
  the coast of Tartary, and became the means of preserving the crew
  of his Majesty's ship <I>Providence</I>, amounting to one hundred
  and twelve men, when wrecked to the eastward of Formosa, in the
  year 1797.</P>

  <P>The <I>Pandora</I> called at numerous islands without success,
  but on Lieutenant Corner having landed on one of the Palmerston's
  group, he found a yard and some spars with the broad arrow upon
  them, and marked <I>Bounty</I>. This induced the captain to cause
  a very minute search to be made in all these islands, in the
  course of which the <I>Pandora</I>, being driven out to sea by
  blowing weather, and very thick and hazy, lost sight of the
  little tender and a jolly boat, the latter of which was never
  more heard of. This gives occasion to a little splenetic effusion
  from a writer in a periodical journal,<A name='FNanchor_17_17'
  id="FNanchor_17_17"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_17_17'><SUP>[17]</SUP></A> which was hardly called
  for, 'When this boat,' says the writer, 'with a midshipman and
  several men (four), had been inhumanly ordered from alongside, it
  was known that there was nothing in her but one piece of
  salt-beef, compassionately thrown in by a seaman; and horrid as
  must have been their fate, the flippant surgeon, after detailing
  the disgraceful fact, adds&mdash;"that this is the way the world
  was peopled"&mdash;or words to that effect, for we quote only
  from memory.' The following is quoted from the book:&mdash;</P>

  <P>'It may be difficult to surmise,' says the surgeon, 'what has
  been the fate of those unfortunate men. They had a piece of
  salt-beef thrown into the boat to them on leaving the ship; and
  it rained a good deal that night and the following day, which
  might satiate their thirst. It is by these accidents the Divine
  Ruler of the universe has peopled the southern hemisphere.' This
  is no more than asserting an acknowledged fact that can hardly
  admit of a dispute, and there appears nothing in the paragraph
  which at all affects the character of Captain Edwards, against
  whom it is levelled.</P>

  <P>After a fruitless search of three months, the <I>Pandora</I>
  arrived, on the 29th August, on the coast of New Holland, and
  close to that extraordinary reef of coral rocks called the
  'Barrier Reef,' which runs along the greater part of the eastern
  coast, but at a considerable distance from it. The boat had been
  sent out to look for an opening, which was soon discovered, but
  in the course of the night the ship had drifted past it. 'On
  getting soundings,' says Captain Edwards, in his narrative laid
  before the court-martial, 'the topsails were filled; but before
  the tacks were hauled on board and other sail made and trimmed,
  the ship struck upon a reef; we had a quarter less two fathoms on
  the larboard side, and three fathoms on the starboard side; the
  sails were braced about different ways to endeavour to get her
  off, but to no purpose; they were then clewed up and afterwards
  furled, the top-gallant yards got down and the top-gallant masts
  struck. Boats were hoisted out with a view to carry out an
  anchor, but before that could be effected the ship struck so
  violently on the reef, that the carpenter reported she made
  eighteen inches of water in five minutes; and in five minutes
  after this, that there were four feet of water in the hold.
  Finding the leak increasing so fast, it was thought necessary to
  turn the hands to the pumps, and to bail at the different
  hatchways; but she still continued to gain upon us so fast, that
  in little more than an hour and a half after she struck, there
  were eight feet and a half of water in the hold. About ten we
  perceived that the ship had beaten over the reef, and was in ten
  fathoms water; we therefore let go the small bower anchor,
  cleared away a cable, and let go the best bower anchor in fifteen
  and a half fathoms water under foot, to steady the ship. Some of
  her guns were thrown overboard, and the water gained upon us only
  in a small degree, and we flattered ourselves that by the
  assistance of a thrummed topsail, which we were preparing to haul
  under the ship's bottom, we might be able to lessen the leak, and
  to free her of water: but these flattering hopes did not continue
  long; for, as she settled in the water, the leak increased again,
  and in so great a degree, that there was reason to apprehend she
  would sink before daylight. During the night two of the pumps
  were unfortunately for some time rendered useless; one of them,
  however, was repaired, and we continued baling and pumping the
  remainder of the night; and every effort that was thought of was
  made to keep afloat and preserve the ship. Daylight fortunately
  appeared, and gave us the opportunity of seeing our situation and
  the surrounding danger, and it was evident the ship had been
  carried to the northward by a tide or current.</P>

  <P>'The officers, whom I had consulted on the subject of our
  situation, gave it as their opinion that nothing more could be
  done for the preservation of the ship; it then became necessary
  to endeavour to provide and to find means for the preservation of
  the people. Our four boats, which consisted of one launch, one
  eight-oared pinnace, and two six-oared yawls, with careful hands
  in them, were kept astern of the ship; a small quantity of bread,
  water, and other necessary articles, were put into them; two
  canoes, which we had on board, were lashed together and put into
  the water; rafts were made, and all floating things upon deck
  were unlashed.</P>

  <P>'About half-past six in the morning of the 29th the hold was
  full, and the water was between decks, and it also washed in at
  the upper deck ports, and there were strong indications that the
  ship was on the very point of sinking, and we began to leap
  overboard and take to the boats, and before everybody could get
  out of her she actually sunk. The boats continued astern of the
  ship in the direction of the drift of the tide from her, and took
  up the people that had hold of rafts and other floating things
  that had been cast loose, for the purpose of supporting them on
  the water. The double canoe, that was able to support a
  considerable number of men, broke adrift with only one man, and
  was bulged upon a reef, and afforded us no assistance when she
  was so much wanted on this trying and melancholy occasion. Two of
  the boats were laden with men and sent to a small sandy island
  (or key) about four miles from the wreck; and I remained near the
  ship for some time with the other two boats, and picked up all
  the people that could be seen, and then followed the two first
  boats to the key; and having landed the men and cleared the
  boats, they were immediately despatched again to look about the
  wreck and the adjoining reef for any that might be missing, but
  they returned without having found a single person. On mustering
  the people that were saved, it appeared that eighty-nine of the
  ship's company, and ten of the mutineers that had been prisoners
  on board, answered to their names; but thirty-one of the ship's
  company, and four mutineers, were lost with the ship.'</P>

  <P>It is remarkable enough that so little notice is taken of the
  mutineers in this narrative of the captain; and as the following
  statement is supposed to come from the late Lieutenant Corner,
  who was second lieutenant of the <I>Pandora</I>, it is entitled
  to be considered as authentic, and if so, Captain Edwards must
  have deserved the character, ascribed to him, of being altogether
  destitute of the common feelings of humanity.</P>

  <P>'Three of the <I>Bounty's</I> people, Coleman, Norman, and
  M'Intosh, were now let out of irons, and sent to work at the
  pumps. The others offered their assistance, and begged to be
  allowed a chance of saving their lives; instead of which, two
  additional sentinels were placed over them, with orders to shoot
  any who should attempt to get rid of their fetters. Seeing no
  prospect of escape, they betook themselves to prayer, and
  prepared to meet their fate, every one expecting that the ship
  would soon go to pieces, her rudder and part of the stern-post
  being already beat away.'</P>

  <P>When the ship was actually sinking, and every effort making
  for the preservation of the crew, it is asserted that 'no notice
  was taken of the prisoners, as is falsely stated by the author of
  the <I>Pandora's Voyage</I>, although Captain Edwards was
  entreated by Mr. Heywood to have mercy upon them, when he passed
  over their prison, to make his own escape, the ship then lying on
  her broadside, with the larboard bow completely under water.
  Fortunately the master-at-arms, either by accident or design,
  when slipping from the roof of "<I>Pandora's</I> Box" into the
  sea, let the keys of the irons fall through the scuttle or
  entrance, which he had just before opened, and thus enabled them
  to commence their own liberation, in which they were generously
  assisted, at the imminent risk of his own life, by William
  Moulter, a boatswain's mate, who clung to the coamings, and
  pulled the long bars through the shackles, saying he would set
  them free, or go to the bottom with them.</P>

  <P>'Scarcely was this effected when the ship went down, leaving
  nothing visible but the top-mast cross-trees. The master-at-arms
  and all the sentinels sunk to rise no more. The cries of them and
  the other drowning men were awful in the extreme; and more than
  half an hour had elapsed before the survivors could be taken up
  by the boats. Among the former were Mr. Stewart, John Sumner,
  Richard Skinner, and Henry Hillbrant, the whole of whom perished
  with their hands still in manacles.</P>

  <P>'On this melancholy occasion Mr. Heywood was the last person
  but three who escaped from the prison, into which the water had
  already found its way through the bulk-head scuttles. Jumping
  overboard, he seized a plank, and was swimming towards a small
  sandy quay (key) about three miles distant, when a boat picked
  him up, and conveyed him thither in a state of nudity. It is
  worthy of remark, that James Morrison endeavoured to follow his
  young companion's example, and, although handcuffed, managed to
  keep afloat until a boat came to his assistance.'</P>

  <P>This account would appear almost incredible. It is true men
  are sometimes found to act the part of inhuman monsters, but then
  they are generally actuated by some motive or extraordinary
  excitement; here, however, there was neither; but on the
  contrary, the condition of the poor prisoners appealed most
  forcibly to the mercy and humanity of their jailor. The surgeon
  of the ship states, in his account of her loss, that as soon as
  the spars, booms, hen-coops, and other buoyant articles were cut
  loose, 'the prisoners were ordered to be let out of irons.' One
  would imagine, indeed, that the officers on this dreadful
  emergency would not be witness to such inhumanity, without
  remonstrating effectually against keeping these unfortunate men
  confined a moment beyond the period when it became evident that
  the ship must sink. It will be seen, however, presently, from Mr.
  Heywood's own statement, that they were so kept, and that the
  brutal and unfeeling conduct which has been imputed to Captain
  Edwards is but too true.</P>

  <P>It is an awful moment when a ship takes her last heel, just
  before going down. When the <I>Pandora</I> sunk, the surgeon
  says, 'the crew had just time to leap overboard, accompanying it
  with a most dreadful yell. The cries of the men drowning in the
  water was at first awful in the extreme; but as they sunk and
  became faint, they died away by degrees.' How accurately has
  Byron described the whole progress of a shipwreck to the final
  catastrophe! He might have been a spectator of the
  <I>Pandora</I>, at the moment of her foundering, when</P>She gave
  a heel, and then a lurch to port,<BR>
  And, going down head foremost&mdash;sunk....<BR>
  <BR>
  Then rose from sea to sky the wild farewell&mdash;<BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Then shriek'd the timid and stood
  still the brave&mdash;</SPAN><BR>
  Then some leap'd overboard with dreadful yell,<BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>As eager to anticipate their
  grave;</SPAN><BR>
  And the sea yawn'd around her like a hell,<BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>And down she suck'd with her the
  whirling wave,</SPAN><BR>
  Like one who grapples with his enemy,<BR>
  And strives to strangle him before he die.<BR>
  <BR>
  And first one universal shriek there rush'd,<BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Louder than the loud ocean, like
  a crash</SPAN><BR>
  Of echoing thunder; and then all was hush'd,<BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Save the wild wind and the
  remorseless dash</SPAN><BR>
  Of billows; but at intervals there gush'd,<BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Accompanied with a convulsive
  splash,</SPAN><BR>
  A solitary shriek, the bubbling cry<BR>
  Of some strong swimmer in his agony.<BR>

  <P>On the sandy key which fortunately presented itself, the
  shipwrecked seamen hauled up the boats, to repair those that were
  damaged, and to stretch canvas round the gunwales, the better to
  keep out the sea from breaking into them. The heat of the sun and
  the reflection from the sand are described as excruciating, and
  the thirst of the men was rendered intolerable, from their
  stomachs being filled with salt water in the length of time they
  had to swim before being picked up. Mr. Hamilton says they were
  greatly disturbed in the night, by the irregular behaviour of one
  of the seamen, named Connell, which made them suspect he had got
  drunk with some wine that had been saved; but it turned out that
  the excruciating torture he suffered from thirst had induced him
  to drink salt water; 'by which means he went mad, and died in the
  sequel of the voyage.' It seems, a small keg of water, and some
  biscuits, had been thrown into one of the boats, which they
  found, by calculation, would be sufficient to last sixteen days,
  on an allowance of two wine-glasses of water per day to each man,
  and a very small quantity of bread, the weight of which was
  accurately ascertained by a musket-ball, and a pair of wooden
  scales made for each boat.</P>

  <P>The crew and the prisoners were now distributed among the four
  boats. At Bligh's 'Mountainous Island,' they entered a bay where
  swarms of natives came down and made signs for their landing; but
  this they declined to do; on which an arrow was discharged and
  struck one of the boats; and as the savages were seen to be
  collecting their bows and arrows, a volley of muskets, a few of
  which happened to be in the boats, was discharged, which put them
  to flight. While sailing among the islands and near the shore,
  they now and then stopped to pick up a few oysters, and procure a
  little fresh water. On the 2nd September, they passed the
  north-west point of New Holland, and launched into the great
  Indian Ocean, having a voyage of about a thousand miles still to
  perform.</P>

  <P>It will be recollected that Captain Bligh's people received
  warmth and comfort by wringing out their clothes in salt-water.
  The same practice was adopted by the crews of the
  <I>Pandora's</I> boats; but the doctor observes, that 'this
  wetting their bodies with salt water is not advisable, if
  protracted beyond three or four days, as, after that time, the
  great absorption from the skin that takes place, taints the
  fluids with the bitter part of salt water, so that the saliva
  becomes intolerable in the mouth.' Their mouths, indeed, he says,
  became so parched, that few attempted to eat the slender
  allowance of bread. He also remarks, that as the sufferings of
  the people continued, their temper became cross and savage. In
  the captain's boat, it is stated, one of the mutineers took to
  praying; but that 'the captain, suspecting the purity of his
  doctrines, and unwilling that he should have a monopoly of the
  business, gave prayers himself.'</P>

  <P>On the 13th, they saw the island of Timor, and the next
  morning landed and got some water, and a few small fish from the
  natives; and on the night of the 15th, anchored opposite the fort
  of Coupang. Nothing could exceed the kindness and hospitality of
  the governor and other Dutch officers of this settlement, in
  affording every possible assistance and relief in their
  distressed condition. Having remained here three weeks, they
  embarked on the 6th October, on board the <I>Rembang</I> Dutch
  Indiaman, and on the 30th, anchored at Samarang, where they were
  agreeably surprised to find their little Tender, which they had
  so long given up for lost. On the 7th November they arrived at
  Batavia, where Captain Edwards agreed with the Dutch East India
  Company, to divide the whole of the ship's company and prisoners
  among four of their ships proceeding to Europe. The latter the
  captain took with him in the <I>Vreedenburgh</I>; but finding his
  Majesty's ship <I>Gorgon</I> at the Cape, he transhipped himself
  and prisoners, and proceeded in her to Spithead, where he arrived
  on the 19th June, 1792.</P>

  <P>Captain Edwards, in his meagre narrative, takes no more notice
  of his prisoners with regard to the mode in which they were
  disposed of at Coupang and Batavia, than he does when the
  <I>Pandora</I> went down. In fact, he suppresses all information
  respecting them, from the day in which they were consigned to
  '<I>Pandora's</I> Box.' From this total indifference towards
  these unfortunate men, and their almost unparalleled sufferings,
  Captain Edwards must be set down as a man, whose only feeling was
  to stick to the letter of his instructions, and rigidly to adhere
  to what he considered the strict line of his duty; that he was a
  man of a cold phlegmatic disposition, whom no distress could
  move, and whose feelings were not easily disturbed by the
  sufferings of his fellow-creatures. He appears to have been one
  of those mortals, who might say, with Manfred&mdash;</P>My spirit
  walk'd not with the souls of men;<BR>
  <BR>
  <HR style='width: 45%;'>
  <BR>
  <BR>
  My joys, my griefs, my passions, and my powers,<BR>
  Made me a stranger; though I wore the form,<BR>
  I had no sympathy with breathing flesh!<BR>

  <P>There seems to have been a general feeling at and before the
  court-martial, that Captain Edwards had exercised a harsh,
  unnecessary, and undue degree of severity on his prisoners. It is
  the custom, sanctioned no doubt by long usage, to place in irons
  all such as may have been guilty of mutiny in a ship of war, and
  the necessity of so doing is obvious enough&mdash;to prevent, in
  the most effectual manner, communication with the rest of the
  ship's company, who might be contaminated by their intercourse
  with such mischievous and designing men; men whose crime is of
  that dye, that, if found guilty, they have little hope to escape
  the punishment of death, to which a mutineer must, by the naval
  articles of war, be sentenced; no alternative being left to a
  court-martial, in such a case, but to pronounce a sentence of
  acquittal or of death.</P>

  <P>In the present case, however, most of the prisoners had
  surrendered themselves; many of them had taken no active part in
  the mutiny; and others had been forcibly compelled to remain in
  the ship. It was not likely, therefore, that any danger could
  arise from indulging them occasionally, and in turns, with a few
  hours of fresh air on deck. As little danger was there of their
  escaping; where indeed could they escape to&mdash;especially when
  the ship was going down, at a great distance from any shore, and
  the nearest one known to be inhabited by savages? All or most of
  them were desirous of getting home, and throwing themselves on
  God and their country. The captain, however, had no 'compunctious
  visitings of nature' to shake his purpose, which seems to have
  been, to keep them strictly in irons during the whole passage,
  and to deliver them over in that state on his arrival in
  England.</P>

  <P>Perhaps the circumstance of the crime of piracy, being
  superadded to that of mutiny, may have operated on his stern
  nature, and induced him to inflict a greater severity of
  punishment than he might otherwise have done, and which he
  certainly did far beyond the letter and spirit of his
  instructions. He might have considered that, in all ages and
  among all nations, with the exception of some of the Greek
  states,<A name='FNanchor_18_18' id="FNanchor_18_18"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_18_18'><SUP>[18]</SUP></A> piracy has been held in the
  utmost abhorrence, and those guilty of it treated with singular
  and barbarous severity; and that the most sanguinary laws were
  established for the protection of person and property in maritime
  adventure. The laws of Oleron, which were composed under the
  immediate direction of our Richard I., and became the common
  usage among maritime states, whose vessels passed through British
  seas, are conceived in a spirit of the most barbarous
  cruelty.<A name='FNanchor_19_19' id="FNanchor_19_19"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_19_19'><SUP>[19]</SUP></A> Thus, if a poor pilot,
  through ignorance, lost the vessel, he was either required to
  make full satisfaction to the merchant for damages sustained, or
  to lose his head. In the case of wrecks, where the lord of the
  coast (something like our present vice-admiral) should be found
  to be in league with the pilots, and run the ships on rocks, in
  order to get salvage, the said lord, the salvers, and all
  concerned, are declared to be accursed and excommunicated, and
  punished as thieves and robbers; and the pilot condemned to be
  hanged upon a high gibbet, which is to abide and remain to
  succeeding ages, on the place where erected, as a visible caution
  to other ships sailing thereby. Nor was the fate of the lord of
  the coast less severe,&mdash;his property was to be confiscated,
  and himself fastened to a post in the midst of his own mansion,
  which being fired at the four corners, were all to be burned
  together; the walls thereof demolished; and the spot on which it
  stood be converted into a market-place, for the sale only of hogs
  and swine, to all posterity.</P>

  <P>These and many other barbarous usages were transferred into
  the institutions of Wisbuy, which formed the <I>jus
  mercatorum</I> for a long period, and in which great care was
  taken for the security of ships against their crews. Among other
  articles are the following.&mdash;Whoever draws a sword upon the
  master of a vessel, or wilfully falsifies the compass, shall have
  his right hand nailed to the mast.&mdash;Whoever behaves
  riotously shall be punished by being keel-hauled.&mdash;Whoever
  is guilty of rebellion (or mutiny) shall be thrown overboard.</P>

  <P>For the suppression of piracy, the Portuguese, in their early
  intercourse with India, had a summary punishment, and accompanied
  it with a terrible example to deter others from the commission of
  the crime. Whenever they took a pirate ship, they instantly
  hanged every man, carried away the sails, rudder, and everything
  that was valuable in the ship, and left her to be buffeted about
  by the winds and the waves, with the carcasses of the criminals
  dangling from the yards, a horrid object of terror to all who
  might chance to fall in with her. Even to this day, a spice of
  the laws of Oleron still remains in the maritime code of European
  nations, as far as regards mutiny and piracy; and a feeling of
  this kind may have operated on the mind of Captain Edwards,
  especially as a tendency even to mutiny, or mutinous expressions,
  are considered, by the usage of the service, as justifying the
  commander of a ship of war to put the offenders in irons.
  Besides, the treatment of Bligh, whose admirable conduct under
  the unparalleled sufferings of himself and all who accompanied
  him in the open boat, had roused the people of England to the
  highest pitch of indignation against Christian and his
  associates, in which Edwards no doubt participated.</P>

  <P>The following letter of Mr. Peter Heywood to his mother
  removes all doubt as to the character and conduct of this
  officer. It is an artless and pathetic tale, and, as his amiable
  sister says, 'breathes not a syllable inconsistent with truth and
  honour.'</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>Batavia, November 20th</I>, 1791.</P>

    <P>'MY EVER-HONOURED AND DEAREST MOTHER,&mdash;At length the
    time has arrived when you are once more to hear from your
    ill-fated son, whose conduct at the capture of that ship, in
    which it was my fortune to embark, has, I fear, from what has
    since happened to me, been grossly misrepresented to you by
    Lieutenant Bligh, who, by not knowing the real cause of my
    remaining on board, naturally suspected me, unhappily for me,
    to be a coadjutor in the mutiny; but I never, to my knowledge,
    whilst under his command, behaved myself in a manner unbecoming
    the station I occupied, nor so much as even entertained a
    thought derogatory to his honour, so as to give him the least
    grounds for entertaining an opinion of me so ungenerous and
    undeserved; for I flatter myself he cannot give a character of
    my conduct, whilst I was under his tuition, that could merit
    the slightest scrutiny. Oh! my dearest mother, I hope you have
    not so easily credited such an account of me; do but let me
    vindicate my conduct, and declare to you the true cause of my
    remaining in the ship, and you will then see how little I
    deserve censure, and how I have been injured by so gross an
    aspersion. I shall then give you a short and cursory account of
    what has happened to me since; but I am afraid to say a
    hundredth part of what I have got in store, for I am not
    allowed the use of writing materials, if known, so that this is
    done by stealth; but if it should ever come to your hands, it
    will, I hope, have the desired effect of removing your
    uneasiness on my account, when I assure you, before the face of
    God, of my innocence of what is laid to my charge. How I came
    to remain on board was thus:&mdash;</P>

    <P>'The morning the ship was taken, it being my watch below,
    happening to awake just after daylight, and looking out of my
    hammock, I saw a man sitting upon the arm-chest in the main
    hatchway, with a drawn cutlass in his hand, the reason of which
    I could not divine; so I got out of bed and inquired of him
    what was the cause of it. He told me that Mr. Christian,
    assisted by some of the ship's company had seized the captain
    and put him in confinement; had taken the command of the ship
    and meant to carry Bligh home a prisoner, in order to try him
    by court-martial, for his long tyrannical and oppressive
    conduct to his people. I was quite thunderstruck; and hurrying
    into my berth again, told one of my messmates, whom I awakened
    out of his sleep, what had happened. Then dressing myself, I
    went up the fore-hatchway, and saw what he had told me was but
    too true; and again, I asked some of the people, who were under
    arms, what was going to be done with the captain, who was then
    on the larboard side of the quarter-deck, with his hands tied
    behind his back, and Mr. Christian alongside him with a pistol
    and drawn bayonet. I now heard a very different story, and that
    the captain was to be sent ashore to Tofoa in the launch, and
    that those who would not join Mr. Christian might either
    accompany the captain, or would be taken in irons to Otaheite
    and left there. The relation of two stories so different, left
    me unable to judge which could be the true one; but seeing them
    hoisting the boats out, it seemed to prove the latter.</P>

    <P>'In this trying situation, young and inexperienced as I was,
    and without an adviser (every person being as it were
    infatuated, and not knowing what to do), I remained for awhile
    a silent spectator of what was going on; and after revolving
    the matter in my mind, I determined to choose what I thought
    the lesser of two evils and stay by the ship; for I had no
    doubt that those who went on shore, in the launch, would be put
    to death by the savage natives, whereas the Otaheitans being a
    humane and generous race, one might have a hope of being kindly
    received, and remain there until the arrival of some ship,
    which seemed, to silly me, the most consistent with reason and
    rectitude.</P>

    <P>'While this resolution possessed my mind, at the same time
    lending my assistance to hoist out the boats, the hurry and
    confusion affairs were in, and thinking my intention just, I
    never thought of going to Mr. Bligh for advice; besides, what
    confirmed me in it was, my seeing two experienced officers,
    when ordered into the boat by Mr. Christian, desire his
    permission to remain in the ship (one of whom, my own messmate,
    Mr. Hayward), and I being assisting to clear the launch of
    yams, he asked me what I intended to do? I told him, to remain
    in the ship. Now this answer, I imagine, he has told Mr, Bligh
    I made to him; from which, together with my not speaking to him
    that morning, his suspicions of me have arisen, construing my
    conduct into what is foreign to my nature.</P>

    <P>'Thus, my dearest mother, it was all owing to my youth and
    unadvised inexperience, but has been interpreted into villany
    and disregard of my country's laws, the ill effects of which I
    at present, and still am to, labour under for some months
    longer. And now, after what I have asserted, I may still once
    more retrieve my injured reputation, be again reinstated in the
    affection and favour of the most tender of mothers, and be
    still considered as her ever dutiful son.</P>

    <P>'I was not undeceived in my erroneous decision till too
    late, which was after the captain was in the launch; for while
    I was talking to the master-at-arms, one of the ringleaders in
    the affair, my other messmate whom I had left in his hammock in
    the berth (Mr. Stewart), came up to me, and asked me, if I was
    not going in the launch? I replied, No&mdash;upon which he told
    me not to think of such a thing as remaining behind, but take
    his advice and go down below with him to get a few necessary
    things, and make haste to go with him into the launch; adding
    that, by remaining in the ship, I should incur an equal share
    of guilt with the mutineers themselves. I reluctantly followed
    his advice&mdash;I say <I>reluctantly</I>, because I knew no
    better, and was foolish; and the boat swimming very deep in the
    water&mdash;the land being far distant&mdash;the thoughts of
    being sacrificed by the natives&mdash;and the
    self-consciousness of my first intention being just&mdash;all
    these considerations almost staggered my resolution; however, I
    preferred my companion's judgement to my own, and we both
    jumped down the main-hatchway to prepare ourselves for the
    boat&mdash;but, no sooner were we in the berth, than the
    master-at-arms ordered the sentry to keep us both in the berth
    till he should receive orders to release us. We desired the
    master-at-arms to acquaint Mr. Bligh of our intention, which we
    had reason to think he never did, nor were we permitted to come
    on deck until the launch was a long way astern. I now, when too
    late, saw my error.</P>

    <P>'At the latter end of May, we got to an island to the
    southward of Taheit&eacute;, called Tooboui, where they
    intended to make a settlement, but finding no stock there of
    any kind, they agreed to go to Taheit&eacute;, and, after
    procuring hogs and fowls, to return to Tooboui and remain. So,
    on the 6th June, we arrived at Taheit&eacute;, where I was in
    hopes I might find an opportunity of running away, and
    remaining on shore, but I could not effect it, as there was
    always too good a look-out kept to prevent any such steps being
    taken. And besides, they had all sworn that should any one make
    his escape, they would force the natives to restore him, and
    would then shoot him as an example to the rest; well knowing,
    that any one by remaining there might be the means (should a
    ship arrive) of discovering their intended place of abode.
    Finding it therefore impracticable, I saw no other alternative
    but to rest as content as possible and return to Tooboui, and
    there wait till the masts of the <I>Bounty</I> should be taken
    out, and then take the boat which might carry me to
    Taheit&eacute;, and disable those remaining from
    pursuit.<A name='FNanchor_20_20' id=
    "FNanchor_20_20"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_20_20'><SUP>[20]</SUP></A> But Providence so ordered
    it, that we had no occasion to try our fortune at such a
    hazard, for, upon returning there and remaining till the latter
    end of August, in which time a fort was almost built, but
    nothing could be effected; and as the natives could not be
    brought to friendly terms, and with whom we had many
    skirmishes, and narrow escapes from being cut off by them, and,
    what was still worse, internal broils and
    discontent,&mdash;these things determined part of the people to
    leave the island and go to Taheit&eacute;, which was carried by
    a majority of votes.</P>

    <P>'This being carried into execution on the 22nd September,
    and having anchored in Matavai bay, the next morning my
    messmate (Mr. Stewart) and I went on shore, to the house of an
    old landed proprietor, our former friend; and being now set
    free from a lawless crew, determined to remain as much apart
    from them as possible, and wait patiently for the arrival of a
    ship. Fourteen more of the <I>Bounty's</I> people came likewise
    on shore, and Mr. Christian and eight men went away with the
    ship, but God knows whither. Whilst we remained here, we were
    treated by our kind and friendly natives with a generosity and
    humanity almost unparalleled, and such as we could hardly have
    expected from the most civilized people.</P>

    <P>'To be brief&mdash;having remained here till the latter end
    of March, 1791, on the 26th of that month, his Majesty's ship
    <I>Pandora</I> arrived, and had scarcely anchored, when my
    messmate and I went on board and made ourselves known; and
    having learnt from one of the natives who had been off in a
    canoe, that our former messmate Mr. Hayward, now promoted to
    the rank of lieutenant, was on board, we asked for him,
    supposing he might prove the assertions of our innocence. But
    he (like all worldlings when raised a little in life) received
    us very coolly, and pretended ignorance of our affairs; yet
    formerly, he and I were bound in brotherly love and friendship.
    Appearances being so much against us, we were ordered to be put
    in irons, and looked upon&mdash;oh, infernal words!&mdash;as
    <I>piratical villains</I>. A rebuff so severe as this was, to a
    person unused to troubles, would perhaps have been
    insupportable, but to me, who had now been long inured to the
    frowns of fortune, and feeling myself supported by an inward
    consciousness of not deserving it, it was received with the
    greatest composure, and a full determination to bear it with
    patience.</P>

    <P>'My sufferings, however, I have not power to describe; but
    though they are great, yet I thank God for enabling me to bear
    them without repining. I endeavour to qualify my affliction
    with these three considerations, first, my innocence not
    deserving them; secondly, that they cannot last long; and
    thirdly, that the change may be for the better. The first
    improves my hopes; the second, my patience; and the third, my
    courage. I am young in years, but old in what the world calls
    adversity; and it has had such an effect, as to make me
    consider it the most beneficial incident that could have
    occurred at my age. It has made me acquainted with three things
    which are little known, and as little believed by any but those
    who have felt their effects: first, the villany and
    censoriousness of mankind; secondly, the futility of all human
    hopes; and thirdly, the happiness of being content in whatever
    station it may please Providence to place me. In short, it has
    made me more of a philosopher, than many years of a life spent
    in ease and pleasure would have done.</P>

    <P>'As they will no doubt proceed to the greatest lengths
    against me, I being the only surviving officer, and they most
    inclined to believe a prior story, all that can be said to
    confute it will probably be looked upon as mere falsity and
    invention. Should that be my unhappy case, and they resolved
    upon my destruction as an example to futurity, may God enable
    me to bear my fate with the fortitude of a man, conscious that
    misfortune, not any misconduct, is the cause, and that the
    Almighty can attest my innocence. Yet why should I despond? I
    have, I hope, still a friend in that Providence which hath
    preserved me amidst many greater dangers, and upon whom alone I
    now depend for safety. God will always protect those who
    deserve it. These are the sole considerations which have
    enabled me to make myself easy and content under my past
    misfortunes.</P>

    <P>'Twelve more of the people who were at Otaheite having
    delivered themselves up, there was a sort of prison built on
    the after-part of the quarter-deck, into which we were all put
    in close confinement with both legs and both hands in irons,
    and were treated with great rigour, not being allowed ever to
    get out of this den; and, being obliged to eat, drink, sleep,
    and obey the calls of nature here, you may form some idea of
    the disagreeable situation I must have been in, unable as I was
    to help myself (being deprived of the use of both my legs and
    hands), but by no means adequate to the reality.</P>

    <P>'On the 9th May we left Otaheite, and proceeded to the
    Friendly Islands, and about the beginning of August, got in
    among the reefs of New Holland, to endeavour to discover a
    passage through them; but it was not effected, for the
    <I>Pandora</I>, ever unlucky, and as if devoted by heaven to
    destruction, was driven by a current upon the patch of a reef,
    and on which, there being a heavy surf, she was soon almost
    bulged to pieces; but having thrown all the guns on one side
    overboard, and the tide flowing at the same time, she beat over
    the reef into a basin and brought up in fourteen or fifteen
    fathoms; but she was so much damaged while on the reef, that
    imagining she would go to pieces every moment, we had contrived
    to wrench ourselves out of our irons, and applied to the
    captain to have mercy on us, and suffer us to take our chance
    for the preservation of our lives; but it was all in
    vain&mdash;he was even so inhuman as to order us all to be put
    in irons again, though the ship was expected to go down every
    moment, being scarcely able to keep her under with all the
    pumps at work.</P>

    <P>'In this miserable situation, with an expected death before
    our eyes, without the least hope of relief, and in the most
    trying state of suspense, we spent the night, the ship being by
    the hand of Providence kept up till the morning. The boats by
    this time had all been prepared; and as the captain and
    officers were coming upon the poop or roof of our prison, to
    abandon the ship, the water being then up to the coamings of
    the hatchways, we again implored his mercy; upon which he sent
    the corporal and an armourer down to let some of us out of
    irons, but three only were suffered to go up, and the scuttle
    being then clapped on, and the master-at-arms upon it, the
    armourer had only time to let two persons out of irons, the
    rest, except three, letting themselves out; two of these three
    went down with them on their hands, and the third was picked
    up. She now began to heel over to port so very much, that the
    master-at-arms, sliding overboard, and leaving the scuttle
    vacant, we all tried to get up, and I was the last out but
    three. The water was then pouring in at the bulk-head scuttles,
    yet I succeeded in getting out, and was scarcely in the sea
    when I could see nothing above it but the cross-trees, and
    nothing around me but a scene of the greatest distress. I took
    a plank (being stark-naked) and swam towards an island about
    three miles off, but was picked up on my passage by one of the
    boats. When we got ashore to the small sandy key, we found
    there were thirty-four men drowned, four of whom were
    prisoners, and among these was my unfortunate messmate (Mr.
    Stewart); ten of us, and eighty-nine of the <I>Pandora's</I>
    crew, were saved.</P>

    <P>'When a survey was made of what provisions had been saved,
    they were found to consist of two or three bags of bread, two
    or three breakers of water, and a little wine; so we subsisted
    three days upon two wine-glasses of water, and two ounces of
    bread per day. On the 1st September we left the island, and on
    the 16th, arrived at Coupang in the island of Timor, having
    been on short allowance eighteen days. We were put in
    confinement in the castle, where we remained till October, and
    on the 5th of that month were sent on board a Dutch ship bound
    for Batavia.</P>

    <P>'Though I have been eight months in close confinement in a
    hot climate, I have kept my health in a most surprising manner,
    without the least indisposition, and am still perfectly well in
    every respect, in mind as well as body; but without a friend,
    and only a shirt and pair of trousers to put on, and carry me
    home. Yet with all this I have a contented mind, entirely
    resigned to the will of Providence, which conduct alone enables
    me to soar above the reach of unhappiness.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>In a subsequent letter to his sister he says,</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'I send you two little sketches of the manner in which his
    Majesty's ship <I>Pandora</I> went down on the 29th August, and
    of the appearance which we who survived made on the small sandy
    key within the reef, about ninety yards long and sixty broad,
    in all ninety-nine souls; here we remained three days,
    subsisting on a single wine-glass of wine or water, and two
    ounces of bread a day, with no shelter from the meridian and
    then vertical sun. Captain Edwards had tents erected for
    himself and his people, and we prisoners petitioned him for an
    old sail which was lying useless, part of the wreck, but he
    refused it; and the only shelter we had was to bury ourselves
    up to the neck in the burning sand, which scorched the skin
    entirely off our bodies, for we were quite naked, and we
    appeared as if dipped in large tubs of boiling water. We were
    nineteen days in the same miserable situation before we landed
    at Coupang. I was in the ship, in irons, hands and feet, much
    longer than till the position you now see her in, the poop
    alone being above water (and that knee deep), when a kind
    Providence assisted me to get out of irons and escape from
    her.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>The treatment of these unhappy men was almost as bad at
  Batavia as in the <I>Pandora</I>, being closely confined in irons
  in the castle, and fed on very bad provisions; and the hardships
  they endured on their passage to England, in Dutch ships, were
  very severe, having, as he says, slept on nothing but hard boards
  on wet canvas, without any bed, for seventeen months, always
  subsisting on short allowance of execrable provisions, and
  without any clothes for some time, except such as the charity of
  two young men in the ship supplied him with. He had during his
  confinement at Batavia learned to make straw hats, and finished
  several with both his hands in fetters, which he sold for
  half-a-crown a-piece; and with the produce of these he procured a
  suit of coarse clothes, in which, with a cheerful and light
  heart, notwithstanding all his sufferings, he arrived at
  Portsmouth. How he preserved his health under the dreadful
  sufferings he endured, and in eight months' close confinement in
  a hot climate, is quite wonderful.</P>

  <P>On the second day after the arrival of the <I>Gorgon</I> at
  Spithead the prisoners were transferred to the <I>Hector</I>,
  commanded by Captain (the late Admiral Sir George) Montague,
  where they were treated with the greatest humanity, and every
  indulgence allowed that could with propriety be extended to men
  in their unhappy situation, until the period when they were to be
  arraigned before the competent authority, and put on their trials
  for mutiny and piracy, which did not take place until the month
  of September.</P>

  <P>In this period of anxious and awful suspense, a most
  interesting correspondence was carried on between this
  unfortunate youth and his numerous friends, which exhibits the
  character of himself and the whole family in the most amiable and
  affectionate colours, and in a more particular manner, of that
  adorable creature, his sister Nessy, who, in one of her letters,
  accounts for the peculiar warmth of her attachment and
  expressions by their being nearly of the same age, and engaged in
  the same pursuits, whether of study or amusement in their
  juvenile years. The poor mother, on hearing of his arrival, thus
  addresses her unfortunate son:&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>Isle of Man, June 29th,</I> 1792.</P>

    <P>'Oh! my ever dearly-beloved and long-lost son, with what
    anxiety have I waited for this period! I have counted the days,
    hours, and even minutes, since I first heard of the horrid and
    unfortunate mutiny which has so long deprived me of my dearest
    boy: but now the happy time is come when, though I cannot have
    the unspeakable pleasure of seeing and embracing you, yet I
    hope we may be allowed to correspond; surely there can be
    nothing improper in a liberty of this sort between an
    affectionate mother and her dutiful and beloved son, who, I am
    perfectly convinced, was never guilty of the crime he has been
    suspected of by those who did not know his worth and truth. I
    have not the least doubt but that the all-gracious God, who of
    his good providence has protected you so long, and brought you
    safe through so many dangers and difficulties, will still
    protect you, and at your trial make your innocence appear as
    clear as the light. All your letters have come safe to me, and
    to my very dear good Nessy. Ah! Peter, with what real joy did
    we all receive them, and how happy are we that you are now safe
    in England! I will endeavour, my dearest lad, to make your
    present situation as comfortable as possible, for so
    affectionate and good a son deserves my utmost attention. Nessy
    has written to our faithful and kind friend, Mr. Heywood, of
    Plymouth, for his advice, whether it would be proper for her to
    come up to you; if he consents to her so doing, not a moment
    shall be lost, and how happy shall I be when she is with you!
    Such a sister as she is! Oh! Peter, she is a most valuable
    girl,' etc.</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>On the same day this 'most valuable girl' thus
  writes:&mdash;<A name='FNanchor_21_21' id=
  "FNanchor_21_21"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_21_21'><SUP>[21]</SUP></A></P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'MY DEAREST AND MOST BELOVED BROTHER&mdash;Thanks to that
    Almighty Providence which has so miraculously preserved you,
    your fond, anxious, and, till now, miserable Nessy, is at last
    permitted to address the object of her tenderest affection in
    England! Oh! my admirable, my heroic boy, what have we felt on
    your account! yet how small, how infinitely trifling was the
    misery of our situation when compared with the horror of yours!
    Let me now, however, with confidence hope that the God of all
    mercies has not so long protected you in vain, but will at
    length crown your fortitude and pious resignation to His will
    with that peace and happiness you so richly merit. How blest
    did your delightful and yet dreadful letter from Batavia make
    us all! Surely, my beloved boy, you could not for a moment
    imagine we ever supposed you guilty of the crime of mutiny. No,
    no; believe me, no earthly power could have persuaded us that
    it was possible for you to do anything inconsistent with strict
    honour and duty. So well did we know your amiable, steady
    principles, that we were assured your reasons for staying
    behind would turn out such as you represent them; and I firmly
    trust that Providence will at length restore you to those dear
    and affectionate friends, who can know no happiness until they
    are blest with your loved society. Take care of your precious
    health, my angelic boy. I shall soon be with you; I have
    written to Mr. Heywood (your and our excellent friend and
    protector) for his permission to go to you immediately, which
    my uncle Heywood, without first obtaining it, would not allow,
    fearing lest any precipitate step might injure you at present;
    and I only wait the arrival of his next letter to fly into your
    arms. Oh! my best beloved Peter, how I anticipate the rapture
    of that moment!&mdash;for alas! I have no joy, no happiness,
    but in your beloved society, and no hopes, no fears, no wishes,
    but for you.'</P>

    <P>Mr. Heywood's sisters all address their unfortunate brother
    in the same affectionate, but less impassioned strain; and a
    little trait of good feeling is mentioned, on the part of an
    old female servant, that shows what a happy and attached family
    the Heywoods were, previous to the melancholy affair in which
    their boy became entangled. Mrs. Heywood says, 'my good honest
    Birket is very well, and says your safe return has made her
    more happy than she has been for these two and forty years she
    has been in our family.' And Miss Nessy tells him, 'Poor
    Birket, the most faithful and worthiest of servants, desires me
    to tell you that she almost dies with joy at the thought of
    your safe arrival in England. What agony, my dear boy, has she
    felt on your account! her affection for you knows no bounds,
    and her misery has indeed been extreme; but she still lives to
    bless your virtues.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>The poor prisoner thus replies, from his Majesty's ship
  <I>Hector</I>, to his 'beloved sisters all':&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'This day I had the supreme happiness of your long-expected
    letters, and I am not able to express the pleasure and joy they
    afforded me; at the sight of them my spirits, low and dejected,
    were at once exhilarated; my heart had long and greatly
    suffered from my impatience to hear of those most dear to me,
    and was tossed and tormented by the storms of fearful
    conjecture&mdash;but they are now subsided, and my bosom has at
    length attained that long-lost serenity and calmness it once
    enjoyed: for you may believe me when I say it never yet has
    suffered any disquiet from my own misfortunes, but from a truly
    anxious solicitude for, and desire to hear of, your welfare.
    God be thanked, you still entertain such an opinion of me as I
    will flatter myself I have deserved; but why do I say so? can I
    make myself too worthy the affectionate praises of such amiable
    sisters? Oh! my Nessy, it grieves me to think I must be under
    the necessity, however heart-breaking to myself, of desiring
    you will relinquish your most affectionate design of coming to
    see me; it is too long and tedious a journey, and even on your
    arrival, you would not be allowed the wished-for happiness,
    both to you and myself, of seeing, much less conversing with,
    your unfortunate brother: the rules of the service are so
    strict, that prisoners are not permitted to have any
    communication with female relations; thus even the sight of,
    and conversation with, so truly affectionate a sister is for
    the present denied me! The happiness of such an interview let
    us defer till a time (which, please God, will arrive) when it
    can be enjoyed with more freedom, and unobserved by the gazing
    eyes of an inquisitive world, which in my present place of
    confinement would of course not be the case.</P>

    <P>'I am very happy to hear that poor old Birket is still
    alive; remember me to her, and tell her not to <I>heave
    aback</I>, until God grants me the pleasure of seeing her.</P>

    <P>'And now, my dear Nessy, cease to anticipate the happiness
    of personal communication with your poor, but resigned brother,
    until wished-for freedom removes the indignant shackles I now
    bear, from the feet of your fond and most affectionate brother,
    P.H.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>In a subsequent letter to his sister, he says, 'Let us at
  present be resigned to our fate, contented with this sort of
  communication, and be thankful to God for having even allowed us
  that happiness&mdash;for be assured the present confinement is
  <I>liberty</I>, compared with what it has been for the fifteen
  months last past.' On the 15th July, Commodore Pasley addresses
  the following business-like letter to Miss Heywood.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'I received your letter, my dearest Nessy, with the
    enclosure [her brother's narrative], but did not choose to
    answer it until I had made a thorough investigation; that is,
    seen personally all the principal evidences, which has ever
    since occupied my whole thoughts and time. I have also had some
    letters from himself; and notwithstanding he must still
    continue in confinement, every attention and indulgence
    possible is granted him by Captain Montague of the
    <I>Hector</I>, who is my particular friend. I have no doubt of
    the truth of your brother's narrative; the master, boatswain,
    gunner, and carpenter, late of the <I>Bounty</I>, I have seen,
    and have the pleasure to assure you that they are all
    favourable, and corroborate what he says. That <I>fellow</I>,
    Captain Edwards, whose inhuman rigour of confinement I shall
    never forget, I have likewise seen; he cannot deny that Peter
    avowed himself late of the <I>Bounty</I> when he came
    voluntarily aboard; this is a favourable circumstance. I have
    been at the Admiralty, and read over all the depositions taken
    and sent home by Bligh and his officers from Batavia, likewise
    the court-martial on himself; in none of which appears anything
    against Peter. As soon as Lieutenant Hayward arrives with the
    remainder of the <I>Pandora's</I> crew, the court-martial is to
    take place. I shall certainly attend, and we must have an able
    counsellor to assist, for I will not deceive you, my dear
    Nessy, however favourable circumstances may appear, our martial
    law is severe; by the tenor of it, the man who stands neuter is
    equally guilty with him who lifts his arm against his captain
    in such cases. His extreme youth and his delivering himself up,
    are the strong points of his defence. Adieu! my dearest Nessy;
    present my love to your mother and sisters, and rest assured of
    my utmost exertions to extricate your brother.&mdash;Your
    affectionate uncle, T. PASLEY.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>This excellent man did not stop here: knowing that
  sea-officers have a great aversion from counsel, he writes to
  say, 'A friend of mine, Mr. Graham, who has been secretary to the
  different Admirals on the Newfoundland station for these twelve
  years, and consequently has acted as judge-advocate at
  courts-martial all that time, has offered me to attend you; he
  has a thorough knowledge of the service, uncommon abilities, and
  is a very good lawyer. He has already had most of the evidences
  with him. Adieu! my young friend; keep up your spirits, and rest
  assured I shall be watchful for your good. My heart will be more
  at ease, if I can get my friend Graham to go down, than if you
  were attended by the first counsel in England.'<A name=
  'FNanchor_22_22' id="FNanchor_22_22"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_22_22'><SUP>[22]</SUP></A> Mr. Graham accordingly
  attended, and was of the greatest service at the trial.</P>

  <P>Nessy Heywood<A name='FNanchor_23_23' id=
  "FNanchor_23_23"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_23_23'><SUP>[23]</SUP></A> having in one of her
  letters inquired of her brother how tall he was, and having
  received information on this point, expressed some surprise that
  he was not taller. 'And so,' he replies, 'you are surprised I am
  not taller!&mdash;Ah, Nessy! let me ask you this&mdash;suppose
  the two last years of <I>your</I> growth had been retarded by
  close confinement&mdash;nearly deprived of all kinds of necessary
  aliment&mdash;shut up from the all-cheering light of the sun for
  the space of five months, and never suffered to breathe the fresh
  air (an enjoyment which Providence denies to none of His
  creatures) during all that time&mdash;and without any kind of
  exercise to stretch and supple your limbs&mdash;besides many
  other inconveniences which I will not pain you by
  mentioning&mdash;how tall should you have been, my dear
  sister?&mdash;answer, four feet nothing: but enough of
  nonsense.'</P>

  <P>Nessy Heywood had expressed a strong desire to see her
  brother, but was told the rules of the service would not allow
  it; also, that it would agitate him, when he ought to be cool and
  collected, to meet his approaching trial. This was quite
  enough:&mdash;'But as for myself,' she says, 'no danger, no
  fatigue, no difficulties, would deter me&mdash;I have youth, and
  health, and excellent natural spirits&mdash;these and the
  strength of my affection would support me through it all; if I
  were not allowed to see you, yet being in the same place which
  contains you, would be joy inexpressible! I will not, however,
  any longer desire it, but will learn to imitate your fortitude
  and patience.'</P>

  <P>Mr. Heywood of Maristow, and his daughter, Mrs. Bertie, had
  intimated the same thing. These excellent people, from the moment
  of young Heywood's arrival, had shown him every kindness,
  supplied him with money, and what was better, with friends, who
  could give him the best advice. To this worthy lady, Miss Nessy
  Heywood thus addresses herself.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'Overwhelmed with sensations of gratitude and pleasure,
    which she is too much agitated to express, permit me, dearest
    Madam, at my mamma's request, to offer you hers and our most
    sincere acknowledgements for your invaluable letter, which,
    from the detention of the packet, she did not receive till
    yesterday. By a letter from my beloved brother, of the same
    date, we are informed that Mr. Larkham (whom I suppose to be
    the gentleman you mention having sent to see him) has been on
    board the <I>Hector</I>, and has kindly offered him the most
    salutary advice relative to his present situation, for which
    allow me to request you will present him our best thanks. He
    also speaks with every expression a grateful heart can dictate
    of your excellent father's goodness in providing for all his
    wants, even before he could have received any letters from us
    to that purpose.</P>

    <P>'Ah! my dear Madam, how truly characteristic is this of the
    kind friendship with which he has ever honoured our family! But
    my beloved Peter does not know that Mr. Heywood has a daughter,
    whose generosity is equal to his own, and whose amiable
    compassion for his sufferings it will be as impossible for us
    to forget, as it is to express the admiration and gratitude it
    has inspired. It would, I am convinced, be unnecessary, as well
    as a very bad compliment to you, Madam, were I to presume to
    point out anything particular to be done for our poor boy, as I
    have not the least doubt your goodness and kind intention have
    long ago rendered every care of that sort on our part
    unnecessary. I shall only add, that my mamma begs every wish he
    forms may be granted, and sure I am, he will not desire a
    single gratification that can be deemed in the smallest degree
    improper.</P>

    <P>'In one of my brother's letters, dated the 23rd, he hints
    that he shall not be permitted to see any of his relations till
    his trial is over, and that he therefore does not expect us. I
    have, however, written to Mr. Heywood (without whose
    approbation I would by no means take any step) for permission
    to go to him. If it is absolutely impossible for me to see him
    (though in the presence of witnesses), yet even that
    prohibition, cruel as it is, I could bear with patience,
    provided I might be near him, to see the ship in which he at
    present exists&mdash;to behold those objects, which, perhaps,
    at the same moment, attract his notice&mdash;to breathe the
    same air which he breathes.&mdash;Ah! my dearest Madam, these
    are inestimable gratifications, and would convey sensations of
    rapture and delight to the fond bosom of a sister, which it is
    far, very far beyond my power to describe. Besides, the anxiety
    and impatience produced by the immense distance which now
    separates us from him, and the uncertainty attending the
    packet, render it difficult and sometimes impossible to hear of
    him so often as we would wish&mdash;and, may I not add (though
    Heaven in its mercy forbid it&mdash;for alas! the bare idea is
    too dreadful, yet it is in the scale of possibility), that some
    accident might happen to deprive us of my dearest brother: how
    insupportably bitter would then be our reflections, for having
    omitted the opportunity, when it was in our power, of
    administering comfort and consolation to him in person. For
    these reasons, I earnestly hope Mr. Heywood will not judge it
    improper to comply with my request, and shall wait with eager
    impatience the arrival of his next letter. Think not, my dear
    Madam, that it is want of confidence in your care and attention
    which makes me solicitous to be with my beloved brother. Be
    assured we are all as perfectly easy in that respect as if we
    were on the spot; but I am convinced you will pardon the
    dictates of an affection which an absence of five years,
    rendered still more painful by his sufferings, has heightened
    almost to a degree of adoration. I shall, with your permission,
    take the liberty of enclosing a letter to my brother, which I
    leave open for perusal, and at the same time request your
    pardon for mentioning you to him in such terms as I am
    apprehensive will wound the delicacy which ever accompanies
    generosity like yours; but indeed, my dearest Madam, I cannot,
    must not, suffer my beloved boy to remain in ignorance of that
    worth and excellence which has prompted you to become his kind
    protectress.</P>

    <P>'I have the honour to be, with every sentiment of gratitude,
    &amp;c., &amp;c, &amp;c,</P>

    <P>'NESSY HEYWOOD.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>Among the numerous friends that interested themselves in the
  fate of this unhappy youth, was his uncle, Colonel Holwell. The
  testimony he bears to his excellent character is corroborated by
  all who knew him while a boy at home. About a fortnight before
  the trial he writes to him thus:&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>21st August</I>, 1792.</P>

    <P>'MY VERY DEAR PETER,&mdash;I have this day received yours of
    the 18th, and am happy to find by its contents that,
    notwithstanding your long and cruel confinement, you still
    preserve your health, and write in good spirits. Preserve it,
    my dear boy, awful as the approaching period must be, even to
    the most innocent, but from which all who know you have not a
    doubt of your rising as immaculate as a new-born infant. I have
    known you from your cradle, and have often marked with pleasure
    and surprise the many assiduous instances (far beyond your
    years) you have given of filial duty and paternal affection to
    the best of parents, and to brothers and sisters who doated on
    you. Your education has been the best; and from these
    considerations alone, without the very clear evidence of your
    own testimony, I would as soon believe the Archbishop of
    Canterbury would set fire to the city of London as suppose you
    could, directly or indirectly, join in such a d&mdash;&mdash; d
    absurd piece of business. Truly sorry am I that my state of
    health will not permit me to go down to Portsmouth to give this
    testimony publicly before that respectable tribunal where your
    country's laws have justly ordained you must appear; but
    consider this as the <I>touchstone</I>, my dear boy, by which
    your worth must be known. Six years in the navy myself, and
    twenty-eight years a soldier, I flatter myself my judgement
    will not prove erroneous. That Power, my dear Peter, of whose
    grace and mercy you seem to have so just a sense, will not now
    forsake you. Your dear aunt is as must be expected in such a
    trying situation, but more from your present sufferings than
    any apprehension of what is to follow,' &amp;c.</P>

    <P>With similar testimonies and most favourable auguries from
    Commodore Pasley, the Rev. Dr. Scott, of the Isle of Man, and
    others, young Heywood went to his long and anxiously expected
    trial, which took place on the 12th September, and continued to
    the 18th of that month. Mrs. Heywood had been anxious that
    Erskine and Mingay should be employed as counsel, but Mr.
    Graham, whom Commodore Pasley had so highly recommended, gave
    his best assistance; as did also Mr. Const, who had been
    retained, for which the Commodore expresses his sorrow, as sea
    officers, he says, have a great aversion to lawyers. Mr. Peter
    Heywood assigns a better reason; in a letter to his sister Mary
    he says, that 'Counsel to a naval prisoner is of no effect, and
    as they are not allowed to speak, their eloquence is not of the
    least efficacy; I request, therefore, you will desire my dear
    mother to revoke the letter she has been so good to write to
    retain Mr. Erskine and Mr. Mingay, and to forbear putting
    herself to so great and needless an expense, from which no good
    can accrue. No, no! Mary&mdash;it is not the same as a trial on
    shore; it would then be highly requisite; but, in this case,
    <I>I</I> alone must fight my own battle; and I think my telling
    the truth undisguised, in a plain, short, and concise manner,
    is as likely to be deserving the victory, as the most elaborate
    eloquence of a Cicero upon the same subject.'</P>

    <P>At this anxious moment many painfully interesting letters
    passed to and from the family in the Isle of Man: the last
    letter from his beloved Nessy previous to the awful event thus
    concludes:&mdash;May that Almighty Providence whose tender care
    has hitherto preserved you be still your powerful protector!
    may He instil into the hearts of your judges every sentiment of
    justice, generosity, and compassion! may hope, innocence, and
    integrity be your firm support! and liberty, glory, and honour
    your just reward! may all good angels guard you from even the
    appearance of danger! and may you at length be restored to us,
    the delight, the pride of your adoring friends, and the sole
    happiness and felicity of that fond heart which animates the
    bosom of my dear Peter's most faithful and truly affectionate
    sister,</P>

    <P>N.H.'</P>
  </DIV>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='CHAPTER_VI' id="CHAPTER_VI"></A>

  <H2>CHAPTER VI</H2>

  <P>THE COURT-MARTIAL</P>If any person in or belonging to the
  fleet shall make,<BR>
  or endeavour to make, any mutinous assembly, upon<BR>
  any pretence whatsoever, every person offending<BR>
  herein, and being convicted thereof, by the sentence<BR>
  of the Court-martial, shall suffer DEATH.<BR>
  <BR>
  <I>Naval Articles of War, Art.</I> 19.<BR>
  <BR>

  <P>The Court assembled to try the prisoners on board his
  Majesty's ship <I>Duke</I>, on the 12th September, 1792, and
  continued by adjournment from day to day (Sunday excepted) until
  the 18th of the same month.<A name='FNanchor_24_24' id=
  "FNanchor_24_24"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_24_24'><SUP>[24]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>PRESENT</P>Vice-Admiral Lord Hood, <I>President</I>.<BR>
  Capt. Sir Andrew Snape Hamond, Bart.,<BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>"&nbsp; John Colpoys,</SPAN><BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>"&nbsp; Sir George
  Montagu,</SPAN><BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>"&nbsp; Sir Roger
  Curtis,</SPAN><BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>"&nbsp; John Bazeley,</SPAN><BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>"&nbsp; Sir Andrew Snape
  Douglas,</SPAN><BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>"&nbsp; John Thomas
  Duckworth,</SPAN><BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>"&nbsp; John Nicholson
  Inglefield,</SPAN><BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>"&nbsp; John Knight,</SPAN><BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>"&nbsp; Albemarle
  Bertie,</SPAN><BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>"&nbsp; Richard Goodwin
  Keats.</SPAN><BR>

  <P>The charges set forth that Fletcher Christian, who was mate of
  the <I>Bounty</I>, assisted by others of the inferior officers
  and men, armed with muskets and bayonets, had violently and
  forcibly taken that ship from her commander, Lieutenant Bligh;
  and that he, together with the master, boatswain, gunner, and
  carpenter, and other persons (being nineteen in number), were
  forced into the launch and cast adrift;&mdash;that Captain
  Edwards, in the <I>Pandora</I>, was directed to proceed to
  Otaheite, and other islands in the South Seas, and to use his
  best endeavours to recover the said vessel, and to bring in
  confinement to England the said Fletcher Christian and his
  associates, or as many of them as he might be able to apprehend,
  in order that they might be brought to condign punishment,
  &amp;c. That Peter Heywood, James Morrison, Charles Norman,
  Joseph Coleman, Thomas Ellison, Thomas M'Intosh, Thomas Burkitt,
  John Millward, William Muspratt, and Michael Byrne, had been
  brought to England, &amp;c., and were now put on their trial.</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Fryer</I>, the master of the <I>Bounty</I>, being first
  sworn, deposed&mdash;</P>

  <P>That he had the first watch; that between ten and eleven
  o'clock Mr. Bligh came on deck, according to custom, and after a
  short conversation, and having given his orders for the night,
  left the deck; that at twelve he was relieved by the gunner, and
  retired, leaving all quiet; that at dawn of day he was greatly
  alarmed by an unusual noise; and that, on attempting to jump up,
  John Sumner and Matthew Quintal laid their hands upon his breast
  and desired him to lie still, saying he was their prisoner; that
  on expostulating with them, he was told, 'Hold your tongue, or
  you are a dead man, but if you remain quiet there is none on
  board will hurt a hair of your head'; he further deposes, that on
  raising himself on the locker, he saw on the ladder, going upon
  deck, Mr. Bligh in his shirt, with his hands tied behind him, and
  Christian holding him by the cord; that the master-at-arms,
  Churchill, then came to his cabin and took a brace of pistols and
  a hanger, saying, 'I will take care of these, Mr. Fryer'; that he
  asked, on seeing Mr. Bligh bound, what they were going to do with
  the captain; that Sumner replied, 'D&mdash;&mdash; n his eyes,
  put him into the boat, and let the see if he can live upon
  three-fourths of a pound of yams a day'; that he remonstrated
  with such conduct, but in vain. They said he must go in the small
  cutter. 'The small cutter!' Mr. Fryer exclaimed; 'why her bottom
  is almost out, and very much eaten by the worms!' to which Sumner
  and Quintal both said, 'D&mdash;&mdash; n his eyes, the boat is
  too good for him'; that after much entreaty he prevailed on them
  to ask Christian if he might be allowed to go on deck, which,
  after some hesitation, was granted. When I came on deck, says Mr.
  Fryer, Mr. Bligh was standing by the mizen-mast, with his hands
  tied behind him, and Christian holding the cord with one hand,
  and a bayonet in the other. I said, 'Christian, consider what you
  are about.' 'Hold your tongue, Sir,' he said; 'I have been in
  hell for weeks past; Captain Bligh has brought all this on
  himself.' I told him that Mr. Bligh and he not agreeing was no
  reason for taking the ship. 'Hold your tongue, Sir,' he said. I
  said,&mdash;Mr. Christian, you and I have been on friendly terms
  during the voyage, therefore give me leave to speak,&mdash;let
  Mr. Bligh go down to his cabin, and I make no doubt we shall all
  be friends again;&mdash;he then repeated, 'Hold your tongue, Sir;
  it is too late'; and threatening me if I said anything more. Mr.
  Fryer then asked him to give a better boat than the cutter; he
  said, 'No, that boat is good enough.' Bligh now said to the
  master, that the man behind the hen-coops (Isaac Martin) was his
  friend, and desired him (the master) to knock Christian down,
  which Christian must have heard, but took no notice; that Fryer
  then attempted to get past Christian to speak to Martin, but he
  put his bayonet to his breast, saying, 'Sir, if you advance an
  inch farther, I will run you through,' and ordered two armed men
  to take him down to his cabin. Shortly afterwards he was desired
  to go on deck, when Christian ordered him into the boat: he said,
  'I will stay with you, if you will give me leave.' 'No, Sir,' he
  replied, 'go directly into the boat.' Bligh, then on the gangway,
  said, 'Mr. Fryer, stay in the ship.' 'No, by G&mdash;&mdash; d,
  Sir,' Christian said, 'go into the boat, or I will run you
  through.' Mr. Fryer states, that during this time very bad
  language was used by the people towards Mr. Bligh; that with
  great difficulty they prevailed on Christian to suffer a few
  articles to be put into the boat; that after the persons were
  ordered into the boat to the number of nineteen, such opprobrious
  language continued to be used, several of the men calling out
  'Shoot the&mdash;&mdash;,' that Cole, the boatswain, advised they
  should cast off and take their chance, as the mutineers would
  certainly do them a mischief if they stayed much longer. Mr.
  Fryer then states the names of those who were under arms; and
  that Joseph Coleman, Thomas M'Intosh, Charles Norman, and Michael
  Byrne (prisoners), wished to come into the boat, declaring they
  had nothing to do in the business; that he did not perceive Mr.
  Peter Heywood on deck at the seizure of the ship.</P>

  <P>On being asked what he supposed Christian meant when he said
  he had been in hell for a fortnight? he said, from the frequent
  quarrels that they had, and the abuse he had received from Mr.
  Bligh, and that the day before the mutiny Mr. Bligh had
  challenged all the young gentlemen and people with stealing his
  cocoa-nuts.</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Cole</I>, the boatswain, deposes,&mdash;that he had the
  middle watch; was awakened out of his sleep in the morning, and
  heard a man calling out to the carpenter, that they had mutinied
  and taken the ship; that Christian had the command, and that the
  captain was a prisoner on the quarter-deck; that he went up the
  hatchway, having seen Mr. Heywood and Mr. Young in the opposite
  berth; that coming on deck he saw the captain with his hands tied
  behind him, and four sentinels standing over him, two of which
  were Ellison and Burkitt, the prisoners; that he asked Mr.
  Christian what he meant to do, and was answered by his ordering
  him to hoist the boat out, and shook the bayonet, threatening him
  and damning him if he did not take care; that when he found the
  captain was to be sent out of the ship, he again went aft with
  the carpenter to ask for the long-boat; that they asked three or
  four times before he granted it; that he saw Mr. Peter Heywood,
  one of the prisoners, lending a hand to get the fore-stayfall
  along, and when the boat was hooked on, spoke something to him,
  but what it was does not know, as Christian was threatening him
  at the time; that Heywood then went below, and does not remember
  seeing him afterwards; that after the few things were got into
  the boat, and most of the people in her, they were trying for the
  carpenter's tool-chest, when Quintal said, 'D&mdash;&mdash; n
  them, if we let them have these things they will build a vessel
  in a month'; but when all were in the boat she was veered astern,
  when Coleman, Norman, and M'Intosh, prisoners, were crying at the
  gangway, wishing to go in the boat; and Byrne in the cutter
  alongside was also crying; that he advised Mr. Bligh to cast off,
  as he feared they would fire into the boat.</P>

  <P><I>The Court</I> asked if he had any reason to believe that
  any other of the prisoners than those named were detained
  contrary to their inclinations? Answer&mdash;'I believe Mr.
  Heywood was; I thought all along he was intending to come away;
  he had no arms, and he assisted to get the boat out, and then
  went below; I heard Churchill call out, 'Keep them below.' <I>The
  Court</I>&mdash;'Do you think he meant Heywood?' 'I have no
  reason to think any other.'</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Peckover</I> the gunner's evidence is similar to that
  of Mr. Cole's, and need not be detailed.</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Purcell</I>, the carpenter, corroborated, generally,
  the testimony of the three who had been examined. <I>The
  Court</I> asked, 'Did you see Mr. Heywood standing upon the
  booms?' 'Yes; he was leaning the flat part of his hand on a
  cutlass, when I exclaimed, In the name of God, Peter, what do you
  with that? when he instantly dropped it, and assisted in hoisting
  the launch out, and handing the things into the boat, and then
  went down below, when I heard Churchill call to Thompson to keep
  them below, but could not tell whom he meant; I did not see Mr.
  Heywood after that.' <I>The Court</I>&mdash;'In what light did
  you look upon Mr. Heywood, at the time you say he dropped the
  cutlass on your speaking to him?' <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'I looked
  upon him as a person confused, and that he did not know he had
  the weapon in his hand, or his hand being on it, for it was not
  in his hand; I considered him to be confused, by his instantly
  dropping it, and assisting in hoisting the boat out, which
  convinced me in my own mind that he had no hand in the
  conspiracy; that after this he went below, as I think, on his own
  account, in order to collect some of his things to put into the
  boat.' <I>The Court</I>&mdash;'Do you, upon the solemn oath you
  have taken, believe that Mr. Heywood, by being armed with a
  cutlass at the time you have mentioned, by anything that you
  could collect from his gestures or speeches, had any intention of
  opposing, or joining others that might oppose, to stop the
  progress of the mutiny?' <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'No.' <I>The
  Court</I>&mdash;'In the time that Mr. Heywood was assisting you
  to get the things into the boat, did he, in any degree whatever,
  manifest a disposition to assist in the mutiny?'
  <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'No.' <I>The Court</I>&mdash;'Was he, during
  that time, deliberate or frightened, and in what manner did he
  behave himself?' <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'I had not an opportunity
  of observing his every action, being myself at that time engaged
  in getting several things into the boat, so that I cannot tell.'
  <I>The Court</I>&mdash;'Putting every circumstance together,
  declare to this court, upon the oath you have taken, how you
  considered his behaviour, whether as a person joined in the
  mutiny, or as a person wishing well to Captain Bligh?'
  <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'I by no means considered him as a person
  concerned in the mutiny or conspiracy.'</P>

  <P><I>Lieutenant Thomas Hayward</I>, late third lieutenant of the
  <I>Pandora</I>, and formerly midshipman of the <I>Bounty</I>,
  deposes,&mdash;that he had the morning watch; that at four
  o'clock Fletcher Christian relieved the watch as usual; that at
  five he ordered him, as master's mate of his watch, to look out,
  while he went down to lash his hammock up; that while looking at
  a shark astern of the ship, to his unutterable surprise, he saw
  Fletcher Christian, Charles Churchill, Thomas Burkitt (the
  prisoner), John Sumner, Matthew Quintal, William M'Koy, Isaac
  Martin, Henry Hillbrant, and Alexander Smith, coming aft, armed
  with muskets and bayonets; that on going forward, he asked
  Christian the cause of such an act, who told him to hold his
  tongue instantly; and leaving Isaac Martin as a sentinel on deck,
  he proceeded with the rest of his party below to Lieutenant
  Bligh's cabin; that the people on deck were Mr. John Hallet,
  myself, Robert Lamb, Butcher, Thomas Ellison (prisoner) at the
  helm, and John Mills at the conn; that he asked Mills if he knew
  any thing of the matter, who pleaded total ignorance, and Thomas
  Ellison quitted the helm and armed himself with a bayonet; that
  the decks now became thronged with armed men; that Peter Heywood,
  James Morrison (two of the prisoners), and George Stewart, were
  unarmed on the booms; that Fletcher Christian and his gang had
  not been down long before he heard the cry of murder from
  Lieutenant Bligh, and Churchill calling out for a rope, on which
  Mills, contrary to all orders and entreaties, cut the deep-sea
  line and carried a piece of it to their assistance; that soon
  after Lieutenant Bligh was brought upon the quarter-deck with his
  hands bound behind him, and was surrounded by most of those who
  came last on deck.</P>

  <P>This witness then states, that on the arrival of the
  <I>Pandora</I> at Matavai Bay, Joseph Coleman was the first that
  came on board; that he was upset in a canoe and assisted by the
  natives; that as soon as the ship was at anchor, George Stewart
  and Peter Heywood came on board; that they made themselves known
  to Captain Edwards, and expressed their happiness that he was
  arrived; that he asked them how they came to go away with his
  Majesty's ship the <I>Bounty</I>, when George Stewart said, when
  called upon hereafter, he would answer all particulars; that he
  was prevented by Captain Edwards from answering further
  questions, and they were sent out of the cabin to be confined. He
  then describes the manner in which the rest of the mutineers were
  taken on the island. Having stated that when he went below to get
  some things he saw Peter Heywood in his berth, and told him to go
  into the boat, he was asked by <I>the Court</I> if Heywood was
  prevented by any force from going upon deck, he answered, 'No.'
  <I>The Court</I>&mdash;'Did you, from his behaviour, consider him
  as a person attached to his duty, or to the party of the
  mutineers?' <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'I should rather suppose, after
  my having told him to go into the boat, and he not joining us, to
  be on the side of the mutineers; but that must be understood only
  as an opinion, as he was not in the least employed during the
  active part of it.' <I>The Court</I>&mdash;'Did you observe any
  marks of joy or sorrow on his countenance or behaviour?'
  <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'Sorrow.'</P>

  <P><I>Lieutenant Hallet</I>, late midshipman of the
  <I>Bounty</I>, states,&mdash;that he had the morning-watch; that
  he heard Lieutenant Bligh call out murder, and presently after
  saw him brought upon deck naked, excepting his shirt, with his
  hands tied behind him, and Christian holding the end of the cord
  which tied them in one hand, and either a bayonet or a cutlass in
  the other; that the cutter was hoisted out, and Mr. Samuel, Mr.
  Hayward, and myself ordered to go into her; but the boatswain and
  carpenter going aft, and telling Christian they wished to go with
  the captain rather than stay in the ship, and asking to have the
  launch, it was granted. On being asked if he saw Peter Heywood on
  that day, he replied, once, on the platform, standing still and
  looking attentively towards Captain Bligh; never saw him under
  arms nor spoke to him; does not know if he offered to go in the
  boat, nor did he hear any one propose to him to go in the boat;
  that when standing on the platform, Captain Bligh said something
  to him, but what he did not hear, upon which Heywood laughed,
  turned round, and walked away.</P>

  <P><I>Captain Edwards</I> being then called and sworn, was
  desired by the Court to state the conversation that passed
  between him and Coleman, Peter Heywood, and George Stewart, when
  they came on board the <I>Pandora</I>.</P>

  <P><I>Edwards</I>&mdash;'Joseph Coleman attempted to come on
  board before the ship came to an anchor at Otaheite; he was soon
  afterwards taken up by canoes and came on board before the ship
  came to an anchor; I began to make inquiries of him after the
  <I>Bounty</I> and her people. The next who came on board were
  Stewart and Peter Heywood; they came after the ship was at
  anchor, but before any boat was on shore. I did not see them come
  alongside. I desired Lieutenant Larkin to bring them down to the
  cabin. I asked them what news; Peter Heywood, I think, said he
  supposed I had heard of the affair of the <I>Bounty</I>. I don't
  recollect all the conversation that passed between us; he
  sometimes interrupted me by asking for Mr. Hayward, the
  lieutenant of the <I>Pandora</I>, whether he was on board or
  not&mdash;he had heard that he was; at last I acknowledged that
  he was, and I desired him to come out of my state-room, where I
  had desired him to go into, as he happened to be with me at the
  time. Lieutenant Hayward treated him with a sort of contemptuous
  look, and began to enter into conversation with him respecting
  the <I>Bounty</I>, but I called the sentinel in to take them into
  custody, and ordered Lieutenant Hayward to desist, and I ordered
  them to be put into irons; some words passed, and Peter Heywood
  said he should be able to vindicate his conduct.</P>

  <P><I>Lieutenant Corner</I>, of the <I>Pandora</I>, merely states
  his being sent to bring the rest of the mutineers on board, who
  were at some distance from Matavai Bay.</P>

  <P>The prisoners being called on for their defence, the witnesses
  were again separately called and examined on the part of the
  prisoners.</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Fryer</I>, the master, called in and examined by Mr.
  Heywood.&mdash;'If you had been permitted, would you have stayed
  in the ship in preference to going into the boat?'
  <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'Yes.' <I>Prisoner</I>&mdash;'Had you stayed
  in the ship in expectation of retaking her, was my conduct such,
  from the first moment you knew me to this, as would have induced
  you to intrust me with your design; and do you believe I would
  have favoured it, and given you all the assistance in my power?'
  <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'I believe he would: I should not have
  hesitated a moment in asking of him when I had had an opportunity
  of opening my mind to him.'</P>

  <P>The same question being put to <I>Mr. Cole</I>, the boatswain,
  <I>Mr. Peckover</I>, the gunner, and <I>Mr. Purcell</I>, the
  carpenter, they all answered in the affirmative.</P>

  <P>Mr. Heywood asked, 'What was my general conduct, temper, and
  disposition on board the ship?' <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'Beloved by
  everybody, to the best of my recollection.' To the same question,
  <I>Mr. Cole</I> answers, 'Always a very good character.' <I>Mr.
  Peckover</I>&mdash;'The most amiable, and deserving of every
  one's esteem.' <I>Mr. Purcell</I>&mdash;'In every respect
  becoming the character of a gentleman, and such as merited the
  esteem of everybody.'</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Cole</I> being examined, gave his testimony,&mdash;that
  he never saw Mr. Heywood armed; that he did not consider him of
  the mutineers' party; that he saw nothing of levity or apparent
  merriment in his conduct; that when he was below with Stewart, he
  heard Churchill call out, 'Keep them below,' and that he believes
  Heywood was one of the persons meant&mdash;has no doubt of it at
  all; that Bligh could not have spoken to him, when on the booms,
  loud enough to be heard; that Hayward was alarmed, and Hallet
  alarmed; that he by no means considers Heywood or Morrison as
  mutineers.</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Purcell</I> being examined, states,&mdash;that,
  respecting the cutlass on which he saw Mr. Heywood's hand
  resting, he does not consider him as being an armed man; that he
  never thought him as of the mutineers' party; that he never heard
  Captain Bligh speak to him; that he thinks, from his situation,
  he could not have heard him; that he was by no means guilty of
  levity or apparent merriment; that he heard the master-at-arms
  call out to keep them below; that Mr. Hallet appeared to him to
  be very much confused; and that Mr. Hayward likewise appeared to
  be very much confused.</P>

  <P><I>The Court</I> asked,&mdash;'As you say you did not look
  upon the prisoner as a person armed, to what did you allude when
  you exclaimed, "Good God, Peter, what do you do with that?"'
  <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'I look upon it as an accidental thing.'</P>

  <P><I>Captain Edwards</I>, being asked by Heywood&mdash;'Did I
  surrender myself to you upon the arrival of the <I>Pandora</I> at
  Otaheite?' <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'Not to me, to the Lieutenant. I
  apprehend he put himself in my power. I always understood he came
  voluntarily; our boats were not in the water.'
  <I>Prisoner</I>&mdash;'Did I give you such information respecting
  myself and the <I>Bounty</I> as afterwards proved true?'
  <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'He gave me some information respecting the
  people on the island, that corroborated with Coleman's. I do not
  recollect the particular conversation, but in general it agreed
  with the account given by Coleman.' <I>Prisoner</I>&mdash;'When I
  told you that I went away the first time from Otaheite with the
  pirates, did I not at the same time inform you that it was not
  possible for me to separate myself from Christian, who would not
  permit any man of the party to leave him at that time, lest, by
  giving intelligence, they might have been discovered whenever a
  ship should arrive?' <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'Yes, but I do not
  recollect the latter part of it, respecting giving
  intelligence.'</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Fryer</I> again called in and examined by Mr.
  Morrison.&mdash;Mr. Fryer states, he saw him assist in hoisting
  out the boats; that he said to him (Fryer), 'Go down below.'
  <I>The Court</I> asked, 'Whether it might not have been from a
  laudable motive, as supposing your assistance at that time might
  have prevented a more advantageous effort?'
  <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'Probably it might: had I stayed in the
  ship, he would have been one of the first that I should have
  opened my mind to, from his good behaviour in the former part of
  the voyage': states his belief, that he addressed him as advice;
  and that, in hoisting out the boat, he was assisting Captain
  Bligh.</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Cole</I>, the boatswain, states, that he ordered
  Morrison to go and help them with the cutter; that he told him
  the boat was overloaded; that Captain Bligh had begged that no
  more people should go in her, and said he would take his chance
  in the ship; that he shook Morrison by the hand, and said he
  would do him justice in England; that he had no reason to suppose
  him concerned in the mutiny.</P>

  <P><I>Lieutenant Thomas Hayward</I> states, that Morrison
  appeared joyful, and supposed him to be one of the mutineers; on
  being asked by Morrison if he could declare before God and the
  Court that what he stated was not the result of a private pique?
  <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'Not the result of any private pique, but an
  opinion formed after quitting the ship, from his not coming with
  us, there being more boats than one; cannot say they might have
  had the cutter.' This witness was pleased to remember nothing
  that was in favour of the prisoner.</P>

  <P><I>Lieutenant Hallet</I> states, he saw Morrison under arms;
  being asked in what part of the ship, he says, 'I did not see him
  under arms till the boat was veered astern, and he was then
  looking over the taffrail, and called out, in a jeering manner,
  "If my friends inquire after me, tell them I am somewhere in the
  South Seas."'</P>

  <P><I>Captain Edwards</I> bore testimony that Morrison
  voluntarily surrendered himself.</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Fryer</I> did not see Morrison armed; he was in his
  watch, and he considered him a steady, sober, attentive, good
  man; and acknowledged, that if he had remained in the ship, with
  the view of retaking her, Morrison would have been one of the
  first he should have called to his assistance.</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Cole</I> gave testimony to his being a man of good
  character, attentive to his duty, and he never knew any harm of
  him.</P>

  <P><I>Mr. Purcell</I> bore witness to his good character, being
  always diligent and attentive; did not see him under arms on the
  taffrail; never heard him use any jeering speeches. Respecting
  the prisoner <I>Muspratt, Mr. Cole's</I> evidence proves that he
  had a musket in his hands, but not till the latter part of the
  business; it is also proved that he assisted in getting things
  into the launch. <I>Mr. Peckover</I> saw him standing on the
  forecastle doing nothing&mdash;he was not armed.</P>

  <P><I>Lieutenant Hayward</I> saw Muspratt among the armed men:
  was asked, when Captain Bligh used the words, 'Don't let the boat
  be overloaded, my lads'&mdash;'I'll do you justice'; do you
  understand the latter words, 'My lads, I'll do you justice,' to
  apply to clothes or to men, whom he apprehended might go into the
  boat? <I>Witness</I>&mdash;If Captain Bligh made use of the words
  "my lads," it was to the people already in the boat, and not to
  those in the ship.' <I>The Court</I>&mdash;'To whom do you
  imagine Captain Bligh alluded: was it, in your opinion, to the
  men in the boat with him, or to any persons then remaining in the
  ship?' <I>Witness</I>&mdash;'To persons remaining in the
  ship.'</P>

  <P>Against the prisoners Ellison, Burkitt, and Millward, the
  evidence given by all the witnesses so clearly and distinctly
  proved they were under arms the whole time, and actively employed
  against Bligh, that it is unnecessary to go into any detail as
  far as they are concerned.</P>

  <P>The Court having called on the prisoners, each separately, for
  his defence, Mr. Heywood delivered his as follows:&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'My lords and gentlemen of this honourable Court,&mdash;Your
    attention has already been sufficiently exercised in the
    painful narrative of this trial; it is therefore my duty to
    trespass further on it as little as possible.</P>

    <P>'The crime of mutiny, for which I am now arraigned, is so
    seriously pregnant with every danger and mischief, that it
    makes the person so accused, in the eyes, not only of military
    men of every description, but of every nation, appear at once
    the object of unpardonable guilt and exemplary vengeance.</P>

    <P>'In such a character it is my misfortune to appear before
    this tribunal, and no doubt I must have been gazed at with all
    that horror and indignation which the conspirators of such a
    mutiny as that in Captain Bligh's ship so immediately provoke;
    hard, then, indeed is my fate, that circumstances should so
    occur to point me out as one of them.</P>

    <P>'Appearances, probably, are against me, but they are
    appearances only; for unless I may be deemed guilty for feeling
    a repugnance at embracing death unnecessarily, I declare before
    this Court and the tribunal of Almighty God, I am innocent of
    the charge.</P>

    <P>'I chose rather to defer asking any questions of the
    witnesses until I heard the whole of the evidence; as the
    charge itself, although I knew it generally, was not in its
    full extent, nor in particular points, made known to me before
    I heard it read by the Judge Advocate at the beginning of the
    trial: and I feel myself relieved by having adopted such a
    mode, as it enables me to set right a few particulars of a
    narrative which I had the honour to transmit to the Earl of
    Chatham, containing an account of all that passed on the fatal
    morning of the 28th of April, 1789, but which, from the
    confusion the ship was in during the mutiny, I might have
    mistaken, or from the errors of an imperfect recollection I
    might have mis-stated; the difference, however, will now be
    open to correction; and I have great satisfaction in observing,
    that the mistakes but very slightly respect my part of the
    transaction, and I shall consequently escape the imputation of
    endeavouring to save myself by imposing on my judges.</P>

    <P>'When first this sad event took place I was sleeping in my
    hammock; nor, till the very moment of being awakened from it,
    had I the least intimation of what was going on. The spectacle
    was as sudden to my eyes, as it was unknown to my heart; and
    both were convulsed at the scene.</P>

    <P>'Matthew Thompson was the first that claimed my attention
    upon waking: he was sitting as a sentinel over the arm-chest
    and my berth, and informed me that the captain was a prisoner,
    and Christian had taken the command of the ship. I entreated
    for permission to go upon deck; and soon after the boatswain
    and carpenter had seen me in my berth, as they were going up
    the fore-hatchway, I followed them, as is stated in their
    evidence. It is not in my power to describe my feelings upon
    seeing the captain as I did, who, with his hands tied behind
    him, was standing on the quarter-deck, a little abaft the
    mizen-mast, and Christian by his side. My faculties were
    benumbed, and I did not recover the power of recollection until
    called to by somebody to take hold of the tackle-fall, and
    assist to get out the launch, which I found was to be given to
    the captain instead of the large cutter, already in the water
    alongside the ship. It were in vain to say what things I put
    into the boat, but many were handed in by me; and in doing this
    it was that my hand touched the cutlass (for I will not attempt
    to deny what the carpenter has deposed), though, on my
    conscience, I am persuaded it was of momentary duration, and
    innocent as to intention. The former is evident, from its being
    unobserved by every witness who saw me upon deck, some of whom
    must have noticed it had it continued a single minute; and the
    latter is proved by the only person who took notice of the
    circumstance, and has also deposed that, at the moment he
    beheld me, I was apparently in a state of absolute stupor. The
    poison, therefore, carries with it its antidote; and it seems
    needless to make any further comment on the subject, for no man
    can be weak enough to suppose, that if I had been armed for the
    purpose of assisting in the mutiny, I should have resumed a
    weapon in the moment of triumph, and when the ship was so
    completely in the possession of the party, that (as more than
    one witness has emphatically expressed it) all attempts at
    recovering her would have been impracticable.</P>

    <P>'The boat and ship, it is true, presented themselves to me
    without its once occurring that I was at liberty to choose,
    much less that the choice I should make would be afterwards
    deemed criminal; and I bitterly deplore that my extreme youth
    and inexperience concurred in torturing me with apprehensions,
    and prevented me from preferring the former; for as things have
    turned out, it would have saved me from the disgrace of
    appearing before you as I do at this day&mdash;it would have
    spared the sharp conflicts of my own mind ever since, and the
    agonizing tears of a tender mother and my much-beloved
    sisters.</P>

    <P>'Add to my youth and inexperience, that I was influenced in
    my conduct by the example of my messmates, Mr. Hallet and Mr.
    Hayward, the former of whom was very much agitated, and the
    latter, though he had been many years at sea, yet, when
    Christian ordered him into the boat, he was evidently alarmed
    at the perilous situation, and so much overcome by the harsh
    command, that he actually shed tears.</P>

    <P>'My own apprehensions were far from being lessened at such a
    circumstance as this, and I fearfully beheld the preparations
    for the captain's departure as the preliminaries of inevitable
    destruction, which, although I did not think could be more
    certain, yet I feared would be more speedy, by the least
    addition to their number.</P>

    <P>'To show that I have no disposition to impose upon this
    Court, by endeavouring to paint the situation of the boat to be
    worse than it really was, I need only refer to the captain's
    own narrative, wherein he says that she would have sunk with
    them on the evening of the 3rd May, had it not been for his
    timely caution of throwing out some of the stores, and all the
    clothes belonging to the people, excepting two suits for
    each.</P>

    <P>'Now what clothes or stores could they have spared which in
    weight would have been equal to that of two men? (for if I had
    been in her, and the poor fellow, Norton, had not been murdered
    at Tofoa, she would have been encumbered with our additional
    weight), and if it be true that she was saved by those means,
    which the captain says she was, it must follow that if Norton
    and myself had been in her (to say nothing of Coleman,
    M'Intosh, Norman, and Byrne, who, 'tis confessed, were desirous
    of leaving the ship), she must either have gone down with us,
    or, to prevent it, we must have lightened her of the provisions
    and other necessary articles, and thereby have perished for
    want&mdash;dreadful alternative!</P>

    <P>'A choice of deaths to those who are certain of dying may be
    a matter of indifference; but where, on one hand, death appears
    inevitable, and the means of salvation present themselves on
    the other, however imprudent it might be to resort to those
    means in any other less trying situation, I think (and hope
    even at my present time of life) that I shall not be suspected
    of a want of courage for saying, few men would hesitate to
    embrace the latter.</P>

    <P>'Such, then, was exactly my situation on board the
    <I>Bounty</I>; to be starved to death, or drowned, appeared to
    be inevitable if I went in the boat; and surely it is not to be
    wondered at, if, at the age of sixteen years, with no one to
    advise with, and so ignorant of the discipline of the service
    (having never been at sea before) as not to know or even
    suppose it was possible that what I should determine upon might
    afterwards be alleged against me as a crime&mdash;I say, under
    such circumstances, in so trying a situation, can it be
    wondered at, if I suffered the preservation of my life to be
    the first, and to supersede every other, consideration.</P>

    <P>'Besides, through the medium of the master, the captain had
    directed the rest of the officers to remain on board, in hopes
    of retaking the ship. Such is the master's assertion, and such
    the report on board, and as it accorded with my own wishes for
    the preservation of my life, I felt myself doubly justified in
    staying on board, not only as it appeared to be safer than
    going in the boat, but from a consideration also of being in
    the way to be useful in assisting to accomplish so desirable a
    wish of the captain.</P>

    <P>'Let it not&mdash;for God's sake&mdash;let it not be argued
    that my fears were groundless, and that the arrival of the boat
    at Timor is a proof that my conduct was wrong. This would be
    judging from the event, and I think I have plainly shown that,
    but for the death of Norton at Tofoa, and the prudent order of
    the captain not to overload the boat, neither himself nor any
    of the people who were saved with him, would at this moment
    have been alive to have preferred any charge against me, or
    given evidence at this trial.</P>

    <P>'If deliberate guilt be necessarily affixed to all who
    continued on board the ship, and that in consequence they must
    be numbered with Christian's party&mdash;in such a strict view
    of matters it must irrevocably impeach the armourer and two
    carpenter's mates, as well as Martin and Byrne, who certainly
    wished to quit the ship. And if Christian's first intention of
    sending away the captain, with a few persons only, in the small
    cutter, had not been given up, or if even the large cutter had
    not been exchanged for the launch, more than half of those who
    did go with him would have been obliged to stay with me.
    Forgetful for a moment of my own misfortunes, I cannot help
    being agitated at the bare thought of their narrow escape.</P>

    <P>'Every body must, and I am sure that this Court will, allow
    that my case is a peculiarly hard one, inasmuch as the running
    away with the ship is a proof of the mutiny having been
    committed. The innocent and the guilty are upon exactly the
    same footing&mdash;had the former been confined by sickness,
    without a leg to stand on, or an arm to assist them in opposing
    the mutineers, they must have been put upon their trial, and
    instead of the captain being obliged to prove their guilt, it
    would have been incumbent upon them to have proved themselves
    innocent. How can this be done but negatively? If all who
    wished it could not accompany the captain, they were
    necessarily compelled to stay with Christian; and being with
    him, were dependent on him, subject to his orders, however
    disinclined to obey them, for force in such a state is
    paramount to every thing. But when, on the contrary, instead of
    being in arms, or obeying any orders of the mutineers, I did
    every thing in my power to assist the captain, and those who
    went with him, and by all my actions (except in neglecting to
    do what, if I had done, must have endangered the lives of those
    who were so fortunate as to quit the ship) I showed myself
    faithful to the last moment of the captain's stay, what is
    there to leave a doubt in the minds of impartial and
    dispassionate men of my being perfectly innocent? Happy indeed
    should I have been if the master had stayed on board, which he
    probably would have done, if his reasons for wishing to do so
    had not been overheard by the man who was in the
    bread-room.</P>

    <P>'Captain Bligh in his narrative acknowledges that he had
    left some friends on board the <I>Bounty</I>, and no part of my
    conduct could have induced him to believe that I ought not to
    be reckoned of the number. Indeed from his attention to and
    very kind treatment of me personally, I should have been a
    monster of depravity to have betrayed him. The idea alone is
    sufficient to disturb a mind where humanity and gratitude have,
    I hope, ever been noticed as its characteristic features; and
    yet Mr. Hallet has said that he saw me laugh at a time when,
    Heaven knows, the conflict in my own mind, independent of the
    captain's situation, rendered such a want of decency
    impossible. The charge in its nature is dreadful, but I boldly
    declare, notwithstanding an internal conviction of my innocence
    has enabled me to endure my sufferings for the last sixteen
    months, could I have laid to my heart so heavy an accusation, I
    should not have lived to defend myself from it. And this brings
    to my recollection another part of Captain Bligh's narrative,
    in which he says, "I was kept apart from every one, and all I
    could do was by speaking to them in general, but my endeavours
    were of no avail, for I was kept securely bound, and no one but
    the guard was suffered to come near me."</P>

    <P>'If the captain, whose narrative we may suppose to have been
    a detail of every thing which happened, could only recollect
    that he had spoken generally to the people, I trust it will
    hardly be believed that Mr. Hallet, without notes, at so
    distant a period as this, should be capable of recollecting
    that he heard him speak to any one in particular; and here it
    may not be improper to observe that, at the time to which I
    allude, Mr. Hallet (if I am rightly informed) could not have
    been more than fifteen years of age. I mean not to impeach his
    courage, but I think if circumstances be considered, and an
    adequate idea of the confused state of the ship can be formed
    by this Court, it will not appear probable that this young
    gentleman should have been so perfectly unembarrassed as to
    have been able to particularize the muscles of a man's
    countenance, even at a considerable distance from him; and what
    is still more extraordinary is, that he heard the captain call
    to me from abaft the mizen to the platform where I was
    standing, which required an exertion of voice, and must have
    been heard and noticed by all who were present, as the captain
    and Christian were at that awful moment the objects of every
    one's peculiar attention; yet he who was standing between us,
    and noticing the transactions of us both, could not hear what
    was said.</P>

    <P>'To me it has ever occurred that diffidence is very
    becoming, and of all human attainments a knowledge of ourselves
    is the most difficult; and if, in the ordinary course of life,
    it is not an easy matter precisely to account for our own
    actions, how much more difficult and hazardous must it be, in
    new and momentous scenes, when the mind is hurried and
    distressed by conflicting passions, to judge of another's
    conduct; and yet here are two young men, who, after a lapse of
    near four years (in which period one of them, like myself, has
    grown from a boy to be a man), without hesitation, in a matter
    on which my life is depending, undertake to account for some of
    my actions, at a time, too, when some of the most experienced
    officers in the ship are not ashamed to acknowledge they were
    overcome by the confusion which the mutiny occasioned, and are
    incapable of recollecting a number of their own transactions on
    that day.</P>

    <P>'I can only oppose to such open boldness the calm
    suggestions of reason, and would willingly be persuaded that
    the impression under which this evidence has been given is not
    in any degree open to suspicion. I would be understood, at the
    same time, not to mean anything injurious to the character of
    Mr. Hallet, and for Mr. Hayward, I ever loved him, and must do
    him the justice to declare, that whatever cause I may have to
    deplore the effect of his evidence, or rather his opinion, for
    he has deposed no fact against me, yet I am convinced it was
    given conscientiously, and with a tenderness and feeling
    becoming a man of honour.</P>

    <P>'But may they not both be mistaken? Let it be remembered
    that their long intimacy with Captain Bligh, in whose
    distresses they were partakers, and whose sufferings were
    severely felt by them, naturally begot an abhorrence towards
    those whom they thought the authors of their
    misery,&mdash;might they not forget that the story had been
    told to them, and by first of all believing, then constantly
    thinking of it, be persuaded at last it was a fact within the
    compass of their own knowledge.</P>

    <P>'It is the more natural to believe it is so, from Mr.
    Hallet's forgetting what the captain said upon the occasion,
    which, had he been so collected as he pretends to have been, he
    certainly must have heard. Mr. Hayward, also, it is evident,
    has made a mistake in point of time as to the seeing me with
    Morrison and Millward upon the booms; for the boatswain and
    carpenter in their evidence have said, and the concurring
    testimony of every one supports the fact, that the mutiny had
    taken place, and the captain was on deck, before they came up,
    and it was not till after that time that the boatswain called
    Morrison and Millward out of their hammocks; therefore to have
    seen me at all upon the booms with those two men, it must have
    been long after the time that Mr. Hayward has said it was.
    Again, Mr. Hayward has said that he could not recollect the day
    nor even the month when the <I>Pandora</I> arrived at Otaheite.
    Neither did Captain Edwards recollect when, on his return, he
    wrote to the Admiralty, that Michael Byrne had surrendered
    himself as one of the <I>Bounty's</I> people, but in that
    letter he reported him as having been apprehended, which
    plainly shows that the memory is fallible to a very great
    degree; and it is a fair conclusion to draw that, if when the
    mind is at rest, which must have been the case with Mr. Hayward
    in the <I>Pandora</I>, and things of a few months' date are
    difficult to be remembered, it is next to impossible, in the
    state which every body was on board the <I>Bounty</I>, to
    remember their particular actions at the distance of three
    years and a half after they were observed.</P>

    <P>'As to the advice he says he gave me, to go into the boat, I
    can only say, I have a faint recollection of a short
    conversation with somebody&mdash;I thought it was Mr.
    Stewart&mdash;but be that as it may, I think I may take upon me
    to say it was on deck and not below, for on hearing it
    suggested that I should be deemed guilty if I stayed in the
    ship, I went down directly, and in passing Mr. Cole, told him,
    in a low tone of voice, that I would fetch a few necessaries in
    a bag and follow him into the boat, which at that time I meant
    to do, but was afterwards prevented.</P>

    <P>'Surely I shall not be deemed criminal that I hesitated at
    getting into a boat whose gunnel, when she left the ship, was
    not quite eight inches above the surface of the water. And if,
    in the moment of unexpected trial, fear and confusion assailed
    my untaught judgement, and that by remaining in the ship I
    appeared to deny my commander, it was in appearance
    only&mdash;it was the sin of my head&mdash;for I solemnly
    assure you before God, that it was not the vileness of my
    heart.</P>

    <P>'I was surprised into my error by a mixture of ignorance,
    apprehension, and the prevalence of example; and, alarmed as I
    was from my sleep, there was little opportunity and less time
    for better recollection. The captain, I am persuaded, did not
    see me during the mutiny, for I retired, as it were, in
    sorrowful suspense, alternately agitated between hope and fear,
    not knowing what to do. The dread of being asked by him, or of
    being ordered by Christian to go into the boat,&mdash;or, which
    appeared to me worse than either, of being desired by the
    latter to join his party, induced me to keep out of the sight
    of both, until I was a second time confined in my berth by
    Thompson, when the determination I had made was too late to be
    useful.</P>

    <P>'One instance of my conduct I had nearly forgot, which, with
    much anxiety and great astonishment, I have heard observed upon
    and considered as a fault, though I had imagined it blameless,
    if not laudable&mdash;I mean the assistance I gave in hoisting
    out the launch, which, by a mode of expression of the
    boatswain's, who says I did it voluntarily (meaning that I did
    not refuse my assistance when he asked me to give it), the
    Court, I am afraid, has considered it as giving assistance to
    the mutineers, and not done with a view to help the captain; of
    which, however, I have no doubt of being able to give a
    satisfactory explanation in evidence.</P>

    <P>'Observations on matters of opinion I will endeavour to
    forbear where they appear to have been formed from the impulse
    of the moment; but I shall be pardoned for remembering Mr.
    Hayward's (given I will allow with great deliberation, and
    after long weighing the question which called for it), which
    cannot be reckoned of that description, for although he says he
    rather considered me as a friend to Christian's party, he
    states that his last words to me were, "Peter, go into the
    boat," which words could not have been addressed to one who was
    of the party of the mutineers. And I am sure, if the
    countenance is at all an index to the heart, mine must have
    betrayed the sorrow and distress he has so accurately
    described.</P>

    <P>'It were trespassing unnecessarily upon the patience of the
    Court, to be giving a tedious history of what happened in
    consequence of the mutiny, and how, through one very imprudent
    step, I was unavoidably led into others.</P>

    <P>'But, amidst all this pilgrimage of distress, I had a
    conscience, thank heaven, which lulled away the pain of
    personal difficulties, dangers, and distress. It was this
    conscious principle which determined me not to hide myself as
    if guilty. No&mdash;I welcomed the arrival of the
    <I>Pandora</I> at Otaheite, and embraced the earliest
    opportunity of freely surrendering myself to the captain of
    that ship.</P>

    <P>'By his order I was chained and punished with incredible
    severity, though the ship was threatened with instant
    destruction: when fear and trembling came on every man on
    board, in vain, for a long time, were my earnest repeated
    cries, that the galling irons might not, in that moment of
    affrighting consternation, prevent my hands from being lifted
    up to heaven for mercy.</P>

    <P>'But though it cannot fail deeply to interest the humanity
    of this Court, and kindle in the breast of every member of it
    compassion for my sufferings, yet as it is not relative to the
    point, and as I cannot for a moment believe that it proceeded
    from any improper motive on the part of Captain Edwards, whose
    character in the navy stands high in estimation both as an
    officer and a man of humanity, but rather that he was actuated
    in his conduct towards me by the imperious dictates of the laws
    of the service, I shall, therefore, waive it, and say no more
    upon the subject.</P>

    <P>'Believe me, again I entreat you will believe me, when, in
    the name of the tremendous judge of heaven and earth (before
    whose vindictive Majesty I may be destined soon to appear), I
    now assert my innocence of plotting, abetting, or assisting,
    either by word or deed, the mutiny for which I am
    tried&mdash;for, young as I am, I am still younger in the
    school of art and such matured infamy.</P>

    <P>'My parents (but I have only one left, a solitary and
    mournful mother, who is at home weeping and trembling for the
    event of this day), thanks to their fostering care, taught me
    betimes to reverence God, to honour the king, and be obedient
    to his laws; and at no one time have I resolutely or designedly
    been an apostate to either.</P>

    <P>'To this honourable Court, then, I now commit myself.</P>

    <P>'My character and my life are at your disposal; and as the
    former is as sacred to me as the latter is precious, the
    consolation or settled misery of a dear mother and two sisters,
    who mingle their tears together, and are all but frantic for my
    situation&mdash;pause for your verdict.</P>

    <P>'If I am found worthy of life, it shall be improved by past
    experience, and especially taught from the serious lesson of
    what has lately happened; but if nothing but death itself can
    atone for my pitiable indiscretion, I bow with submission and
    all due respect to your impartial decision.</P>

    <P>'Not with sullen indifference shall I then meditate on my
    doom as not deserving it&mdash;no, such behaviour would be an
    insult to God and an affront to man, and the attentive and
    candid deportment of my judges in this place requires more
    becoming manners in me.</P>

    <P>'Yet, if I am found guilty this day, they will not construe
    it, I trust, as the least disrespect offered to their
    discernment and opinion, if I solemnly declare that my heart
    will rely with confidence in its own innocence, until that
    awful period when my spirit shall be about to be separated from
    my body to take its everlasting flight, and be ushered into the
    presence of that unerring Judge, before whom all hearts are
    open and from whom no secrets are hid.</P>

    <P>'P. HEYWOOD.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>His witnesses fully established the facts which he assumed in
  this defence. He then delivered to the president a paper, of
  which the following is a copy:&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'My Lord,&mdash;the Court having heard the witnesses I have
    been enabled to call, it will be unnecessary to add anything to
    their testimony in point of fact, or to observe upon it by way
    of illustration. It is, I trust, sufficient to do away any
    suspicion which may have fallen upon me, and to remove every
    implication of guilt which, while unexplained, might by
    possibility have attached to me. It is true I have, by the
    absence of Captain Bligh, Simpson, and Tinkler, been deprived
    of the opportunity of laying before the Court much that would
    at least have been grateful to my feelings, though I hope not
    necessary to my defence; as the former must have exculpated me
    from the least disrespect, and the two last would have proved
    past all contradiction that I was unjustly accused. I might
    regret that in their absence I have been arraigned, but, thank
    heaven, I have been enabled, by the very witnesses who were
    called to criminate me, to oppose facts to opinions, and give
    explanation to circumstances of suspicion.</P>

    <P>'It has been proved that I was asleep at the time of the
    mutiny, and waked only to confusion and dismay. It has been
    proved, it is true, that I continued on board the ship, but it
    has been also proved I was detained by force; and to this I
    must add, I left the society of those with whom I was for a
    time obliged to associate, as soon as possible, and with
    unbounded satisfaction resigned myself to the Captain of the
    <I>Pandora</I>, to whom I gave myself up, to whom I also
    delivered my journal<A name='FNanchor_25_25' id=
    "FNanchor_25_25"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_25_25'><SUP>[25]</SUP></A> (faithfully brought up to
    the preceding day), and to whom I also gave every information
    in my power. I could do no more; for at the first time we were
    at Otaheite it was impossible for me, watched and suspected as
    I was, to separate from the ship. My information to Captain
    Edwards was open, sincere, and unqualified, and I had many
    opportunities given me at different times of repeating it. Had
    a track been open to my native country, I should have followed
    it; had a vessel arrived earlier, I should earlier with the
    same eagerness have embraced the opportunity, for I dreaded not
    an inquiry in which I foresaw no discredit. But Providence
    ordained it otherwise. I have been the victim of suspicion, and
    had nearly fallen a sacrifice to misapprehension. I have,
    however, hitherto surmounted it, and it only remains with this
    Court to say, if my sufferings have not been equal to my
    indiscretion.</P>

    <P>'The decision will be the voice of honour, and to that I
    must implicitly resign myself.</P>

    <P>'P. HEYWOOD.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P><I>Mr. Morrison's Defence</I></P>

  <P>Sets out by stating that he was waked at daylight by Mr. Cole
  the boatswain, who told him that the ship was taken by Christian;
  that he assisted in clearing out the boat at Mr. Cole's desire,
  and says, 'While I was thus employed Mr. Fryer came to me and
  asked if I had any hand in the mutiny; I told him No. He then
  desired me to see who I could find to assist me, and try to
  rescue the ship; I told him I feared it was then too late, but
  would do my endeavour; when John Millward, who stood by me, and
  heard what Mr. Fryer said, swore he would stand by me if an
  opportunity offered. Mr. Fryer was about to speak again, but was
  prevented by Matthew Quintal, who, with a pistol in one hand,
  collared him with the other, saying, "Come, Mr. Fryer, you must
  go down into your cabin"; and hauled him away. Churchill then
  came, and shaking his cutlass at me, demanded what Mr. Fryer
  said. I told him that he only asked me if they were going to have
  the long-boat, upon which Alexander Smith (Adams), who stood on
  the opposite side of the boat, said, "It's a d&mdash;d lie,
  Charley, for I saw him and Millward shake hands when the master
  spoke to them." Churchill then said to me, "I would have you mind
  how you come on, for I have an eye upon you." Smith at the same
  time called out, "Stand to your arms, for they intend to make a
  rush." This, as it was intended, put the mutineers on their
  guard, and I found it necessary to be very cautious how I acted;
  and I heard Captain Bligh say to Smith, "I did not expect you
  would be against me, Smith"; but I could not hear what answer he
  made.'</P>

  <P>He says that, while clearing the boat, he heard Christian
  order Churchill to see that no arms were put into her; to keep
  Norman, M'Intosh, and Coleman in the ship, and get the officers
  into the boat as fast as possible; that Mr. Fryer begged
  permission to stay, but to no purpose. On seeing Mr. Fryer and
  most of the officers going into the boat, without the least
  appearance of an effort to rescue the ship, I began to reflect on
  my own situation; and seeing the situation of the boat, and
  considering that she was at least a thousand leagues from any
  friendly settlement, and judging, from what I had seen of the
  Friendly Islanders but a few days before, that nothing could be
  expected from them but to be plundered or killed, and seeing no
  choice but of one evil, I chose, as I thought the least, to stay
  in the ship, especially as I considered it as obeying Captain
  Bligh's orders, and depending on his promise to do justice to
  those who remained. I informed Mr. Cole of my intention, who made
  me the like promise, taking me by the hand and saying, "God bless
  you, my boy; I will do you justice if ever I reach England."</P>

  <P>'I also informed Mr. Hayward of my intention; and on his
  dropping a hint to me that he intended to knock Churchill down, I
  told him I would second him, pointing to some of the Friendly
  Island clubs which were sticking in the booms, and saying, "There
  were tools enough": but (he adds) 'I was suddenly damped to find
  that he went into the boat without making the attempt he had
  proposed.'</P>

  <P>He then appeals to the members of the Court, as to the
  alternative they would themselves have taken:&mdash;'A boat
  alongside, already crowded; those who were in her crying out she
  would sink; and Captain Bligh desiring no more might go
  in&mdash;with a slender stock of provisions,&mdash;what hope
  could there be to reach any friendly shore, or withstand the
  hostile attacks of the boisterous elements? The perils those
  underwent who reached the island of Timor, and whom nothing but
  the apparent interference of Divine Providence could have saved,
  fully justify my fears, and prove beyond a doubt that they rested
  on a solid foundation; for by staying in the ship, an opportunity
  might offer of escaping, but by going in the boat nothing but
  death appeared, either from the lingering torments of hunger and
  thirst, or from the murderous weapons of cruel savages, or being
  swallowed up by the deep.</P>

  <P>'I have endeavoured,' he says, 'to recall to Mr. Hayward's
  remembrance a proposal he at one time made, by words, of
  attacking the mutineers, and of my encouraging him to the
  attempt, promising to back him. He says he has but a faint
  recollection of the business&mdash;so faint indeed that he cannot
  recall to his memory the particulars, but owns there was
  something passed to that effect. Faint, however, as his
  remembrance is (which for me is the more unfortunate), ought it
  not to do away all doubt with respect to the motives by which I
  was then influenced?' And, in conclusion, he says, 'I beg leave
  most humbly to remind the members of this honourable Court, that
  I did freely, and of my own accord, deliver myself up to
  Lieutenant Robert Corner, of H.M.S. <I>Pandora</I>, on the first
  certain notice of her arrival.'</P><BR>

  <P><I>William Muspratt's Defence</I></P>

  <P>Declares his innocence of any participation in the mutiny;
  admits he assisted in hoisting out the boat, and in putting
  several articles into her; after which he sat down on the booms,
  when Millward came and mentioned to him Mr. Fryer's intention to
  rescue the ship, when he said he would stand by Mr. Fryer as far
  as he could; and with that intention, and for that purpose only,
  he took up a musket which one of the people had laid down, and
  which he quitted the moment he saw Bligh's people get into the
  boat. Solemnly denies the charge of Mr. Purcell against him, of
  handing liquor to the ship's company. Mr. Hayward's evidence, he
  trusts, must stand so impeached before the Court, as not to
  receive the least attention, when the lives of so many men are to
  be affected by it&mdash;for, he observes, he swears that Morrison
  was a mutineer, because he assisted in hoisting out the boats;
  and that M'Intosh was not a mutineer, notwithstanding he was
  precisely employed on the same business&mdash;that he criminated
  Morrison from the appearance of his countenance&mdash;that he had
  only a faint remembrance of that material and striking
  circumstance of Morrison offering to join him to retake the
  ship&mdash;that, in answer to his (Muspratt's) question
  respecting Captain Bligh's words, 'My lads, I'll do you justice'
  he considered them applied to the people in the boat, and not to
  those in the ship&mdash;to the same question put by the Court, he
  said they applied to persons remaining in the ship. And he
  notices some other instances which he thinks most materially
  affect Mr. Hayward's credit; and says, that if he had been under
  arms when Hayward swore he was, he humbly submits Mr. Hallet must
  have seen him. And he concludes with asserting (what indeed was a
  very general opinion), 'that the great misfortune attending this
  unhappy business is, that no one ever attempted to rescue the
  ship; that it might have been done, Thompson being the only
  sentinel over the arm-chest.'</P><BR>

  <P><I>Michael Byrne's Defence</I></P>

  <P>was very short. He says, 'It has pleased the Almighty, among
  the events of His unsearchable providence, nearly to deprive me
  of sight, which often puts it out of my power to carry the
  intentions of my mind into execution.</P>

  <P>'I make no doubt but it appears to this honourable Court, that
  on the 28th of April, 1789, my intention was to quit his
  Majesty's ship <I>Bounty</I> with the officers and men who went
  away, and that the sorrow I expressed at being detained was real
  and unfeigned.</P>

  <P>'I do not know whether I may be able to repeat the exact words
  that were spoken on the occasion, but some said, "We must not
  part with our fiddler"; and Charles Churchill threatened to send
  me to the shades if I attempted to quit the cutter, into which I
  had gone for the purpose of attending Lieutenant Bligh': and,
  without further trespassing on the time of the Court, he submits
  his case to its judgement and mercy.</P>

  <P>It is not necessary to notice any parts of the defence made by
  Coleman, Norman, and M'Intosh, as it is clear, from the whole
  evidence and from Bligh's certificates, that those men were
  anxious to go in the boat, but were kept in the ship by
  force.</P>

  <P>It is equally clear, that Ellison, Millward, and Burkitt, were
  concerned in every stage of the mutiny, and had little to offer
  in their defence in exculpation of the crime of which they were
  accused.</P>

  <P>On the sixth day, namely, on the 18th of September, 1792, the
  Court met,&mdash;the prisoners were brought in, audience
  admitted, when the president, having asked the prisoners if they
  or any of them had anything more to offer in their defence, the
  Court was cleared, and agreed,&mdash;</P>

  <P>'That the charges had been proved against the said Peter
  Heywood, James Morrison, Thomas Ellison, Thomas Burkitt, John
  Millward, and William Muspratt; and did adjudge them, and each of
  them, to suffer death, by being hanged by the neck, on board such
  of his Majesty's ship or ships of war, and at such time or times,
  and at such place or places, as the commissioners for executing
  the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland,
  etc., or any three of them, for the time being, should, in
  writing, under their hands, direct; but the Court, in
  consideration of various circumstances, did humbly and most
  earnestly recommend the said Peter Heywood and James Morrison to
  his Majesty's mercy; and the Court further agreed, that the
  charges had not been proved against the said Charles Norman,
  Joseph Coleman, Thomas M'Intosh, and Michael Byrne, and did
  adjudge them, and each of them, to be acquitted.'</P>

  <P>The Court was then opened and audience admitted, and sentence
  passed accordingly.</P>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='CHAPTER_VII' id="CHAPTER_VII"></A>

  <H2>CHAPTER VII</H2>

  <P>THE KING'S WARRANT</P><SPAN style='margin-left: 3em;'>Well,
  believe this&mdash;</SPAN><BR>
  No ceremony that to great ones 'longs,<BR>
  Not the king's crown, nor the deputed sword,<BR>
  The marshal's truncheon, nor the judge's robe,<BR>
  Become them with one half so good a grace,<BR>
  As mercy does.<BR>
  <BR>

  <P>It was a very common feeling that Heywood and Morrison, the
  former in particular, had been hardly dealt with by the Court in
  passing upon them a sentence of death, tempered as it was with
  the recommendation to the king's mercy. It should, however, have
  been recollected, that the Court had no discretional power to
  pass any other sentence but that, or a full acquittal. But
  earnestly, no doubt, as the Court was disposed towards the latter
  alternative, it could not, consistently with the rules and
  feelings of the service, be adopted. It is not enough in cases of
  mutiny (and this case was aggravated by the piratical seizure of
  a king's ship) that the officers and men in his Majesty's naval
  service should take no active part;&mdash;to be neutral or
  passive is considered as tantamount to aiding and abetting.
  Besides, in the present case, the remaining in the ship along
  with the mutineers, without having recourse to such means as
  offered of leaving her, presumes a voluntary adhesion to the
  criminal party. The only fault of Heywood, and a pardonable one
  on account of his youth and inexperience, was his not asking
  Christian to be allowed to go with his captain,&mdash;his not
  <I>trying</I> to go in time. M'Intosh, Norman, Byrne, and Coleman
  were acquitted because they expressed a strong desire to go, but
  were forced to remain. This was not only clearly proved, but they
  were in possession of written testimonies from Bligh to that
  effect; and so would Heywood have had, but for some prejudice
  Bligh had taken against him, in the course of the boat-voyage
  home, for it will be shown that he knew he was confined to his
  berth below.</P>

  <P>In favour of three of the four men condemned without a
  recommendation, there were unhappily no palliating circumstances.
  Millward, Burkitt, and Ellison were under arms from first to
  last; and Ellison not only left the helm to take up arms, but,
  rushing aft towards Bligh, called out, 'D&mdash;n him, I'll be
  sentry over him.' The fourth man, Muspratt, was condemned on the
  evidence of Lieutenant Hayward, which, however, appears to have
  been duly appreciated by the Lords Commissioners of the
  Admiralty, and in consequence of which the poor man escaped an
  ignominious death.</P>

  <P>The family of young Heywood in the Isle of Man had been buoyed
  up, from various quarters, with the almost certainty of his full
  acquittal. From the 12th September, when the court-martial first
  sat, till the 24th of that month, they were prevented, by the
  strong and contrary winds which cut off all communication with
  England, from receiving any tidings whatever. But while Mrs.
  Heywood and her daughters were fondly flattering themselves with
  everything being most happily concluded, one evening, as they
  were indulging these pleasing hopes, a little boy, the son of one
  of their particular friends, ran into the room and told them, in
  the most abrupt manner, that the trial was over and all the
  prisoners condemned, but that Peter Heywood was recommended to
  mercy; he added that a man whose name he mentioned had told him
  this. The man was sent for, questioned, and replied he had seen
  it in a newspaper at Liverpool, from which place he was just
  arrived in a small fishing-boat, but had forgotten to bring the
  paper with him. In this state of doubtful uncertainty this
  wretched family remained another whole week, harassed by the most
  cruel agony of mind, which no language can express.<A name=
  'FNanchor_26_26' id="FNanchor_26_26"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_26_26'><SUP>[26]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>The affectionate Nessy determined at once to proceed to
  Liverpool, and so on to London. She urges her brother James at
  Liverpool to hasten to Portsmouth: 'Don't wait for me, I can go
  alone; fear and even despair will support me through the journey;
  think only of our poor unfortunate and adored boy, bestow not one
  thought on me.' And she adds, 'yet, if I could listen to reason
  (which is indeed difficult), it is not likely that anything
  serious has taken place, or will do so, as we should then
  certainly have had an express.' She had a tempestuous passage of
  forty-nine hours, and to save two hours got into an open
  fishing-boat at the mouth of the Mersey, the sea running high and
  washing over her every moment; but, she observes, 'let me but be
  blessed with the cheering influence of <I>hope</I>, and I have
  spirit to undertake anything.' From Liverpool she set off the
  same night in the mail for London; and arrived at Mr. Graham's on
  the 5th October, who received her with the greatest kindness, and
  desired her to make his house her home.</P>

  <P>The suspense into which the afflicted family in the Isle of
  Man had been thrown, by the delay of the packet, was painfully
  relieved on its arrival in the night of the 29th September, by
  the following letter from Mr. Graham to the Rev. Dr. Scott, which
  the latter carried to Mrs. Heywood's family the following
  morning.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>Portsmouth, Tuesday, 18th September</I>.</P>

    <P>'SIR,&mdash;Although a stranger, I make no apology in
    writing to you. I have attended and given my assistance at Mr.
    Heywood's trial, which was finished and the sentence passed
    about half an hour ago. Before I tell you what that sentence
    is, I must inform you that his life is safe, notwithstanding it
    is at present at the mercy of the king, to which he is in the
    strongest terms recommended by the Court. That any unnecessary
    fears may not be productive of misery to the family, I must
    add, that the king's attorney-general (who with Judge Ashurst
    attended the trial) desired me to make myself perfectly easy,
    for that my friend was as safe as if he had not been condemned.
    I would have avoided making use of this dreadful word, but it
    must have come to your knowledge, and perhaps unaccompanied by
    many others of a pleasing kind. To prevent its being improperly
    communicated to Mrs. or the Misses Heywood, whose distresses
    first engaged me in the business, and could not fail to call
    forth my best exertions upon the occasion, I send you this by
    express. The mode of communication I must leave to your
    discretion; and shall only add that, although from a
    combination of circumstances, ill-nature, and mistaken
    friendship, the sentence is in itself terrible, yet it is
    incumbent on me to assure you that, from the same combination
    of circumstances, everybody who attended the trial is perfectly
    satisfied in his own mind that he was <I>hardly guilty in
    appearance, in intention he was perfectly innocent</I>. I shall
    of course write to Commodore Pasley, whose mind, from my letter
    to him of yesterday, must be dreadfully agitated, and take his
    advice about what is to be done when Mr. Heywood is released. I
    shall stay here till then, and my intention is afterwards to
    take him to my house in town, where I think he had better stay
    till one of the family calls for him: for he will require a
    great deal of tender management after all his sufferings; and
    it would perhaps be a necessary preparation for seeing his
    mother, that one or both his sisters should be previously
    prepared to support her on so trying an occasion.'</P>

    <P>On the following day Mr. Graham again writes to Dr. Scott,
    and among other things observes, 'It will be a great
    satisfaction to his family to learn, that the declarations of
    some of the other prisoners, since the trial, put it past all
    doubt that the evidence upon which he was convicted must have
    been (to say nothing worse of it) an unfortunate belief, on the
    part of the witness, of circumstances which either never had
    existence, or were applicable to one of the other gentlemen who
    remained in the ship, and not to Mr. Heywood.'<A name=
    'FNanchor_27_27' id="FNanchor_27_27"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_27_27'><SUP>[27]</SUP></A></P>
  </DIV>

  <P>On the 20th September Mr. Heywood addresses the first letter
  he wrote, after his conviction, to Dr. Scott.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'HONOURED AND DEAR SIR,&mdash;On Wednesday the 12th instant
    the awful trial commenced, and on <I>that</I> day, <I>when in
    Court</I>, I had the pleasure of receiving your most kind and
    parental letter,<A name='FNanchor_28_28' id=
    "FNanchor_28_28"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_28_28'><SUP>[28]</SUP></A> in answer to which I now
    communicate to you the melancholy issue of it, which, as I
    desired my friend Mr. Graham to inform you of immediately, will
    be no dreadful news to you. The morning lowers, and all my hope
    of worldly joy is fled. On Tuesday morning the 18th the
    dreadful sentence of death was pronounced upon me, to which
    (being the just decree of that Divine Providence who first gave
    me breath) I bow my devoted head, with that fortitude,
    cheerfulness, and resignation, which is the duty of every
    member of the church of our blessed Saviour and Redeemer Christ
    Jesus. To Him alone I now look up for succour, in full hope
    that perhaps a few days more will open to the view of my
    astonished and fearful soul His kingdom of eternal and
    incomprehensible bliss, prepared only for the righteous of
    heart.</P>

    <P>'I have not been found guilty of the slightest act connected
    with that detestable crime of mutiny, but am doomed to die for
    not being active in my endeavours to suppress it. Could the
    witnesses who appeared on the Court-martial be themselves
    tried, <I>they</I> would also suffer for the very same and only
    crime of which I have been found guilty. But I am to be the
    victim. Alas! my youthful inexperience, and not depravity of
    will, is the sole cause to which I can attribute my
    misfortunes. But so far from repining at my fate, I receive it
    with a dreadful kind of joy, composure, and serenity of mind;
    well assured that it has pleased God to point me out as a
    subject through which some greatly useful (though at present
    unsearchable) intention of the divine attributes may be carried
    into execution for the future benefit of my country. Then why
    should I repine at being made a sacrifice for the good,
    perhaps, of thousands of my fellow-creatures; forbid it,
    Heaven! Why should I be sorry to leave a world in which I have
    met with nothing but misfortunes and all their concomitant
    evils? I shall on the contrary endeavour to divest myself of
    all wishes for the futile and sublunary enjoyments of it, and
    prepare my soul for its reception into the bosom of its
    Redeemer. For though the very strong recommendation I have had
    to his Majesty's mercy by all the members of the Court may meet
    with his approbation, yet that is but the balance of a straw, a
    mere uncertainty, upon which no hope can be built; the other is
    a certainty that must one day happen to every mortal, and
    therefore the salvation of my soul requires my most prompt and
    powerful exertions during the short time I may have to remain
    on earth.</P>

    <P>'As this is too tender a subject for me to inform my unhappy
    and distressed mother and sisters of, I trust, dear Sir, you
    will either show them this letter, or make known to them the
    truly dreadful intelligence in such a manner as (assisted by
    your wholesome and paternal advice) may enable them to bear it
    with Christian fortitude. The only worldly feelings I am now
    possessed of are for their happiness and welfare; but even
    these, in my present situation, I must endeavour, with God's
    assistance, to eradicate from my heart, how hard soever the
    task. I must strive against cherishing any temporal affections.
    But, my dear Sir, endeavour to mitigate my distressed mother's
    sorrow. Give my everlasting duty to her, and unabated love to
    my disconsolate brothers and sisters, and all my other
    relations. Encourage them, by my example, to bear up with
    fortitude and resignation to the Divine will, under their load
    of misfortunes, almost too great for female nature to support,
    and teach them to be fully persuaded that all hopes of
    happiness on earth are vain. On my own account I still enjoy
    the most easy serenity of mind; and am, dear Sir, for ever your
    greatly indebted and most dutiful, but ill-fated,</P>

    <P>'PETER HEYWOOD.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>His next letter is to his dearly beloved Nessy.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'Had I not a strong idea that, ere this mournful epistle
    from your ill-fated brother can reach the trembling hand of my
    ever dear and much afflicted Nessy, she must have been informed
    of the final issue of my trial on Wednesday morning, by my
    honoured friend Dr. Scott, I would not now add trouble to the
    afflicted by a confirmation of it. Though I have indeed fallen
    an early victim to the rigid rules of the service, and though
    the jaws of death are once more opened upon me, yet do I not
    now nor ever will bow to the tyranny of base-born fear.
    Conscious of having done my duty to God and man, I feel not one
    moment's anxiety on my own account, but cherish a full and
    sanguine hope that perhaps a few days more will free me from
    the load of misfortune which has ever been my portion in this
    transient period of existence; and that I shall find an
    everlasting asylum in those blessed regions of eternal bliss,
    where the galling yoke of tyranny and oppression is felt no
    more.</P>

    <P>'If earthly Majesty, to whose mercy I have been recommended
    by the Court, should refuse to put forth its lenient hand and
    rescue me from what is <I>fancifully</I> called an ignominious
    death, there is a heavenly King and Redeemer ready to receive
    the righteous penitent, on whose gracious mercy alone I, as we
    all should, depend, with that pious resignation which is the
    duty of every Christian; well convinced that, without His
    express permission, not even a hair of our head can fall to the
    ground.</P>

    <P>'Oh! my sister, my heart yearns when I picture to myself the
    affliction, indescribable affliction, which this melancholy
    intelligence must have caused in the mind of my much honoured
    mother. But let it be your peculiar endeavour to watch over her
    grief and mitigate her pain. I hope, indeed, this little advice
    from me will be unnecessary; for I know the holy precepts of
    that inspired religion, which, thank heaven! have been
    implanted in the bosoms of us all, will point out to you, and
    all my dear relatives, that fortitude and resignation which are
    required of us in the conflicts of human nature, and prevent
    you from arraigning the wisdom of that omniscient Providence,
    of which we ought all to have the fullest sense.</P>

    <P>'I have had all my dear Nessy's letters; the one of the 17th
    this morning, but alas! what do they now avail? Their contents
    only serve to prove the instability of all human hopes and
    expectations; but, my dear sister, I begin to feel the pangs
    which you must suffer from the perusal of this melancholy
    paper, and will therefore desist, for I know it is more than
    your nature can support. The contrast between last week's
    correspondence and this is great indeed; but why? we had only
    hope then; and have we not the same now? certainly. Endeavour
    then, my love, to cherish that hope, and with faith rely upon
    the mercy of that God who does as to Him seems best and most
    conducive to the general good of His miserable creatures.</P>

    <P>'Bear it then with Christian patience, and instil into the
    mind of my dear and now sorrowful sisters, by your advice, the
    same disposition; and, for heaven's sake, let not despair touch
    the soul of my dear mother&mdash;for then all would be over.
    Let James also employ all his efforts to cheer her spirits
    under her weight of woe. I will write no more. Adieu, my
    dearest love! Write but little to me, and pray for your ever
    affectionate but ill-fated brother.</P>

    <P>'P.S.&mdash;I am in perfect spirits, therefore let not your
    sympathizing feelings for my sufferings hurt your own precious
    health, which is dearer to me than life itself.
    Adieu!&mdash;'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>In a letter to his mother he assures her of the perfect
  tranquillity of his mind; advises her not to entertain too
  sanguine hopes, but at the same time not to be uneasy; and he
  adds, 'A minister of the gospel, who now attends me, has advised
  me not to say too much to any of my dear relations, but now and
  then I cannot avoid it.' To his dearest Nessy, who encourages him
  to take hope, he says, 'Alas! it is but a broken stick which
  <I>I</I> have leaned on, and it has pierced my soul in such a
  manner that I will never more trust to it, but wait with a
  contented mind and patience for the final accomplishment of the
  Divine will.... Mrs. <I>Hope</I> is a faithless and ungrateful
  acquaintance, with whom I have now broken off all connexions, and
  in her stead have endeavoured to cultivate a more sure friendship
  with <I>Resignation</I>, in full trust of finding her more
  constant.' He desires her to write through her brother James who
  is with him; and says that the reason for his having desired her
  not to write much was, lest she might hurt herself by it; and he
  adds, 'from an idea that your exalted sentiments upon so tender a
  subject ought not to be known by an inquiring world; but,' he
  continues, 'do just as you like best: I am conscious that your
  good sense will prompt you to nothing inconsistent with our
  present circumstances.' To this she replies, in the true spirit
  of a character like her own. 'Yes! my ever dearest brother, I
  <I>will</I> write to you, and I know I need not add, that in
  <I>that</I> employment (while thus deprived of your loved
  society) consists my only happiness. But why not express my
  sentiments to yourself? I have nothing to say which I should
  blush to have known to all the world;&mdash;nothing to express in
  my letters to you but love and affection, and shall I blush for
  this? Or can I have a wish to conceal sentiments of such a nature
  for an object who I am so certain merits all my regard, and in
  whom the admiration of surrounding friends convinces me I am not
  mistaken. No, surely; 'tis my pride, my chiefest glory, to love
  you; and when you think me worthy of commendation, <I>that</I>
  praise, and <I>that</I> only, can make me vain. I shall not
  therefore write to you, my dearest brother, in a private manner,
  for it is unnecessary, and I abhor all deceit; in which I know
  you agree with me.'</P>

  <P>To her sister Mary in the Isle of Man she says, 'With respect
  to that little wretch Hallet, his intrepidity in court was
  astonishing; and after every evidence had spoken highly in
  Peter's favour, and given testimony of his innocence, so strong
  that not a doubt was entertained of his acquittal, <I>he</I>
  declared, unasked, that while Bligh was upon deck, he (Hallet)
  saw him look at and speak to Peter. What he said to him Hallet
  could not hear, (being at the distance of twenty feet from Bligh,
  and Peter was twenty feet farther off, consequently a distance of
  forty feet separated Mr. Bligh and my brother); but he added that
  Peter, on <I>hearing</I> what Mr. Bligh said to him,
  <I>laughed</I> and turned contemptuously away. No other witness
  saw Peter laugh but Hallet; on the contrary, all agreed he wore a
  countenance on that day remarkably sorrowful; yet the effect of
  this cruel evidence was wonderful upon the minds of the Court,
  and they concluded by pronouncing the dreadful sentence, though
  at the same time accompanied by the strongest recommendation to
  mercy. Assure yourselves (I have it from Mr. Graham's own mouth),
  that Peter's honour is and will be as secure as his own; that
  every professional man, as well as every man of sense, of
  whatever denomination, does and will esteem him highly; that my
  dear uncle Pasley (who was in town the night before my arrival)
  is delighted with his worth; and that, in short, we shall at
  length be happy.'</P>

  <P>From this time a daily correspondence passed between Peter
  Heywood and his sister Nessy, the latter indulging hope, even to
  a certainty, that she will not be deceived,&mdash;the other
  preaching up patience and resignation, with a full reliance on
  his innocence and integrity. 'Cheer up then,' says he, 'my dear
  Nessy; cherish <I>your hope</I>, and I will exercise <I>my
  patience</I>.' Indeed so perfectly calm was this young man under
  his dreadful calamity, that in a very few days after condemnation
  his brother says, 'While I write this, Peter is sitting by me
  making an Otaheitan vocabulary, and so happy and intent upon it,
  that I have scarcely an opportunity of saying a word to him; he
  is in excellent spirits, and I am convinced they are better and
  better every day.'</P>

  <P>This vocabulary is a very extraordinary performance; it
  consists of one hundred full-written folio pages, the words
  alphabetically arranged, and all the syllables accented. It
  appears, from a passage in the <I>Voyage of the Duff</I>, that a
  copy of this vocabulary was of great use to the missionaries who
  were first sent to Otaheite in this ship.</P>

  <P>During the delay which took place in carrying the sentence
  into execution, Commodore Pasley, Mr. Graham, and others, were
  indefatigable in their inquiries and exertions to ascertain what
  progress had been made in bringing to a happy issue the
  recommendation to the fountain of mercy: not less so was Nessy
  Heywood: from Mr. Graham she learnt what this excellent man
  considered to be the principal parts of the evidence that led to
  the conviction of her unhappy brother, which, having understood
  to be the following, she transmitted to her brother:&mdash;</P>

  <P><I>First</I>. That he assisted in hoisting out the launch.</P>

  <P><I>Second</I>. That he was seen by the carpenter resting his
  hand upon a cutlass.</P>

  <P><I>Third</I>. That on being called to by Lieutenant Bligh, he
  laughed.</P>

  <P><I>Fourth</I>. That he remained in the <I>Bounty</I> instead
  of accompanying Bligh in the launch.</P>

  <P>On these points of the evidence, Mr. Heywood made the
  following comments, which he sent from Portsmouth to his sister
  in town.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'Peter Heywood's Remarks upon material points of the
    evidence which was given at his trial, on board the
    <I>Duke</I>, in Portsmouth Harbour.</P>

    <P>'<I>First. That I assisted in hoisting out the
    launch.</I>&mdash;This boat was asked for by the captain and
    his officers, and whoever assisted in hoisting her out were
    their friends; for if the captain had been sent away in the
    cutter (which was Christian's first intention), he could not
    have taken with him more than nine or ten men, whereas the
    launch carried nineteen. The boatswain, the master, the gunner,
    and the carpenter say, in their evidence, that they considered
    me as helping the captain on this occasion.</P>

    <P>'<I>Second. That I was seen by the carpenter resting my hand
    on a cutlass</I>.&mdash;I was seen in this position by no other
    person than the carpenter&mdash;no other person therefore could
    be intimidated by my appearance. Was the carpenter intimidated
    by it?&mdash;No. So far from being afraid of me, he did not
    even look upon me in the light of a person armed, but pointed
    out to me the danger there was of my being thought so, and I
    immediately took away my hand from the cutlass, upon which I
    had very innocently put it when I was in a state of stupor. The
    Court was particularly pointed in its inquiries into this
    circumstance; and the carpenter was pressed to declare, on the
    oath he had taken, and after maturely considering the matter,
    whether he did, at the time he saw me so situated, or had since
    been inclined to believe, that, under all the circumstances of
    the case, I could be considered as an <I>armed man</I>, to
    which he unequivocally answered, No; and he gave some good
    reasons (which will be found in his evidence) for thinking that
    I had not a wish to be armed during the mutiny. The master, the
    boatswain, the gunner, Mr. Hayward, Mr. Hallet, and John Smith
    (who, with the carpenter, were all the witnesses belonging to
    the <I>Bounty</I>), say, in their evidence, that they did not,
    <I>any of them,</I> see me armed; and the boatswain and the
    carpenter further say, in the most pointed terms, that they
    considered me to be one of the captain's party, and <I>by no
    means</I> as belonging to the mutineers: and the master, the
    boatswain, the carpenter, the gunner, all declare that, from
    what they observed on my conduct during the mutiny, and from a
    recollection of my behaviour previous thereto, they were
    convinced I would have afforded them all the assistance in my
    power, if an opportunity had offered to retake the ship.</P>

    <P>'<I>Third. That, upon being called to by the captain, I
    laughed</I>.&mdash;If this was believed by the Court, it must
    have had, I am afraid, a very great effect upon its judgement;
    for, if viewed in too serious a light, it would seem to bring
    together and combine a number of trifling circumstances, which
    by themselves could only be treated merely as matters of
    suspicion. It was no doubt, therefore, received with caution,
    and considered with the utmost candour. The countenance, I
    grant, on some other occasions, may warrant an opinion of good
    or evil existing in the mind; but on the momentous events of
    life and death, it is surely by much too indefinite and
    hazardous even to listen to for a moment. The different ways of
    expressing our various passions are, with many, as variable as
    the features they wear. Tears have often been, nay generally
    are, the relief of excessive joy, while misery and dejection
    have, many a time, disguised themselves in a smile; and
    convulsive laughs have betrayed the anguish of an almost broken
    heart. To judge, therefore, the principles of the heart, by the
    barometer of the face, is as erroneous as it would be absurd
    and unjust. This matter may likewise be considered in another
    point of view. Mr. Hallet says I laughed in consequence of
    being called to by the captain, who was abaft the mizen-mast,
    while I was upon the platform near the fore hatchway, a
    distance of more than thirty feet: if the captain intended I
    should hear him, and there can be no doubt that he wished
    it&mdash;if he really called to me, he must have exerted his
    voice, and very considerably too, upon such an occasion and in
    such a situation; and yet Mr. Hallet himself, who, by being on
    the quarter-deck, could not have been half the distance from
    the captain that I was, even he, I say, could not hear what was
    said to me: how then, in the name of God, was it possible that
    I should have heard the captain at all, situated, as I must
    have been, in the midst of noisy confusion? And if I did not
    hear him, which I most solemnly aver to be the truth, even
    granting that I laughed (which, however, in my present awful
    situation I declare I believe I did not), it could not have
    been at what the captain said. Upon this ground, then, I hope I
    shall stand acquitted of this charge, for if the crime derives
    its guilt from the knowledge I had of the captain's speaking to
    me, it follows, of course, that if I did not hear him speak,
    there could be no crime in my laughing. It may, however, very
    fairly be asked, why Mr. Hallet did not make known that the
    captain was calling to me? His duty to the captain, if not his
    friendship for me, should have prompted him to it; and the
    peculiarity of our situation required this act of kindness at
    his hands.<A name='FNanchor_29_29' id=
    "FNanchor_29_29"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_29_29'><SUP>[29]</SUP></A> I shall only observe
    further upon this head, that the boatswain, the carpenter, and
    Mr. Hayward, who saw more of me than any other of the
    witnesses, did say in their evidence, that I had rather a
    sorrowful countenance on the day of the mutiny.</P>

    <P>'<I>Fourth. That I remained on board the ship, instead of
    going in the boat with the captain</I>.&mdash;That I was at
    first alarmed and afraid of going into the boat I will not
    pretend to deny; but that afterwards I wished to accompany the
    captain, and should have done it, if I had not been prevented
    by Thompson, who confined me below by the order of Churchill,
    is clearly proved by the evidence of several of the witnesses.
    The boatswain says, that just before he left the ship I went
    below, and in passing him said something about a bag&mdash;(it
    was, that I would put a few things into a bag and follow him);
    the carpenter says he saw me go below at this time; and both
    those witnesses say that they heard the master-at-arms call to
    Thompson "<I>to keep them below</I>." The point, therefore,
    will be to prove to whom this order, "<I>keep them below</I>,"
    would apply. The boatswain and carpenter say they have no doubt
    of its meaning me as one; and that it must have been so, I
    shall have very little difficulty in showing, by the following
    statement:&mdash;</P>

    <P>'There remained on board the ship after the boat put off,
    twenty-five men. Messrs. Hayward and Hallet have proved that
    the following were under arms:&mdash;Christian, Hillbrant,
    Millward, Burkitt, Muspratt, Ellison, Sumner, Smith, Young,
    Skinner, Churchill, M'Koy, Quintal, Morrison, Williams,
    Thompson, Mills, and Brown, in all eighteen. The master (and
    upon this occasion I may be allowed to quote from the captain's
    printed narrative) mentions Martin as one, which makes the
    number of armed men nineteen, none of whom, we may reasonably
    suppose, were ordered to be kept below. Indeed, Mr. Hayward
    says, that there were at the least eighteen of them upon deck,
    when he went into the boat; and if Thompson, the sentinel over
    the arm-chest, be added to them, it exactly agrees with the
    number above-named; there remains then six, to whom Churchill's
    order, "<I>keep them below,"</I> might apply, namely, Heywood,
    Stewart, Coleman, Norman, M'Intosh, and Byrne.</P>

    <P>'Could Byrne have been one of them? <I>No</I>, for he was in
    the cutter alongside. Could Coleman have been one of them?
    <I>No</I>, for he was at the gangway when the captain and
    officers went into the launch, and aft upon the taffrail when
    the boat was veered astern. Could Norman have been one of them?
    <I>No</I>, for he was speaking to the officers. Could M'Intosh
    have been one of them? <I>No</I>, for he was with Coleman and
    Norman, desiring the captain and officers to take notice that
    they were not concerned in the mutiny. It could then have
    applied to nobody but to Mr. Stewart and myself; and by this
    order of Churchill, therefore, was I prevented from going with
    the captain in the boat.</P>

    <P>'The foregoing appear to me the most material points of
    evidence on the part of the prosecution. My defence being very
    full, and the body of evidence in my favour too great to admit
    of observation in this concise manner, I shall refer for an
    opinion thereon to the minutes of the court-martial.</P>

    <P>(Signed) 'P. HEYWOOD.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>There is a note in Marshall's <I>Naval Biography</I>,<A name=
  'FNanchor_30_30' id="FNanchor_30_30"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_30_30'><SUP>[30]</SUP></A> furnished by Captain
  Heywood, which shows one motive for keeping him and Stewart in
  the ship. It is as follows:&mdash;'Mr. Stewart was no sooner
  released than he demanded of Christian the reason of his
  detention; upon which the latter denied having given any
  directions to that effect; and his assertion was corroborated by
  Churchill, who declared that he had kept both him and Mr. Heywood
  below, knowing it was their intention to go away with Bligh; "in
  which case," added he, "what would become of us, if any thing
  should happen to you; who is there but yourself and them to
  depend upon in navigating the ship?"' It may be suspected,
  however, that neither Christian nor Churchill told the exact
  truth, and that Mr. Heywood's case is, in point of fact, much
  stronger than he ever could have imagined; and that if Bligh had
  not acted the part of a prejudiced and unfair man towards him, he
  would have been acquitted by the Court on the same ground that
  Coleman, Norman, M'Intosh, and Byrne were,&mdash;namely, that
  they were detained in the ship against their will, as stated by
  Bligh in the narrative on which they were tried, and also in his
  printed report. It has before been observed, that many things are
  set down in Bligh's original manuscript journal, that have not
  appeared in any published document; and on this part of the
  subject there is, in the former, the following very important
  admission. 'As for the officers, whose cabins were in the
  cockpit, there was no relief for them; <I>they endeavoured to
  come to my assistance, but were not allowed to put their heads
  above the hatchway</I>.' To say, therefore, that in the
  suppression of this passage Bligh acted with prejudice and
  unfairness, is to make use of mild terms; it has more the
  appearance of a deliberate act of malice, by which two innocent
  men might have been condemned to suffer an ignominious death, one
  of whom was actually brought into this predicament;&mdash;the
  other only escaped it by a premature death. It may be asked, how
  did Bligh know that Stewart and Heywood endeavoured, but were not
  allowed, to come to his assistance? Confined as he was on the
  quarter-deck, how could he know what was going on below? The
  answer is, he must have known it from Christian himself;
  Churchill, no doubt, acted entirely by his leader's orders, and
  the latter could give no orders that were not heard by Bligh,
  whom he never left, but held the cord by which his hands were
  fettered, till he was forced into the boat. Churchill was quite
  right as to the motive of keeping these young officers; but
  Christian had no doubt another and a stronger motive: he knew how
  necessary it was to interpose a sort of barrier between himself
  and his mutinous gang; he was too good an adept not to know that
  seamen will always pay a more ready and cheerful obedience to
  officers who are <I>gentlemen</I>, than to those who may have
  risen to command from among themselves. It is indeed a common
  observation in the service, that officers who have risen from
  <I>before the mast</I> are generally the greatest
  tyrants.<A name='FNanchor_31_31' id="FNanchor_31_31"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_31_31'><SUP>[31]</SUP></A> It was Bligh's misfortune
  not to have been educated in the cockpit of a man of war, among
  young gentlemen, which is to the navy what a public school is to
  those who are to move in civil society. What painful sufferings
  to the individual, and how much misery to an affectionate family
  might have been spared, had Bligh, instead of suppressing, only
  suffered the passage to stand as originally written in his
  journal!</P>

  <P>The <I>remarks</I> of young Heywood above recited, were
  received and transmitted by his sister Nessy in a letter to the
  Earl of Chatham, then first Lord of the Admiralty, of which the
  following is a copy.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>Great Russell Street, 11th Oct</I>. 1792.</P>

    <P>'MY LORD,&mdash;To a nobleman of your lordship's known
    humanity and excellence of heart, I dare hope that the
    unfortunate cannot plead in vain. Deeply impressed as I
    therefore am, with sentiments of the most profound respect for
    a character which I have been ever taught to revere, and alas I
    nearly interested as I must be in the subject of these lines,
    may I request your lordship will generously pardon a sorrowful
    and mourning sister, for presuming to offer the enclosed
    [remarks] for your candid perusal. It contains a few
    observations made by my most unfortunate and tenderly beloved
    brother, Peter Heywood, endeavouring to elucidate some parts of
    the evidence given at the court-martial lately held at
    Portsmouth upon himself and other prisoners of his Majesty's
    ship <I>Bounty</I>. When I assure you, my lord, that he is
    dearer and more precious to me than any object on
    earth&mdash;nay, infinitely more valuable than life
    itself&mdash;that, deprived of him, the word misery would but
    ill express my complicated wretchedness&mdash;and that, on his
    fate, my own, and (shall I not add?) that of a tender, fond,
    and alas! widowed mother, depends, I am persuaded you will not
    wonder, nor be offended, that I am thus bold in conjuring your
    lordship will consider, with your usual candour and
    benevolence, the "Observations" I now offer you, as well as the
    painful situation of my dear and unhappy brother.&mdash;I have
    the honour, etc.</P>

    <P>NESSY HEYWOOD.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>Whether this letter and its enclosure produced any effect on
  the mind of Lord Chatham does not appear; but no immediate steps
  were taken, nor was any answer given; and this amiable young lady
  and her friends were suffered to remain in the most painful state
  of suspense for another fortnight. A day or two before the
  warrant was despatched, that excellent man, Mr. Graham, writes
  thus to Mrs. Heywood.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'MY DEAR MADAM,&mdash;If feeling for the distresses and
    rejoicing in the happiness of others denote a heart which
    entitles the owner of it to the confidence of the good and
    virtuous, I would fain be persuaded that mine has been so far
    interested in your misfortunes, and is now so pleased with the
    prospect of your being made happy, as cannot fail to procure me
    the friendship of your family, which, as it is my ambition, it
    cannot cease to be my desire to cultivate.</P>

    <P>'Unused to the common rewards which are sought after in this
    world, I will profess to anticipate more real pleasure and
    satisfaction from the simple declaration of you and yours, that
    "we accept of your services, and we thank you for them," than
    it is in common minds to conceive; but, fearful lest a too
    grateful sense should be entertained of the friendly offices I
    have been engaged in (which, however, I ought to confess, I was
    prompted to, in the first place, by a remembrance of the many
    obligations I owed to Commodore Pasley), I must beg you will
    recollect that, by sending to me your charming Nessy (and if
    strong affection may plead such a privilege, I may be allowed
    to call her <I>my</I> daughter also), you would have over-paid
    me if my trouble had been ten times, and my uneasiness ten
    thousand times greater than they were, upon what I once thought
    the melancholy, but now deem the fortunate, occasion which has
    given me the happiness of her acquaintance. Thus far, my dear
    Madam, I have written to please myself. Now, for what must
    please you&mdash;and in which, too, I have my share of
    satisfaction.</P>

    <P>'The business, though not publicly known, is most certainly
    finished, and what I had my doubts about yesterday, I am
    satisfied of to-day. Happy, happy, happy family! accept of my
    congratulations&mdash;not for what it is in the power of words
    to express&mdash;but for what I know you will feel, upon being
    told that your beloved Peter will soon be restored to your
    bosom, with every virtue that can adorn a man, and ensure to
    him an affectionate, a tender, and truly welcome
    reception.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>At the foot of this letter Nessy writes thus:&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'Now, my dearest mamma, did you ever in all your life read
    so charming a letter? Be assured it is exactly characteristic
    of the benevolent writer. What would I give to be transported
    (though only for a moment) to your elbow, that I might see you
    read it? What will you feel, when you know assuredly that you
    may with certainty believe its contents? Well may Mr. Graham
    call us happy! for never felicity could equal ours! Don't
    expect connected sentences from me at present, for this joy
    makes me almost delirious. Adieu! love to all&mdash;I need not
    say be happy and blessed as I am at this dear hour, my beloved
    mother.&mdash;Your most affectionate,</P>

    <P>N. H.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>On the 24th October, the king's warrant was despatched from
  the Admiralty, granting a full and free pardon to Heywood and
  Morrison, a respite for Muspratt, which was followed by a pardon;
  and for carrying the sentence of Ellison, Burkitt, and Millward
  into execution, which was done on the 29th, on board his
  Majesty's ship <I>Brunswick</I>, in Portsmouth harbour. On this
  melancholy occasion, Captain Hamond reports that 'the criminals
  behaved with great penitence and decorum, acknowledged the
  justice of their sentence for the crime of which they had been
  found guilty, and exhorted their fellow-sailors to take warning
  by their untimely fate, and whatever might be their hardships,
  never to forget their obedience to their officers, as a duty they
  owed to their king and country.' The captain adds, 'A party from
  each ship in the harbour, and at Spithead, attended the
  execution, and from the reports I have received, the example
  seems to have made a great impression upon the minds of all the
  ships' companies present.'</P>

  <P>The same warrant that carried with it affliction to the
  friends of these unfortunate men, was the harbinger of joy to the
  family and friends of young Heywood. The happy intelligence was
  communicated to his affectionate Nessy on the 26th, who instantly
  despatched the joyful tidings to her anxious mother in the
  following characteristic note:&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P><I>Friday, 26th October, four o'clock.</I></P>

    <P>'Oh, blessed hour!&mdash;little did I think, my beloved
    friends, when I closed my letter this morning, that before
    night I should be out of my senses with joy!&mdash;this moment,
    this ecstatic moment, brought the enclosed.<A name=
    'FNanchor_32_32' id="FNanchor_32_32"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_32_32'><SUP>[32]</SUP></A> I cannot speak my
    happiness; let it be sufficient to say, that in a very few
    hours our angel Peter will be FREE! Mr. Graham goes this night
    to Portsmouth, and to-morrow, or next day at farthest, I shall
    be&mdash;oh, heavens! what shall I be? I am already
    transported, even to pain; then how shall I bear to clasp him
    to the bosom of your happy, ah! how very happy, and
    affectionate</P>

    <P>NESSY HEYWOOD.'</P>

    <P>'I am too <I>mad</I> to write sense, but 'tis a pleasure I
    would not forgo to be the most reasonable being on earth. I
    asked Mr. Graham, who is at my elbow, if he would say anything
    to you, "Lord!" said he, "I can't say anything"; he is almost
    as mad as myself.'<A name='FNanchor_33_33' id=
    "FNanchor_33_33"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_33_33'><SUP>[33]</SUP></A></P>
  </DIV>

  <P>Mr. Graham writes, 'I have however my senses sufficiently
  about me not to suffer this to go without begging leave to
  congratulate you upon, and to assure you that I most sincerely
  sympathize and participate in the happiness which I am sure the
  enclosed will convey to the mother and sisters of my charming and
  beloved Nessy.'</P>

  <P>This 'charming' girl next writes to Mr. Const, who attended as
  counsel for her brother, to acquaint him with the joyful
  intelligence, and thus concludes. 'I flatter myself you will
  partake in the joy which, notwithstanding it is so excessive at
  this moment, as almost to deprive me of my faculties, leaves me
  however sufficiently collected to assure you of the eternal
  gratitude and esteem with which I am,' etc.</P>

  <P>To which Mr. Const, after congratulations and thanks for her
  polite attention, observes, 'Give me leave, my dear Miss Heywood,
  to assure you that the intelligence has given me a degree of
  pleasure which I have not terms to express, and it is even
  increased by knowing what you must experience on the event. Nor
  is it an immaterial reflection, that although your brother was
  unfortunately involved in the general calamity which gave birth
  to the charge, he is uncontaminated by the crime, for there was
  not a credible testimony of the slightest fact against him that
  can make the strictest friend deplore anything that has passed,
  except his sufferings; and his uniform conduct under them only
  proved how little he deserved them.'</P>

  <P>Mr. Graham's impatience and generous anxiety to give the
  finishing stroke to this joyful event would not permit him to
  delay one moment in setting out for Portsmouth, and bringing up
  to his house in town the innocent sufferer, where they arrived on
  the morning of the 29th October. Miss Heywood can best speak of
  her own feelings.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'<I>Great Russell Street, Monday Morning, 29th October,
    half-past ten o'clock&mdash;the brightest moment of my
    existence</I>!</P>

    <P>'MY DEAREST MAMMA,&mdash;I have seen him, clasped him to my
    bosom, and my felicity is beyond expression! In person he is
    almost even now as I could wish; in mind you know him an angel.
    I can write no more, but to tell you, that the three happiest
    beings at this moment on earth, are your most dutiful and
    affectionate children,</P>

    <P>'NESSY HEYWOOD. 'PETER HEYWOOD. 'JAMES HEYWOOD.</P>

    <P>'Love to and from all ten thousand times.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>The worthy Mr. Graham adds,</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'If, my dearest Madam, it were ever given for mortals to be
    supremely blest on earth, mine to be sure must be the happy
    family. Heavens! with what unbounded extravagance have we been
    forming our wishes! and yet how far beyond our most unbounded
    wishes we are blest! Nessy, Maria,<A name='FNanchor_34_34' id=
    "FNanchor_34_34"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_34_34'><SUP>[34]</SUP></A> Peter, and James, I see,
    have all been endeavouring to express their feelings. I will
    not fail in any such attempt, for I will not attempt anything
    beyond an assurance that the scene I have been witness of, and
    in which I am happily so great a sharer, beggars all
    description. Permit me however to offer my most sincere
    congratulations upon the joyful occasion.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>This amiable young lady, some of whose letters have been
  introduced into this narrative, did not long survive her
  brother's liberty. This impassioned and most affectionate of
  sisters, with an excess of sensibility, which acted too
  powerfully on her bodily frame, sunk, as is often the case with
  such susceptible minds, on the first attack of consumption. She
  died within the year of her brother's liberation. On this
  occasion the following note from her afflicted mother appears
  among the papers from which the letters and poetry are taken.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'My dearest Nessy was seized, while on a visit at Major
    Yorke's, at Bishop's Grove near Tonbridge Wells, with a violent
    cold, and not taking proper care of herself, it soon turned to
    inflammation on her lungs, which carried her off at Hastings,
    to which place she was taken on the 5th September, to try if
    the change of air, and being near the sea, would recover her;
    but alas! it was too late for her to receive the wished for
    benefit, and she died there on the 25th of the same month 1793,
    and has left her only surviving parent a disconsolate mother,
    to lament, while ever she lives, with the most sincere and deep
    affliction, the irreparable loss of her most valuable,
    affectionate, and darling daughter.'<A name='FNanchor_35_35'
    id="FNanchor_35_35"></A><A href=
    '#Footnote_35_35'><SUP>[35]</SUP></A></P>
  </DIV>

  <P>But to return to Mr. Heywood. When the king's full and free
  pardon had been read to this young officer by Captain Montagu,
  with a suitable admonition and congratulation, he addressed that
  officer in the following terms,&mdash;so suitably characteristic
  of his noble and manly conduct throughout the whole of the
  distressing business in which he was innocently
  involved:&mdash;</P>

  <P>SIR,&mdash;When the sentence of the law was passed upon me, I
  received it, I trust, as became a man; and if it had been carried
  into execution, I should have met my fate, I hope, in a manner
  becoming a Christian. Your admonition cannot fail to make a
  lasting impression on my mind. I receive with gratitude my
  sovereign's mercy, for which my future life shall be faithfully
  devoted to his service.'<A name='FNanchor_36_36' id=
  "FNanchor_36_36"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_36_36'><SUP>[36]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>And well did his future conduct fulfil that promise.
  Notwithstanding the inauspicious manner in which the first five
  years of his servitude in the navy had been passed, two of which
  were spent among mutineers and savages, and eighteen months as a
  close prisoner in irons, in which condition he was shipwrecked,
  and within an ace of perishing,&mdash;notwithstanding this
  unpromising commencement, he re-entered the naval service under
  the auspices of his uncle, Commodore Pasley, and Lord Hood, who
  presided at his trial, and who earnestly recommended him to
  embark again as a midshipman without delay, offering to take him
  into the <I>Victory</I>, under his own immediate patronage. In
  the course of his service, to qualify for the commission of
  lieutenant, he was under the respective commands of three or four
  distinguished officers, who had sat on his trial, from all of
  whom he received the most flattering proofs of esteem and
  approbation. To the application of Sir Thomas Pasley to Lord
  Spencer for his promotion, that nobleman, with that due regard he
  was always known to pay to the honour and interests of the navy,
  while individual claims were never overlooked, gave the following
  reply, which must have been highly gratifying to the feelings of
  Mr. Heywood and his family.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P><I>Admiralty, Jan. 13th</I>, 1797.</P>

    <P>'Sir,&mdash;I should have returned an earlier answer to your
    letter of the 6th instant, if I had not been desirous, before I
    answered it, to look over, with as much attention as was in my
    power, the proceedings on the Court-Martial held in the year
    1792, by which Court Mr. Peter Heywood was condemned for being
    concerned in the mutiny on board the <I>Bounty</I>. I felt this
    to be necessary, from having entertained a very strong opinion
    that it might be detrimental to the interests of his Majesty's
    service, if a person under such a predicament should be
    afterwards advanced to the higher and more conspicuous
    situations of the navy; but having, with great attention,
    perused the minutes of that Court-Martial, as far as they
    relate to Mr. Peter Heywood, I have now the satisfaction of
    being able to inform you, that I think his case was such an
    one, as, under all its circumstances (though I do not mean to
    say that the Court were not justified in their sentence), ought
    not to be considered as a bar to his further progress in his
    profession; more especially when the gallantry and propriety of
    his conduct, in his subsequent service, are taken into
    consideration. I shall, therefore, have no difficulty in
    mentioning him to the commander-in-chief on the station to
    which he belongs, as a person from whose promotion, on a proper
    opportunity, I shall derive much satisfaction, more
    particularly from his being so nearly connected with
    you.&mdash;I have the honour to be, etc.</P>

    <P>(Signed) SPENCER.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>It is not here intended to follow Mr. Heywood through his
  honourable career of service, during the long and arduous contest
  with France, and in the several commands with which he was
  entrusted. In a note of his own writing it is stated, that on
  paying off the <I>Montague</I>, in July, 1816, he came on shore,
  after having been actively employed <I>at sea</I> twenty-seven
  years, six months, one week, and five days, out of a servitude in
  the navy of twenty-nine years, seven months, and one day. Having
  reached nearly the top of the list of captains, he died in this
  present year, leaving behind him a high and unblemished character
  in that service, of which he was a most honourable, intelligent,
  and distinguished member.</P>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='CHAPTER_VIII' id="CHAPTER_VIII"></A>

  <H2>CHAPTER VIII</H2>

  <P>THE LAST OF THE MUTINEERS</P><SPAN style=
  'margin-left: 2em;'>Who by repentance is not
  satisfied,</SPAN><BR>
  Is nor of heaven nor earth; for these are pleased;<BR>
  By penitence th' Eternal's wrath's appeased.<BR>
  <BR>

  <P>Twenty years had passed away, and the <I>Bounty</I>, and
  Fletcher Christian, and the piratical crew that he had carried
  off with him in that ship, had long ceased to occupy a thought in
  the public mind. Throughout the whole of that eventful period,
  the attention of all Europe had been absorbed in the
  contemplation of 'enterprises of great pith and moment,'&mdash;of
  the revolutions of empires&mdash;the bustle and business of
  warlike preparations&mdash;the movements of hostile
  armies&mdash;battles by sea and land, and of all 'the pomp and
  circumstance of glorious war.' If the subject of the
  <I>Bounty</I> was accidentally mentioned, it was merely to
  express an opinion that this vessel, and those within her, had
  gone down to the bottom, or that some savage islanders had
  inflicted on the mutineers that measure of retribution so justly
  due to their crime. It happened, however, some years before the
  conclusion of this war of unexampled duration, that an accidental
  discovery, as interesting as it was wholly unexpected, was
  brought to light, in consequence of an American trading vessel
  having by mere chance approached one of those numerous islands in
  the Pacific, against whose steep and iron-bound shores the surf
  almost everlastingly rolls with such tremendous violence, as to
  bid defiance to any attempt of boats to land, except at
  particular times and in very few places.</P>

  <P>The first intimation of this extraordinary discovery was
  transmitted by Sir Sydney Smith from Rio de Janeiro, and received
  at the Admiralty, 14th May, 1809. It was conveyed to him from
  Valparaiso by Lieutenant Fitzmaurice, and was as
  follows:&mdash;</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P>'Captain Folger, of the American ship <I>Topaz</I>, of
    Boston, relates that, upon landing on Pitcairn's Island, in
    lat. 25&deg; 2' S., long. 130&deg; W., he found there an
    Englishman of the name of Alexander Smith, the only person
    remaining of nine that escaped in his Majesty's late ship
    <I>Bounty</I>, Captain W. Bligh. Smith relates that, after
    putting Captain Bligh in the boat, Christian, the leader of the
    mutiny, took command of the ship and went to Otaheite, where
    the great part of the crew left her, except Christian, Smith,
    and seven others, who each took wives and six Otaheitan
    men-servants, and shortly after arrived at the said island
    (Pitcairn), where they ran the ship on shore, and broke her up;
    this event took place in the year 1790.</P>

    <P>'About four years after their arrival (a great jealousy
    existing), the Otaheitans secretly revolted, and killed every
    Englishman except himself whom they severely wounded in the
    neck with a pistol ball. The same night, the widows of the
    deceased Englishmen arose and put to death the whole of the
    Otaheitans, leaving Smith, the only man alive upon the island,
    with eight or nine women and several small children. On his
    recovery, he applied himself to tilling the ground, so that it
    now produces plenty of yams, cocoa-nuts, bananas, and
    plantains; hogs and poultry in abundance. There are now some
    grown-up men and women, children of the mutineers, on the
    island, the whole population amounting to about thirty-five,
    who acknowledge Smith as father and commander of them all; they
    all speak English, and have been educated by him (as Captain
    Folger represents) in a religious and moral way.</P>

    <P>The second mate of the <I>Topaz</I> asserts that Christian,
    the ringleader, became insane shortly after their arrival on
    the island, and threw himself off the rocks into the sea;
    another died of a fever before the massacre of the remaining
    six took place. The island is badly supplied with water,
    sufficient only for the present inhabitants, and no
    anchorage.</P>

    <P>'Smith gave to Captain Folger a chronometer made by Kendall,
    which was taken from him by the Governor of Juan Fernandez.</P>

    <P>'Extracted from the log-book of the <I>Topaz</I>, 29th Sept.
    1808.</P>

    <P>(Signed) 'WM. FITZMAURICE, Lieut. '<I>Valparaiso, Oct. 10th,
    1808.</I>'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>This narrative stated two facts that established its general
  authenticity&mdash;the name of Alexander Smith, who was one of
  the mutineers, and the name of the maker of the chronometer, with
  which the <I>Bounty</I> was actually supplied. Interesting as
  this discovery was considered to be, it does not appear that any
  steps were taken in consequence of this authenticated
  information, the government being at that time probably too much
  engaged in the events of the war; nor was anything further heard
  of this interesting little society, until the latter part of
  1814, when a letter was transmitted by Rear Admiral Hotham, then
  cruising off the coast of America, from Mr. Folger himself, to
  the same effect as the preceding extract from his log, but dated
  March, 1813.</P>

  <P>In the first-mentioned year (1814) we had two frigates
  cruising in the Pacific,&mdash;the <I>Briton</I>, commanded by
  Sir Thomas Staines, and the <I>Tagus</I>, by Captain Pipon. The
  following letter from the former of these officers was received
  at the Admiralty early in the year 1815.</P>

  <DIV class='blkquot'>
    <P><I>Briton, Valparaiso, 18th Oct., 1814.</I></P>

    <P>'I have the honour to inform you that on my passage from the
    Marquesas islands to this port, on the morning of the 17th
    September, I fell in with an island where none is laid down in
    the Admiralty or other charts, according to the several
    chronometers of the <I>Briton</I> and <I>Tagus</I>. I therefore
    hove to, until daylight, and then closed to ascertain whether
    it was inhabited, which I soon discovered it to be, and, to my
    great astonishment, found that every individual on the island
    (forty in number), spoke very good English. They proved to be
    the descendants of the deluded crew of the <I>Bounty</I>, who,
    from Otaheite, proceeded to the above-mentioned island, where
    the ship was burnt.</P>

    <P>'Christian appeared to have been the leader and sole cause
    of the mutiny in that ship. A venerable old man, named John
    Adams, is the only surviving Englishman of those who last
    quitted Otaheite in her, and whose exemplary conduct, and
    fatherly care of the whole of the little colony, could not but
    command admiration. The pious manner in which all those born on
    the island have been reared, the correct sense of religion
    which has been instilled into their young minds by this old
    man, has given him the pre-eminence over the whole of them, to
    whom they look up as the father of one and the whole
    family.</P>

    <P>'A son of Christian was the first born on the island, now
    about twenty-five years of age, named Thursday October
    Christian; the elder Christian fell a sacrifice to the jealousy
    of an Otaheitan man, within three or four years after their
    arrival on the island. The mutineers were accompanied thither
    by six Otaheitan men and twelve women; the former were all
    swept away by desperate contentions between them and the
    Englishmen, and five of the latter died at different periods,
    leaving at present only one man (Adams) and seven women of the
    original settlers.</P>

    <P>'The island must undoubtedly be that called Pitcairn,
    although erroneously laid down in the charts. We had the
    altitude of the meridian sun close to it, which gave us 25&deg;
    4' S. latitude, and 130&deg; 25' W. longitude, by the
    chronometers of the <I>Briton</I> and <I>Tagus</I>.</P>

    <P>'It produces in abundance yams, plantains, hogs, goats, and
    fowls; but the coast affords no shelter for a ship or vessel of
    any description; neither could a ship water there without great
    difficulty.</P>

    <P>'I cannot, however, refrain from offering my opinion, that
    it is well worthy the attention of our laudable religious
    societies, particularly that for propagating the Christian
    religion, the whole of the inhabitants speaking the Otaheitan
    tongue as well as the English.</P>

    <P>'During the whole of the time they have been on the island,
    only one ship has ever communicated with them, which took place
    about six years since, and this was the American ship
    <I>Topaz</I>, of Boston, Mayhew Folger, master.</P>

    <P>'The island is completely iron-bound with rocky shores, and
    the landing in boats must be at all times difficult, although
    the island may be safely approached within a short distance by
    a ship. (Signed) T. STAINES.'</P>
  </DIV>

  <P>Such was the first official account received of this little
  colony. As some further particulars of a society so singular, in
  all respects, were highly desirable, Captain Pipon, on being
  applied to, had the kindness to draw up the following narrative,
  which has all the freshness and attraction of a first
  communication with a new people.</P>

  <P>Captain Pipon takes a more extended view, in his private
  letter,<A name='FNanchor_37_37' id="FNanchor_37_37"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_37_37'><SUP>[37]</SUP></A> of the condition of this
  little society. He observes, that when they first saw the island,
  the latitude, made by the <I>Tagus</I>, was 24&deg; 40' S. and
  longitude 130&deg; 24' W., the ships being then distant from it
  five or six leagues; and, as in none of the charts in their
  possession was any land laid down in or near this meridian, they
  were extremely puzzled to make out what island it could possibly
  be; for Pitcairn's Island, being the only one known in the
  neighbourhood, was represented to be in longitude 133&deg; 24'
  W.<A name='FNanchor_38_38' id="FNanchor_38_38"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_38_38'><SUP>[38]</SUP></A> If this new discovery as
  they supposed it to be, awakened their curiosity, it was still
  more excited when they ran in for the land the next morning, on
  perceiving a few huts, neatly built, amidst plantations laid out
  apparently with something like order and regularity; and these
  appearances confirmed them more than ever that it could not be
  Pitcairn's Island, because that was described by navigators to be
  uninhabited. Presently they observed a few natives coming down a
  steep descent with their canoes on their shoulders; and in a few
  minutes perceived one of those little vessels darting through a
  heavy surf, and paddling off towards the ships; but their
  astonishment was extreme when, on coming alongside, they were
  hailed in the English language with 'Won't you heave us a rope
  now?'</P>

  <P>The first young man that sprang, with extraordinary alacrity,
  up the side, and stood before them on the deck, said, in reply to
  the question, 'Who are you?'&mdash;that his name was Thursday
  October Christian, son of the late Fletcher Christian, by an
  Otaheitan mother; that he was the first born on the island, and
  that he was so called because he was brought into the world on a
  Thursday in October. Singularly strange as all this was to Sir
  Thomas Staines and Captain Pipon, this youth soon satisfied them
  that he was no other than the person he represented himself to
  be, and that he was fully acquainted with the whole history of
  the <I>Bounty</I>; and, in short, that the island before them was
  the retreat of the mutineers of that ship. Young Christian was,
  at this time, about twenty-four years of age, a fine tall youth,
  full six feet high, with dark, almost black, hair, and a
  countenance open and extremely interesting. As he wore no clothes
  except a piece of cloth round his loins, and a straw hat,
  ornamented with black cocks'-feathers, his fine figure and
  well-shaped muscular limbs were displayed to great advantage, and
  attracted general admiration. His body was much tanned by
  exposure to the weather, and his countenance had a brownish cast,
  unmixed however with that tinge of red so common among the
  natives of the Pacific islands.</P>

  <P>'Added to a great share of good humour, we were glad to
  trace,' says Captain Pipon, 'in his benevolent countenance, all
  the features of an honest English face.' He told them he was
  married to a woman much older than himself, one of those that
  accompanied his father from Otaheite. The ingenuous manner in
  which he answered all questions put to him, and his whole
  deportment, created a lively interest among the officers of the
  ship, who, while they admired, could not but regard him with
  feelings of tenderness and compassion; his manner, too, of
  speaking English was exceedingly pleasing, and correct both in
  grammar and pronunciation. His companion was a fine handsome
  youth of seventeen or eighteen years of age, of the name of
  George Young, son of Young the midshipman.</P>

  <P>If the astonishment of the two captains was great on making,
  as they thought, this first and extraordinary discovery of a
  people who had been so long forgotten, and in hearing the
  offspring of these offenders speaking their language correctly,
  their surprise and interest were still more highly excited when,
  on Sir Thomas Staines taking the two youths below, and setting
  before them something to eat, they both rose up, and one of them,
  placing his hands together in a posture of devotion, pronounced,
  distinctly and with emphasis, in a pleasing tone of voice, the
  words, 'For what we are going to receive the Lord make us truly
  thankful.'</P>

  <P>The youths were themselves greatly surprised at the sight of
  so many novel objects&mdash;the size of the ship&mdash;of the
  guns, and everything around them. Observing a cow, they were at
  first somewhat alarmed, and expressed a doubt whether it was a
  huge goat or a horned hog, these being the only two species of
  quadrupeds they had ever seen. A little dog amused them much.
  'Oh! what a pretty little thing it is!' exclaimed Young, 'I know
  it is a dog, for I have heard of such an animal.'</P>

  <P>These young men informed the two captains of many singular
  events that had taken place among the first settlers, but
  referred them for further particulars to an old man on shore,
  whose name, they said, was John Adams, the only surviving
  Englishman that came away in the <I>Bounty</I>, at which time he
  was called Alexander Smith.</P>

  <P>This information induced the two captains to go on shore,
  desirous of learning correctly from this old man the fate, not
  only of Christian, but of the rest of his deluded accomplices,
  who had adhered to his fortunes. The landing they found to be
  difficult, and not wholly free from danger; but, with the
  assistance of their two able conductors, they passed the surf
  among many rocks, and reached the shore without any other
  inconvenience than a complete wetting. Old Adams, having
  ascertained that the two officers alone had landed, and without
  arms, concluded they had no intention to take him prisoner, and
  ventured to come down to the beach, from whence he conducted them
  to his house. He was accompanied by his wife, a very old woman,
  and nearly blind. It seems they were both at first considerably
  alarmed; the sight of the king's uniform, after so many years,
  having no doubt brought fresh to the recollection of Adams the
  scene that occurred in the <I>Bounty</I>, in which he bore so
  conspicuous a part. Sir Thomas Staines, however, to set his mind
  at ease, assured him, that so far from having come to the island
  with any intention to take him away, they were not even aware
  that such a person as himself existed. Captain Pipon observes,
  'that although in the eye of the law they could only consider him
  in the light of a criminal of the deepest dye, yet that it would
  have been an act of the greatest cruelty and inhumanity to have
  taken him away from his little family, who, in such a case, would
  have been left to experience the greatest misery and distress,
  and ultimately, in all probability, would have perished of
  want.'</P>

  <P>Adams, however, pretended that he had no great share in the
  mutiny: said that he was sick in bed when it broke out, and was
  afterwards compelled to take a musket in his hand; and expressed
  his readiness to go in one of the ships to England, and seemed
  rather desirous to do so. On this being made known to the members
  of the little society, a scene of considerable distress was
  witnessed; his daughter, a fine young woman, threw her arms about
  his neck, entreating him not to think of leaving them and all his
  little children to perish. All the women burst into tears, and
  the young men stood motionless and absorbed in grief; but on
  their being assured that he should, on no account, be molested,
  'it is impossible,' says Captain Pipon, 'to describe the
  universal joy that these poor people manifested, and the
  gratitude they expressed for the kindness and consideration shown
  to them.'</P>

  <P>They now learned from Adams that Fletcher Christian, on
  finding no good anchorage close to the island, and the
  <I>Bounty</I> being too weakly manned again to entrust themselves
  in her at sea, determined to run her into a small creek against
  the cliff, in order the more conveniently to get out of her such
  articles as might be of use, or necessary, for forming an
  establishment on the island, and to land the hogs, goats, and
  poultry, which they had brought from Otaheite; and having
  accomplished this point he ordered her to be set on fire, with
  the view, probably, of preventing any escape from the island, and
  also to remove an object that, if seen, might excite the
  curiosity of some passing vessel, and thus be the means of
  discovering his retreat. His plan succeeded, and by Adams's
  account, everything went on smoothly for a short time; but it was
  clear enough that this misguided and ill-fated young man was
  never happy after the rash and criminal step he had taken; that
  he was always sullen and morose; and committed so many acts of
  wanton oppression, as very soon incurred the hatred and
  detestation of his companions in crime, over whom he practised
  that same overbearing conduct, of which he accused his commander
  Bligh. The object he had in view when he last left Otaheite had
  now been accomplished; he had discovered an uninhabited island
  out of the common track of ships, and established himself and his
  associates; so far there was a chance that he had escaped all
  pursuit; but there was no escaping from</P>Those rods of
  scorpions and those whips of steel<BR>
  Which conscience shakes.<BR>

  <P>The fate of this misguided young man, brought on by his
  ill-treatment both of his associates and the Indians he had
  carried off with him, was such as might be expected&mdash;he was
  shot by an Otaheitan while digging in his field, about eleven
  months after they had settled on the island, and his death was
  only the commencement of feuds and assassinations, which ended in
  the total destruction of the whole party, except Adams and Young.
  By the account of the former, the settlers from this time became
  divided into two parties, and their grievances and quarrels
  proceeded to such a height, that each took every opportunity of
  putting the other to death. Old John Adams was himself shot
  through the neck, but the ball having entered the fleshy part
  only, he was enabled to make his escape, and avoid the fury of
  his assailants. The immediate cause of Christian's murder was his
  having forcibly seized on the wife of one of the Otaheite men,
  which so exasperated the rest, that they not only sought the life
  of the offender, but of others also, who might, as they thought,
  be disposed to pursue the same course.</P>

  <P>This interesting little colony was now found to contain about
  forty-six persons, mostly grown-up young people, with a few
  infants. The young men all born on the island were finely formed,
  athletic and handsome&mdash;their countenances open and pleasing,
  indicating much benevolence and goodness of heart, but the young
  women particularly were objects of attraction, being tall,
  robust, and beautifully formed, their faces beaming with smiles,
  and indicating unruffled good humour; while their manners and
  demeanour exhibited a degree of modesty and bashfulness, that
  would have done honour to the most virtuous and enlightened
  people on earth. Their teeth are described as beautifully white,
  like the finest ivory, and perfectly regular, without a single
  exception; and all of them, both male and female, had the marked
  expression of English features, though not exactly the clear red
  and white, that distinguish English skins, theirs being the
  colour of what we call brunette. Captain Pipon thinks that from
  such a race of people, consisting of fine young men and handsome
  well-formed women, there may be expected to arise hereafter, in
  this little colony, a race of people possessing in a high degree
  the physical qualifications of great strength, united with
  symmetry of form and regularity of feature.</P>

  <P>But their personal qualifications, attractive as they were,
  excited less admiration than the account which Adams gave of
  their virtuous conduct. He assured his visitors that not one
  instance of debauchery or immoral conduct had occurred among
  these young people, since their settlement on the island; nor did
  he ever hear, or believe, that any one instance had occurred of a
  young woman having suffered indecent liberties to be taken with
  her. Their native modesty, assisted by the precepts of religion
  and morality, instilled into their young minds by John Adams, had
  hitherto preserved these interesting people from every kind of
  debauchery. The young women told Captain Pipon, with great
  simplicity, that they were not married, and that their father, as
  they called Adams, had told them it was right they should wait
  with patience till they had acquired sufficient property to bring
  up a young family, before they thought of marrying; and that they
  always followed his advice because they knew it to be good.</P>

  <P>It appeared that, from the time when Adams was left alone on
  the island, the sole survivor of all the males that had landed
  from the <I>Bounty</I>, European and Otaheitan, the greatest
  harmony had prevailed in their little society; they all declared
  that no serious quarrels ever occurred among them, though a few
  hasty words might now and then be uttered, but, to make use of
  their own expression, they were only quarrels of the mouth. Adams
  assured his visitors that they were all strictly honest in all
  their dealings, lending or exchanging their various articles of
  live-stock or produce with each other, in the most friendly
  manner; and if any little dispute occurred, he never found any
  difficulty to rectify the mistake or misunderstanding that might
  have caused it, to the satisfaction of both parties. In their
  general intercourse they speak the English language commonly; and
  even the old Otaheitan women have picked up a good deal of this
  language. The young people, both male and female, speak it with a
  pleasing accent, and their voices are extremely harmonious.</P>

  <P>The little village of Pitcairn is described as forming a
  pretty square; the house of John Adams, with its out-houses,
  occupying the upper corner, near a large banyan tree, and that of
  Thursday October Christian the lower corner opposite to it. The
  centre space is a fine open lawn, where the poultry wander, and
  is fenced round so as to prevent the intrusion of the hogs and
  goats. It was obviously visible, from the manner in which the
  grounds were laid out, and the plantations formed that, in this
  little establishment, the labour and ingenuity of European hands
  had been employed. In their houses they have a good deal of
  decent furniture, consisting of beds and bedsteads, with
  coverings. They have also tables and large chests for their
  clothing; and their linen is made from the bark of a certain
  tree, and the manufacture of it is the employment of the elderly
  portion of the women. The bark is first soaked, then beaten with
  square pieces of wood, of the breadth of one's hand, hollowed out
  into grooves, and the labour is continued until it is brought to
  the breadth required, in the same manner as the process is
  conducted in Otaheite.</P>

  <P>The younger part of the females are obliged to attend, with
  old Adams and their brothers, to the culture of the land, and
  Captain Pipon thinks this may be one reason why this old director
  of the work does not countenance too early marriages, for, as he
  very properly observed, when once they become mothers, they are
  less capable of hard labour, being obliged to attend to their
  children; and, judging from appearance, 'one may conclude,' says
  the Captain, 'they would be prolific'; that 'he did not see how
  it could be otherwise, considering the regularity of their lives,
  their simple and excellent though abstemious mode of living,
  their meals consisting chiefly of a vegetable diet, with now and
  then good pork and occasionally fish.'</P>

  <P>The young girls, although they have only the example of the
  Otaheitan mothers to follow in their dress, are modestly clothed,
  having generally a piece of cloth of their own manufacture,
  reaching from the waist to the knees, and a mantle, or something
  of that nature, thrown loosely over the shoulders, and hanging
  sometimes as low as the ankles: this mantle, however, is
  frequently thrown aside, being used rather as a shelter for their
  bodies from the heat of the sun, or the severity of the weather,
  than for the sake of attaching any idea of modesty to the upper
  part of the person being uncovered; and it is not possible, he
  says, to behold finer forms than are exhibited by this partial
  exposure. Captain Pipon observes, 'it was pleasing to see the
  good taste and quickness with which they form little shades or
  parasols of green leaves, to place over the head, or bonnets, to
  keep the sun from their eyes. A young girl made one of these in
  my presence, with such neatness and alacrity, as to satisfy me
  that a fashionable dressmaker of London would be delighted with
  the simplicity and elegant taste of these untaught females.' The
  same young girl, he says, accompanied them to the boat, carrying
  on her shoulders, as a present, a large basket of yams, 'over
  such roads and down such precipices, as were scarcely passable by
  any creatures except goats, and over which we could scarcely
  scramble with the help of our hands. Yet with this load on her
  shoulders, she skipped from rock to rock like a young roe.'</P>

  <P>'But,' says Captain Pipon, 'what delighted us most, was the
  conviction which John Adams had impressed on the minds of these
  young people, of the propriety and necessity of returning thanks
  to the Almighty for the many blessings they enjoy. They never
  omit saying grace before and after meals, and never think of
  touching food without asking a blessing from Him who gave it. The
  Lord's Prayer and the Creed they repeat morning and evening.'</P>

  <P>Captain Pipon imagines the island to be about six miles long,
  and perhaps three or four miles broad, covered with wood; the
  soil apparently very rich, and the variety of products great and
  valuable, but much labour would seem to be required to clear away
  the woods. The dimensions here given, however, are much greater
  than they have subsequently been found to be.</P>

  <P>The visitors having supplied these poor people with some
  tools, kettles, and other articles, such as the high surf would
  allow them, with the assistance of the natives, to land, but to
  no great extent, the two officers again passed through the surf,
  with the same assistance, and took leave of these interesting
  people&mdash;satisfied that the island is so well fortified by
  nature, as to oppose an invincible barrier to an invading enemy;
  that there was no spot apparently where a boat could land with
  safety, and perhaps not more than one where it could land at all;
  an everlasting swell of the ocean, rolling in on every side, is
  dashed into foam against its rocky and iron-bound shores.</P>

  <P>Such were the first details that were received respecting this
  young settlement. It may here be remarked that, at the time when
  Folger visited the island, Alexander Smith went by his proper
  name, and that he had changed it to John Adams in the
  intermediate time between his visit and that of Sir Thomas
  Staines; but it does not appear, in any of the accounts which
  have been given of this interesting little colony, when or for
  what reason he assumed the latter name. It could not be with any
  view to concealment, for he freely communicated his history to
  Folger, and equally so to every subsequent visitor.</P>

  <P>The interesting account of Captains Sir Thomas Stairies and
  Pipon, in 1814, produced as little effect on the government as
  that of Folger; and nothing more was heard of Adams and his
  family for twelve years nearly, when, in 1825, Captain Beechey,
  in the <I>Blossom</I>, bound on a voyage of discovery, paid a
  visit to Pitcairn's Island. Some whale-fishing ship, however, had
  touched there in the intermediate time, and left on the island a
  person of the name of John Buffet. 'In this man,' says Captain
  Beechey, 'they have very fortunately found an able and willing
  schoolmaster; he had belonged to a ship which visited the island,
  and was so infatuated with the behaviour of the people, being
  himself naturally of a devout and serious turn of mind, that he
  resolved to remain among them; and, in addition to the
  instruction of the children, has taken upon himself the duty of
  clergyman, and is the oracle of the community.'</P>

  <P>On the approach of the <I>Blossom</I> towards the island, a
  boat was observed, under all sail, hastening towards the ship,
  which they considered to be the boat of some whaler, but were
  soon agreeably undeceived by the singular appearance of her crew,
  which consisted of old Adams and many of the young men belonging
  to the island. They did not venture at once to lay hold of the
  ship till they had first inquired if they might come on board;
  and on permission being granted, they sprang up the side and
  shook every officer by the hand with undisguised feelings of
  gratification.</P>

  <P>The activity of the young men, ten in number, outstripped that
  of old Adams, who was in his sixty-fifth year, and somewhat
  corpulent. He was dressed in a sailor's shirt and trousers, and a
  low-crowned hat, which he held in his hand until desired to put
  it on. He still retained his sailor's manners, doffing his hat
  and smoothing down his bald forehead whenever he was addressed by
  the officers of the <I>Blossom</I>.</P>

  <P>The young men were tall, robust, and healthy, with
  good-natured countenances, and a simplicity of manner, and a fear
  of doing something that might be wrong, which at once prevented
  the possibility of giving offence. Their dresses were whimsical
  enough; some had long coats without trousers, and others trousers
  without coats, and others again waistcoats without either. None
  of them had either shoes or stockings, and there were only two
  hats among them, 'neither of which,' Captain Beechey says,
  'seemed likely to hang long together.'</P>

  <P>Captain Beechey procured from Adams a narrative of the whole
  transaction of the mutiny, which however is incorrect in many
  parts; and also a history of the broils and disputes which led to
  the violent death of all these misguided men (with the exception
  of Young and Adams), who accompanied Christian in the
  <I>Bounty</I> to Pitcairn's Island.</P>

  <P>It may be recollected that the <I>Bounty</I> was carried away
  from Otaheite by nine of the mutineers. Their names
  were:&mdash;</P>1. FLETCHER CHRISTIAN, Acting Lieutenant.<BR>
  2. EDWARD YOUNG, Midshipman.<BR>
  3. ALEXANDER SMITH (<I>alias</I> JOHN ADAMS), Seaman.<BR>
  4. WILLIAM M'KOY, Seaman.<BR>
  5. MATTHEW QUINTAL, Seaman.<BR>
  6. JOHN WILLIAMS, Seaman.<BR>
  7. ISAAC MARTIN, Seaman.<BR>
  8. JOHN MILLS, Gunner's Mate.<BR>
  9. WILLIAM BROWN, Botanist's Assistant.<BR>

  <P>They brought with them six men and twelve women, natives of
  Tabouai and Otaheite. The first step after their arrival was to
  divide the whole island into nine equal portions, to the
  exclusion of those poor people whom they had seduced to accompany
  them, and some of whom are stated to have been carried off
  against their inclination. At first they were considered as the
  friends of the white men, but very soon became their slaves. They
  assisted in the cultivation of the soil, in building houses, and
  in fetching wood and water, without murmuring or complaining; and
  things went on peaceably and prosperously for about two years,
  when Williams, who had lost his wife about a month after their
  arrival, by a fall from a rock while collecting bird's eggs,
  became dissatisfied, and insisted on having another wife, or
  threatened to leave the island in one of the <I>Bounty's</I>
  boats. Being useful as an armourer, the Europeans were unwilling
  to part with him, and he, still persisting in his unreasonable
  demand, had the injustice to compel one of the Otaheitans to give
  up his wife to him.</P>

  <P>By this act of flagrant oppression his countrymen made common
  cause with their injured companion, and laid a plan for the
  extermination of the Europeans; but the women gave a hint of what
  was going forward in a song, the burden of which was, 'Why does
  black man sharpen axe?&mdash;to kill white man.' The plot being
  thus discovered, the husband who had his wife taken from him,
  another whom Christian had shot at (though, it is stated, with
  powder only), fled into the woods, and were treacherously
  murdered by their countrymen, on the promise of pardon for the
  perpetration of this foul deed.</P>

  <P>Tranquillity being thus restored, matters went on tolerably
  well for a year or two longer; but the oppression and
  ill-treatment which the Otaheitans received, more particularly
  from Quintal and M'Koy, the most active and determined of the
  mutineers, drove them to the formation of another plot for the
  destruction of their oppressors, which but too successfully
  succeeded. A day was fixed for attacking and putting to death all
  the Englishmen while at work in their respective plantations.
  Williams was the first man that was shot. They next proceeded to
  Christian, who was working at his yam-plot, and shot him. Mills,
  confiding in the fidelity of his Otaheitan friend, stood his
  ground, and was murdered by him and another. Martin and Brown
  were separately attacked and slain, one with a maul, the other
  with a musket. Adams was wounded in the shoulder, but succeeded
  in making terms with the Otaheitans; and was conducted by them to
  Christian's house, where he was kindly treated. Young, who was a
  great favourite of the women, was secreted by them during the
  attack, and afterwards carried to Christian's house. M'Koy and
  Quintal, the worst of the gang, escaped to the mountains. 'Here,'
  says Captain Beechey, 'this day of bloodshed ended, leaving only
  four Englishmen alive out of nine. It was a day of emancipation
  to the blacks, who were now masters of the island, and of
  humiliation and retribution to the whites.'</P>

  <P>The men of colour now began to quarrel about choosing the
  women whose European husbands had been murdered; the result of
  which was the destruction of the whole of the former, some
  falling by the hands of the women, and one of them by Young, who
  it would seem coolly and deliberately shot him. Adams now
  proceeded into the mountains to communicate the fatal
  intelligence to the two Europeans, M'Koy and Quintal, and to
  solicit their return to the village. All these events are stated
  to have happened so early as October, 1793.</P>

  <P>From this time to 1798, the remnant of the colonists would
  appear to have gone on quietly with the exception of some
  quarrels these four men had with the women, and the latter among
  themselves; ten of them were still remaining, who lived
  promiscuously with the men, frequently changing their abode from
  one house to another. Young, being a man of some education, kept
  a kind of journal, but it is a document of very little interest,
  containing scarcely anything more than the ordinary occupations
  of the settlers, the loan or exchange of provisions, the dates
  when the sows farrowed, the number of fish caught, etc., and it
  begins only at the time when Adams and he were sole masters of
  the island; and the truth, therefore, of all that has been told
  rests solely on the degree of credit that is due to Adams.</P>

  <P>M'Koy, it appears, had formerly been employed in a Scotch
  distillery, and being much addicted to ardent spirits, set about
  making experiments on the <I>tee-root</I> (<I>Drac&aelig;na
  terminalis</I>), and at length unfortunately succeeded in
  producing an intoxicating liquor. This success induced his
  companion Quintal to turn his kettle into a still. The
  consequence was, that these two men were in a constant state of
  drunkenness, particularly M'Koy, on whom, it seems, it had the
  effect of producing fits of delirium; and in one of these he
  threw himself from a cliff and was killed on the spot. Captain
  Beechey says, 'the melancholy fate of this man created so
  forcible an impression on the remaining few, that they resolved
  never again to touch spirits; and Adams has, I believe, to this
  day kept his vow.'</P>

  <P>Some time in the following year, that is, about 1799, 'we
  learned from Adams,' says Captain Beechey, 'that Quintal lost his
  wife by a fall from the cliff, while in search of birds' eggs;
  that he grew discontented, and, though there were several
  disposable women on the island, and he had already experienced
  the fatal effects of a similar demand, nothing would satisfy him
  but the wife of one of his companions. Of course neither of them
  felt inclined to accede to this unreasonable demand; and he
  sought an opportunity of putting them both to death. He was
  fortunately foiled in his first attempt, but swore openly he
  would speedily repeat it. Adams and Young having no doubt he
  would follow up his intention, and fearing he might be more
  successful in the next attempt, came to the resolution that, as
  their own lives were not safe while he was in existence, they
  were justified in putting him to death, which they did by felling
  him, as they would an ox, with a hatchet.</P>

  <P>'Such was the melancholy fate of seven of the leading
  mutineers, who escaped from justice only to add murder to their
  former crimes'; and such, it may be added, was the polluted
  source, thus stained with the guilt of mutiny, piracy, and
  murder, from which the present simple and innocent race of
  islanders has proceeded; and what is most of all extraordinary,
  the very man, from whom they have received their moral and
  religious instruction, is one who was among the first and
  foremost in the mutiny, and deeply implicated in all the
  deplorable consequences that were the results of it. This man and
  Young were now the sole survivors out of the fifteen males that
  had landed upon the island. Young, as has been stated, was a man
  of some education, and of a serious turn of mind, and, as Beechey
  says, it would have been wonderful, after the many dreadful
  scenes at which they had assisted, if the solitude and
  tranquillity that ensued had not disposed them to repentance.
  They had a Bible and a Prayer Book, which were found in the
  <I>Bounty</I>, and they read the Church Service regularly every
  Sunday. They now resolved to have morning and evening family
  prayers, and to instruct the children, who amounted to nineteen,
  many of them between the ages of seven and nine years. Young,
  however, was not long suffered to survive his repentance. An
  asthmatic complaint terminated his existence about a year after
  the death of Quintal; and Adams was now left the sole survivor of
  the guilty and misguided mutineers of the <I>Bounty</I>. It is
  remarkable that the name of Young should never once occur in any
  shape as connected with the mutiny, except in the evidence of
  Lieutenant Hayward, who includes his name in a mass of others. He
  neither appears among the armed nor the unarmed; he is not stated
  to be among those who were on deck, and was probably therefore
  one of those who were confined below. Bligh, nevertheless, has
  not omitted to give him a character. 'Young was an able and stout
  seaman; he, however, always proved a worthless wretch.'</P>

  <P>If the sincere repentance of Adams, and the most successful
  exertions to train up the rising generation in piety and virtue,
  can be considered as expiating in some degree his former
  offences, this survivor is fully entitled to every indulgence
  that frail humanity so often requires, and which indeed has been
  extended to him, by all the officers of the navy who have visited
  the island, and witnessed the simple manners, and the settled
  habits of morality and piety which prevail in this happy and
  well-regulated society. They have all strongly felt that the
  merits and redeeming qualities of the latter years of his life
  have so far atoned for his former guilt, that he ought not to be
  molested, but rather encouraged, in his meritorious efforts, if
  not for his own sake, at least for that of the innocent young
  people dependent on him.</P>

  <P>Still it ought never to be forgotten that he was one of the
  first and most daring in the atrocious act of mutiny and piracy,
  and that, had he remained in Otaheite, and been taken home in the
  <I>Pandora</I>, nothing could have saved him from an ignominious
  death. His pretending to say that he was in his cot, and that he
  was forced to take arms, may perhaps be palliated under his
  peculiar circumstances, wishing to stand as fair before his
  countrymen as his case would admit&mdash;but it is not strictly
  true; for he was the third upon deck armed, and stood sentry over
  Bligh with a loaded musket and fixed bayonet. The story he told
  to Beechey respecting the advice stated to have been given by Mr.
  Stewart to Christian, 'to take possession of the ship,' is, as
  has been shown, wholly false; but here his memory may have failed
  him. If any such advice was given, it is much more likely to have
  proceeded from Young. He also told two different stories with
  regard to the conduct of Christian. To Sir Thomas Staines and
  Captain Pipon, he represented this ill-fated young man as never
  happy, after the rash and criminal step he had taken, and that he
  was always sullen and morose, and committed so many acts of
  cruelty, as to incur the hatred and detestation of his associates
  in crime. Whereas he told Captain Beechey, that Christian was
  always cheerful; that his example was of the greatest service in
  exciting his companions to labour; that he was naturally of a
  happy, ingenuous disposition, and won the good opinion and
  respect of all who served under him: which cannot be better
  exemplified, he says, than by his maintaining, under
  circumstances of great perplexity, the respect and regard of all
  who were associated with him, up to the hour of his death; and
  that, even at the present moment, Adams, in speaking of him,
  never omits to say <I>Mr</I>. Christian. Why indeed should he?
  Christian was a gentleman by birth, and an officer in his
  Majesty's service, and was of course always so addressed. But why
  was he murdered within two years (one account says nine months)
  after the party reached the island? Captain Beechey has answered
  the question&mdash;for oppression and ill-treatment of the
  Otaheitans.<A name='FNanchor_39_39' id=
  "FNanchor_39_39"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_39_39'><SUP>[39]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>That Christian, so far from being cheerful, was, on the
  contrary, always uneasy in his mind about his own safety, is
  proved by his having selected a cave at the extremity of the high
  ridge of craggy hills that runs across the island, as his
  intended place of refuge, in the event of any ship of war
  discovering the retreat of the mutineers, in which cave he
  resolved to sell his life as dearly as he could. In this recess
  he always kept a store of provisions, and near it erected a small
  hut, well concealed by trees, which served the purpose of a
  watch-house. 'So difficult,' says Captain Beechey, 'was the
  approach to this cave, that even if a party were successful in
  crossing the ridge, he might have bid defiance, as long as his
  ammunition lasted, to any force.' The reflection alone of his
  having sent adrift, to perish on the wide ocean, for he could
  entertain no other idea, no less than nineteen persons, all of
  whom, one only excepted, were innocent of any offence towards
  him, must have constantly haunted his mind, and left him little
  disposed to be happy and cheerful.</P>

  <P>The truth is, as appears in Morrison's journal, that during
  the short time they remained at Tabouai, and till the separation
  of the mutineers at Otaheite, when sixteen forsook him, and eight
  only, of the very worst, accompanied him in quest of some
  retreat, he acted the part of a tyrant to a much greater extent
  than the man who, he says, drove him to the act of mutiny. After
  giving an account of the manner of his death, Captain Beechey
  says, 'Thus fell a man who, from being the reputed ringleader of
  the mutiny, has obtained an unenviable celebrity, and whose crime
  may perhaps be considered as in some degree palliated by the
  tyranny which led to its commission.' It is to be hoped, such an
  act as he was guilty of will never be so considered.</P>

  <P>If mutiny could be supposed to admit of palliation, a fatal
  blow would be struck not only at the discipline, but at the very
  existence, of the navy; any relaxation in bringing to condign
  punishment persons guilty of mutiny, would weaken and ultimately
  destroy the efficiency of this great and powerful machine. Nor,
  indeed, is it at all necessary that the punishment for mutiny
  should admit of any palliation. Whenever an act of tyranny, or an
  unnecessary degree of severity, is exercised by a commanding
  officer, let the fact only be proved, and he is certain to be
  visited with all the rigour that the degree of his oppressive
  conduct will warrant. Had Christian but waited patiently the
  arrival of the <I>Bounty</I> in England, and the alleged conduct
  of Bligh towards his officers and crew had been proved, he would,
  unquestionably, have been dismissed from his Majesty's
  service.</P>

  <P>With regard to Adams, though his subsequent conduct was highly
  meritorious, and to him alone it might be said is owing the
  present happy state of the little community on Pitcairn's Island,
  his crime like that of Christian's can never be considered as
  wiped away. Sir Thomas Staines, the first British officer who
  called at the island, it may well be supposed, had to struggle,
  on this trying occasion, between duty and feeling. It was his
  imperative duty to have seized and brought him a prisoner to
  England, where he must have been tried, and would no doubt have
  been convicted of a crime for which several of his less active
  accomplices had suffered the penalty of death; though he might,
  and probably would, from length of time and circumstances in his
  favour, have received the king's pardon. Perhaps, however, on the
  whole, it was fortunate, that in balancing, as it is known this
  gallant officer did, between the sense of duty and the sense of
  feeling, the latter prevailed, and justice yielded to mercy. Had
  a Bligh or an Edwards been placed in his situation it is to be
  feared that, judging from their former conduct, passion in the
  one, and frigidity in the other, would most likely have consigned
  the criminal to captivity in irons, and the innocent and helpless
  family, solely dependent on him, to misery and
  destruction&mdash;and yet, in so doing, they would not have
  deviated from their strict line of duty,&mdash;<I>Dis aliter
  visum</I>.</P>

  <P>The <I>Blossom</I> was the first ship of war that John Adams
  had been on board of since the mutiny; and, as Captain Beechey
  observes, his mind would naturally revert to scenes that could
  not fail to produce a temporary embarrassment, but no
  apprehension for his safety appeared to form any part of his
  thoughts; and as every person endeavoured to set his mind at
  rest, he soon found himself at ease and at home. It was several
  hours before the ship approached the shore, and the boats put off
  before she came to an anchor.</P>

  <P>On account of the rocks and formidable breakers, the party who
  went on shore were landed by the young men, two at a time, in
  their whale boat. 'The difficulty of landing,' says Captain
  Beechey, 'was more than repaid by the friendly reception we met
  with on the beach from Hannah Young, a very interesting young
  woman, the daughter of Adams. In her eagerness to greet her
  father, she had outrun her female companions, for whose delay she
  thought it necessary, in the first place, to apologize, by saying
  they had all been over the hill in company with John Buffet to
  look at the ship, and were not yet returned. It appeared that
  John Buffet, who was a sea-faring man, had ascertained that the
  ship was a man of war, and, without knowing exactly why, became
  so alarmed for the safety of Adams, that he either could not or
  would not answer any of the interrogatories which were put to
  him. This mysterious silence set all the party in tears, as they
  feared he had discovered something adverse to their patriarch. At
  length his obduracy yielded to their entreaties; but before he
  explained the cause of his conduct, the boats were seen to put
  off from the ship, and Hannah immediately hurried to the beach to
  kiss the old man's cheek, which she did with a fervency
  demonstrative of the warmest affection. Her apology for her
  companions was rendered unnecessary by their appearance on the
  steep and circuitous path down the mountain, who, as they arrived
  on the beach, successively welcomed us to their island, with a
  simplicity and sincerity which left no doubt of the truth of
  their professions.' The whole group simultaneously expressed a
  wish that the visitors would stay with them several days; and on
  their signifying a desire to get to the village before dark and
  to pitch the observatory, every article and instrument found a
  bearer, along a steep path which led to the village, concealed by
  groups of cocoa-nut trees; the females bearing their burthens
  over the most difficult parts without inconvenience. The village
  consisted of five houses, on a cleared piece of ground sloping
  toward the sea. While the men assisted in pitching the tent, the
  women employed themselves in preparing the supper. The mode of
  cooking was precisely that of Otaheite, by heated stones in a
  hole made in the ground. At young Christian's, the table was
  spread with plates, knives and forks. John Buffet said grace in
  an emphatic manner, and this is repeated every time a fresh guest
  sits down while the meal is going on. So strict are they in this
  respect, that it is not deemed proper to touch a bit of bread
  without saying grace before and after it. 'On one occasion,' says
  Captain Beechey, 'I had engaged Adams in conversation, and he
  incautiously took the first mouthful without having said grace;
  but before he had swallowed it, he recollected himself, and
  feeling as if he had committed a crime, immediately put away what
  he had in his mouth, and commenced his prayer.' Their rooms and
  table are lighted up by torches made of <I>doodoe</I> nuts
  <I>(Aleurites triloba</I>), strung upon the fibres of a
  palm-leaf, which form a good substitute for candles.</P>

  <P>It is remarkable enough, that although the female part of the
  society is highly respected, yet, in one instance, a distinction
  is kept up, which in civilized countries would be deemed
  degrading. It is that which is rigidly observed in all the South
  Sea Islands, and indeed throughout almost the whole eastern
  world, that no woman shall eat in the presence of her husband;
  and though this distinction between man and wife is not carried
  quite so far in Pitcairn's Island, it is observed to the extent
  of excluding all women from table, when there is a deficiency of
  seats. It seems they defended the custom on the ground that man
  was made before woman, and is entitled, therefore, to be first
  served&mdash;a conclusion, observes Beechey, 'that deprived us of
  the company of the women at table, during the whole of our stay
  at the island, Far, however, from considering themselves
  neglected, they very good-naturedly chatted with us behind our
  seats, and flapped away the flies, and by a gentle tap,
  accidentally or playfully delivered, reminded us occasionally of
  the honour that was done us.' The women, when the men had
  finished, sat down to what remained.</P>

  <P>The beds were next prepared. A mattress composed of
  palm-leaves was covered with native cloth made of the paper
  mulberry-tree, in the same manner as in Otaheite; the sheets were
  of the same material; and it appeared, from their crackling, that
  they were quite new from the loom, or rather the beater. The
  whole arrangement is stated to have been comfortable, and
  inviting to repose; one interruption only disturbed their first
  sleep; this was the melody of the evening hymn, which, after the
  lights were put out, was chanted by the whole family in the
  middle of the room. At early dawn they were also awaked by their
  morning hymn and the family devotion; after which the islanders
  all set out to their several occupations. Some of the women had
  taken the linen of their visitors to wash; others were preparing
  for the next meal; and others were employed in the manufacture of
  cloth.</P>

  <P>The innocence and simplicity of these interesting young
  creatures are strongly exemplified in the following description.
  'By our bedside had already been placed some ripe fruits; and our
  hats were crowned with chaplets of the fresh blossom of the
  <I>nono</I> or flower-tree (<I>Morinda citrifolia</I>), which the
  women had gathered in the freshness of the morning dew. On
  looking round the apartment, though it contained several beds, we
  found no partition, curtain, or screens; they had not yet been
  considered necessary. So far, indeed, from concealment being
  thought of, when we were about to get up, the women, anxious to
  show their attention, assembled to wish us good morning, and to
  inquire in what way they could best contribute to our comforts,
  and to present us with some little gift, which the produce of the
  island afforded. Many persons would have felt awkward at rising
  and dressing before so many pretty black-eyed damsels, assembled
  in the centre of a spacious room; but by a little habit we
  overcame this embarrassment, and from the benefit of their
  services in fetching water as we required it, and in substituting
  clean linen for such as we pulled off.'</P>

  <P>Their cottages are spacious, and strongly built of wood, in an
  oblong form, and thatched with the leaves of the palm-tree bent
  round the stem of a branch from the same, and laced horizontally
  to rafters, so placed as to give a proper pitch to the roof. An
  upper story is appropriated to sleeping, and has four beds, one
  in each angle of the room, and large enough for three or four
  persons to sleep on. The lower is the eating room, having a broad
  table with several stools placed round it. The lower room
  communicates with the upper, by a stout ladder in the centre.
  Immediately round the village are small enclosures for fattening
  pigs, goats, and poultry; and beyond them are the cultivated
  grounds producing the banana, plantain, melon, yam, taro, sweet
  potatoes, <I>tee</I>-tree, cloth-plant, with other useful roots,
  fruits, and a variety of shrubs. Every cottage has its out-house
  for making cloth, its baking-place, its pig-sty, and its
  poultry-house.</P>

  <P>During the stay of the strangers on the island, they dined
  sometimes with one person, and sometimes with another, their
  meals being always the same, and consisting of baked pig, yams,
  and taro, and sometimes sweet potatoes. Goats are numerous on the
  island, but neither their flesh nor their milk is relished by the
  natives. Yams constitute their principal food, either boiled,
  baked, or mixed with cocoa-nut, made into cakes, and eaten with
  molasses extracted from the tee-root. Taro-root is no bad
  substitute for bread; and bananas, plantains, and <I>appoi</I>,
  are wholesome and nutritive fruits. The common beverage is water,
  but they make tea from the tee-plant, flavoured with ginger, and
  sweetened with the juice of the sugar-cane. They but seldom kill
  a pig, living mostly on fruit and vegetables. With this simple
  diet, early rising, and taking a great deal of exercise, they are
  subject to few diseases; and Captain Beechey says, 'they are
  certainly a finer and more athletic race than is usually found
  among the families of mankind.'</P>

  <P>The young children are punctual in their attendance at school,
  and are instructed by John Buffet in reading, writing, and
  arithmetic; to which are added, precepts of religion and
  morality, drawn chiefly from the Bible and Prayer Book; than
  which, fortunately, they possess no others that might mystify and
  perplex their understandings on religious subjects. They seldom
  indulge in jokes or other kinds of levity; and Beechey says, they
  are so accustomed to take what is said in its literal meaning,
  that irony was always considered a falsehood in spite of
  explanation; and that they could not see the propriety of
  uttering what was not strictly true, for any purpose whatever.
  The Sabbath is wholly devoted to the church service, to prayer,
  reading, and serious meditation; no work of any kind is done on
  that day, not even cooking, which is prepared on the preceding
  evening.</P>

  <P>'I attended,' says Beechey, 'their church on this day, and
  found the service well conducted; the prayers were read by Adams,
  and the lessons by Buffet, the service being preceded by hymns.
  The greatest devotion was apparent in every individual; and in
  the children there was a seriousness unknown in the younger part
  of our communities at home. In the course of the Litany, they
  prayed for their sovereign and all the royal family, with much
  apparent loyalty and sincerity. Some family prayers, which were
  thought appropriate to their own particular case, were added to
  the usual service; and Adams, fearful of leaving out any
  essential part, read in addition all those prayers which are
  intended only as substitutes for others. A sermon followed, which
  was very well delivered by Buffet; and lest any part of it should
  be forgotten or escape attention, it was read three times. The
  whole concluded with hymns, which were first sung by the grown
  people, and afterwards by the children. The service thus
  performed was very long; but the neat and cleanly appearance of
  the congregation, the devotion that animated every countenance,
  and the innocence and simplicity of the little children,
  prevented the attendance from becoming wearisome. In about half
  an hour afterwards we again assembled to prayers, and at sunset
  service was repeated; so that, with their morning and evening
  prayers, they may be said to have church five times on a
  Sunday.'</P>

  <P>Perhaps it will be thought by some that they carry their
  seriousness too far, and that the younger people are not allowed
  a sufficient quantity of recreation. The exercise and amusement
  of dancing, once so much resorted to in most of the islands of
  the Pacific, is here almost excluded. With great difficulty and
  much entreaty, the visitors prevailed on three grown-up ladies to
  stand up to perform the Otaheitan dance, which they consented to
  with a reluctance that showed it was done only to oblige them. It
  was little more than a shuffling of the feet, sliding past each
  other, and snapping their fingers. They did not long continue
  this diversion, considering it as too great a levity, and only
  the three beforementioned ladies could be prevailed on to exhibit
  their skill. They appeared to have little taste for music either
  instrumental or vocal. Adams, when on board the <I>Blossom</I>
  for two or three days, made no difficulty of joining in the dance
  and was remarkably cheerful, but on no occasion neglected his
  usual devotions. Captain Beechey has no doubt of the sincerity of
  his piety. He slept in the same cabin, but would never get into
  his cot until the captain was in bed, and supposed to be asleep,
  when, in a retired corner of the cabin, he fell on his knees and
  performed his devotions; and he was always up first in the
  morning for the same purpose.</P>

  <P>This good old man told Beechey one day, that it would add much
  to his happiness if he would read the marriage ceremony to him
  and his wife, as he could not bear the idea of living with her
  without its being done, when a proper opportunity should offer,
  as was now the case. Though Adams was aged, and the old woman had
  been blind and bedridden for several years, Beechey says he made
  such a point of it, that it would have been cruel to refuse him.
  They were accordingly, the following day, duly united, and the
  event noted in a register by John Buffet. The marriages that take
  place among the young people are, however, performed by Adams,
  who makes use of a ring for such occasions, which has united
  every couple on the island since its first settlement; the
  regulated age under which no man is allowed to marry is twenty,
  and that of the woman eighteen. The restrictions with regard to
  relationship are the same as with us, and are strictly put in
  force when parties are about to marry. Adams also officiates at
  christenings.</P>

  <P>Captain Beechey observes, that these amiable people rigidly
  adhere to their word and promise, even in cases where the most
  scrupulous among Europeans might think themselves justified in
  some relaxation of them. Thus, George Adams, in his early days,
  had fallen in love with Polly Young, a girl somewhat older than
  himself; but Polly, for some reason or other, had incautiously
  declared, she <I>never would</I> give her hand to George Adams;
  who, however, still hoped she would one day relent, and of course
  was unremitting in his endeavours to please her; nor was he
  mistaken; his constancy and his handsome form, which George took
  every opportunity of displaying before her, softened Polly's
  heart, and she would willingly have given him her hand. But the
  vow of her youth was not to be got over, and the lovesick couple
  languished on from day to day, victims to the folly of early
  resolutions. This weighty case was referred to the British
  officers, who decided that it would be much better to marry than
  to continue unhappy in consequence of a hasty resolution made
  before the judgement was matured; but Polly's scruples still
  remained, and those who gave their decision left them unmarried.
  Captain Beechey, however, has recently received a letter, stating
  that George Adams and Polly Young had joined hands and were
  happy; but the same letter announced the death of John Adams,
  which took place in March 1829.</P>

  <P>The demise of this old patriarch is the most serious loss that
  could have befallen this infant colony. The perfect harmony and
  contentment in which they appear to live together, the innocence
  and simplicity of their manners, their conjugal and parental
  affection, their moral, religious, and virtuous conduct, and
  their exemption from any serious vice, are all to be ascribed to
  the exemplary conduct and instructions of old John Adams; and it
  is gratifying to know, that five years after the visit of the
  <I>Blossom</I>, and one year subsequent to Adams's death, the
  little colony continued to enjoy the same uninterrupted state of
  harmony and contentment as before.</P>

  <P>In consequence of a representation, made by Captain Beechey
  when there, of the distressed state of this little society, with
  regard to the want of certain necessary articles, his Majesty's
  government sent out to Valparaiso, to be conveyed from thence for
  their use, a proportion for sixty persons of the following
  articles: sailors' blue jackets and trousers, flannel waistcoats,
  pairs of stockings and shoes, women's dresses, spades, mattocks,
  shovels, pickaxes, trowels, rakes; all of which were taken in his
  Majesty's ship <I>Seringapatam,</I> commanded by Captain the Hon.
  William Waldegrave, who arrived there in March 1830.</P>

  <P>The ship had scarcely anchored when George Young was alongside
  in his canoe, which he guided by a paddle; and soon after
  Thursday October Christian, in a jolly-boat, with several others,
  who, having come on board, were invited to breakfast, and one of
  them said grace as usual both before and after it. The captain,
  the chaplain, and some other officers accompanied these natives
  on shore, and having reached the summit of the first level or
  plain, which is surrounded by a grove or screen of cocoa-nut
  trees, they found the wives and mothers assembled to receive
  them. 'I have brought you a clergyman,' says the captain. 'God
  bless you,' issued from every mouth; 'but is he come to stay with
  us?'&mdash;'No.' 'You bad man, why not?'&mdash;'I cannot spare
  him, he is the chaplain of my ship; but I have brought you
  clothes and other articles, which King George has sent you.'
  'But,' says Kitty Quintal, 'we want food for our souls.'</P>

  <P>'Our reception,' says Captain Waldegrave, 'was most cordial,
  particularly that of Mr. Watson, the chaplain; and the meeting of
  the wives and husbands most affecting, exchanging expressions of
  joy that could not have been exceeded had they just returned from
  a long absence. The men sprang up to the trees, throwing down
  cocoa-nuts, the husks of which were torn off by others with their
  teeth, and offering us the milk. As soon as we had rested
  ourselves, they took us to their cottages, where we dined and
  slept.'</P>

  <P>Captain Waldegrave says it was highly gratifying to observe
  their native simplicity of manners, apparently without guile:
  their hospitality was unbounded, their cottages being open to
  all, and all were welcome to such food as they possessed; pigs
  and fowls were immediately killed and dressed, and when the
  guests were seated, one of the islanders, in the attitude of
  prayer, and his eyes raised towards heaven, repeated a simple
  grace for the present food they were about to partake of,
  beseeching, at the same time, spiritual nourishment; at the end
  of which each responded <I>amen</I>. On the arrival of any one
  during the repast, they all paused until the new guest had said
  grace.</P>

  <P>At night they all assembled in one of the cottages to hear the
  afternoon church service performed by Mr. Watson, and Captain
  Waldegrave describes it as a most striking scene. The place
  chosen was the bedroom of one of the double cottages, or one with
  an upper story. The ascent was by a broad ladder from the lower
  room through a trap-door. The clergyman took his station between
  two beds, with a lamp burning close behind him. In the bed on his
  right were three infants sound asleep; at the foot of that on his
  left were three men sitting. On each side and in front were the
  men, some wearing only the simple mara, displaying their gigantic
  figures; others in jackets and trousers, their necks and feet
  bare; behind stood the women, in their modest home-made cloth
  dresses, which entirely covered the form, leaving only the head
  and feet bare. The girls wore, in addition, a sheet knotted in
  the manner of a Roman senator's <I>toga</I>, thrown over the
  right shoulder and under the left arm. When the general
  confession commenced, they all knelt down facing the clergyman,
  with their hands raised to the breast in the attitude of prayer,
  slowly and distinctly repeating the confession after the
  clergyman. They prayed for the King of England, whom they
  consider as their sovereign. A sermon followed from a text which
  Captain Waldegrave thinks was most happily chosen: 'Fear not,
  little flock, for it is your Father's good pleasure to give you
  the kingdom.' At the conclusion of the service they requested
  permission to sing their parting hymn, when the whole
  congregation, in good time, sang 'Depart in peace.'</P>

  <P>Captain Waldegrave, like all former visitors, bears testimony
  to the kind disposition and active benevolence of these simple
  islanders. The children, he says, are fond and obedient, the
  parents affectionate and kind towards their children. None of the
  party ever heard a harsh word made use of by one towards another.
  They never slander or speak ill of one another. If any question
  was asked as to the character or conduct of a particular
  individual, the answer would probably be something of this kind,
  'If it could do any good, I would answer you; but as it cannot,
  it would be wrong to tell tales'; or if the question applied to
  one who had committed a fault, they would say, 'It would be wrong
  to tell my neighbour's shame.' The kind and benevolent feeling of
  these amiable people is extended to the surviving widows of the
  Otaheite men who were slain on the island, and who would be left
  in a helpless and destitute state, were it not for the humane
  consideration of the younger part of the society, by whom they
  are supported and regarded with every mark of attention.</P>

  <P>The women are clothed in white cloth made from the paper
  mulberry, the dress extending from the shoulders to the feet, in
  double folds, and so loose as entirely to conceal the shape of
  the person. The mothers, while nursing, carry the infant within
  their dress; as the child advances in growth it sits across the
  hip of the parent with its little hands clinging to the shoulder,
  while the mother's arm passing round it keeps it in safety. The
  men and boys, except on Sunday, when they appear in English
  dresses, generally wear only the <I>mara</I>, or waist-cloth,
  which, passing over the hips, and between the legs, is knotted
  behind; the climate is in fact too hot for cumbersome clothing.
  The women, when working, use only a petticoat, with a jacket.</P>

  <P>The men are stated to be from five feet eight inches to six
  feet high, of great muscular strength and excellent figures. 'We
  did not see,' says Captain Waldegrave, 'one cripple or defective
  person, except one boy, whom, in the most good-humoured way, and
  laughing heartily, they brought to me, observing, "You ought to
  be brothers, you have each lost the right eye." I acknowledged
  the connexion, and no doubt for the future he will be called the
  Captain.'</P>

  <P>Captain Beechey has given a more detailed account of the
  physical qualities of the Pitcairn Islanders. He says they are
  tall, robust, and healthy; their average height five feet ten
  inches; the tallest man measured six feet and one quarter of an
  inch, and the shortest of the adults five feet nine inches and
  one-eighth; their limbs well proportioned, round and straight;
  their feet turning a little inwards. A boy of eight years
  measured four feet and one inch; another of nine years, four feet
  three inches. Their simple food and early habits of exercise give
  them a muscular power and activity not often surpassed. It is
  recorded on the island that George Young and Edward Quintal have
  each carried, at one time, a kedge anchor, two sledge hammers,
  and an armourer's anvil, weighing together upwards of six hundred
  pounds; and that Quintal once carried a boat twenty-eight feet in
  length. In the water they are almost as much at home as on land,
  and can remain almost a whole day in the sea. They frequently
  swim round their little island, the circuit of which is at the
  least seven miles; and the women are nearly as expert swimmers as
  the men.</P>

  <P>The female descendants of the Otaheite women are almost as
  muscular as the males, and taller than the generality of the sex.
  Polly Young, who is not the tallest on the island, measured five
  feet nine inches and a half. The features of both men and women
  are regular and well-formed; eyes bright and generally hazel,
  though in a few instances blue; the eyebrows thin and rarely
  meeting; the nose a little flattened, and being rather extended
  at the nostrils, partakes of the Otaheitan character, as do the
  lips, which are broad and strongly sulcated; their ears
  moderately large, and the lobes are invariably united with the
  cheek; they are generally perforated, when young, for the
  reception of flowers, a very common custom among the natives of
  the South Sea Islands; hair black, sometimes curling, sometimes
  straight; teeth regular and white. On the whole they are a
  well-looking people.</P>

  <P>Captain Beechey says, the women have all learned the art of
  midwifery; that parturition generally takes place during the
  night-time; that the duration of labour is seldom longer than
  five hours, and has not yet in any case proved fatal; but there
  is no instance of twins, nor of a single miscarriage, except from
  accident. Infants are generally bathed three times a day in cold
  water, and are sometimes not weaned for three or four years; but
  when that does take place, they are fed upon 'popoe,' made of
  ripe plantains and boiled taro-root rubbed into a paste. Mr.
  Collie, the surgeon of the <I>Blossom</I>, remarks that nothing
  is more extraordinary, in the history of the island, than the
  uniform good health of the children; the teething is easily got
  over, they have no bowel complaints, and are exempt from those
  contagious diseases which affect children in large communities.
  He offered to vaccinate the children as well as all the grown
  persons; but they deemed the risk of infection of small-pox to be
  too small to render that operation necessary.</P>

  <P>As a proof how very much simple diet and constant exercise
  tend to the healthful state of the body, the skin of these
  people, though in such robust health, compared with that of the
  Europeans, always felt cold, and their pulses always considerably
  lower. The doctor examined several of them: in the forenoon he
  found George Young's only sixty; three others, in the afternoon,
  after dinner, were sixty-eight, seventy-two, and seventy-six,
  while those of the officers who stood the heat of the climate
  best were above eighty.</P>

  <P>It is impossible not to feel a deep interest in the welfare of
  this little society, and at the same time an apprehension that
  something may happen to disturb that harmony and destroy that
  simplicity of manners which have hitherto characterized it. It is
  to be feared, indeed, that the seeds of discord are already sown.
  It appears from Captain Waldegrave's statement, that no less than
  three Englishmen have found their way into this happy society.
  One of them, John Buffet, mentioned by Beechey, is a harmless
  man, and, as it has been stated, of great use to the islanders in
  his capacity of clergyman and schoolmaster; he is also a clever
  and useful mechanic, as a ship-wright and joiner, and is much
  beloved by the community. Two others have since been left on the
  island, one of them, by name John Evans, son of a coachmaker in
  the employ of Long of St. Martin's Lane, who has married a
  daughter of John Adams, through whom he possesses and cultivates
  a certain portion of land; the third is George Hunn Nobbs, who
  calls himself pastor, registrar, and schoolmaster, thus
  infringing on the privileges of John Buffet; and being a person
  of superior talents, and of exceeding great impudence, has
  deprived Buffet of a great number of his scholars; and hence a
  sufficient cause exists of division and dissension among the
  members of the little society, which were never known before.
  Buffet and Evans support themselves by their industry, but this
  Nobbs not only claims exemption from labour as being their
  pastor, but also as being entitled to a maintenance at the
  expense of the community. He has married a daughter of Charles,
  and grand-daughter to the late Fletcher Christian, whose
  descendants, as captain of the gang, might be induced to claim
  superiority, and which, probably, might be allowed by general
  consent, had they but possessed a moderate share of talent; but
  it is stated that Thursday October and Charles Christian, the
  sons of the chief mutineer, are ignorant, uneducated men. The
  only chance for the continuance of peace is the general dislike
  in which this Nobbs is held, and the gradual intellectual
  improvement of the rising generation.<A name='FNanchor_40_40' id=
  "FNanchor_40_40"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_40_40'><SUP>[40]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>It seems that Adams on his death-bed called all the heads of
  families together, and urged them to appoint a chief;&mdash;this,
  however, they have not done, which makes it the more to be
  apprehended that Nobbs, by his superior talent or cunning, will
  force himself upon them into that situation. Captain Waldegrave
  thinks, however, that Edward Quintal, who possesses the best
  understanding of any on the island, will in time arrive at that
  honour; his only book is the Bible, but it is quite astonishing,
  he observes, what a fund of knowledge he has derived from it. His
  wife, too, is stated to be a woman of excellent understanding;
  and their eldest boy, William, has been so carefully educated,
  that he excels greatly all the others. The descendants of Young
  are also said to be persons generally of promising abilities.</P>

  <P>How the patriarch Adams contrived to instil into the minds of
  these people the true principles of religion and morality is
  quite surprising. He was able to read, but only learnt to write
  in his latter days; and having accomplished this point, he made a
  scheme of laws by which he succeeded to govern his little
  community in the way we have seen. The celebration of marriage
  and baptism were strictly observed, according to the rites of the
  Church of England, but he never ventured on confirmation and the
  sacrament of the Lord's Supper. He taught the children the Church
  catechism, the ten commandments, the Lord's prayer, and the
  Creed, and he satisfied himself, that in these were comprised all
  the Christian duties. By the instrumentality of these precepts,
  drawn from the Book of Common Prayer and the Bible,<A name=
  'FNanchor_41_41' id="FNanchor_41_41"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_41_41'><SUP>[41]</SUP></A> he was enabled, after the
  slaughter of all his associates, to rear up all the children in
  the principles and precepts of Christianity, in purity of morals,
  and in a simplicity of manners, that have surprised and delighted
  every stranger that has visited the island.</P>

  <P>Captain Waldegrave says they are so strongly attached to those
  beautiful prayers that are found in the liturgy of the Church of
  England, that there is no danger of a dissenting minister being
  received among them. It is to be hoped this may be the case; but
  it may be asked, will they escape from the snares of George Hunn
  Nobbs? It would seem, indeed, that this man has already thrust
  upon them what he calls a code of laws, in which he enumerates
  crimes, such as murder and adultery, unknown and unheard of among
  these simple people since the time that Adams was sole legislator
  and patriarch. The punishment of adultery, to give a specimen of
  Nobbs's legislation, is whipping for the first offence to both
  parties, and marriage within three months; for the second, if the
  parties refuse to marry, the penalties are, forfeiture of lands,
  property, and banishment from the island. Offenders are to be
  tried before three elders, who pronounce sentence. It is quite
  clear this silly person does not understand what is meant by
  adultery. As to the tenure of land, it is fortunately provided
  for previous to his arrival on the island. The whole island, it
  seems, was partitioned out by Adams among the families of the
  original settlers, so that a foreigner cannot obtain any, except
  by purchase or marriage. Captain Waldegrave reckons, that
  eleven-twelfths are uncultivated, and that population is
  increasing so rapidly, that in the course of a century the island
  will be fully peopled, and that the limit may be taken at one
  thousand souls.</P>

  <P>The rate at which population is likely to increase may,
  perhaps, be determined by political economists from the following
  data.</P>

  <P>In 1790 the island was first settled by fifteen men and twelve
  women, making a total of twenty-seven. Of these were remaining in
  1800, one man and five women, with nineteen children, the eldest
  nine years of age, making in the whole twenty-five. In 1808, Mr.
  Folger makes the population amount to thirty-five, being an
  increase of ten in eight years. In 1814, six years afterwards,
  Sir Thomas Staines states the <I>adult</I> population at forty,
  which must be a mistake, as fourteen years before, nineteen of
  the twenty-five then existing were children. In 1825, Captain
  Beechey states the whole population at sixty-six, of whom
  thirty-six were males, and thirty females. And in 1830, Captain
  Waldegrave makes it amount to seventy-nine; being an increase of
  thirteen in five years, or twenty per cent, which is a less rapid
  increase than might be expected; but there can be little doubt it
  will go on with an accelerated ratio, provided the means of
  subsistence should not fail them.</P>

  <P>Captain Waldegrave's assumption, that this island is
  sufficiently large for the maintenance of one thousand souls, is
  grounded on incorrect data; it does not follow, that because
  one-twelfth of the island will maintain eighty persons, the whole
  must support nine hundred and sixty persons. The island is not
  more than four square miles, or two thousand five hundred and
  sixty acres; and as a ridge of rocky hills runs from north to
  south, having two peaks exceeding one thousand feet in height, it
  is more than probable that not one half of it is capable of
  cultivation. It would seem, indeed, from several ancient morais
  being discovered among these hills; some stone axes or hatchets
  of compact basaltic lava, very hard and capable of a fine polish;
  four stone images, about six feet high, placed on a platform, not
  unlike those on Easter Island, one of which has been preserved,
  and is the rude representation of the human figure to the hips,
  hewn out of a piece of red lava:&mdash;these remains would seem
  to indicate a former population, that had found it expedient to
  abandon the island from its insufficiency to support it. Captain
  Beechey observes, that 'from these images and the large piles of
  stones, on heights to which they must have been dragged with
  great labour, it may be concluded that the island was inhabited
  for a considerable time; and from bones being found, always
  buried under these piles, and never upon the surface, we may
  presume that those who survived, quitted the island in their
  canoes to seek an asylum elsewhere.'</P>

  <P>It appears from Beechey, that Adams had contemplated the
  prospect of an increasing population with the limited means of
  supporting it, and requested that he would communicate with the
  British Government upon the subject, which he says he did, and
  that, through the interference of the Admiralty and Colonial
  Office, means have been taken for removing them to any place they
  may choose for themselves. It is to be hoped, however, that no
  such interference will take place; for half a century, at least,
  there is no danger of any want of food. The attempt, however, was
  made through the means of a Mr. Nott, a missionary of Otaheite,
  who, being on a visit to this country, was authorized, on his
  return, to make arrangements for their removal to Otaheite, if
  they wished it, and if Pomarre, the king of the island, should
  not object to receive them; and he carried a letter to this chief
  from Lord Bathurst, acquainting him with the intention of the
  British Government, and expressing the hope that he would be
  induced to receive under his protection a people whose moral and
  religious character had created so lively an interest in their
  favour; but it fortunately happened that this missionary passed
  the island without stopping. A Mr. Joshua Hill subsequently
  proposed their removal to New South Wales, but his vessel was
  considered too small for the purpose.</P>

  <P>Two years after this, as difficulties had occurred to prevent
  the above-mentioned intentions from being carried into effect,
  Sir George Murray deemed it desirable that no time should be lost
  in affording such assistance to these islanders as might, at all
  events, render their present abode as comfortable as
  circumstances would allow, <I>until</I> arrangements could be
  made for their future disposal, either in one of the Society
  Islands, as originally proposed, or at one of our settlements on
  New Holland. The assistance here alluded to has been afforded, as
  above mentioned, by his Majesty's ship <I>Seringapatam</I>.</P>

  <P>It is sincerely to be hoped that such removal will be no
  longer thought of. No complaint was made, no apprehension of want
  expressed to Captain Waldegrave, who left them contented and
  happy; and Captain Beechey, since his return, has received a
  letter from John Buffet, who informs him of a notification made
  by Nott the missionary at Otaheite, that the king was willing to
  receive them, and that measures would be taken for their removal;
  but, he adds, the people are so much attached to, and satisfied
  with, their native island, as not to have a wish to leave it. The
  breaking up of this happy, innocent, and simple-minded little
  society, by some summary process, and consigning them to those
  sinks of infamy on New Holland or Van Diemen's Land, or to mix
  them up with the dram-drinkers, the psalmsingers, and the languid
  and lazy Otaheitans, would, in either case, be a subject of deep
  regret to all who take an interest in their welfare; and to
  themselves would be the inevitable loss of all those amiable
  qualities which have obtained for them the kind and generous
  sympathy of their countrymen at home. We have a person who acts
  as consul at Otaheite, and it is to be hoped he will receive
  instructions, on no account to sanction, but on the contrary to
  interdict, any measure that maybe attempted on the part of the
  missionaries for their removal;&mdash;perhaps, however, as money
  would be required for such a purpose, they may be considered safe
  from that quarter.</P>

  <P>The time must come when they will emigrate on their own
  accord. When the hive is full, they will send out their swarms.
  Captain Beechey tells us that the reading of some books of
  voyages and travels, belonging to Bligh and left in the
  <I>Bounty</I>, had created a desire in some of them to leave it;
  but that family ties and an ardent affection for each other, and
  for their native soil, had always interposed, on the few
  occasions that offered, to prevent individuals going away singly.
  George Adams, however, who had failed when the <I>Blossom</I> was
  there to soften the heart of Polly Young, and had no wife to
  detain him, was very anxious to embark in that ship, that he
  might see something of the world beyond the narrow limits of his
  own little island; and Beechey would have taken him, had not his
  mother wept bitterly at the idea of parting from him, and wished
  to impose terms touching his return to the island, that could not
  be acceded to.</P>

  <P>Pitcairn Island lies at the south-eastern extremity of a chain
  of islands, which, including the Society and Friendly Islands,
  exceed a hundred in number, many of them wholly uninhabited, and
  the rest but thinly peopled, all speaking the same or nearly the
  same language, which is also spoken by the natives of Pitcairn
  Island; and all of the two groups are richly clothed with the
  spontaneous products of nature fit for the use of man. To all
  these they will have, when necessity prompts them, easy means of
  access. No large vessels are required for an emigration of this
  kind; the frailest barks and single canoes have been driven
  hundreds of miles over the Pacific. The Pitcairners have already
  proceeded from the simple canoe to row-boats, and the progress
  from this to small decked vessels is simple and natural. They may
  thus at some future period, which is not at all improbable, be
  the means of spreading Christianity and consequently civilization
  throughout the numerous groups of islands in the Southern
  Pacific; whereas to remove them, as has been imprudently
  suggested, would be to devote them at once to misery and
  destruction.</P>

  <P>That there is no deficiency in the number and variety of
  plants, producing food and clothing for the use of man, will
  appear from the following list, which is far from being
  complete:</P>INDIGENOUS<BR>
  <BR>
  <I>Cocos nucifera</I> Cocoa-nut.<BR>
  <I>Musa Paradisiaca</I> Plantains.<BR>
  <I>Musa sapientum</I> Bananas.<BR>
  <I>Dioscorea sativum</I> Yams.<BR>
  <I>Convolvulus batatas</I> Sweet potatoes.<BR>
  <I>Arum, esculentum</I> Taro Root.<BR>
  <I>Arum costatum</I> Yappa.<BR>
  <I>Broussonetia papyrifera</I> Cloth-tree.<BR>
  <I>Drac&aelig;na terminalis</I> <I>Tee</I>-plant.<BR>
  <I>Aleurites triloba</I> Doodoe.<BR>
  <I>Morinda citrifolia</I> Nono.<BR>
  ---- Toonena, a large timber tree.<BR>
  <I>Ficus indica</I> Banyan-tree.<BR>
  <I>Morus chinensis</I> Mulberry.<BR>
  <I>Pandanus odoratissimus</I> (?)<BR>

  <P>And a great number of other indigenous plants, some of which
  are useful and others ornamental.</P>INTRODUCED<BR>
  <BR>
  <I>Artocarpus incisa</I> Bread-fruit.<BR>
  <I>Cucurbita citrullus</I> Water-melons<BR>
  <I>Cucurbita pepo</I> Pumpkins.<BR>
  <I>Solanum esculenlum</I> Potatoes.<BR>
  <I>Nicotiana tabaccum</I> Tobacco.<BR>
  <I>Citrus lemoneum</I> Lemon.<BR>
  ---- <I>aurantium</I> Orange.<BR>

  <P>Besides these they have European peas, beans, and onions;
  sugar-canes, ginger, pepper, and turmeric. In fact, situated as
  the island is, in a temperate climate just without the tropic,
  and enjoying abundance of rain, there is scarcely any vegetable,
  with the exception of a few of the equinoxial plants, that may
  not be cultivated here. The zea maize, or Indian corn, would be
  infinitely useful both for themselves, their poultry, and their
  pigs.</P>

  <P>As a great part of the island is at present covered with
  trees, which would necessarily give way to an extended
  cultivation, and as trees attract rain, Captain Waldegrave seems
  to think that when these are removed showers will be less
  frequent; but there is little fear of this being the case; the
  central ridge, with points that exceed eleven hundred feet in
  height, will more effectually attract and condense the clouds
  than any quantity of trees growing at a less elevation; and there
  can be little doubt that plenty of water will be found by digging
  at the foot of the hills or close to the sea-coast.</P>

  <P>The climate appears to be unexceptionable. During the sixteen
  days of December (the height of summer) that the <I>Blossom</I>
  remained there, the range of the thermometer on the island, from
  nine in the morning till three in the afternoon, was from 76&deg;
  to 80&deg;; on board ship from 74&deg; to 76&deg;; from whence
  Captain Beechey places the mean temperature during that time at
  76-1/2&deg;. In winter he says the southwesterly winds blow very
  cold, and even snow has been known to fall.</P>

  <P>Not one visitor to this happy island has taken leave of its
  amiable inhabitants without a feeling of regret. Captain Beechey
  says, 'When we were about to take leave, our friends assembled to
  express their regret at our departure. All brought some little
  present for our acceptance, which they wished us to keep in
  remembrance of them; after which they accompanied us to the
  beach, where we took our leave of the female part of the
  inhabitants. Adams and the young men pushed off in their own boat
  to the ship, determined to accompany us to sea, as far as they
  could with safety. They continued on board, unwilling to leave
  us, until we were a considerable distance from land, when they
  shook each of us feelingly by the hand, and, amidst expressions
  of the deepest concern at our departure, wished us a prosperous
  voyage, and hoped that we might one day meet again. As soon as
  they were clear of the ship, they all stood up in their boat, and
  gave us three hearty cheers, which were as heartily returned. As
  the weather became foggy, the barge towed them towards the shore,
  and we took a final leave of them, unconscious, until the moment
  of separation, of the warm interest their situation and good
  conduct had created in us.'</P>

  <P>Happy, thrice happy people! May no improper intruders thrust
  themselves into your peaceful and contented society! May that
  Providence which has hitherto protected you, still continue to
  pour down those blessings upon you, of which you appear to be so
  truly sensible, and for which you are justly thankful! May it
  throw round the shores of your enviable little Eden, 'cherubim
  and a flaming sword,' to guard its approaches from those who
  would endanger your peace; and above all, shield you from those,
  who would perplex and confuse your unsophisticated minds, by
  mysterious doctrines which they do not themselves comprehend!
  Remain steadfast to the faith, which your late father and
  benefactor has instilled into your minds, culled from the
  precepts of your Bible, and be content for the present to observe
  those simple rules for your religious and moral conduct, which he
  has taught you, and which he drew pure and undefiled from that
  sacred source; and be assured that, so long as you shall adhere
  to the line of conduct you have hitherto pursued, and be
  contented with your present lot, your happiness is secure; but
  once admit ignorant or false teachers among you, and from that
  period you may date the commencement of misfortunes and
  misery!</P>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='CONCLUSION' id="CONCLUSION"></A>

  <H2>CONCLUSION</H2><BR>

  <P>Many useful and salutary lessons of conduct may be drawn from
  this eventful history, more especially by officers of the navy,
  both old and young, as well as by those subordinate to them. In
  the first place, it most strongly points out the dreadful
  consequences that are almost certain to ensue from a state of
  insubordination and mutiny on board a ship of war; and the
  equally certain fate that, at one time or other, awaits all those
  who have the misfortune to be concerned in a transaction of this
  revolting nature. In the present instance, the dreadful
  retribution which overtook them, and which was evinced in a most
  extraordinary manner, affords an awful and instructive lesson to
  seamen, by which they may learn, that although the guilty may be
  secured for a time in evading the punishment due to the offended
  laws of society, yet they must not hope to escape the pursuit of
  Divine vengeance. It will be recollected that the number of
  persons who remained in the <I>Bounty</I>, after her piratical
  seizure, and of course charged with the crime of mutiny, was
  twenty-five; that these subsequently separated into two parties,
  sixteen having landed at Otaheite, and afterwards taken from
  thence in the <I>Pandora</I>, as prisoners, and nine having gone
  with the <I>Bounty</I> to Pitcairn's Island.</P>

  <P>Of the sixteen taken in the <I>Pandora</I>:&mdash;</P>1. Mr
  PETER HEYWOOD, midshipman, } sentenced to death, but
  pardoned.<BR>
  2. JAMES MORBISON, boatswain's mate, } do.<BR>
  3. WILLIAM MUSPRATT, commander's steward,} do.<BR>
  4. THOS. BURKITT, seaman } condemned and executed.<BR>
  5. JOHN MILLWARD, do. } do.<BR>
  6. THOS. ELLISON, do. } do.<BR>
  7. JOSEPH COLEMAN, armourer } do.<BR>
  8. CHARLES NORMAN, carpenter's mate } tried and acquitted.<BR>
  9. THOS. M'INTOSH, carpenter's crew } do.<BR>
  10. MICHAEL BYRNE, seaman } do<BR>
  11. Mr. GEORGE STEWART, midshipman } drowned in irons<BR>
  12. JOHN SUMNER, seaman } when the<BR>
  13. RICHARD SKINNER, seaman } <I>Pandora</I><BR>
  14. HENRY HILLBRANT, cooper } was wrecked.<BR>
  15. CHAS. CHURCHILL, master-at-arms, murdered by Matthew
  Thompson.<BR>
  16. MATTHEW THOMPSON, seaman, murdered by Churchill's friends<BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 21.5em;'>in Otaheite.</SPAN><BR>
  <BR>
  Of the nine who landed on Pitcairn's Island:<BR>
  <BR>
  1. Mr. FLETCHER CHRISTIAN, acting-lieut. } murdered by the
  Otaheitans.<BR>
  2. JOHN WILLIAMS, seaman } do.<BR>
  3. ISAAC MARTIN, do. } do.<BR>
  4. JOHN MILLS, gunner's mate } do.<BR>
  5. WILLM. BROWN, botanist's assistant } do.<BR>
  6. MATTHEW QUINTAL, seaman, put to death by Young<BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 21.5em;'>and Adams in
  self-defence.</SPAN><BR>
  7. WILLIAM M'KOY, seaman, became insane, and killed<BR>
  <SPAN style='margin-left: 21.5em;'>by throwing himself from a
  rock.</SPAN><BR>
  8. Mr. EDWAKD YOUNG, midshipman, died of asthma.<BR>
  9. ALEX. SMITH, <I>alias</I> John Adams, seaman, died in
  1829.<BR>

  <P>Young officers of the navy, as well as the common seamen, may
  also derive some useful lessons from the events of this history.
  They will see the melancholy results of affording the least
  encouragement for seamen to depart from their strict line of
  duty, and to relax in that obedience to the orders of superiors,
  by which alone the discipline of the service can be preserved;
  they will learn how dangerous it is to show themselves careless
  and indifferent in executing those orders, by thus setting a bad
  example to the men. It ought also to enforce on their minds, how
  necessary it is to avoid even the appearance of acting in any way
  that can be considered as repugnant to, or subversive of, the
  rules and regulations of the service; and most particularly to
  guard against any conduct that may have the appearance of
  lowering the authority of their superiors, either by their words
  or actions.</P>

  <P>No doubt can remain on the minds of unprejudiced persons, or
  such as are capable of weighing evidence, that the two young
  midshipmen, Stewart and Hey wood, were perfectly innocent of any
  share in the transaction in question; and yet, because they
  happened to be left in the ship, not only contrary to their wish
  and intention, but kept down below by force, the one lost his
  life, by being drowned in chains, and the other was condemned to
  die, and only escaped from suffering the last penalty of the law
  by a recommendation to the royal mercy. The only point in which
  these two officers failed, was, that they did not at once demand
  permission to accompany their commander, while they were allowed
  to remain on deck and had the opportunity of doing so. The manly
  conduct of young Heywood, throughout his long and unmerited
  sufferings, affords an example of firmness, fortitude, and
  resignation to the Divine will, that is above all praise; in
  fact, nothing short of conscious innocence could have supported
  him in the severe trials he had to undergo.</P>

  <P>The melancholy effects which tyrannical conduct, harsh and
  opprobrious language, ungovernable passion, and a worrying and
  harassing temper, on the part of naval commanders, seldom fail to
  produce on the minds of those who are subject to their capricious
  and arbitrary command, are strongly exemplified in the cause and
  consequences of the mutiny in the <I>Bounty</I>, as described in
  the course of this history. Conduct of this kind, by making the
  inferior officers of a ship discontented and unhappy, has the
  dangerous tendency, as in the case of Christian, to incite the
  crew to partake in their discontent, and be ready to assist in
  any plan to get rid of the tyrant. We may see in it, also, how
  very little credit a commander is likely to gain, either with the
  service or the public at large, when the duties of a ship are
  carried on, as they would appear to have been in the
  <I>Pandora</I>, in a cold, phlegmatic, and unfeeling manner, and
  with an indifference to the comfort of all around
  him,&mdash;subjecting offenders of whatever description to
  unnecessary restraint, and a severity of punishment, which,
  though strictly within the letter of the law, contributes in no
  way to the ends of discipline or of justice.</P>

  <P>The conduct of Bligh, however mistaken he may have been in his
  mode of carrying on the duties of the ship, was most exemplary
  throughout the long and perilous voyage he performed in an open
  boat, on the wide ocean, with the most scanty supply of
  provisions and water, and in the worst weather. The result of
  such meritorious conduct holds out every encouragement to both
  officers and men, by showing them that, by firmness and
  perseverance, and the adoption of well-digested measures,
  steadily ursued in spite of opposition, the most hopeless
  undertaking, to all appearance, may be successfully
  accomplished.</P>

  <P>And lastly&mdash;The fate that has attended almost every one
  of those concerned in the mutiny and piracy of his Majesty's ship
  <I>Bounty</I> ought to operate as a warning to, and make a deep
  impression on the minds of, our brave seamen, not to suffer
  themselves to be led astray from the straightforward line of
  their duty, either by order or persuasion of some hot-brained,
  thoughtless, or designing person, whether their superior or
  equal, but to remain faithful, under all circumstances, to their
  commanding officer, as any mutinous proceedings or disobedience
  of his orders are sure to be visited upon them in the long run,
  either by loss of life, or by a forfeiture of that liberal
  provision which the British government has bestowed on its seamen
  for long and faithful services.</P>

  <P>P.S.&mdash;Just as this last sheet came from the press, the
  editor has noticed, with a feeling of deep and sincere regret, a
  paragraph in the newspapers, said to be extracted from an
  American paper, stating that a vessel sent to Pitcairn's Island
  by the missionaries of Otaheite has carried off the whole of the
  settlers to the latter island. If this be true&mdash;and the
  mention of the name of Nott gives a colour to the
  transaction&mdash;the 'cherubim' must have slept, the 'flaming
  sword' have been sheathed, and another Eden has been lost: and,
  what is worse than all, that native simplicity of manners, that
  purity of morals, and that singleness of heart, which so
  peculiarly distinguished this little interesting society, are all
  lost. They will now be dispersed among the missionary stations as
  humble dependents, where Kitty Quintal and the rest of them may
  get 'food for their souls,' such as it is, in exchange for the
  substantial blessings they enjoyed on Pitcairn's Island.</P>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='ADDITIONAL_NOTE' id="ADDITIONAL_NOTE"></A>

  <H2>ADDITIONAL NOTE</H2><BR>

  <P>In reference to the subject of extraordinary passages made in
  open boats on the wide ocean, and the note thereon at page 127,
  the following may be added as another instance, the most
  painfully interesting, and the most calamitous, perhaps, ever
  recorded. It was related to Mr. Bennet, a gentleman deputed by
  the Missionary Society of London, together with the Rev. Daniel
  Tyerman, to visit their several stations in the South Sea
  Islands, by Captain George Pollard, the unfortunate sufferer,
  whom these gentlemen met with at Raiatea, then a passenger in an
  American vessel, having a second time lost his ship near the
  Sandwich Islands. The narrative is extracted from <I>The Journal
  of Voyages and Travels</I>, just published, of the two gentlemen
  above-mentioned, and is as follows:&mdash;</P>

  <P>'My first shipwreck was in open sea, on the 20th of November,
  1820, near the equator, about 118 degrees W. long. The vessel, a
  South Sea whaler, was called the <I>Essex</I>. On that day, as we
  were on the look-out for sperm whales, and had actually struck
  two, which the boats' crews were following to secure, I perceived
  a very large one&mdash;it might be eighty or ninety feet
  long&mdash;rushing with great swiftness through the water, right
  towards the ship. We hoped that she would turn aside, and dive
  under, when she perceived such a baulk in her way. But no! the
  animal came full force against our stern-post: had any quarter
  less firm been struck, the vessel must have been burst; as it
  was, every plank and timber trembled, throughout her whole
  bulk.</P>

  <P>'The whale, as though hurt by a severe and unexpected
  concussion, shook its enormous head, and sheered off to so
  considerable a distance that for some time we had lost sight of
  her from the starboard quarter; of which we were very glad,
  hoping that the worst was over. Nearly an hour afterwards, we saw
  the same fish&mdash;we had no doubt of this, from her size, and
  the direction in which she came&mdash;making again towards us. We
  were at once aware of our danger, but escape was impossible. She
  dashed her head this time against the ship's side, and so broke
  it in that the vessel filled rapidly, and soon became
  water-logged. At the second shock, expecting her to go down, we
  lowered our three boats with the utmost expedition, and all
  hands, twenty in the whole, got into them&mdash;seven, and seven,
  and six. In a little while, as she did not sink, we ventured on
  board again, and, by scuttling the deck, were enabled to get out
  some biscuit, beef, water, rum, two sextants, a quadrant, and
  three compasses. These, together with some rigging, a few
  muskets, powder, etc., we brought away; and, dividing the stores
  among our three small crews, rigged the boats as well as we
  could; there being a compass for each, and a sextant for two, and
  a quadrant for one, but neither sextant nor quadrant for the
  third.<A name='FNanchor_42_42' id="FNanchor_42_42"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_42_42'><SUP>[42]</SUP></A> Then, instead of pushing
  away for some port, so amazed and bewildered were we that we
  continued sitting in our places gazing upon the ship, as though
  she had been an object of the tenderest affection. Our eyes could
  not leave her, till, at the end of many hours, she gave a slight
  reel, then down she sank. No words can tell our feelings. We
  looked at each other &mdash;we looked at the place where she had
  so lately been afloat&mdash;and we did not cease to look, till
  the terrible conviction of our abandoned and perilous situation
  roused us to exertion, if deliverance were yet possible.</P>

  <P>'We now consulted about the course which it might be best to
  take&mdash;westward to India, eastward to South America, or
  south-westward to the Society Isles. We knew that we were at no
  great distance from Tahiti, but were so ignorant of the state and
  temper of the inhabitants, that we feared we should be devoured
  by cannibals, if we cast ourselves on their mercy. It was
  determined, therefore, to make for South America, which we
  computed to be more than two thousand miles distant. Accordingly
  we steered eastward, and though for several days harassed with
  squalls, we contrived to keep together. It was not long before we
  found that one of the boats had started a plank, which was no
  wonder, for whale-boats are all clinker-built, and very slight,
  being made of half-inch plank only, before planing. To remedy
  this alarming defect we all turned to, and having emptied the
  damaged boat into the two others, we raised her side as well as
  we could, and succeeded in restoring the plank at the bottom.
  Through this accident, some of our biscuit had become injured by
  the salt-water. This was equally divided among the several boats'
  crews. Food and water, meanwhile, with our utmost economy,
  rapidly failed. Our strength was exhausted, not by abstinence
  only, but by the labours which we were obliged to employ to keep
  our little vessels afloat amidst the storms which repeatedly
  assailed us. One night we were parted in rough weather; but
  though the next day we fell in with one of our companion-boats,
  we never saw or heard any more of the other, which probably
  perished at sea, being without either sextant or
  quadrant.<A name='FNanchor_43_43' id=
  "FNanchor_43_43"></A><A href='#Footnote_43_43'><SUP>[43]</SUP></A></P>

  <P>'When we were reduced to the last pinch, and out of
  everything, having been more than three weeks abroad, we were
  cheered with the sight of a low, uninhabited island, which we
  reached in hope, but were bitterly disappointed. There were some
  barren bushes and many rocks on this forlorn spot. The only
  provision that we could procure were a few birds and their eggs:
  this supply was soon reduced; the sea-fowls appeared to have been
  frightened away, and their nests were left empty after we had
  once or twice plundered them. What distressed us most was the
  utter want of fresh water; we could not find a drop anywhere,
  till, at the extreme verge of ebb tide, a small spring was
  discovered in the sand; but even that was too scanty to afford us
  sufficient to quench our thirst before it was covered by the
  waves at their turn.</P>

  <P>'There being no prospect but that of starvation here, we
  determined to put to sea again. Three of our comrades, however,
  chose to remain, and we pledged ourselves to send a vessel to
  bring them off, if we ourselves should ever escape to a Christian
  port. With a very small morsel of biscuit for each, and a little
  water, we again ventured out on the wide ocean. In the course of
  a few days our provisions were consumed. Two men died; we had no
  other alternative than to live upon their remains. These we
  roasted to dryness by means of fires kindled on the ballast-sand
  at the bottom of the boats.<A name='FNanchor_44_44' id=
  "FNanchor_44_44"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_44_44'><SUP>[44]</SUP></A> When this supply was spent,
  what could we do? We looked at each other with horrid thoughts in
  our minds, but we held our tongues. I am sure that we loved one
  another as brothers all the time; and yet our looks told plainly
  what must be done. We cast lots, and the fatal one fell on my
  poor cabin-boy. I started forward instantly, and cried out, "My
  lad, my lad, <I>if you don't like your lot</I>, I'll shoot the
  first man that touches you." The poor emaciated boy hesitated a
  moment or two; then, quietly laying his head down upon the gunnel
  of the boat, he said, "<I>I like it as well as any other."</I> He
  was soon despatched, and nothing of him left. I think, then,
  another man died of himself, and him, too, we ate. But I can tell
  you no more&mdash;my head is on fire at the recollection; I
  hardly know what I say. I forgot to say that we had parted
  company with the second boat before now. After some more days of
  horror and despair, when some were lying down at the bottom of
  the boat not able to rise, and scarcely one of us could move a
  limb, a vessel hove in sight. We were taken on board, and treated
  with extreme kindness. The second last boat was also picked up at
  sea, and the survivors saved. A ship afterwards sailed in search
  of our companions on the desolate island, and brought them
  away.'</P>

  <P>Captain Pollard closed his dreary narrative with saying, in a
  tone of despondency never to be forgotten by him who heard it,
  'After a time I found my way to the United States, to which I
  belonged, and got another ship. That, too, I have lost by a
  second wreck off the Sandwich Islands, and now I am utterly
  ruined. No owner will ever trust me with a whaler again, for all
  will say I am an <I>unlucky</I> man.'</P>

  <P>The following account respecting the three men that were left
  on the uninhabited island, is given in a note of the same work,
  and said to be extracted from a religious tract, No. 579, issued
  by the Society in Paternoster Row.</P>

  <P>'On the 26th of December the boats left the island: this was,
  indeed, a trying moment to all: they separated with mutual
  prayers and good wishes, seventeen<A name='FNanchor_45_45' id=
  "FNanchor_45_45"></A><A href=
  '#Footnote_45_45'><SUP>[45]</SUP></A> venturing to sea with
  almost certain death before them, while three remained on a rocky
  isle, destitute of water, and affording hardly anything to
  support life. The prospects of these three poor men were gloomy:
  they again tried to dig a well, but without success, and all hope
  seemed at an end, when providentially they were relieved by a
  shower of rain. They were thus delivered from the immediate
  apprehension of perishing by thirst. Their next care was to
  procure food, and their difficulties herein were also very great;
  their principal resource was small birds, about the size of a
  blackbird, which they caught while at roost. Every night they
  climbed the trees in search of them, and obtained, by severe
  exertions, a scanty supply, hardly enough to support life. Some
  of the trees bore a small berry which gave them a little relief,
  but these they found only in small quantities. Shell-fish they
  searched for in vain; and although from the rocks they saw at
  times a number of sharks, and also other sorts of fish, they were
  unable to catch any, as they had no fishing tackle. Once they saw
  several turtles, and succeeded in taking five, but they were then
  without water: at those times they had little inclination to eat,
  and before one of them was quite finished the others were become
  unfit for food.</P>

  <P>'Their sufferings from want of water were the most severe,
  their only supply being from what remained in holes among the
  rocks after the showers which fell at intervals; and sometimes
  they were five or six days without any; on these occasions they
  were compelled to suck the blood of the birds they caught, which
  allayed their thirst in some degree; but they did so very
  unwillingly, as they found themselves much disordered
  thereby.</P>

  <P>'Among the rocks were several caves formed by nature, which
  afforded shelter from the wind and rain. In one of these caves
  they found eight human skeletons, in all probability the remains
  of some poor mariners who had been shipwrecked on the isle, and
  perished for want of food and water. They were side by side, as
  if they had laid down and died together! This sight deeply
  affected the mate and his companions; their case was similar, and
  they had every reason to expect ere long the same end: for many
  times they lay down at night, with their tongues swollen and
  their lips parched with thirst, scarcely hoping to see the
  morning sun; and it is impossible to form an idea of their
  feelings when the morning dawned, and they found their prayers
  had been heard and answered by a providential supply of rain.</P>

  <P>'In this state they continued till the 5th of April following.
  On the morning of that day they were in the woods as usual,
  searching for food and water, as well as their weakness
  permitted, when their attention was aroused by a sound which they
  thought was distant thunder; but looking towards the sea, they
  saw a ship in the offing, which had just fired a gun. Their joy
  at this sight may be more easily imagined than described; they
  immediately fell on their knees, and thanked God for His
  goodness, in thus sending deliverance when least expected; then,
  hastening to the shore, they saw a boat coming towards them. As
  the boat could not approach the shore without great danger, the
  mate, being a good swimmer, and stronger than his companions,
  plunged into the sea, and providentially escaped a watery grave
  at the moment when deliverance was at hand. His companions
  crawled out further on the rocks, and, by the great exertions of
  the crew, were taken into the boat, and soon found themselves on
  board the <I>Surrey</I>, commanded by Captain Raine, by whom they
  were treated in the kindest manner, and their health and strength
  were speedily restored.'</P>

  <P>Mr. Montgomery, the editor, observes, 'there is some
  incongruity in these two narratives, which more minute
  particulars might reconcile.' We have noticed them. Mr. Bennet
  received the account verbally, and may be mistaken in some
  points, but there is little doubt of its being substantially
  correct.</P>

  <P>This melancholy history supplies an additional and complete
  answer to Bligh's doubts of men feeding on each other to preserve
  existence.</P>
  <HR style='width: 65%;'>
  <A name='ENDNOTES' id="ENDNOTES"></A>

  <H2>ENDNOTES:</H2><A name='Footnote_1_1' id=
  "Footnote_1_1"></A><A href='#FNanchor_1_1'>[1]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>The discovery of this island is owing to Fernandez de Quiros
    in 1606, which he named <I>La Sagittaria</I>, Some doubts were
    at first entertained of its identity with Otaheite, but the
    small difference of a few miles in latitude, and about two
    degrees of longitude, the description as to size, the low
    isthmus, the distance from it of any other island at all
    similar, and above all, the geographical position&mdash;all
    prove its identity&mdash;although Quiros calls it, what it
    certainly is not, a low island.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_2_2' id="Footnote_2_2"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_2_2'>[2]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P><I>A Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean</I>,
    Appendix, pp. 336, 342.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_3_3' id="Footnote_3_3"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_3_3'>[3]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Cook appears not to have exercised his usual judgement in
    estimating the population of this island. After stating the
    number of war-canoes at seventeen hundred and twenty, and able
    men to man them, at sixty-eight thousand eight hundred, he
    comes to the conclusion that the population must consist of two
    hundred and four thousand souls; and reflecting on the vast
    swarms which everywhere appeared, 'I was convinced,' he says,
    'that this estimate was not much, if at all, too great.'</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_4_4' id="Footnote_4_4"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_4_4'>[4]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>The words within brackets are in the original despatch.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_5_5' id="Footnote_5_5"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_5_5'>[5]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>He was born in the Isle of Man, his father being Deemster of
    Man, and Seneschal to the Duke of Athol.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_6_6' id="Footnote_6_6"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_6_6'>[6]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P><I>United Service Journal</I>, April, 1831.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_7_7' id="Footnote_7_7"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_7_7'>[7]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Hayward and Hallet, who may thus be considered as the
    <I>passive</I> cause of the mutiny.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_8_8' id="Footnote_8_8"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_8_8'>[8]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P><I>Quarterly Review</I>, No. 89.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_9_9' id="Footnote_9_9"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_9_9'>[9]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>One person turns his back on the object that is to be
    divided; another then points separately to the portions, at
    each of them asking aloud, 'Who shall have this?' to which the
    first answers by naming somebody. This impartial method of
    distribution gives every man an equal chance of the best share.
    Bligh used to speak of the great amusement the poor people had
    at the beak and claws falling to his share.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_10_10' id="Footnote_10_10"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_10_10'>[10]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>If Bligh here meant to deny the fact of men, in extreme
    cases, destroying each other for the sake of appeasing hunger,
    he is greatly mistaken. The fact was but too well established,
    and to a great extent, on the raft of the French frigate
    <I>Meduse</I>, when wrecked on the coast of Africa, and also on
    the rock in the Mediterranean, when the <I>Nautilus</I> frigate
    was lost. There may be a difference between men, in danger of
    perishing by famine, when in robust health, and men like those
    of the <I>Bounty</I>, worn by degrees to skeletons, by
    protracted famine, who may thus have become equally indifferent
    to life or death.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_11_11' id="Footnote_11_11"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_11_11'>[11]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>The escape of the <I>Centaur's</I> boat, perhaps, comes
    nearest to it. When the <I>Centaur</I> was sinking, Captain
    Inglefield and eleven others, in a small leaky boat, five feet
    broad, with one of the gunwales stove, nearly in the middle of
    the Western Ocean, without compass, without quadrant, without
    sail, without great-coat or cloak, all very thinly clothed, in
    a gale of wind, with a great sea running, and the winter fast
    approaching,&mdash;the sun and stars, by which alone they could
    shape their course, sometimes hidden for twenty-four
    hours;&mdash;these unhappy men, in this destitute and hopeless
    condition, had to brave the billows of the stormy Atlantic, for
    nearly a thousand miles. A blanket, which was by accident in
    the boat, served as a sail, and with this they scudded before
    the wind, in expectation of being swallowed up by every wave;
    with great difficulty the boat was cleared of water before the
    return of the next great sea; all of the people were half
    drowned, and sitting, except the balers, at the bottom of the
    boat. On quitting the ship the distance of Fayal was two
    hundred and sixty leagues, or about nine hundred English
    miles.</P>

    <P>Their provisions were a bag of bread, a small ham, a single
    piece of pork, two quart bottles of water, and a few of French
    cordials. One biscuit, divided into twelve morsels, was served
    for breakfast, and the same for dinner; the neck of a bottle
    broken off, with the cork in, supplied the place of a glass;
    and this filled with water was the allowance for twenty-four
    hours for each man.</P>

    <P>On the fifteenth day, they had only one day's bread, and one
    bottle of water remaining of a second supply of rain; on this
    day Matthews, a quarter-master, the stoutest man in the boat,
    perished of hunger and cold. This poor man, on the day before,
    had complained of want of strength in his throat, as he
    expressed it, to swallow his morsel; and, in the night, drank
    salt-water, grew delirious, and died without a groan. Hitherto
    despair and gloom had been successfully prevented, the men,
    when the evenings closed in, having been encouraged by turns to
    sing a song, or relate a story, instead of a supper: 'but,'
    says the Captain, 'this evening I found it impossible to raise
    either.' The Captain had directed the clothes to be taken from
    the corpse of Matthews and given to some of the men, who were
    perishing with, cold; but the shocking skeleton-like appearance
    of his remains made such an impression on the people, that all
    efforts to raise their spirits were ineffectual. On the
    following day, the sixteenth, their last breakfast was served
    with the bread and water remaining, when John Gregory, the
    quarter-master, declared with much confidence that he saw land
    in the south-east, which turned out to be Fayal.</P>

    <P>But the most extraordinary <I>feat of navigation</I> is that
    which is related (on good authority) in a note of the
    <I>Quarterly Review</I>, vol. xviii. pp. 337-339:&mdash;</P>

    <P>Of all the feats of navigation on record, however, that of
    Diogo Botelho Perreira, in the early period of 1536-37, stands
    pre-eminent; it is extracted from the voluminous Decades of
    Diogo de Couto, whose work, though abounding with much curious
    matter, like those of most of the old Portuguese writers, has
    not been fortunate enough to obtain an English translation. We
    are indebted to a friend for pointing it out to us, and we
    conceive it will be read with interest.</P>

    <DIV class='blkquot'>
      <P>'In the time of the vice-royalty of Don Francisco de
      Almeyda there was a young gentleman in India of the name of
      Diogo Botelho Perreira, son of the commander of Cochin, who
      educated him with great care, so that he soon became skilled
      in the art of navigation, and an adept in the construction of
      marine charts. As he grew up, he felt anxious to visit
      Portugal, where, on his arrival, he was well received at
      court, and the king took pleasure in conversing with him on
      those subjects which had been the particular objects of his
      studies. Confident of his own talents, and presuming on the
      favour with which the king always treated him, he ventured
      one day to request his Majesty to appoint him commander of
      the fortress of Chaul. The king smiled at his request, and
      replied, that "<I>the command of the fortress was not for
      pilots</I>." Botelho was piqued at this answer, and, on
      returning into the ante-chamber, was met by Don Antonio
      Noronha, second son of the Marquis of Villa Real, who asked
      him if his suit had been granted: he answered, "Sir, I will
      apply where my suit will not be neglected." When this answer
      came to the ears of the king, he immediately ordered Botelho
      to be confined in the castle of Lisbon, lest he should follow
      the example of Megalhaens, and go over to Spain. There he
      remained a prisoner until the admiral viceroy Don Vasco da
      Gama, solicited his release, and was permitted to take him to
      India; but on the express condition that he should not return
      to Portugal, except by special permission. Under these
      unpleasant circumstances this gentleman proceeded to India,
      anxious for an opportunity of distinguishing himself, that he
      might be permitted again to visit Portugal.</P>

      <P>'It happened about this time that the Sultan Badur,
      sovereign of Cambaya, gave the governor, Nuno da Cunha,
      permission to erect a fortress on the island of Diu, an
      object long and anxiously wished for, as being of the
      greatest importance to the security of the Portuguese
      possessions in India. Botelho was aware how acceptable this
      information would be to the king, and therefore deemed this a
      favourable opportunity of regaining his favour, by conveying
      such important intelligence; and he resolved to perform the
      voyage in a vessel so small, and so unlike what had ever
      appeared in Portugal, that it should not fail to excite
      astonishment, how any man could undertake so long and
      perilous a navigation, in such a frail and diminutive
      bottom.</P>

      <P>'Without communicating his scheme to any person, he
      procured a <I>fusta</I>, put a deck on it from head to stern,
      furnished it with spare sails and spars, and every other
      necessary, and constructed two small tanks for water.</P>

      <P>'As soon as the monsoon served, he embarked with some men
      in his service, giving out that he was going to Melinde; and,
      to give colour to this story, he proceeded to Baticala, where
      he purchased some cloths and beads for that market, and laid
      in provisions; some native merchants also embarked with a few
      articles on board for the Melinde market, to which he did not
      choose to object, lest it should alarm his sailors.</P>

      <P>'He set sail with the eastern monsoon, in the beginning of
      October, and arrived safely at Melinde, where he landed the
      native merchants, took in wood, water, and refreshments, and
      again put to sea, informing his crew that he was going to
      Quiloa. When he had got to a distance from the land, it would
      appear that some of his crew had mutinied; but this he had
      foreseen and provided for; putting some of them in irons, and
      promising at the same time amply to reward the services of
      the rest, and giving them to understand that he was going to
      Sofala on account of the trade in gold. Thus he proceeded,
      touching at various places for refreshments, which he met
      with in great plenty and very cheap.</P>

      <P>'From Sofala he proceeded along the coast till he had
      passed the Cabo dos Correntes, and from thence along the
      shore, without ever venturing to a distance from the land,
      and touching at the different rivers, until he passed the
      Cape of Good Hope, which he did in January 1537.</P>

      <P>'From thence he stretched into the ocean with gentle
      breezes, steering for St. Helena; where, on arriving, he drew
      his little vessel ashore, to clean her bottom and repair her,
      and also to give a few days' rest to his crew, of whom some
      had perished of cold, notwithstanding his having provided
      warm clothing for them.</P>

      <P>'Departing from St. Helena, he boldly steered his little
      bark across the wide ocean, directing his career to St.
      Thom&eacute;, where he took in provisions, wood, and water;
      and from thence he proceeded to the bar of Lisbon, where he
      arrived in May, when the king was at Almeyrin. He entered the
      river with his oars, his little vessel being dressed with
      flags and pendants, and anchored at Point Leira opposite to
      Salvaterra, not being able to get farther up the river. This
      novelty produced such a sensation in Lisbon that the Tagus
      was covered with boats to see the <I>fusta</I> Diogo Botelho
      Perreira landed in a boat, and proceeded to Almeyrin, to give
      the king an account of his voyage, and solicit a
      gratification for the good news which he brought, of his
      Majesty now being possessed of a fortress on the island of
      Diu.</P>

      <P>'The king was highly pleased with this intelligence, but,
      as Botelho brought no letters from the governor, he did not
      give him the kind of reception which he had expected. On the
      contrary, the king treated him with coldness and distance;
      his Majesty, however, embarked to see the <I>fusta</I>, on
      board of which he examined every thing with much attention,
      and was gratified in viewing a vessel of such a peculiar
      form, and ordered money and clothes to be given to the
      sailors&mdash;nor could he help considering Diogo Botelho as
      a man of extraordinary enterprise and courage, on whose
      firmness implicit reliance might be placed.</P>

      <P>'The little vessel was ordered to be drawn ashore at
      Sacabem, where it remained many years (until it fell to
      pieces), and was visited by people from all parts of Europe,
      who beheld it with astonishment. The king subsequently
      received letters from the governor of Nuno da Cunha,
      confirming the news brought by Botelho; the bearer of these
      letters, a Jew, was immediately rewarded with a pension of a
      hundred and forty milreas; but Botelho was neglected for many
      years, and at last appointed commander of St. Thom&eacute;,
      and finally made captain of Cananor in India, that he might
      be at a distance from Portugal.'</P>
    </DIV>

    <P>The vessel named <I>fusta</I> is a long, shallow,
    Indian-built row-boat, which uses latine sails in fine weather.
    These boats are usually open, but Botelho covered his with a
    deck: its dimensions, according to Lavanha, in his edition of
    De Barros' unfinished Decade, are as follows:&mdash;length,
    twenty-two palmos, or sixteen feet six inches. Breadth, twelve
    palmos, or nine feet. Depth, six palmos, or four feet six
    inches. Bligh's boat was twenty-three feet long, six feet nine
    inches broad, and two feet nine inches deep. From the
    circumstance mentioned of some of his crew having perished with
    cold, it is probable that they were natives of India, whom the
    Portuguese were in the habit of bringing home as part of their
    crew.</P>
  </DIV>

  <P><A name='Footnote_12_12' id="Footnote_12_12"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_12_12'>[12]</A></P>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Previous to the writing of this letter, the following copy
    of verses shows how anxiously this young lady's mind was
    engaged on the unhappy circumstances under which her brother
    was placed.<BR></P>

    <P>On the tedious and mournful Absence of a most<BR>
    beloved BROTHER, who was in the <I>Bounty</I> with<BR>
    Captain BLIGH at the Time of the FATAL MUTINY,<BR>
    which happened April 28th, 1789, in the South Seas,<BR>
    and who, instead of returning with the Boat when<BR>
    she left the Ship, stayed behind.<BR>
    Tell me, thou busy flatt'ring Telltale, why&mdash;<BR>
    Why flow these tears&mdash;why heaves this deep-felt
    sigh,&mdash;<BR>
    Why is all joy from my sad bosom flown,<BR>
    Why lost that cheerfulness I thought my own;<BR>
    Why seek I now in solitude for ease.<BR>
    Which once was centred in a wish to please,<BR>
    When ev'ry hour in joy and gladness past,<BR>
    And each new day shone brighter than the last;<BR>
    When in society I loved to join;<BR>
    When to enjoy, and give delight, was mine?&mdash;<BR>
    Now&mdash;sad reverse! in sorrow wakes each day,<BR>
    And griefs sad tones inspire each plaintive lay:<BR>
    Alas! too plain these mournful tears can tell<BR>
    The pangs of woe my lab'ring bosom swell!<BR>
    Thou best of brothers&mdash;friend, companion, guide,<BR>
    Joy of my youth, my honour, and my pride!<BR>
    Lost is all peace&mdash;all happiness to me,<BR>
    And fled all comfort, since deprived of thee.<BR>
    In vain, my Lycidas, thy loss I mourn,<BR>
    In vain indulge a hope of thy return;<BR>
    Still years roll on and still I vainly sigh,<BR>
    Still tears of anguish drown each gushing eye.<BR>
    Ah I cruel Time I how slow thy ling'ring pace,<BR>
    Which keeps me from his tender, loved embrace.<BR>
    At home to see him, or to know him near,<BR>
    How much I wish&mdash;and yet how much I fear!<BR>
    Oh I fatal voyage! which robb'd my soul of peace<BR>
    And wreck'd my happiness in stormy seas!<BR>
    Why, my loved Lycidas, why did'st thou stay,<BR>
    Why waste thy life from friendship far away?<BR>
    Though guiltless thou of mutiny or blame,<BR>
    And free from aught which could disgrace thy name;<BR>
    Though thy pure soul, in honour's footsteps train'd,<BR>
    Was never yet by disobedience stain'd;<BR>
    Yet is thy fame exposed to slander's wound,<BR>
    And fell suspicion whispering around.<BR>
    In vain&mdash;to those who knew thy worth and truth,<BR>
    Who watch'd each op'ning virtue of thy youth;<BR>
    When noblest principles inform'd thy mind,<BR>
    Where sense and sensibility were join'd;<BR>
    Love to inspire, to charm, to win each heart,<BR>
    And ev'ry tender sentiment impart;<BR>
    Thy outward form adorn'd with ev'ry grace;<BR>
    With beauty's softest charms thy heav'nly face,<BR>
    Where sweet expression beaming ever proved<BR>
    The index of that soul, by all beloved;<BR>
    Thy wit so keen, thy genius form'd to soar,<BR>
    By fancy wing'd, new science to explore;<BR>
    Thy temper, ever gentle, good, and kind,<BR>
    Where all but guilt an advocate could find:<BR>
    To those who know this character was thine,<BR>
    (And in this truth assenting numbers join)<BR>
    How vain th' attempt to fix a crime on thee,<BR>
    Which thou disdain'st&mdash;from which each thought is
    free!<BR>
    No, my loved brother, ne'er will I believe<BR>
    Thy seeming worth was meant but to deceive;<BR>
    Still will I think (each circumstance though strange)<BR>
    That thy firm principles could never change;<BR>
    That hopes of preservation urged thy stay,<BR>
    Or force, which those resistless must obey.<BR>
    If this is error, let me still remain<BR>
    In error wrapp'd&mdash;nor wake to truth again!<BR>
    Come then, sweet Hope, with all thy train of joy<BR>
    Nor let Despair each rapt'rous thought destroy;<BR>
    Indulgent Heav'n, in pity to our tears,<BR>
    At length will bless a parent's sinking years;<BR>
    Again shall I behold thy lovely face,<BR>
    By manhood form'd, and ripen'd ev'ry grace,<BR>
    Again I'll press thee to my anxious breast,<BR>
    And ev'ry sorrow shall be hush'd to rest.<BR>
    Thy presence only can each comfort give.<BR>
    Come then, my Lycidas, and let me live;<BR>
    life without thee is but a wretched load,<BR>
    Thy love alone can smooth its thorny road;<BR>
    But blest with thee, how light were every woe;<BR>
    How would my soul with joy and rapture glow I<BR>
    Kind Heav'n! thou hast my happiness in store,<BR>
    Restore him <I>innocent</I>&mdash;I ask no more!<BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    <I>Isle of Man, Feb. 25,</I> 1792. NESSY HEYWOOD.<BR></P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_13_13' id="Footnote_13_13"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_13_13'>[13]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>This interesting letter is given in the following Chapter,
    to which it appropriately belongs.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_14_14' id="Footnote_14_14"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_14_14'>[14]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>His orders run thus: 'You are to keep the mutineers as
    closely confined as may preclude all possibility of their
    escaping, having, however, proper regard to the preservation of
    their lives, that they may be brought home, to undergo the
    punishment due to their demerits.'</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_15_15' id="Footnote_15_15"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_15_15'>[15]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P><I>Voyage round the World</I>, by Mr. George Hamilton, p.
    84.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_16_16' id="Footnote_16_16"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_16_16'>[16]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P><I>A Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific</I>, p.
    360.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_17_17' id="Footnote_17_17"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_17_17'>[17]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P><I>United Service Journal</I>.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_18_18' id="Footnote_18_18"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_18_18'>[18]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>The Phoceans, on account of the sterility of their country,
    were in the habit of practising piracy, which, according to
    Justin, was held to be an honourable profession.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_19_19' id="Footnote_19_19"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_19_19'>[19]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>These laws are contained in an ancient authentic book,
    called 'The Black Book of the Admiralty,' in which all things
    therein comprehended are engrossed on vellum, in an ancient
    character; which hath been from time to time kept in the
    registry of the High Court of Admiralty, for the use of the
    Judges. When Mr. Luders made enquiry at the office in Doctors'
    Commons, in 1808, he was informed by the proper officers there,
    that they had never seen such book, and knew nothing of it, nor
    where to find it. The fact is, the book in question was put
    into Lord Thurlow's hands when Attorney-General, and never
    returned. There is a copy of it in the Admiralty.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_20_20' id="Footnote_20_20"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_20_20'>[20]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Morrison mentions, in his <I>Journal</I>, a plan to this
    effect, contrived by Heywood, Stewart, and himself, but
    observes, 'it was a foolish attempt, as, had we met with bad
    weather, our crazy boat would certainly have made us a
    coffin.'</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_21_21' id="Footnote_21_21"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_21_21'>[21]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>The following shows how much her fond mind was fixed on her
    unfortunate brother:&mdash;</P>

    <P><BR>
    <I>On the Arrival of my dearly-beloved Brother, Peter
    Heywood,<BR>
    in England, written while a Prisoner, and waiting<BR>
    the Event of his Trial on board his Majesty's Ship<BR>
    'Hector.'</I><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Come, gentle Muse, I woo thee once again,<BR>
    Nor woo thee now in melancholy strain;<BR>
    Assist my verse in cheerful mood to flow,<BR>
    Nor let this tender bosom Anguish know;<BR>
    Fill all my soul with notes of Love and Joy,<BR>
    No more let Grief each anxious thought employ:<BR>
    With Rapture now alone this heart shall burn,<BR>
    And Joy, my Lycidas, for thy return!<BR>
    Return'd with every charm, accomplish'd youth,<BR>
    Adorn'd with Virtue, Innocence, and Truth;<BR>
    Wrapp'd in thy conscious merit still remain,<BR>
    Till I behold thy lovely form again.<BR>
    Protect him, Heav'n, from dangers and alarms,<BR>
    And oh! restore him to a sister's arms;<BR>
    Support his fortitude in that dread hour<BR>
    When he must brave Suspicion's cruel pow'r;<BR>
    Grant him to plead with Eloquence divine,<BR>
    In ev'ry word let Truth and Honour shine;<BR>
    Through each sweet accent let Persuasion flow,<BR>
    With manly Firmness let his bosom glow,<BR>
    Till strong Conviction, in each face exprest,<BR>
    Grants a reward by Honour's self confest.<BR>
    Let thy Omnipotence preserve him still,<BR>
    And all his future days with Pleasure fill;<BR>
    And oh! kind Heav'n, though now in chains he be,<BR>
    Restore him soon to Friendship, Love, and me.<BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    <I>August 5th</I>, 1792, <I>Isle of Man</I>. NESSY
    HEYWOOD.<BR></P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_22_22' id="Footnote_22_22"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_22_22'>[22]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>The late Aaron Graham, Esq., the highly respected police
    magistrate in London.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_23_23' id="Footnote_23_23"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_23_23'>[23]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Till the moment of the trial, it will readily be supposed
    that every thought of this amiable young lady was absorbed in
    her brother's fate. In this interval the following lines appear
    to have been written:&mdash;</P>

    <P><BR>
    <I>On receiving information by a letter from my ever dearly<BR>
    loved brother Peter Heywood, that his trial was soon to<BR>
    take place</I>.<BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Oh! gentle Hope! with eye serene,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>And aspect, ever sweetly
    mild;</SPAN><BR>
    Who deck'st with gayest flow'rs each scene,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>In sportive, rich luxuriance
    wild,</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Thou&mdash;soother of corroding care,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>When sharp affliction's pangs
    we feel,</SPAN><BR>
    Teachest with fortitude to bear,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>And know'st deep sorrow's
    wounds to heal.</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Thy timid vot'ry now inspire,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Thy influence, in pity,
    lend;</SPAN><BR>
    With confidence this bosom fire,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Till anxious, dread suspense
    shall end.</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Let not fear invade my breast,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>My Lycidas no terror
    knows;</SPAN><BR>
    With conscious innocence he's blest,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>And soon will triumph o'er his
    foes.</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Watch him, sweet Pow'r, with looks benign,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Possession of his bosom
    keep;</SPAN><BR>
    While waking, make each moment shine,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>With fancy gild his hours of
    sleep.</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Protect him still, nor let him dread<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>The awful, the approaching
    hour,</SPAN><BR>
    When on his poor devoted head<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Fell slander falls with cruel
    power.</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Yet, gentle Hope, deceive me not,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Nor with deluding smiles
    betray;</SPAN><BR>
    Be honour's recompense his lot,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>And glory crown each future
    day!</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    And oh! support this fainting heart<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>With courage, till that hour is
    past,</SPAN><BR>
    When, freed from envy's fatal dart,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>His innocence shines forth at
    last:</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Then, my loved Lycidas, we'll meet,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Thy miseries and trials
    o'er;</SPAN><BR>
    With soft delight thy heart shall beat,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>And hail with joy thy native
    shore!</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Then will each hour with rapture fly,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>Then sorrow's plaintive voice
    will cease;</SPAN><BR>
    No care shall cause the heaving sigh,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>But all our days be crown'd
    with peace.</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    With love and fond affection blest,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>No more shall grief our bliss
    destroy;</SPAN><BR>
    No pain disturb each faithful breast,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 1em;'>But rapture all and endless
    joy!</SPAN><BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    <I>Isle of Man, August</I> 22, 1792. NESSY HEYWOOD.<BR></P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_24_24' id="Footnote_24_24"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_24_24'>[24]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>The minutes being very long, a brief abstract only,
    containing the principal points of evidence, is here given.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_25_25' id="Footnote_25_25"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_25_25'>[25]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>This Journal, it is presumed, must have been lost when the
    <I>Pandora</I> was wrecked.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_26_26' id="Footnote_26_26"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_26_26'>[26]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>It was in this state of mind, while in momentary expectation
    of receiving an account of the termination of the
    court-martial, that Heywood's charming sister Nessy wrote the
    following lines:&mdash;</P>

    <P><BR>
    ANXIETY.<BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    Doubting, dreading, fretful guest,<BR>
    Quit, oh I quit this mortal breast.<BR>
    Why wilt thou my peace invade,<BR>
    And each brighter prospect shade?<BR>
    Pain me not with needless Fear,<BR>
    But let Hope my bosom cheer;<BR>
    While I court her gentle charms,<BR>
    Woo the flatterer to my arms;<BR>
    While each moment she beguiles<BR>
    With her sweet enliv'ning smiles,<BR>
    <SPAN style='margin-left: 0.5em;'>While she softly whispers
    me,</SPAN><BR>
    'Lycidas again is free,'<BR>
    While I gaze on Pleasure's gleam,<BR>
    Say not thou 'Tis all a dream.'<BR>
    Hence&mdash;nor darken Joy's soft bloom<BR>
    With thy pale and sickly gloom:<BR>
    Nought have I to do with thee&mdash;<BR>
    Hence&mdash;begone&mdash;Anxiety.<BR></P>

    <P><BR>
    <I>Isle of Man, September 10th.</I> NESSY HEYWOOD.<BR></P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_27_27' id="Footnote_27_27"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_27_27'>[27]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>This is supposed to allude to the evidence given by
    Hallet.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_28_28' id="Footnote_28_28"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_28_28'>[28]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>This refers to a very kind and encouraging letter written to
    him by the Rev. Dr. Scott, of the Isle of Man, who knew him
    from a boy, and had the highest opinion of his character.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_29_29' id="Footnote_29_29"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_29_29'>[29]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Captain Bligh states in his journal, that none of his
    officers were suffered to come near him while held a prisoner
    by Christian; and Hallet was, no doubt, mistaken, but he had
    probably said it in the boat, and thought it right to be
    consistent on the trial.</P>

    <P>It has been said that Hallet, when in the <I>Penelope</I>,
    in which frigate he died, expressed great regret at the
    evidence he had given at the court-martial, and frequently
    alluded to it, admitting that he might have been mistaken.
    There can be very little doubt that he was so. But the Editor
    has ascertained, from personal inquiry of one of the most
    distinguished flag-officers in the service, who was then first
    lieutenant of the <I>Penelope</I>, that Hallet frequently
    expressed to him his deep contrition for having given in
    evidence what, on subsequent reflection, he was convinced to be
    incorrect; that he ascribed it to the state of confusion in
    which his mind was when under examination before the Court; and
    that he had since satisfied himself that, owing to the general
    alarm and confusion during the mutiny, he must have confounded
    Heywood with some other person.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_30_30' id="Footnote_30_30"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_30_30'>[30]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Vol. ii. p. 778.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_31_31' id="Footnote_31_31"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_31_31'>[31]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Some few captains were in the habit of turning over a
    delinquent to be tried by their messmates, and when found
    guilty, it invariably happened that the punishment inflicted
    was doubly severe to what it would have been in the ordinary
    way. This practice,&mdash;which, as giving a deliberative voice
    to the ship's company, was highly reprehensible,&mdash;it is to
    be hoped has entirely ceased.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_32_32' id="Footnote_32_32"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_32_32'>[32]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Information that the pardon was gone down to Portsmouth.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_33_33' id="Footnote_33_33"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_33_33'>[33]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>She had received, previous to this, information of what the
    event would be, and thus gives vent to her feelings.</P>

    <DIV class='blkquot'>
      <P><I>On receiving certain Intelligence that my most amiable
      and beloved Brother, Peter Heywood, would soon be restored to
      Freedom</I>.</P>

      <P><BR>
      Oh, blissful hour!&mdash;oh moment of delight!<BR>
      Replete with happiness, with rapture bright!<BR>
      An age of pain is sure repaid by this,<BR>
      'Tis joy too great&mdash;'tis ecstasy of bliss!<BR>
      Ye sweet sensations crowding on my soul,<BR>
      Which following each other swiftly roll,&mdash;<BR>
      Ye dear ideas which unceasing press,<BR>
      And pain this bosom by your wild excess,<BR>
      Ah! kindly cease&mdash;for pity's sake subside,<BR>
      Nor thus o'erwhelm me with joy's rapid tide:<BR>
      My beating heart, oppress'd with woe and care,<BR>
      Has yet to learn such happiness to bear:<BR>
      From grief, distracting grief, thus high to soar,<BR>
      To know dull pain and misery no more,<BR>
      To hail each op'ning morn with new delight,<BR>
      To rest in peace and joy each happy night,<BR>
      To see my Lycidas from bondage free,<BR>
      Restored to life, to pleasure, and to me,<BR>
      To see him thus&mdash;adorn'd with virtue's charms,<BR>
      To give him to a longing mother's arms,<BR>
      To know him by surrounding friends caress'd,<BR>
      Of honour, fame, of life's best gifts possess'd,<BR>
      Oh, my full heart! 'tis joy&mdash;'tis bliss supreme,<BR>
      And though 'tis real&mdash;yet, how like a dream!<BR>
      Teach me then, Heav'n, to bear it as I ought,<BR>
      Inspire each rapt'rous, each transporting thought;<BR>
      Teach me to bend beneath Thy bounteous hand,<BR>
      With gratitude my willing heart expand:<BR>
      To Thy omnipotence I humbly bow,<BR>
      Afflicted once&mdash;but ah! how happy now!<BR>
      Restored in peace, submissive to Thy will,<BR>
      Oh! bless his days to come&mdash;protect him still;<BR>
      Prolong his life, Thy goodness to adore,<BR>
      And oh! let sorrow's shafts ne'er wound him more.<BR></P>

      <P><BR>
      NESSY HEYWOOD.<BR>
      <I>London, October 15th, 1792, Midnight</I>.<BR></P>
    </DIV>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_34_34' id="Footnote_34_34"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_34_34'>[34]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Mr. Graham's daughter.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_35_35' id="Footnote_35_35"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_35_35'>[35]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Several elegiac stanzas were written on the death of this
    accomplished young lady. The following are dated from her
    native place, the Isle of Man, where her virtues and
    accomplishments could best be appreciated.</P>

    <P><BR>
    How soon, sweet maid! how like a fleeting dream<BR>
    The winning graces, all thy virtues seem!<BR>
    How soon arrested in thy early bloom<BR>
    Has fate decreed thee to the joyless tomb!<BR>
    Nor beauty, genius, nor the Muse's care,<BR>
    Nor aught could move the tyrant Death to spare:<BR>
    Ah! could their power revoke the stern decree,<BR>
    The fatal shaft had past, unfelt by thee!<BR>
    But vain thy wit, thy sentiment refined,<BR>
    Thy charms external, and accomplish'd mind;<BR>
    Thy artless smiles, that seized the willing heart,<BR>
    Thy converse, that could pure delight impart;<BR>
    The melting music of thy skilful tongue,<BR>
    While judgement listen'd, ravish'd with thy song:<BR>
    Not all the gifts that art and nature gave,<BR>
    Could save thee, lovely Nessy! from the grave.<BR>
    Too early lost! from friendship's bosom torn,<BR>
    Oh might I tune <I>thy</I> lyre, and sweetly mourn<BR>
    In strains like thine, when beauteous Margaret's fate<BR>
    Oppress'd thy friendly heart with sorrow's weight;<BR>
    Then should my numbers flow, and laurels bloom<BR>
    In endless spring around fair Nessy's tomb.<BR></P>

    <P>[Alluding to some elegant lines, by the deceased, on the
    death of a female friend.]</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_36_36' id="Footnote_36_36"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_36_36'>[36]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>The following appears to have been written by Mr. P. Heywood
    on the day that the sentence of condemnation was passed on
    him.</P>

    <P><BR>
    ----Silence then<BR>
    The whispers of complaint,&mdash;low in the dust<BR>
    Dissatisfaction's d&aelig;mon's growl unheard.<BR>
    All&mdash;all is good, all excellent below;<BR>
    Pain is a blessing&mdash;sorrow leads to joy&mdash;<BR>
    Joy, permanent and solid! ev'ry ill,<BR>
    Grim death itself, in all its horrors clad,<BR>
    Is man's supremest privilege! it frees<BR>
    The soul from prison, from foul sin, from woe,<BR>
    And gives it back to glory, rest, and God!<BR>
    Cheerly, my friends,&mdash;oh, cheerly! look not thus<BR>
    With Pity's melting softness!&mdash;that alone<BR>
    Can shake my fortitude&mdash;-all is not lost.<BR>
    Lo! I have gain'd on this important day<BR>
    A victory consummate o'er myself,<BR>
    And o'er this life a victory,&mdash;on this day.<BR>
    My birthday to eternity, I've gain'd<BR>
    Dismission from a world, where for a while,<BR>
    Like you, like all, a pilgrim, passing poor,<BR>
    A traveller, a stranger, I have met<BR>
    Still stranger treatment, rude and harsh I so much<BR>
    The dearer, more desired, the home I seek,<BR>
    Eternal of my Father, and my God I<BR>
    Then pious Resignation, meek-ey'd pow'r,<BR>
    Sustain me still! Composure still be mine.<BR>
    Where rests it? Oh, mysterious Providence I<BR>
    Silence the wild idea.&mdash;I have found<BR>
    No mercy yet&mdash;no mild humanity,<BR>
    With cruel, unrelenting rigour torn,<BR>
    And lost in prison&mdash;lost to all below!<BR></P>

    <P>And the following appears to have been written on the day of
    the king's pardon being received.</P>

    <P><BR>
    &mdash;Oh deem it not<BR>
    Presumptuous, that my soul grateful thus rates<BR>
    The present high deliv'rance it hath found;&mdash;<BR>
    Sole effort of Thy wisdom, sov'reign Pow'r,<BR>
    Without whose knowledge, not a sparrow fells!<BR>
    Oh I may I cease to live, ere cease to bless<BR>
    That interposing hand, which turn'd aside&mdash;<BR>
    Nay, to my life and preservation turn'd,&mdash;<BR>
    The fatal blow precipitate, ordain'd<BR>
    To level all my little hopes in dust,<BR>
    And give me&mdash;to the grave.<BR></P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_37_37' id="Footnote_37_37"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_37_37'>[37]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>With which the Editor, at his request, was favoured at the
    time.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_38_38' id="Footnote_38_38"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_38_38'>[38]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>The only authority that then existed for laying down this
    island was that of Captain Carteret, who first saw it in 1767.
    'It is so high,' he says, 'that we saw it at the distance of
    more than fifteen leagues, and it having been discovered by a
    young gentleman, son to Major Pitcairn of the marines, who was
    unfortunately lost in the <I>Aurora</I>, we called it
    <I>Pitcairn's Island</I>.' He makes it in lat. 25&deg; 2' S.
    and long. 133&deg; 30' W., no less than <I>three degrees</I>
    out of its true longitude! <I>Three minutes</I> would
    <I>now</I> be thought a considerable error:&mdash;such are the
    superior advantages conferred by lunar observations and
    improvements in chronometers.</P>

    <P>Pitcairn's Island has been supposed to be the
    '<I>Encarna&ccedil;ion</I> of Quiros, by whom it is stated to
    be in lat. 24&deg; 30', and one thousand leagues from the coast
    of Peru; but as he describes it as 'a low, sandy island, almost
    level with the sea, having a few trees on it,' we must look for
    '<I>Encarna&ccedil;ion</I>' somewhere else; and <I>Ducies</I>
    Island, nearly in that latitude, very low, and within 5&deg; of
    longitude from Pitcairn's Island, answers precisely to it.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_39_39' id="Footnote_39_39"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_39_39'>[39]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>As the manner of Christian's death has been differently
    reported to each different visitor, by Adams, the only evidence
    in existence, with the exception of three or four Otaheitan
    women, and a few infants, some singular circumstances may here
    be mentioned that happened at home, just at the time of
    Folder's visit, and which might render his death on Pitcairn's
    Island almost a matter of doubt.</P>

    <P>About the years 1808 and 1809, a very general opinion was
    prevalent in the neighbourhood of the lakes of Cumberland and
    Westmoreland, that Christian was in that part of the country,
    and made frequent private visits to an aunt who was living
    there. Being the near relative of Mr. Christian Curwen, long
    member of Parliament for Carlisle, and himself a native, he was
    well known in the neighbourhood. This, however, might be passed
    over as mere gossip, had not another circumstance happened just
    about the same time, for the truth of which the Editor does not
    hesitate to avouch.</P>

    <P>In Fore Street, Plymouth Dock, Captain Heywood found himself
    one day walking behind a man, whose shape had so much the
    appearance of Christian's, that he involuntarily quickened his
    pace. Both were walking very fast, and the rapid steps behind
    him having roused the stranger's attention, he suddenly turned
    his face, looked at Heywood, and immediately ran off. But the
    face was as much like Christian's as the back, and Heywood,
    exceedingly excited, ran also. Both ran as fast as they were
    able, but the stranger had the advantage, and, after making
    several short turns, disappeared.</P>

    <P>That Christian should be in England, Heywood considered as
    highly improbable, though not out of the scope of possibility;
    for at this time no account of him whatsoever had been received
    since they parted at Otaheite; at any rate the resemblance, the
    agitation, and the efforts of the stranger to elude him, were
    circumstances too strong not to make a deep impression on his
    mind. At the moment, his first thought was to set about making
    some further inquiries, but on recollection of the pain and
    trouble such a discovery must occasion him, he considered it
    more prudent to let the matter drop; but the circumstance was
    frequently called to his memory for the remainder of his
    life.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_40_40' id="Footnote_40_40"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_40_40'>[40]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>This Nobbs is probably one of those half-witted persons who
    fancy they have received a <I>call</I> to preach
    nonsense&mdash;some cobbler escaped from his stall, or tailor
    from his shopboard. Kitty Quintal's cant phrase&mdash;'we want
    food for our souls,' and praying at meals for 'spiritual
    nourishment,' smack not a little of the jargon of the inferior
    caste of evangelicals. Whoever this pastoral drone may be, it
    is but too evident that the preservation of the innocence,
    simplicity, and happiness of these amiable people, is
    intimately connected with his speedy removal from the
    island.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_41_41' id="Footnote_41_41"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_41_41'>[41]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Well may Adams have sought for rules for his little society
    in a book, which contains the foundation of the civil and
    religious policy of two-thirds of the human race,&mdash;in that
    wonderful book, into whose inspired pages the afflicted never
    seek for consolation in vain. Millions of examples attest this
    truth. 'There is no incident in <I>Robinson Crusoe</I>,'
    observes a writer in a critical journal, 'told in language more
    natural and affecting, than Robert Knox's accidental discovery
    of a Bible, in the midst of the Candian dominions of Ceylon.
    His previous despondency from the death of his father, his only
    friend and companion, whose grave he had but just dug with his
    own hands, "being now," as he says, "left desolate, sick, and
    in captivity,"&mdash;his agitation, joy, and even terror, on
    meeting with a book he had for such a length of time not seen,
    nor hoped to see&mdash;his anxiety lest he should fail to
    procure it&mdash;and the comfort, when procured, which it
    afforded him in his affliction&mdash;all are told in Buch a
    strain of true piety and genuine simplicity as cannot fail to
    interest and affect every reader of sensibility.'</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_42_42' id="Footnote_42_42"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_42_42'>[42]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>If there were <I>three</I> instruments and <I>three</I>
    boats, there must have been <I>one</I> for <I>each</I>, for the
    quadrant was just as good as a sextant.&mdash;ED.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_43_43' id="Footnote_43_43"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_43_43'>[43]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>The mistake is here again repeated; it would be absurd to
    suppose that one boat had both quadrant and sextant.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_44_44' id="Footnote_44_44"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_44_44'>[44]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>It is not explained with what kind of fuel they performed
    this distressing operation.</P>
  </DIV><A name='Footnote_45_45' id="Footnote_45_45"></A><A href=
  '#FNanchor_45_45'>[45]</A>

  <DIV class='note'>
    <P>Here, again, is another mistake; the number must have been
    <I>eleven</I> at most, one of the boats having parted before
    the others reached the island.&mdash;ED.</P>
  </DIV>

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