Brian Carnell's Wiki

This page is read only. You can view the source, but not change it. Ask your administrator if you think this is wrong.
<html>
<div id="title_page">

<h1><span class="the">THE</span><br />
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE<br />
<span class="the">OF THE</span><br />
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.</h1>

<p class="vol">VOL. VI.</p>
<div class="section_break"></div>
<h1><span class="the">THE</span><br />
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE<br />
<span class="the">OF THE</span><br />
AMERICAN REVOLUTION;</h1>

<p class="being">BEING</p>

<p>THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN
ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH
IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY
LAURENS, JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M.
DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN
RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES DURING
THE WHOLE REVOLUTION;</p>

<p class="together">TOGETHER WITH</p>

<p>THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF
CONGRESS, AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.</p>

<p class="also">ALSO,</p>

<p>THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS,
GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<p>Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from
the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably
to a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818.</p>
<div class="thought_break"></div>

<p class="edited">EDITED</p>

<p class="jared">BY JARED SPARKS.</p>
<div class="double"></div>
<p class="vol">VOL. VI.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p class="boston">BOSTON:</p>
<p>NATHAN HALE AND GRAY &amp; BOWEN;</p>

<p class="carvill">G. &amp; C. &amp; H. CARVILL, NEW YORK; P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON.</p>

<p>1830.</p>
</div>
<div class="section_break"></div>
<div id="press">
<p class="press">Steam Power Press&mdash;W. L. Lewis, Printer.</p>
<p>No. 6, Congress Street, Boston.</p>
</div>

<div class="section_break"></div>
<div id="toc">
<h2>CONTENTS<br />

<span class="of">OF THE</span><br />

<span class="volume">SIXTH VOLUME.</span></h2>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<h3>JOHN ADAMS'S CORRESPONDENCE,<br />
CONTINUED.</h3>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<p>&nbsp;<span class="page">Page.</span></p>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May
16th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_3">3</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Diplomatic arts of the English.&mdash;A war in Holland
is not to be expected, unless there should be an
acknowledgment of the independence of America.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May
21st, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Ordinance of Prussia relative to navigation and commerce.</p></div>

<p>To B. Franklin, Amsterdam, May 23d, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_13">13</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Drafts made on him by Congress.&mdash;Encloses despatches
for Dr Franklin and Mr Jay.&mdash;Thinks it
advisable to obtain the acknowledgment of independence
from other powers, before opening the
conferences for peace.&mdash;His mission is a subject
of deliberation.&mdash;Taxation in America.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May
24th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_15">15</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Proposition of Amsterdam in the States of Holland,
urging the speedy adoption of measures of defence
and protection.&mdash;The example of Amsterdam has
great influence on the rest of the country.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May
25th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Enclosing the convention concerning recaptures between
France and Holland.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_VI" id="Page_VI">vi</a></span></p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May
27th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Report of a Committee of the States-General on the
petition of the East India Company for convoy
and for the defence of the India possessions, recommending
aid.&mdash;Timidity and irresolution of
the Dutch government.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May
29th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The English, by the capture of St Eustatia, break
up a trade in British manufactures to North America.&mdash;The
property seized there principally English.&mdash;Much
of it taken by the French on its passage
to England.&mdash;Inactivity of the Dutch naval
force.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May
31st, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_30">30</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Memorial of the Danish Minister, requesting their
High Mightinesses to evacuate certain forts in the
vicinity of the Danish settlements in Africa.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May
31st, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_32">32</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Declaration of Dort, approving the proposition of
Amsterdam to adopt measures of defence.&mdash;Note
of the Deputies of Haerlem, complaining of the
silence of the States of Holland in regard to the
proposition of Amsterdam.</p></div>

<p>To the President of the Assembly of the States-General.
Amsterdam, June 1st, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_34">34</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Informing him of the final ratification of the
confederation by the Thirteen United States, and requesting
him to communicate it to their High
Mightinesses.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June
5th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Declaration of the Deputies of Middleburg in the
States of Zealand, approving the proposed increase
of bounty to those engaged in the naval
service, and recommending measures to increase
the activity of the States-General in preparing
means of defence.&mdash;The States of Zealand recommend
to the States-General the erection of batteries
on the coast, and also resolve to raise a loan.</p></div>

<p>To M. Berenger, Secretary of the French Embassy
at the Hague. Amsterdam, June 8th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Requests to be informed why his presence is required
at Paris by the Count de Vergennes.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June
11th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_39">39</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Petition of the inhabitants of Antwerp, urging the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_VII" id="Page_VII">vii</a></span>
opening of the Scheldt.&mdash;Remarks of M. Cerisier
on the petition; true causes of the decline of the
Austrian Low Countries, and of the prosperity of
the Dutch Provinces; absurdity of the pretensions
of the Austrian Provinces to the free navigation
of the Scheldt; the other powers would oppose
the measure.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June
12th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Petition of the Deputies of Dort, Haerlem, Amsterdam,
and Rotterdam, to the States of Holland and
West Friesland, with a petition of the same to the
States-General, praying for protection of the commerce
to Surinam.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June
15th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_59">59</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Arrival at the Hague of a courier from St Petersburg,
supposed to bring despatches denying assistance
from the armed neutrality.&mdash;Probable
consequences.&mdash;Obstacles to an alliance between
Holland and France.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June
23d, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_60">60</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Answer of Russia above referred to.&mdash;Remarks of
Mr Adams on the answer.&mdash;America must not
look to European negotiations for safety.</p></div>

<p>To the President or Congress. Amsterdam, June
23d, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_63">63</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Advice of the Deputies of Zieriksee to the States
of Zealand, complaining of the inactivity of the
government.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June
26th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_67">67</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The Emperor takes measures to revive commerce
in the Austrian Low Countries; grants privileges
to Nieuport; advantages of that city for foreign
and domestic trade.&mdash;Great quantities of British
manufactures are introduced into America in neutral
bottoms and by clandestine channels.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June
26th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_69">69</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The Regency of Amsterdam in an interview with
the Stadtholder, charge the Duke of Brunswick
with hostility to the welfare of the country, and
devotion to the interests of England, and demand
his dismission.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June
27th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_75">75</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Major Jackson's services in the purchasing and shipping
of goods for the United states.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_VIII" id="Page_VIII">viii</a></span></p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, June
29th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_76">76</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The Duke of Brunswick's reply to the memorial of
Amsterdam.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July
5th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_83">83</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Speech of the Stadtholder to the States-General on
the subject of naval and military preparations.&mdash;Letter
from the same to the Provincial States, on
the same subject, recommending augmentations
of the land and sea forces for the purpose of extending
the protection of convoy to all vessels
whatsoever.&mdash;Answer of the States-General to
the proposition of the Stadtholder abovementioned.</p></div>

<p>To the Count de Vergennes. Versailles, July 7th,
1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_92">92</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Informing him of his arrival, and requesting an
interview.&mdash;The Count refers him to M. de
Rayneval.&mdash;Conversation with M. de Rayneval on
the proposition of the mediation of Russia and
Austria.</p></div>

<p>M. de Rayneval to John Adams. Versailles, July
9th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_93">93</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Appointing a time for an interview with Count de
Vergennes.</p></div>

<p>To M. de Rayneval. Paris, July 9th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Interview with Count de Vergennes.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July
7th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Report of a Committee on the Duke of Brunswick's
reply to the Amsterdam memorial, declaring that
there appears no ground for the charges made
against him.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July
7th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Representations of the French Minister at Petersburg,
complaining of the violation of the principles
of the convention of neutrality, by the English.&mdash;Mr
Dana leaves Amsterdam for Petersburg.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July
10th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The Duke of Brunswick requests a more formal examination
of the charges made against him.&mdash;The
request referred by the States-General to the
Provincial States.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Paris, July 11th,
1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_98">98</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Proposition of the mediation of Austria and Russia
between the European belligerents, the Americans
being left to treat separately.&mdash;The two preliminaries
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_IX" id="Page_IX">ix</a></span>
on condition of which England proposes
the mediation; a rupture of France with
America, and the return of the latter to obedience.</p></div>

<p>To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 13th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Enclosing his remarks on the proposed articles of a
basis for the negotiations.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th,
1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_107">107</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Thinks there is no objection to sending a Minister
of the United States to the proposed Congress at
Vienna, without a previous acknowledgment of
their independence.&mdash;Little prospect of obtaining
anything by negotiation without successes in
America, and the expulsion of the English from
the United States.</p></div>

<p>To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 16th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Further remarks on the proposed basis of negotiation.&mdash;The
imperial Courts have omitted the two
preliminaries of the British Court, to which the
latter will probably adhere.&mdash;The English policy
is to amuse the powers with a pretended desire for
peace.&mdash;No objection to the presence of a Minister
of the United States at Vienna without a
previous acknowledgment of independence.&mdash;His
instructions forbid him to agree to the armistice
or <i>statu quo</i>.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July
17th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Memorial of Amsterdam against the Duke of Brunswick.</p></div>

<p>Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles,
July 18th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_124">124</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The United States cannot appear in the proposed
negotiation until certain preliminaries are settled.</p></div>

<p>To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 18th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_125">125</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Feels little disposed to engage in the proposed negotiations.&mdash;An
American Minister ought not to
appear at Vienna, unless the propositions of the
Imperial Courts are communicated to Congress.</p></div>

<p>To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 19th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_127">127</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>An American Minister at Vienna, must be received
as Minister Plenipotentiary from the United
States, and by his commission can only treat
with Ministers vested with equal powers, which
would be a virtual acknowledgment of
independence.&mdash;Objects to the expression "American
Colonies" in the articles.&mdash;The United States
can never consent to appear as subjects of Great
Britain, nor allow their sovereignty to be called
in question by any Congress of Ministers.&mdash;No
such Congress has ever ventured to interfere in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_X" id="Page_X">x</a></span>
the domestic concerns of any power, or to aid a
sovereign in reducing his rebellious subjects.</p></div>

<p>To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 21st, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_133">133</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>A proposition has been made, that each State of the
Union should send an agent to Vienna.&mdash;The
States have no authority to negotiate with foreign
powers.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, July
21st, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_135">135</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Sentiments of the Quarter of Westergo in regard
to the Amsterdam Memorial against the Duke of
Brunswick.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
3d, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Extract from the King's speech at the prorogation
of Parliament; the English Court will probably
insist on their two preliminaries, as conditions of
accepting the Imperial mediation.&mdash;Indications
of the Emperor's favorable disposition towards
America, while visiting the Low Countries.&mdash;Expressed
a desire to meet Mr Adams incog.</p></div>

<p>B. Franklin to John Adams. Passy, Aug. 6th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_140">140</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Relative to Mr Adams's accounts.&mdash;The Ministers
will no longer be paid from the supplies furnished
by the French Court.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
6th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_141">141</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Courier from Petersburg to the English Court, supposed
to bear representations concerning the war
against Holland.&mdash;The answer of England to the
proposed preliminaries arrives in Russia; purport
unknown.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
6th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_142">142</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Quotes a paragraph from a London paper, stating
that Messrs Curson and Gouverneur are to be
tried for high treason.&mdash;Mr Adams's connexion
with them.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
8th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_144">144</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The Dutch privateers are permitted to co-operate
with the American in any joint enterprise.&mdash;This
amounts to a virtual acknowledgment of the independence
of America.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
16th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_145">145</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Mr Temple, his character, services, and sufferings.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
16th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_147">147</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Offer of the mediation of the two Imperial Courts,
made to the Dutch Ambassador at Petersburg.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XI" id="Page_XI">xi</a></span></p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
18th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_149">149</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Admiral Parker's account of his action with Admiral
Zoutman.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
22d, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_150">150</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Favorable influence of Amsterdam in animating the
Dutch.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August
22d, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_152">152</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Gradual progress of events in Holland.&mdash;The declaration
of the Stadtholder, that the vessels which
did not join the squadron of the Texel were detained
by the winds, and not by counter orders.&mdash;The
Prince's letter of thanks to the crews of Admiral
Zoutman's vessels.</p></div>

<p>To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Aug. 25th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_156">156</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Acknowledges the receipt of his new commission.&mdash;Proceedings
under his former commission.&mdash;Speculations
on the policy of the Courts at the proposed
Congress.</p></div>

<p>James Lovell to John Adams. Philadelphia, September
1st, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_159">159</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Enclosing instructions from Congress.</p></div>

<p>To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Oct. 4th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_160">160</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>His correspondence has been interrupted by sickness.&mdash;Expresses
his satisfaction with the new
commission.&mdash;Recommends the official communication
of it to Count de Vergennes, and some intimation
of it in the French journals.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
15th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_161">161</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Loss of his despatches.&mdash;Difficulty of safe transmission.&mdash;Recent
interruption by sickness.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
15th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_163">163</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The English will not treat with America at present.&mdash;Has
been unsuccessful in his attempts to
obtain a loan.&mdash;It is held out to the public as
full.&mdash;Uncertainty and delays of Dutch politics.&mdash;Views
of the English party in Holland.&mdash;Obstacles
to their success.&mdash;Thinks his remaining longer
in Europe unnecessary.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October
15, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_169">169</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Excitement in Holland.&mdash;Placard of the States of
Utrecht, offering reward for the discovery of
the author of a seditious pamphlet "To the People
of the Low Countries."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XII" id="Page_XII">xii</a></span></p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam,
October 18th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_172">172</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Various petitions from the commercial interest in
Holland to the States-General; from certain fisheries;
from the merchants of Amsterdam, praying
indemnification for the loss occasioned by the
delay of the convoy; from the merchants of
Amsterdam and Rotterdam, trading to the Levant;
from the proprietors of plantations in Surinam
and Curaçao; from the East India Company,
praying assistance.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
October 23d, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_178">178</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Informing Mr Adams of his appointment as Secretary
of Foreign Affairs.&mdash;Requests information.&mdash;Surrender
of Lord Cornwallis.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October.
25th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_182">182</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Placard of Holland against the pamphlet "To the
People of the Low Countries."&mdash;Progress of democratical
principles in Europe, caused by the
American war.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November
1st, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_187">187</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Debates in the States of Guelderland relative to
an alliance with France and America.&mdash;The Baron
Van der Cappellen in favor of acknowledging the
independence of America.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
November 20th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_188">188</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Requesting information of the parties in Holland.&mdash;Has
received indirect information that Mr Adams
has presented his credentials to the States-General
and printed his memorial.&mdash;Advises him to conduct
as a private individual.</p></div>

<p>To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France
at the Hague. Amsterdam, Nov. 24th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_192">192</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Requesting an interview with him for the purpose
of communicating despatches from Congress.
Account of the interview.</p></div>

<p>Resolves of Congress, comprising the Instructions to
John Adams. In Congress, Aug. 16th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_194">194</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Instructions to Mr Adams, respecting a Treaty of
Alliance with the United Provinces.&mdash;Commission
to the same for the same object.</p></div>

<p>To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Amsterdam, November
25th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_197">197</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Communicating the instructions and commission
above given.&mdash;Manner of proceeding in compliance
therewith.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XIII" id="Page_XIII">xiii</a></span></p></div>

<p>To John Jay, American Minister at Madrid. Amsterdam,
November 26th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_199">199</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Communicating his new instructions, and desiring
to open a correspondence with Mr Jay.&mdash;The
Dutch are well disposed, but cautious.</p></div>

<p>To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 26th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_200">200</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>His instructions have probably arrived in season to
prevent a separate peace between Holland and
England.&mdash;Capture of Cornwallis.&mdash;Co-operation
of Spain and Holland with France and America,
would quickly reduce England to submit.</p></div>

<p>To John Jay. Amsterdam, Nov. 28th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_201">201</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The late successes in America have produced a great
impression in Europe. Prospect of a triple alliance.&mdash;General
Greene's successes in the South
have delivered Georgia and South Carolina.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
4th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_203">203</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Effect of the late successes in America.&mdash;General
desire in Holland for the triple alliance.&mdash;Remits
money to Mr Laurens in the Tower.&mdash;Has received
intimations that the English are secretly
supplied with masts from the United States.&mdash;The
Continental goods, left in Holland by Commodore
Gillon detained for freight and damages.</p></div>

<p>The Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. The
Hague, December 7th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_205">205</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Waits for orders in regard to the proposed negotiations
in Holland.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
13th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_206">206</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Answer of Lord Stormont to M. Simolin, accepting
the mediation of Russia, in negotiating a peace
between England and Holland.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
14th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_209">209</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The proposition of the Quarter of Oostergo to the
States of Friesland, urging the acknowledgment
of the independence of the United States.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
18th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_212">212</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Interview with the Duc de la Vauguyon, who
recommends a visit to the Hague, and afterward
to the Regencies of the several cities.</p></div>

<p>To the Duc de la Vauguyon. The Hague, December
19th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_214">214</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Requests to know if the Spanish Ambassador has
instructions to enter into a treaty with Holland.&mdash;Is
in favor of communicating the project of a triple
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XIV" id="Page_XIV">xiv</a></span>
or quadruple alliance to some confidential members
of the States.&mdash;The mediation of Russia is
only a pretence of England, to prevent Holland
from joining the other belligerents.</p></div>

<p>The Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. The
Hague, December 20th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_216">216</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Desires to see Mr Adams.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_216">216</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Ulterior declaration of Prussia concerning the navigation
of Prussian subjects.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
25th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_220">220</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Lord Stormont's answer to the Swedish Envoy, declining
the mediation of Sweden, and accepting
that of Russia.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
December 26th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_223">223</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Military operations in the United States.&mdash;Encloses
resolutions of Congress, relating to captures and
recaptures, and prohibiting all commerce in British
manufactures.&mdash;Requests information from
Mr Adams.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December
29th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_226">226</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Containing the act of accession to the armed neutrality
on the part of Austria, with the note of the
Imperial Minister to their High Mightinesses.&mdash;Strength
of the armed neutrality, if conducted
wisely and honestly.</p></div>

<p>The Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. Versailles,
December 30th, 1781,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_230">230</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Count de Vergennes approves of Mr Adams's proposed
visit to members of government, on the subject
of his memorial, but advises that nothing be
done in writing.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
January 9th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_231">231</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Military affairs.&mdash;The Marquis de Bouillé.&mdash;Contrast
of the conduct of the English and French in
America.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
14th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_233">233</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Interview with the President of their High Mightinesses,
in which Mr Adams demands a categorical
answer to his former request of an audience of
the States.&mdash;Visit to the Secretary of the States
on the same subject, who assures him that his request
had been taken <i>ad referendum</i>.&mdash;Similar
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XV" id="Page_XV">xv</a></span>
visits to the Deputies of all the cities.&mdash;Constitutions
of the municipal governments in Holland.&mdash;The
nation favors the triple alliance; the policy
of the rulers is to propose the mediation of Russia
and the triple alliance at the same time.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
15th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_239">239</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Transmitting the note of the Russian Ambassador,
proposing to the States that the neutral powers
provide their Ministers at the belligerent Courts
with full powers, in regard to affairs arising under
the convention of neutrality.</p></div>

<p>To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January
16th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_240">240</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Memorial from the Swedish Envoy at London to
Lord Stormont, offering the mediation of Sweden
in negotiating a peace between Holland and
England.&mdash;The English Court complains of the
refusal of a Swedish captain to allow vessels under
his convoy to be visited.&mdash;The Swedish Court
approves the measure.&mdash;The same principle approved
by Russia.&mdash;The Russian Ministers at the
belligerent Courts are instructed, in similar cases,
to make immediate demands of reparation from
the offending party.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston, Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
Amsterdam, February 14th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_244">244</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Congratulates Mr Livingston on his appointment.&mdash;State
of affairs in Holland.&mdash;Difficult for an
American Minister to communicate with the Ministers
of other powers.&mdash;Mr Barclay purchases
goods for the United States in Holland.&mdash;British
manufactures bought without the knowledge of
Mr Adams.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, February
19th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_248">248</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The English will not be easily discouraged by the
successes of the Americans.&mdash;Complicated state
of parties in Holland.&mdash;Inclinations of the Stadtholder
in favor of England.&mdash;Parties on subjects
of domestic policy.&mdash;Justification of the presentation
of his credentials.&mdash;Motives for printing his
memorial.&mdash;Conducts himself as a private individual.&mdash;The
States have accepted the mediation of
Russia.&mdash;Policy of France in relation to Holland
and Spain.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, February
21st, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_255">255</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Unable to understand the cypher.&mdash;Recapitulation
of events in Holland before the presentation of his
memorial.&mdash;Great change produced by that paper.&mdash;It
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XVI" id="Page_XVI">xvi</a></span>
has obtained universal approbation in Europe.&mdash;Mr
Adams's proposition to the Duc de la
Vauguyon, produced the offer from France to
Congress to assist in effecting a treaty between
Holland and the United States.&mdash;Influence of the
memorial on the policy and late measures of the
Emperor.&mdash;Other effects of the memorial.&mdash;Conversation
with the Duc de la Vauguyon on the
subject, previous to its presentation.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, February
27th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_267">267</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The Province of Friesland acknowledges the independence
of the United States.&mdash;Holland will not
probably enter into an alliance with the belligerents.&mdash;Buys
a house at the Hague on the public
account.</p></div>

<p>The Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. The
Hague, March 4th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_269">269</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Objects to a proposition of Mr Adams as impolitic.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
March 5th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_270">270</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Holland can gain no advantage by a peace with
England.&mdash;Requests information on the naval
force; the public men and their sentiments in
Holland.&mdash;Recommends frequent visits to the
Hague.&mdash;Military operations in America.&mdash;Prosperous
state of the country.&mdash;Lord Cornwallis.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, March 10th,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_275">275</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Resolution of the House of Commons, that an offensive
war in America against the sense of the
House would be highly criminal.&mdash;Other indications
of a disposition for peace.&mdash;Causes of this
state of feeling.&mdash;Probable policy of the British
Cabinet.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, March 11th,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_277">277</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Transmitting the Resolution of Friesland, instructing
the Deputies in the States-General to receive
Mr Adams in his official capacity.&mdash;Causes of the
change of sentiments on this point in the Regency
of Amsterdam.&mdash;Character and influence of
Friesland.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, March 19th,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_280">280</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Proceedings of the county of Zutphen, on the subject
of the official reception of Mr Adams.&mdash;Petition
of the merchants and manufacturers of Leyden
to the grand council of the city, representing
the languishing condition of their manufactures,
and urging a treaty with America as a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XVII" id="Page_XVII">xvii</a></span>
means of reviving them.&mdash;Petition of the merchants
and manufacturers of Amsterdam to the
States-General, urging the speedy acknowledgment
of American independence.&mdash;Petition of the
same to the Regency of the city, soliciting the Regency
to exert itself in obtaining an immediate
decision of the States of the Province in favor of
America.&mdash;Petition of the commercial interest of
Rotterdam to the Regency of the city, praying
them to insist on a speedy decision in favor of a
treaty with the United States, by the States of the
Province.&mdash;Petition of the merchants and manufacturers
of Holland and West Friesland to the
States of the Province, for the adoption of measures
in the States-General, and for securing the
commerce of America.&mdash;Resolution of the States
of Holland and West Friesland, to insist on the
immediate reception of Mr Adams by the States-General.&mdash;Petition
of Zwoll.&mdash;Addresses of thanks
from the citizens of Amsterdam; from the commercial
interest of Leyden; and from that of
Utrecht, to the States of the Province, for their
abovementioned Resolution.</p></div>

<p>To Peter Van Bleiswick, Grand Pensionary of Holland.
Amsterdam, March 31st, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_328">328</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Mr Adams acknowledges the Resolution of the
States of Holland and West Friesland, recommending
his official reception by the Generality.</p></div>

<p>To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Amsterdam, April
10th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_329">329</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Lord Shelburne is not satisfied with the communication
of all subjects discussed, to the allies of
America.&mdash;Holland will not probably treat separately
with England.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, April 19th,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_330">330</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Resolutions of the respective Provinces in favor of
the reception of Mr Adams, in his official capacity.&mdash;Resolutions
of the States-General, acknowledging
Mr Adams as Minister of the United States.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, April 22d,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_339">339</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Presentation to the Prince of Orange.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, April 23d,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_341">341</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>In a conference with the President of the States-General,
he proposes a treaty of amity and commerce
on the principle of reciprocity. Presents
a plan of a treaty to the committee of the States,
appointed to treat.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XVIII" id="Page_XVIII">xviii</a></span></p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, April 23d,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_342">342</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Is introduced to the foreign Ministers at a dinner
made in honor of the United States by the French
Ambassador.&mdash;Receives visits in a private character
from the Spanish Minister.</p></div>

<p>To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_344">344</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Considers it doubtful whether he shall be present at
the negotiations in Paris.&mdash;Difficulties in regard
to the loan.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, May 16th,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_346">346</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Mr Adams removes to the Hague.&mdash;Great obstacles,
that have been surmounted in Holland.&mdash;Difficulties
in the way of a loan.&mdash;Recommends to
the attention of Congress Messrs Dumas, Thaxter,
Jennings, and Cerisier.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
May 22d, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_351">351</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The change of Ministry and measures in England
will have no effect on the determination of America.&mdash;Congress
refuses General Carleton's request
of a passport for his Secretary.&mdash;The salaries
of the Ministers will be paid quarterly in
America.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
May 29th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_353">353</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Complains of not receiving answers to his
communications.&mdash;The policy of England to separate
France and America.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
May 30th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_354">354</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Acknowledges the receipt of several letters.&mdash;Transmits
a new cypher.&mdash;Victory of Admiral Rodney.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Amsterdam, June 9th,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_356">356</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Report of the Admiralty on the plan of a treaty of
commerce, taken <i>ad referendum</i> by the Provinces.&mdash;Has
opened a loan, but with little prospect of
success.&mdash;Holland will not treat separately with
England.&mdash;Mr Laurens declines serving in the
commission for peace.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, June 14th,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_358">358</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Answer of France to the request of Russia, not to
oppose a separate peace between Holland and
England.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, June 15th,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_360">360</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Conference with the Grand Pensionary on the plan
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XIX" id="Page_XIX">xix</a></span>
of a treaty of commerce.&mdash;Mr Adams proposes the
sending to the United States an Ambassador and
Consuls on the part of Holland.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
July 4th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_361">361</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Recommends great precision in the terms of the
treaty with Holland.&mdash;Importance of securing the
West India trade.&mdash;Securities of a loan to the
United States.&mdash;Value of American commerce.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, July 5th,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_363">363</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Desires the ratification by Congress of his contract
for a loan.&mdash;Terms of the loan.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, July 5th,
1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_365">365</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Address of the merchants of Schiedam to Congress.</p></div>

<p>To John Jay. The Hague, August 10th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_369">369</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Impolitic for the three American Ministers to appear
together at Paris, unless to meet an English
Minister with full powers to treat with the United
States as an independent nation.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, August
18th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_371">371</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>M. Brantzen appointed Minister of Holland to negotiate
a treaty of peace.&mdash;The States of Holland
and West Friesland approve the project of a treaty
of commerce.&mdash;Instructions of the States-General
to their Ministers for negotiating a peace at Paris.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, August
22d, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_376">376</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The States-General have received their instructions
relative to the treaty of commerce from all the
Provinces.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
August 29th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_376">376</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Complains of the infrequency and delay of despatches
from Mr Adams.&mdash;Importance of the trade to the
West Indies.&mdash;Evacuation of Charleston.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September
4th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_380">380</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Sketches of the prominent characters in Holland.&mdash;The
Duc de la Vauguyon.&mdash;Sketches of the foreign
Ministers at the Hague.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September
6th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_394">394</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>State of the connexion between France and Holland.&mdash;Policy
of France toward the United States.
Influence of the memorial of Mr Adams to the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XX" id="Page_XX">xx</a></span>
States-General.&mdash;The Count de Vergennes opposes
the proposition of the triple alliance.&mdash;The
American Ministers in Europe ought not to be
subject to the control of the French Court.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September
7th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_401">401</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Enclosing his accounts.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
September 15th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_404">404</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Enclosing certain financial resolutions of Congress.&mdash;Recommends
the use of English language by
the American Ministers.&mdash;M. Dumas.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September
17th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_407">407</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Conference with the Secretary of the States-General
for correcting the treaty of commerce.&mdash;Conversation
with the French Ambassador on the
Dutch naval forces.</p></div>

<p>Extracts from the Records of the Resolutions of
their High Mightinesses the States-General of the
United Netherlands,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_410">410</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Authorising the Deputies for Foreign Affairs to conclude
and sign the treaty of commerce, and the
convention on the subject of recaptures, with Mr
Adams.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September
17th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_412">412</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Probability of the continuance of the armed neutrality.&mdash;The
acknowledgment of American Independence
is not a violation of its principles.&mdash;Jealousies
of some powers against the House of
Bourbon.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, September
23d, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_416">416</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Conversation with the Spanish Minister.&mdash;English,
Dutch, Spanish, and American Ministers at Paris,
without any appearance of a sincere desire to treat
on the part of England.&mdash;Visit to the Duc de la
Vauguyon.&mdash;The Duke instructed to propose the
concert of the Dutch naval forces with the
French, in intercepting the English West India
fleet.</p></div>

<p>A Memorial concerning the Bank of Amsterdam,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_419">419</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Giving an account of its funds, mode of transacting
business, &amp;c. Note on the above, correcting a
statement.</p></div>

<p>To M. de Lafayette. The Hague, Sept. 29th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_429">429</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>State of American affairs in Holland.&mdash;Conduct of
the different foreign Ministers towards Mr Adams.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XXI" id="Page_XXI">xxi</a></span></p></div>

<p>To John Jay. The Hague, October 7th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_431">431</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Causes which delay his going to Paris.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, October
8th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_432">432</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>The treaty of commerce, and the convention concerning
recaptures executed.&mdash;Remarks on some
of the clauses, and some rejected articles.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. The Hague, October
12th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_435">435</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Preparing to set out for Paris.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Oct. 31st, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_436">436</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Arrival in Paris.&mdash;Conference with Mr Jay.&mdash;Difference
of opinion as to the true sense of the instructions
to the Ministers, requiring them to act only
with the consent of the French Ministry.&mdash;Contested
points.&mdash;Visits the Dutch Minister, who informs
him that little progress has been made in
the negotiations between Holland and England.&mdash;M.
Rayneval's visit to England.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Nov. 6th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_439">439</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Mr Jay and Mr Adams have declined treating without
a previous acknowledgment of independence.&mdash;Information
from Holland reaches America by
the way of France, before it can be transmitted
directly.&mdash;The affairs of the Foreign Department
ought to be kept secret from France.&mdash;Character
of the English agents for negotiating the peace.&mdash;Real
disposition of Lord Shelburne.&mdash;Have agreed
on boundaries, and the payment of British debts
due before the war.&mdash;Indemnification of tories
and Eastern boundary, points of dispute.&mdash;Secret
influence of France.&mdash;Negotiations at Versailles
secret.&mdash;The Dutch Ambassador suspects the sincerity
of the English.&mdash;Mr Oswald proposes that
the British army should be allowed to evacuate
New York unmolested.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
November 6th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_445">445</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Military operations have ceased.&mdash;Mr Fitzherbert's
commission.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Nov. 8th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_447">447</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Importance of insisting upon points of etiquette.&mdash;Thinks
the instructions to communicate everything
to the French Minister is not to be understood
literally.&mdash;Good effects which have been
produced by disobeying them.&mdash;Submission of
Dr Franklin.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Nov. 11th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_451">451</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Conversation with Count de Vergennes on the controverted
points, Eastern boundary, compensation
to tories.&mdash;Suspicions of the motives of France.&mdash;All
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XXII" id="Page_XXII">xxii</a></span>
points should be definitively settled, so as to
leave America totally unconnected with any European
power.</p></div>

<p>Robert R. Livingston to John Adams. Philadelphia,
November 18th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_457">457</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Mr Jefferson added to the commission.&mdash;The resignation
of Mr Laurens not accepted by Congress.&mdash;Affair
of Captain Asgill.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Nov. 18th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_459">459</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Embarrassments occasioned by the instruction to
communicate on all matters with the French Ministers.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Nov. 24th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_462">462</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Speculations on the probable disposition of the British
Cabinet, in case of change.&mdash;The acknowledgment
of independence still leaves room for
disputes on other points.</p></div>

<p>To Robert R. Livingston. Paris, Dec. 4th, 1782,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_464">464</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Transmits the preliminary treaty.&mdash;Desires to resign
his commission in Holland.&mdash;Recommends
Mr Laurens as his successor.</p></div>

<p>Extracts from a Journal,<span class="page"><a href="#Page_465">465</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquot"><p>Propositions in regard to the Northern and Eastern
boundaries.&mdash;Mr Adams observes, that the questions
of compensation to the tories, and of allowing
the claims of British creditors are different
in principle.&mdash;Mr Jay refuses to treat with the
Spanish Minister without exchanging powers.&mdash;Mr
Jay's refusal to treat with the British, without
a previous acknowledgment of independence.&mdash;Mr
Jay thinks the French Court oppose the
claims of the American Ministers.&mdash;Visit to Count
de Vergennes.&mdash;Conversation with Mr Whiteford
on the policy of France.&mdash;Mr Adams called the
Washington of the negotiation.&mdash;Conversation
with Mr Oswald relative to the compensation of
the tories.&mdash;Conversation with Mr Vaughan on
the same subject.&mdash;Conversation with M. de Lafayette
on the subject of a loan.&mdash;Danger to America
from European politics.&mdash;Mr Strachey returns
from London with the adhesion of the Cabinet to
the compensation of the tories.&mdash;The fisheries.&mdash;Consultation
of the American Ministers.&mdash;Mr
Fitzherbert's negotiations concerning the fisheries.&mdash;Mr
Adams proposes an article relative to
the right of fishing and curing fish.&mdash;Discussion
of the article.&mdash;The American Ministers
propose restoration of all goods carried off or destroyed
in America, if the compensation is insisted
on.&mdash;The English Ministers assent to the
American ultimatum respecting the fishery and
the tories.&mdash;Final meeting.&mdash;Mr Laurens proposes
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XXIII" id="Page_XXIII">xxiii</a></span>
an article, that the English should carry off no
American property.&mdash;Reflections on the negotiation.&mdash;State
of the Dutch negotiations.&mdash;"Letters
of a distinguished American," by Mr Adams.&mdash;Conversation
with Mr Oswald on the true policy
of England toward America.&mdash;Dr Franklin desires
to enter upon the negotiation of the definitive
treaty.&mdash;Mr Adams and Mr Jay prepare the joint
letter to Congress.</p>
</div>
</div>

<div class="section_break"></div>
<div class="section_head">
<h2><span class="the">THE</span><br />
<span class="correspondence">CORRESPONDENCE</span><br />
<span class="of">OF</span><br />
<span class="name">JOHN ADAMS,</span><br />
<span class="sub_name">ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO FRANCE, MINISTER
PLENIPOTENTIARY TO HOLLAND, AND ONE OF THE
COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING THE
TREATY OF PEACE.</span></h2>
</div>

<div class="section_break"></div>
<div class="section_head">
<h2><span class="the">THE</span><br />
<span class="correspondence">CORRESPONDENCE</span><br />

<span class="of">OF</span><br />

<span class="name">JOHN ADAMS.</span></h2>
</div>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<h2><span class="correspondence">CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.</span></h2>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3"></a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>There has been much said in the public papers concerning
conferences for peace, concerning the mediation
of the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia,
&amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

<p>I have never troubled Congress with these reports, because
I have never received any official information or
intimation of any such negotiation, either from England or
France, or any other way. If any such negotiation has
been going on, it has been carefully concealed from me.
Perhaps something has been expected from the United
States, which was not expected from me. For my own
part, I know from so long experience, at the first glance of
reflection, the real designs of the English government, that
it is no vanity to say they cannot deceive me, if they can
the Cabinets of Europe. I have fully known, that all
their pretensions about peace were insidious, and therefore
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span>
have paid no other attention to them, than to pity the nations
of Europe, who, having not yet experience enough
of British man&oelig;uvres, are still imposed on to their own
danger, disgrace, and damage. The British Ministry are
exhausting all the resources of their subtility, if not of their
treasures, to excite jealousies and diversions among the
neutral, as well as belligerent powers. The same arts
precisely, that they have practised so many years to
seduce, deceive, and divide America, they are now exerting
among the powers of Europe; but the voice of God
and man is too decidedly against them to permit them
much success.</p>

<p>As to a loan of money in this Republic, after having
tried every expedient and made every proposition, that
I could be justified or excused for making, I am in absolute
despair of obtaining any, until the States-General
shall have acknowledged our independence. The bills
already accepted by me are paying off as they become
due, by the orders of his Excellency Dr Franklin; but he
desires me to represent to Congress the danger and inconvenience
of drawing before Congress have information that
their bills can be honored. I must entreat Congress not
to draw upon me, until they know I have money. At
present I have none, not even for my subsistence, but what
I derive from Paris.</p>

<p>The true cause of the obstruction of our credit here is
fear, which can never be removed but by the States-General
acknowledging our independence; which, perhaps, in
the course of twelve months they may do, but I do not expect
it sooner. This country is indeed in a melancholy
situation, sunk in ease, devoted to the pursuits of gain,
overshadowed on all sides by more powerful neighbors,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span>
unanimated by a love of military glory, or any aspiring
spirit, feeling little enthusiasm for the public, terrified at
the loss of an old friend, and equally terrified at the prospect
of being obliged to form connexions with a new one;
incumbered with a complicated and perplexed constitution,
divided among themselves in interest and sentiment, they
seem afraid of everything. Success on the part of
France, Spain, and especially of America, raises their
spirits, and advances the good cause somewhat, but reverses
seem to sink them much more.</p>

<p>The war has occasioned such a stagnation of business,
and thrown such numbers of people out of employment,
that I think it is impossible things should remain long in the
present insipid state. One system or another will be pursued;
one party or another will prevail; much will depend
on the events of the war. We have one security, and I
fear but one, and that is the domineering character of the
English, who will make peace with the Republic upon no
other terms, than her joining them against all their enemies
in the war, and this I think it is impossible she ever
should do.</p>

<p>
I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Amsterdam, May 21st, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>On the 30th of April, the King of Prussia published the
following ordinance, relative to the navigation and commerce
of his subjects, during the whole course of the present
war between the maritime powers.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span></p>

<h4>ORDINANCE OF PRUSSIA RELATIVE TO NAVIGATION.</h4>

<p>"From the commencement of the maritime war, almost
generally spread through the southern part of Europe, the
King has applied himself with particular care to procure to
those of his subjects who traffic by sea, or who engage in
navigation, all the security possible, and to this end he has
caused to be required of the belligerent powers to give
exact orders to their vessels of war and privateers, to respect
the Prussian flag, and to suffer peaceably to pass all
the Prussian vessels, which should be loaded with merchandises,
which, according to the law of nations, are reputed
lawful and not contraband, and not cause to them
any damage or delay, and much less still to conduct them
without necessity or right into foreign ports; to which these
powers have answered by assurances friendly and proper
to make things easy in this regard. To attain still more
certainly to this end, his Majesty has ordered his Ministers,
residing near the belligerent powers, to interest themselves
as much as possible, and by representations the most energetic
in favor of Prussian subjects, who trade at sea, and
whose vessels might be taken, conducted into foreign ports,
or as has often happened, pillaged even upon the high seas,
and to insist on their speedy release, and that the processes
at law, occasioned by their capture, should be decided
without delay, and with the requisite impartiality. To the
end, therefore, that the Ministers of the King may be in a
condition to acquit themselves of these orders in this respect,
it is necessary that the subjects of his Majesty, who
find themselves in such a case, announce themselves, or by
attorney, to the Envoy of the King, at the Court where the
complaints ought to be carried, and that they may give
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span>
him information in detail of their subjects of complaint,
that he may be able to support them there, where they belong.
They ought not, however, to repose themselves
entirely on a similar intercession, but carry also their complaints
themselves to the Admiralties, or Maritime Colleges
of the country, where their vessel has been conducted, or
in which they have caused him damage, support his complaints
with requisite proofs, follow the judiciary order,
and the different trials established in each country, and
solicit and pursue with diligence their causes by advocates
and attornies; by means of which, it is to be hoped, that
they will obtain a prompt and impartial decision; in default
of which, it shall be permitted to them to address themselves
to the Envoys of the King, to carry to each Court
the complaints, which the case may require, and obtain the
redress of it.</p>

<p>"But to secure still more the navigation of his subjects,
the King has caused to be demanded by his Ministers, of
her Majesty the Empress of Russia, and the two other
Maritime Powers of the North, who, as is well known,
have united to maintain the maritime neutrality, to be so
good, as powers with whom the King has the satisfaction
to live in the strictest union, as to order the commanders
of their vessels of war, to take the Prussian merchant
vessels, which they may meet in their courses, in
their sight, and within reach of their cannon, under their
convoy and protection, in case they shall be attacked or
molested by the vessels of war, or privateers, of the belligerent
powers. Her Majesty, the Empress of Russia,
has assured the King, by a declaration written by her Ministry,
that she had not only given precise orders to the
commanders of her vessels of war, to protect, against all
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>
attacks and molestations, the vessels of Prussian merchants
and navigators, that they may encounter in their course,
as belonging to a power allied to Russia, and who observe
exactly the rules of the maritime neutrality founded upon
the law of nations, but that she would enjoin it also upon
her Ministers at the Courts of the belligerent powers, that
as often as the Envoys of the King of Prussia should have
claims and complaints to carry to the Courts where they
reside, relative to the hinderances occasioned to the maritime
commerce of the Prussian subjects, they should support
such complaints in the name of her Majesty, the
Empress of Russia, by their good offices, and that she
expected in return from his Majesty, the King, that he
would equally furnish his Ministers to the belligerent powers
with instructions, conformable to the maritime convention
of the Powers of the North, with orders to accede by
energetic representations to the complaints of the Ministers
of the powers allied for the defence of the maritime neutrality,
in case they shall have certain satisfaction to demand
for the subjects of their sovereigns.</p>

<p>"The King has accepted this friendly declaration of her
Majesty, the Empress, with gratitude, and by a counter
declaration, which is conformable to it, he has caused his
Ministers to be instructed at foreign Courts. His Majesty
has before, on occasion of another negotiation with the
Court of Denmark, required his Danish Majesty to grant
to Prussian merchant vessels the protection of his military
marine, and has received the friendly assurances of it, that
the Danish vessels of war should take under convoy and
protection the Prussian merchant vessels, which should
conform themselves to the treaties, which subsist between
the Court of Denmark and the belligerent powers, with
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span>
relation to merchandises of contraband. The King has
addressed the same demand to the Court of Sweden, and
promised himself from the friendship of his Swedish Majesty
an answer as favorable as that of their Majesties, the
Empress of Russia and the King of Denmark.</p>

<p>"We give notice of those arrangements to all the subjects
of the King, who exercise navigation and maritime
commerce, to the end that they and their captains of vessels
and skippers may conform themselves to them, and in
case they shall be attacked, molested, or taken by the vessels
of war and privateers of the belligerent nations, address
themselves to the Russian, Swedish, or Danish vessels of
war, which may be found within their reach, demand their
protection and assistance, and join themselves as much as
possible to the fleets and convoys of these maritime powers
of the north.</p>

<p>"But as the intention of his Majesty is simply to assure,
by the beforementioned arrangements, the lawful maritime
commerce of his subjects, and not to do any prejudice to
the rights of the belligerent powers with whom he is in
perfect harmony, or to favor an illicit commerce, which
might be dangerous to them, all the subjects of his Majesty
who exercise navigation and maritime commerce, ought to
conduct themselves in such a manner as to observe an exact
neutrality, such as is founded on the law of nature, and
in the general laws of nations almost universally acknowledged.
But the different treaties which several powers
have concluded with each other relative to maritime commerce,
occasioning a difference of law in this regard, it is
principally to the known declaration which her Majesty,
the Empress of Russia, caused to be presented the last
year to the belligerent powers, and to the ordinance which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span>
she caused to be addressed in consequence to her College
of Commerce on the 8th of March, 1780, that the subjects
of the King will have to conform themselves with regard to
their maritime commerce, the principles which are there
announced being those which his Majesty finds the most
conformable to the law of nations, and to his in particular.
It is in consequence ordained by the present edict to all the
subjects of the King, who exercise navigation or maritime
commerce,</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Article i.</span> Not to take any part, under any pretence
whatever, in the present war, and not to carry to any of the
belligerent powers, under the Prussian flag, merchandises,
generally acknowledged to be prohibited and contraband,
and which properly constitute warlike stores, as cannons,
mortars, bombs, grenades, fusils, pistols, bullets, flints,
matches, powder, saltpetre, sulphur, pikes, swords, and
saddles. The subjects of the King ought to have on board
their merchant vessels only so much of these articles as is
necessary for their own use.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. ii.</span> The subjects of the King may, on the contrary,
carry in Prussian vessels as well to belligerent as to
neutral nations, all the merchandises which are not comprehended
in the preceding article, and which not properly
belonging to warlike stores, are not prohibited, and particularly
the productions of all the Provinces of the States of
the King; his Majesty promising himself from the equity
and the friendship of the belligerent powers, that they will
not permit their armed vessels to molest or take the Prussian
vessels loaded with masts, timber, pitch, corn, and
other materials, which, without being warlike stores, may,
nevertheless, in the sequel be converted into such stores,
and which make the principal and almost the only object
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span>
of Prussian commerce. These powers are too just to require
that the commerce of a neutral nation should cease,
or be entirely suspended on account of the war. After
these principles, it is hoped that the belligerent powers will
suffer freely to pass without seizure or confiscation, the
lawful merchandises and cargoes of the Prussian subjects,
which may be found on board the vessels of belligerent
nations, as also the lawful cargoes and merchandises of belligerent
nations loaded in Prussian vessels, and in all these
cases, his Majesty will interest himself effectually in favor
of his subjects trading by sea. It is, however, the part of
prudence for these last to load as much as possible their
merchandises and effects in Prussian vessels, and to transport
them under the Prussian flag; not to employ themselves
much in the coasting trade, but to apply themselves
principally to a Prussian commerce without mixture, the
better to avoid all accidents, misunderstandings, and difficulties.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Art. iii.</span> All the Prussian vessels which shall put to
sea, ought to furnish themselves with passports and attestations
of the Admiralties, Chambers of War, and the domains
of each Province, or of the magistrates of each city,
as also with charter-parties, recognizances, and other certificates
of common usage, which ought to express the quality
and the quantity of the cargo, the name of the proprietor,
and of him to whom the merchandises are consigned, as
well as the place of the destination. These sea-papers ought
to be clear, and to contain no equivocation. They ought to
be found on board every vessel, and they ought not, under
any pretence whatsoever, to throw them into the sea. The
captains of vessels and skippers will take care above all,
not to have in their vessels any sea-papers, double, equivocal,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span>
or false, by which they would render themselves unworthy
of all protection.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. iv.</span> Every Prussian vessel loaded in a foreign
port, ought to furnish herself in the said port with sea-papers
necessary, and in the form used in the place where
she loads, to the end to be able to prove everywhere of
what nation she is, what is her cargo, from whence she
comes, and whither she goes.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. v.</span> There ought not to be found on board of
Prussian vessels, neither officers of marine, nor persons
employed in it of the belligerent nations, nor more than
one third of the crew of those nations.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. vi.</span> It is forbidden to Prussian navigators to
transport cargoes or merchandises of any sort whatever to
places or ports besieged, blocked, or shut up closely by
any one of the belligerent powers.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Art. vii.</span> It is forbidden to Prussian navigators, or
merchants, to lend their names to foreign nations, and they
ought to exercise commerce in general in a manner conformable
to the rights and customs of nations, so that they
commit no infringement of the rights of any of the belligerent
powers, and that they may have no just subject of complaint.</p>

<p>"The subjects of the King who shall conform exactly to
the present edict, may promise themselves on the part of
his Majesty all possible protection and assistance, instead
of which, those who may contravene it, ought not to expect
it, but to attribute to themselves the dangers and damages,
which they may draw upon themselves, by a conduct contrary
to this ordinance. Given at Berlin, the 30th of
April, 1781.</p>

<p>"By express order of the King.</p>
<p class="signed">HERTZBERG."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>
<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO B. FRANKLIN.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, May 23d, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have the honor of your letter of the 19th with its enclosures,
and I thank your Excellency for the pains you
have taken to communicate the news from America, which
I think can scarcely be called bad, though General Greene
lost the field. I had before received and published in the
Amsterdam Gazette the same accounts. The gazetteers
are so earnest after American news, that I find it the shortest
method of communicating the newspapers to all.</p>

<p>I have received from Congress their resolution of the 3d
of January, 1781, to draw bills upon me in favor of Lee &amp;
Jones, at six months sight, for the full amount of the balance
due on the contract made with them for a quantity
of clothing for the army. I have also a letter from Mr
Gibson, of the treasury office, of January 28th, which informs
me that the amount of Jones &amp; Lee's account is sixteen
thousand two hundred and fortyfour pounds one shilling
sterling.</p>

<p>I have just received from Gottenburg the enclosed letters,
one to your Excellency and one to Mr Jay. I received
both unsealed, with a direction to take copies. I have put
my own seal upon that to your Excellency, and request the
favor of you to put yours upon that to Mr Jay, and to convey
it in the safest manner. It contains matter of great
importance, which ought to be carefully concealed from
every eye but yours and Mr Jay's; for which reason I
should be cautious of conveying it, even with the despatches
of the Spanish Ambassador, especially as there are
intimations in Mr Lovell's letter of too much curiosity with
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span>
regard to Mr Jay's despatches, and as Mr Jay himself
complains that his letters are opened. I hope this instruction
will remove all the difficulties with Spain, whose accession
to the treaty would be of great service to the reputation
of our cause in every part of Europe.</p>

<p>It seems to me of vast importance to us to obtain an
acknowledgment of our independence from as many other
Sovereigns as possible, before any conferences for peace
shall be opened; because, if that event should take place
first, and the powers at war with Great Britain, their armies,
navies, and people weary of the war, and clamoring
for peace, there is no knowing what hard conditions may
be insisted on from us, nor into what embarrassments British
arts and obstinacy may plunge us.</p>

<p>By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance, the contracting
parties agree to invite or admit other powers who
may have received injuries from Great Britain, to accede
to that treaty. If Russia and the northern powers, or any
of them, should be involved in the war in support of the
Dutch, would it not be a proper opportunity for the execution
of this article? Or, why would it not be proper now
to invite the Dutch?</p>

<p>I have the honor to enclose a memorial to their High
Mightinesses. My mission is now a subject of deliberation
among the Regencies of the several cities and the bodies
of nobles who compose the sovereignty of this country.
It is not probable that any determination will be had soon.
They will probably confer with Russia, and the northern
powers, about it first. Perhaps, if these come into
the war, nothing will be done but in concert with them.
But if these do not come into the war, this Republic, I
think, in that case will readily accede to the Treaty of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span>
Alliance between France and America; for all ideas of
peace with England are false and delusive. England will
make peace with the Dutch upon no other condition than
their joining her in the war against all her enemies, which
it is impossible for them to do, even if their inclinations
were that way, which they are not. The public voice
here is well decided against England.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be much of your Excellency's opinion
respecting duties. I mentioned tobacco, to show what
duties America was able to bear. Whatever sums a people
are able to bear, in duties upon exports or imports upon
the decencies, conveniences, or necessaries of life, they are
undoubtedly able to raise by a dry tax upon polls and
estates, provided it is equally proportioned. Nay more,
because the expense of collecting and guarding against
frauds is saved.</p>

<p>Our countrymen are getting right notions of revenue,
and whenever these shall become general, I think there can
be no difficulty in carrying on the war.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, May 24th, 1781.</p>

<p>Sir,</p>

<p>A proposition of very great consequence has been made
in the Assembly of the States of Holland, by the city of
Amsterdam. It is conceived in these words;</p>

<p>"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam,
have, by the express orders of the gentlemen their
principals, represented in the Assembly, that the venerable
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span>
magistrates had flattered themselves that they should see
the effects of the efforts attempted for some time by the
Admiralties, to put to sea a quantity of vessels of war capable
of protecting the commerce and the navigation of the
inhabitants of this State, or at least some branches of them;
that the gentlemen, their principals, had had reason to be
confirmed in their expectation, above all when they were
informed that a number sufficiently considerable of vessels
of war, provided with things necessary, were ready to put
to sea, and that orders had been positively given upon this
subject; but, to their extreme astonishment they had learned
some time after, that the officers who commanded the
said vessels, upon the point of executing the said orders,
had given notice that the want of stores, provisions, and
victuals put them out of a condition to obey the said orders,
that the gentlemen, their constituents, having considered
that not only this want of stores, &amp;c., ought not to have existed,
but that it might have been seasonably obviated;
they had been so struck with this unexpected delay in an
affair, which they judged of the last importance for this
country, especially on account of certain particular circumstances,
that they could not refrain from declaring freely,
that they had lawful reasons to fear that such inactivity
left little hope of seeing effected a protection which is of
the last necessity for the commerce and navigation, the
total interruption of which cannot fail to occasion a great
dearness, and to bring on very soon a most sensible scarcity,
without speaking of the impossibility of striking blows
to an enemy who has for five months attacked this State
by an unjust war, and has already rendered himself master
by surprise of a great number of rich vessels of war, and
merchant ships, and of some of our distant possessions.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span></p>

<p>"That the gentlemen, the principals, in virtue of these
reasons, and of others not less pressing, have judged that
they could not longer delay to lay before the eyes of the
members of the Assembly of your Noble and Grand
Mightinesses, in a manner the most pressing and the most
lively, the terrible consequences, which this deplorable
state of things makes them apprehend for their dear
country. That the powers of the north, with whom the
Republic is entered into alliance, and from whom she has
sufficient reasons to expect succors, have marked more
than once their astonishment at our inactivity, and at the
affected tranquillity with which the Republic suffers all the
insults of her enemy, without making the least preparation
to repel them. That, from time to time, advices have
come from our Ambassadors Extraordinary to the Court
of Petersburg, that we had not to expect, neither from that
Court, nor from her allies, succors, but in proportion to the
efforts which the Republic should make on her part.
That these things have appeared to the gentlemen, the
principals, of so great importance, and of so extensive consequence,
that it is more than time, that this sovereign Assembly
pass, as soon as possible, to a scrupulous examination
of the true causes of such inactivity; that she cause to
be given instructions, and an explanation of the state of
defence of the country, relative to the necessary orders
which she has given; that she obtain information concerning
the reasons of the extreme sloth and lukewarmness,
with which they proceed to the protection of the country
against an enemy formidable, especially for his activity,
and concerning the means which we may and ought to
employ, to shut up the source of these evils, and make
them disappear.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span></p>

<p>"That the gentlemen, the constituents, have desired to
put themselves out of the reach of all reproach from the
inhabitants of this country, whose total ruin advances with
rapid strides, and who, to this day, have not ceased to
pour out with joy into the public treasury, the imposts and
taxes, which we have imposed on them, demanding in return,
with the greatest justice, to be protected by the
fathers of the country. To this end, and to ward off as
much as it is in their power, the ruin of this Republic,
formerly so flourishing and so respected by its neighbors,
they have charged in the manner the most express their
Deputies to these States to insist in the strongest manner,
that we proceed to the beforementioned examination, and
that on the part of this Province things be directed in the
generality in such a manner, that we demand, as soon as
possible, to enter into negotiation with the Court of France,
which has not ceased to give us such numerous and shining
marks of her good will, and of her inclination to succor
us against the common enemy, and has already shown us,
by the effects, that her offers of service do not consist in
vain words; to deliberate with this Court concerning the
manner in which it will be convenient and practicable to
act, by communicating to each other the reciprocal plans
of operation, which we may attempt during this summer.</p>

<p>"That at the same time, it is not expedient to neglect
to instruct our Ministers at the Courts of Russia,
Sweden, and Denmark, of the state of things in this country,
and of the means of defence, which the Republic puts
in motion, with the express orders to make, without relaxation,
to the said Courts, pressing and redoubled instances
to send us a large number of vessels of war well
equipped, to which at least one of them has already shown
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span>
herself disposed; representing to them, at the same time,
in a pressing manner, the present necessity of sending us,
conformably to the stipulations of the convention lately
concluded and ratified, as soon as possible, the succors
promised in the said convention.</p>

<p>"That, besides the propositions, which we have pointed
out, and from the success of which the gentlemen, the
constituents, promise themselves all sorts of advantages, the
venerable magistrates are still in the opinion, that this State,
although abandoned to itself, against all expectation and all
hope, does not yet cease to have numerous and sufficient resources,
not to consider its defence as absolutely desperate;
for it is very true, that after a long peace, the first alarm of
a war, and of an unforeseen attack, may at first throw
men's minds into terror, disorder, and consternation; but
it is not less true, that the riches and the resources of the
nation in general, having received a considerable increase
by the enjoyment of the fruits of this peace, the supreme
government finds itself, by employing them in a useful
and salutary manner, in a condition to make head for a
long time against an enemy already exhausted by a long
and expensive war, and to take so good measures, that we
may force her to renew an honorable and advantageous
peace.</p>

<p>"In fine, the gentlemen, the said constituents, are of
opinion, that, to give a ready effect to the resolutions tending
to the said objects, and which may serve for the protection
of the State, and of its establishments in the other
parts of the world, and to discuss the resolutions with all
the secrecy requisite, there be formed by the Lords the
States, a committee of some gentlemen of the respective
Provinces, giving them the power and instructions necessary
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>
to labor conjointly with his Highness, the Prince Hereditary
Stadtholder, to contrive, prescribe, and put in execution,
all the measures, which shall appear the most proper
and the most convenient, to the end that we may, under
the benediction of God Almighty, repair the past, and
wash out the shame and the dishonor, with which this Republic
is stained in the eyes of foreigners, and by a vigorous
defence of the country, and of all which it holds most
dear and precious, and to maintain it in the advantages
of a liberty purchased so dear, against all further evils and
calamities.</p>

<p>"Finally, the gentlemen, the said Deputies, find themselves,
moreover, expressly charged to cause to be laid in
the records of Holland the said proposition for the apology
and the discharge of the gentlemen, their constituents, and
to insist in all the ways possible, that we take in this regard
prompt resolutions, whereof we may see the effects; in
the view of accomplishing their salutary designs, to pray in
the manner the most earnest and pressing the other members
to labor to obtain in favor of this proposition, the suffrage
of the gentlemen, their principals, to carry it into the
approaching Assembly."</p>

<p>Thus ends this manly address, in which there is the
appearance of the old Batavian spirit. In my excursions
through the various parts of this country, I have found the
eyes of all parties turned towards Amsterdam, and all true
patriots said, that the salvation of this country depended
upon the firmness of that city. There has indeed been
in this city the appearance of feebleness and irresolution,
but it has stood its ground. The presentation and publication
of my Memorial to the States-General, which was
more universally and highly applauded than was expected
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span>
by me or any one else, furnished the regency of the city
an opportunity to discover the general sense of the public
voice, and they have not failed to take an early advantage
of it. They have not mentioned a treaty with America,
the reason of which was, that this subject was already
taken <i>ad referendum</i>, and under the consideration of the
several branches of the sovereignty. They mention only
a negotiation with France, knowing very well, that this
would necessarily draw on the other; so that things seem
at present in a good train; but a long time will necessarily
be taken up, according to the constitution, and in the present
disposition of this country, before anything can be
done to effect.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, May 25th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The following convention, concerning recaptures made
from the English, is, it is hoped, the first step towards
more intimate connexions between this Republic, on one
side, and France and the United States of America on
the other.</p>

<h4>FRENCH AND DUTCH CONVENTION CONCERNING RECAPTURES.</h4>

<p>"The Lords the States-General, having judged, that it
would be of reciprocal utility to establish between France
and the United Provinces of the Low Countries, uniform
principles with relation to captures and recaptures, which
their respective subjects might make upon those of Great
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>
Britain, their common enemy, they have proposed to the
Most Christian King to agree with them on a regulation
concerning this matter. His Most Christian Majesty, animated
with the same views, and desiring to consolidate
more and more the good correspondence, which subsists
between him and the United Provinces, has well received
the overture of the Lords the States-General. In consequence,
his said Most Christian Majesty, and the said
Lords the States-General have given their full powers, to
wit; His Most Christian Majesty to the Sieur Gravier,
Count de Vergennes, &amp;c. his Counsellor of State of the
Sword, his Counsellor in all his Councils, Commander of
his Orders, Minister and Secretary of State, and of his
commands and finances; and the Lords the States-General
to the Sieur de Berkenrode, their Ambassador to the
Most Christian King, who, after having duly communicated
their respective powers, have agreed on the following
articles.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Article i.</span> The vessels of one of the two nations,
French and Dutch, retaken by the privateers of the other,
shall be restored to the first owner, if they have not been
in the power of the enemy during the space of twentyfour
hours, at the charge of the said owner, to pay one third of
the value of the vessel recaptured, as well as of her cargo,
cannon, and apparel, which shall be estimated by agreement
between the parties interested, and if they cannot
agree among themselves, they shall apply to the officers of
the Admiralty of the place where the recaptor shall have
conducted the vessel retaken.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. ii.</span> If the vessel retaken has been in the power
of the enemy more than twentyfour hours, it shall belong
entirely to the recaptor.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span></p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. iii.</span> In case a vessel shall have been retaken
by a vessel of war belonging to the Most Christian King,
or to the United Provinces, it shall be restored to the first
proprietor, paying the thirtieth part of the value of the
vessel, of the cargo, cannon, and apparel, if it has been
retaken in twentyfour hours; and the tenth, if it has been
taken after the twentyfour hours; which sums shall be distributed
as a gratification to the crews of the vessels recaptured.
The estimation of the thirtieth and tenth, beforementioned
shall be regulated conformably to the tenor of
the article first of the present Convention.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. iv.</span> The vessels of war and privateers of the
one and the other of the two nations shall be admitted reciprocally
both in Europe, and in the other parts of the
world, in the respective ports with their prizes, which may
be there unloaded, and sold according to the formalities
used in the State where the prize shall have been conducted;
provided, nevertheless, that the lawfulness of the
prizes made by the French vessels shall be decided conformably
to the laws and regulations established in France
concerning this matter, in the same manner as that of
prizes made by Dutch vessels shall be judged according
to the laws and regulations established in the United Provinces.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. v.</span> Moreover, it shall be free to His Most
Christian Majesty, as well as to the Lords the States-General,
to make such regulations as they shall judge good
relative to the conduct, which their vessels and privateers
respectively shall hold in regard to the vessels, which they
shall have taken and carried into one of the ports of the
two dominions.</p>

<p>"In faith of which, the aforesaid Plenipotentiaries of His
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span>
Most Christian Majesty, and of the Lords the States-General,
in virtue of our powers respectively, have signed
these presents, and have hereunto affixed the seal of our
arms. Done at Versailles, the first of the month of May,
1781.</p>

<p class="signed_long">
GRAVIER DE VERGENNES,<br />
LESTEVENON VAN BERKENRODE."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, May 27th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>In the Assembly of the States-General, the following
Report has lately been made.</p>

<p>"Messrs de Lynden de Hemmen, and other Deputies of
their High Mightinesses for Maritime Affairs, have, in consequence
of the commissorial Resolution of the 27th of the
last month, examined a letter of the Directors named in
the commission by the respective chambers of the granted
general company of the Dutch East Indies, to the Assembly
of Seventeen, held the 23d of the same month at Amsterdam,
representing the great inconveniences to which it
would be exposed by the delay of the expedition of the
vessels of the company, if it were not soon provided with
the customary provisions, at least as much as in ordinary
times, as well as the possibility that the enemy may attempt
an attack in that country, upon which the Directors would
be exposed to answer for it, having in the different chambers
seven vessels ready to put to sea, with the hope that
ere long this number will be still further augmented; soliciting
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span>
to this end, a convenient number of vessels of war, to
give a safe escort to the ships of the company, while the
Directors on their parts will put all in motion to watch over
the safety of their vessels; wishing to this end to arm some
of these vessels in an extraordinary manner, to the end that
they may be able to oppose some resistance both for themselves
and for the others, scattered over the sea of the Indies.
That, nevertheless, if their High Mightinesses could
not determine themselves to this, they, the Directors, hoped
that they should not be responsible for the consequences
which might result. That on the contrary, all the sharers
in general, and their High Mightinesses in particular, would
agree that in this the Directors have done all that could be
required of persons to whom had been confided the direction
of the goods of so many widows and orphans, of persons
who, under the immediate auspices of their High
Mightinesses, had the honor to direct a Colony whose
prosperity is essentially connected with that of this country.</p>

<p>"Upon which, having demanded and received the considerations
and the advice of the committees of the Colleges
of the respective Admiralties, which are at present
here, we have reported to the Assembly, that the gentlemen,
the Deputies, should be of opinion, that notwithstanding
the most ardent wishes to employ a sufficient number
of vessels of war, not only for the defence of the ships but
also that of the possessions of the company of the East
Indies of this country, it would, however, be impracticable
at this time, considering the present situation of the navy
of this State, universally known, which could not appear
strange to any one instructed in the natural representations
so often repeated from time to time by the Colleges of the
Admiralty in this respect; especially if he considers, that a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>
navy, fallen into so great a decay, could not be rebuilt so
suddenly, and placed so soon upon a respectable footing;
that, moreover, this navy already so enfeebled, was become
still more so by the surprise and capture of different vessels
of war, by casual disasters happened to others, and because
the rest were dispersed into so many different places, that
for the equipment projected for this year, there was wanting
a great quantity of vessels and frigates well equipped
and provided, at least such as in the case in question could
be used; that besides the vessels ready to act, which are
actually in the ports of the Republic, ought in the first
place, and before all things, to serve for the defence of the
coasts and harbors (or mouths of the rivers) as well as for
the protection of the navigation towards the North Sea and
the Baltic, and of the ships, which return from thence;
that principally by reason of the unheard of scarcity of seamen,
occasioned in a great measure by the capture of so
enormous a quantity of Dutch merchant ships, which had
been manned by the best seamen of the nation, it was
almost impossible to determine the time when the other
vessels of war in commissions should be able to act.</p>

<p>"That, nevertheless, the Company of the East Indies was
of too great importance to this country, for us to be able to
reject entirely her demand; and by so much the less as the
Directors do not request to be protected to the detriment
of the Republic, but they demonstrate also that they are
really willing on their part to make their last efforts for
their own defence, and contented themselves to require the
suitable support of the State, to sustain the forces which
the company was about to put in action; that from the refusal
of a requisition of this nature it might result, that in
losing all hope in the protection of the State, they may
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>
neglect also those efforts, which otherwise might be employed
with some appearance of success; that, besides, the
national establishments in this distant part of the globe
would also fall, and without the least resistance, into the
hands of the enemy, and that this Republic at the end of
the present war would find itself destitute of all its resources;
that this presentiment, apparently, ought to effect
a close union of all the forces, to fulfil as far as possible the
desire of the said Directors, and that to the end to try all
practicable means, expecting at the same time the celestial
benediction, and the prompt and effectual succor of our
high allies, in default of ordinary remedies, it is necessary
to have recourse without the smallest loss of time to extraordinary
remedies, and to this effect his Most Serene Highness,
in his quality of Stadtholder and Admiral-General of
the Republic, ought to be solicited and authorised, if it was
possible, either by borrowing vessels of war, their equipages,
or by purchasing or hiring here or elsewhere, other
suitable ships, which might be appropriated to this, or
finally in every other practicable manner to reinforce at
the expense of the country, the marine of the State, with
the greatest celerity, and as much as possible; in consequence
of which, in concert with the said Directors of the
East India Company, we may regulate the time, the manner,
and the force of the protection to be procured for the
company in question; the whole, as his Most Serene Highness,
saving the sense of the resolution of their High Mightinesses
of the 26th of March last, shall judge the most convenient
for the greatest utility of the Republic, and of the
said Company. Finally, that it would be convenient also
to intimate to the Colleges of the Admiralty respectively of
this country, to co-operate as much as possible with his
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span>
Most Serene Highness, not only to put and hold with the
greatest expedition in a convenient state the vessels of the
Republic, but also in particular for everything that may
contribute to accelerate their equipment and sailing, and to
the greatest success of the enrolments; with a promise,
that the extraordinary expenses which shall result from it
and be advanced with the advice of his Most Serene Highness,
shall be restored and made good to them.</p>

<p>"Upon which, having deliberated, the Deputies of the
Province of Zealand have taken a copy of this report, to
be able to communicate more amply."</p>

<p>I do myself the honor to transmit such state papers entire,
because Congress will be able from them to collect
the real state of things better than from any remarks of
mine. The state of the Republic is deplorable enough.
There is but one sure path for it to pursue, that is, instantly
to accede to the Treaty of Alliance between France and
America. They see this, but have not firmness to venture
upon the measure. Indeed, the military character
both at land and sea, seems to be lost out of this nation.
The love of fame, the desire of glory, the love of country,
the regard for posterity, in short, all the brilliant and sublime
passions are lost, and succeeded by nothing but the
love of ease and money; but the character of this people
must change, or they are finally undone.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, May 29th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The English, by the capture of St Eustatia, seem to
have committed the most complete blunder of all. There
was found in that Island a greater quantity of property
belonging to the Britons themselves, than to the French,
Dutch, or Americans. They have broken up a trade,
which was more advantageous to them, than to any of their
enemies, as it was a channel through which British manufactures
were conveyed to North America, and much provisions
and assistance to their fleets and armies in the West
Indies. As the British merchants were warranted by an
act of Parliament to trade to this Island, all those who are
sufferers by its capture are clamoring against government
and especially against Rodney and Vaughan, for illegally
seizing their property and threatening these commanders
with as many law-suits as there are <a name="losses" id="losses"></a>losses. But what
completes the jest is, that M. de la Motte Piquet has carried
safe into Brest two and twenty of the vessels loaded
with the spoils of St Eustatia, which Rodney had sent
under convoy of Commodore Hotham and four ships of
the line; so that Rodney after having lost his booty is
likely to have law-suits to defend, and very probably the
whole to repay to the owners.</p>

<p>Thus the cards are once more turned against the gambler;
and the nation has gained nothing but an addition
to their reputation for iniquity. This is good justice.
There is room to hope for more instances of it; because
their fleets are coming home from the West Indies, and
the Spanish fleet of thirty sail of the line under Cordova is
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span>
again at sea, and it is hoped the French fleet will soon go
out again.</p>

<p>The English fleets are so fully employed by the French
and Spaniards, that the Dutch might do a great deal if
they would; but something in this machine is fatally amiss.
The patriots weep, but all in vain. The fleets and ships
that sail, are said to have orders to act only on the defensive.
The courtiers say, that Amsterdam is the cause of
the war; the friends of Amsterdam say, the courtiers are
corrupted by the English. Some say, the Prince declares
he will never do anything against the English; others say,
that he has authorised the French Ambassador to assure
the King his master, that he was ready to make arrangements
with him; others report sayings of the Princess,
that the conduct of some of the courtiers will be the ruin
of her family. All these reports serve to no purpose, but
to show the confusion and distraction of the country.
However, there must be a change soon for the better or
worse, for hunger will break down all ordinary fences.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, May 31st, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The following memorial lays open a dispute between
two nations.</p>

<p>"High and Mighty Lords,</p>

<p>"It is well known to your High Mightinesses, with what
constancy and for how long a time, the subscriber has had
the honor to lay before you, by order of his Court, how
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span>
much she desires to accomplish a settlement of the differences,
which exist upon the Rio Volta between her subjects
and yours, who have by little and little wrongfully
occupied and fortified the posts of Creve C&oelig;ur and of
Good Hope, which at present incommode and restrain the
Danish establishments upon that coast to a degree almost to
destroy the existence of them, to put them to expenses for
their maintenance, which absorb their utility, and to render
more and more necessary measures, which his Majesty
would desire not to be obliged to think of. In consequence,
although the subscriber has rendered a faithful
account of the assurances, which have been repeatedly
given him, of the desire, which your High Mightinesses
have to take away even from its source all subject of misunderstanding
reciprocally, a desire very conformable with
that of the King his master; nevertheless, as nothing has
resulted from these general assurances he finds himself at
present obliged to execute the orders, which he has received;
to demand of your High Mightinesses to cause to be
evacuated the said forts of Creve C&oelig;ur and Good Hope,
the existence of which cannot consist with that of the
establishment of Denmark. He has express orders to
make this requisition, and to give to understand, that as
his Majesty will be very sensible of this friendly manner of
terminating the present differences upon the coast of
Guinea, so will he see with sincere regret that you will
oblige him to give to this affair a more serious attention.
The Hague, April 28th.</p>

<p class="signed">ST SAPHORIN."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, May 31st, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The cities of Haerlem and Dort have seconded Amsterdam,
although the other cities of Holland have hitherto
been silent, as appears by the following declarations.</p>

<p>"A declaration of the gentlemen, the Deputies of Dort,
concerning the proposition of the city of Amsterdam, made
at the assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses on
the 18th of May, 1781.</p>

<p>"The gentlemen, the Deputies of Dort, have declared
to the assembly, that they had been earnest to transmit to
the Regency of their city the propositions of the gentlemen,
the Burgomasters and Counsellors of Amsterdam,
communicating to them at the same time, that with regard
to the matter, which makes the object of it, the gentlemen,
the Deputies, had beforehand declared, that since the substance
of the said proposition was entirely conformable to
that, which for some time had formed among the gentlemen,
the Constituents, the object of preliminary deliberations,
the Deputies had believed themselves tacitly authorised
to adopt immediately the said proposition in all its
points, which determined them also to testify their very
sincere gratitude to the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam,
and in their persons to the gentlemen, the Burgomasters
and Regents of the same city, for the enlightened
and vigilant zeal with which these gentlemen in taking this
step, so salutary and so necessary, had shown that they
have at heart the true interests of their dear country,
which had already experienced so many injuries. That at
present, the gentlemen, the Deputies, after the communications
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span>
alleged, found themselves expressly instructed to
cause to be inserted in the minutes of their Noble and
Grand Mightinesses, for the justification of the Regency of
their city before posterity, that the venerable Magistracy
of Dort, approving what is before mentioned, had learned
with a lively satisfaction the proposition before mentioned;
that it was ready and disposed in the name of that city, to
concur efficaciously in all the means, which may be judged
the most convenient, to save with alacrity this country, now
threatened and surrounded with the greatest and most terrible
dangers; that to this end the venerable Regents of
Dort would not fail to deliberate immediately upon the particular
points, which the proposition in question presents,
and to cause in course their resolution to be transmitted to
the assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses."</p>

<p>Note of the Deputies of Haerlem, touching the provisional
resolution taken by their Noble and Grand Mightinesses,
upon the proposition of Amsterdam.</p>

<p>"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Haerlem,
resuming the extension of the 18th of May, have declared,
that in accepting the proposition of the gentlemen, the
Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, their advice had been,
that since the said proposition ought to be attributed to a
laudable desire to watch over the common interests, the
gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam, and in their persons,
the gentlemen their constituents, ought to be thanked
for the zeal and marked attention upon this occasion for the
utility of their dear country. But, as at that time almost
all the members relished this advice in such a manner, that
the assembly had converted it into a provisional resolution,
the gentlemen, the Deputies, had a good right to presume,
that, in imitation of many antecedent facts, this advice would
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span>
have become an essential measure, to cause to be passed
the beforementioned provisional resolution. But the gentlemen,
the Deputies, seeing the contrary, and their remarks
made in this regard, answered by a frozen silence
on the part of the other members, they have, both on account
of this circumstance, and to ascertain what really
passed in consequence of the proposition in question, and
to justify the report made to the gentlemen, their principals,
upon this object, judged necessary to cause this note
to be inserted in the minutes of their Noble and Grand
Mightinesses."</p>

<p>With hearty wishes that this dumb spirit may be soon
cast out, I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE STATES-GENERAL.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 1st, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have received from my Sovereign, the United States
of America, in Congress assembled, their express instructions
to notify to their High Mightinesses, the States-General,
the complete and final ratification of the confederation
of the Thirteen United States, from New Hampshire to
Georgia, both included, on the 1st day of March last.</p>

<p>I do myself the honor to enclose an authentic copy of
this important act, and to request the favor of you, Sir, to
communicate it to their High Mightinesses in such a manner
as you shall judge most convenient; as in the present
circumstances of affairs I know of no more proper mode
of discharging this part of my duty.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 5th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The Deputies of Middleburg, in the assembly of the
States of Zealand, on the 14th of May, consented to the
petition for granting larger bounties to those who shall engage
in the service of the Republic by sea. Their advice
has been given in this manner;</p>

<p>"The gentlemen, the Deputies of Middleburg, have said
that they were authorised by the gentlemen, their principals,
to conform themselves to the report in question, in all
its parts. They are further specially instructed and ordered,
(renewing the advice of their city, communicated
with their consent to the two States of war of the 9th of
last month,) to represent upon this occasion, in the name
of the gentlemen, their principals, and to insist strongly,
that without delay it should be deliberated by a committee,
concerning the measures the most prompt and the
most efficacious to be taken by this Province, to direct
things in course in the generality, in such a manner, that in
the critical and disastrous situation in which the Republic
is, we should apply our attention conjointly, with redoubled
zeal, activity, and wisdom, in defence of the territory, commerce,
and possessions of the Republic; that we finally
awake out of that unexpected inaction, in which as is too
apparent the Republic is still found, the causes of which
cannot, and ought not in any degree, to be attributed to
this Province; or that at least, without delay and without
reserve, the true reasons of this dangerous and disgraceful
situation should be communicated to the Lords, the States
of Zealand, from whom nothing, which concerns the Union
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span>
ought to be concealed; to the end, that in course they may
deliberate sincerely with the other confederates upon the
means of deliverance and of precaution, the most prompt,
and the most convenient for the common advantage, safety,
and preservation.</p>

<p>"The Lords, the States of Zealand, have also represented
to their High Mightinesses, the propriety of establishing
batteries upon the coast of Flanders, upon the
places the most exposed, and to provide them with cannon
and necessary stores, that they may be able to act, with
the armed vessels stationed upon the river, against any enterprises
which may be attempted by the enemy's vessels.</p>

<p>"On the 22d of last month, their Noble and Grand
Mightinesses deliberated upon the proposition of the Counsellor
Pensionary, made on the 18th of the same month,
in the name of the gentlemen, the counsellors' committees,
viz. that it having been resolved, by a resolution of their
Noble and Grand Mightinesses of the 16th of January, to
negotiate a sum of eight millions, at two and a half per
cent interest, this negotiation had had so happy a success,
that it was almost filled up, as the treasury general and the
other treasuries of the quarter of the south of this Province
have received seven millions fortysix thousand six hundred
and fifty florins, and those of the quarter of the north, five
hundred and seventyeight thousand eight hundred florins.
That the Counsellor Pensionary, seeing that the present
situation of affairs requires in all respects, that the treasury
of the State should be provided of a larger quantity of
money, has proposed to the consideration of their Noble
and Grand Mightinesses, whether they did not judge it
convenient to augment the negotiation in question by four
other millions, and, consequently, to extend it to twelve
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span>
millions, upon the same footing and with the same interest,
as determined by their resolution of the 16th of January
last.</p>

<p>"Upon which it was thought fit, and resolved, to consent
to the negotiation of these eight millions, and to increase it
with four others, so as to make twelve millions upon the
same footing. The Prince has made a tour to the Brille,
Helvoetsluys, Goeree, and Willemstadt, where he has reviewed
the troops and vessels of war, and returned to the
Hague on the third of this month."</p>

<p>I send to Congress an account of these faint and feeble
symptoms of life, because there is no appearance of any
more vigorous. I am told that this <i>vis inertiæ</i> is profound
policy. If it is policy at all, it is so profound,
as to be perfectly incomprehensible. However, their
property and dominion, their honor and dignity, their sovereignty
and independence are their own, and if they
choose to throw them all away, for aught I know, they
have a right to do it. There is one comfort, if other nations
have nothing to hope, they have nothing to fear from
such policy.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO M. BERENGER, SECRETARY OF THE FRENCH EMBASSY
AT THE HAGUE.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 8th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write me, on the 5th of this month, informing me, that
you have received a letter from the Count de Vergennes,
by which his Excellency directs you to tell me, that the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span>
interests of the United States require my presence at Paris,
and that he should desire that I should go there, as soon
as my affairs in Holland will permit me.</p>

<p>I should be extremely obliged to you, Sir, if you would
confide to me the nature of the business that requires me
at Paris, that I might be able to form some judgment,
whether it is of so much importance, and so pressing, as to
make it necessary for me to go forthwith.</p>

<p>His Excellency Dr Franklin, and Colonel Laurens,
have arranged affairs in such a manner, that the accounts
of the Indian are to be produced to me, and I am to draw
bills to discharge them, so that it would retard the departure
of that interesting vessel, if I were to go now; and it
is of some importance to the public that I should complete
my despatches to go to Congress by her. I am also unfortunately
involved in a good deal of business, in accepting
and discharging bills of exchange, a course of business
which would be put into some confusion, if I were to go
immediately; and the general affairs of Congress in this
Republic might suffer somewhat by my absence. But
notwithstanding all, if I were informed that it is anything
respecting a general pacification, or an invitation of this
Republic to accede to the alliance between France and
the United States, or any other affair of sufficient weight
to justify my quitting this port immediately, I would do it.
Otherwise it would, as I humbly conceive, be more for the
public interest, that I should wait until some of the business
that lies upon me here is despatched, and the rest put
into a better order. Let me beg the favor of your sentiments,
Sir. Whenever I go, I must beg the favor of you
to furnish me with a passport.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 11th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The following petition is too curious in itself, and too
much attended to by the public at this time, to be omitted.</p>

<p>"To the Gentlemen, the Burgomasters, Sheriffs and
Counsellors of the city of Antwerp.</p>

<p>"The inhabitants of the city of Antwerp in general, and
those who are there concerned in commerce, in particular,
should think that they injured their own interests, if they neglected,
at a time when all Europe talks of the advantages,
which the opening of the Scheldt would produce, to address
themselves to you, Gentlemen, to make known their desire,
that you would please to take the necessary measures for
this purpose. While all nations fix at present their attention
upon the liberty of navigation, shall we be the only
people, who, although having a greater interest in it than
others, should remain quiet, and suffer to pass away, unimproved,
the moment, which appears to be now arrived
to deliver ourselves from the yoke, which the Republic of
Holland imposed upon us in the days of their first celebration?
No! It is time that we awake! Since the treaty of
Munster, this city and its commerce are fallen into a great
decay, but we have still the means in our hands to revive
them, because the inhabitants have ever continued to have
an indirect portion in commerce. It was they, who after
the suppression of the Company of Ostend, have assisted in
the establishment of the East India Companies of Sweden
and Denmark; and it would not be difficult to prove, that
projects of all sorts have taken place in their speculations.
What could they not do, therefore, when it shall be free to
them to make a direct and unrestrained commerce? The
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span>
simple hope, which they have of it, causes among them a
revival of the spirit of commerce. When we compare the
situation of the cities of Amsterdam and Antwerp, we shall
find that that of the latter has many advantages over the
former. The commerce of corn, which makes of Holland
the factory of Europe, and all the trade of the North, offers
itself to the city of Antwerp. We should soon find there
magazines provided with everything necessary to extend
commerce, and equal that of Amsterdam. This commerce
alone would be sufficient to make a revival of the
bright days, which preceded the peace of Munster.</p>

<p>"But what afflicts us, Gentlemen, is, that there are persons
who would divide the interests of provinces, and give
birth to a rivalry between the ports of Ostend and Antwerp,
as if one port the more would be too much for the
States of his Majesty. If this could be a question, no man
could doubt that the city of Antwerp is much better situated
to make an extensive commerce, than the city of Ostend.
Experience alone is sufficient to demonstrate it. The
commerce, which Antwerp has made heretofore, came
there naturally of itself, although it had been formerly at
Bruges, because the port of Antwerp was better, and in all
respects more advantageous. But these cities have nothing
in common, and if the Scheldt was open, and remained
open, Ostend would not suffer any damage from it. We
have the advantage to have in our Sovereign a Prince,
whose whole application tends to render his subjects happy;
nothing can contribute more to their prosperity than
commerce. The fine arts, which have supported themselves
at Antwerp, in spite of the decay of commerce, for
near one hundred and forty years, would acquire here a
new degree of perfection and lustre.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span></p>

<p>"We hope, Gentlemen, that your care and zeal for
everything, which can contribute to the prosperity of a
city, which you have already lately delivered from beggary,
will make you discover, with particular satisfaction,
new means of procuring labor for the poor and needy,
diminish thereby the expense of their maintenance, without
reckoning all the other advantages, and especially the
augmentation of our population, which would be the result
of our demand."</p>

<p>This petition discloses objects of so much weight in
those scales, in which the political and commercial interests
of the nations of Europe are now balancing, that it is
worth while to transmit some observations, which have
been made upon it, which will lay open the whole subject,
with all its connexions. They were written in French by
M. Cerisier.</p>

<p>"It is to have a false idea of things, to think and to say,
that Holland and Zealand, taking an unjust advantage of
their victories, and of the weakness of their enemies, have
dictated, with arms in their hands, the outrageous and despotic
conditions of holding their ports shut up. We have
only to cast our eyes upon the geographical situation of
Antwerp, we have only to recollect the first events of the
Belgic Revolution, to acknowledge this error. The city
of Antwerp for a long time made a part of the Belgic
confederation; she entered into the union of Utrecht, as
she had entered into the pacification of Ghent, she was
even for several years the centre of the new Republic; it
was not until 1585, that she fell back under the yoke of
the Spaniards. But the Duke of Parma, in retaking
Antwerp, could not equally make himself master of all the
forts situated below that city, towards the mouth of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span>
Scheldt. The confederates continued masters of these,
and even retook some places, which had been taken from
them in the course of the war. Thus they remained
masters of the lower navigation of this river, an advantage,
which they caused to be confirmed to them in the treaty
of peace. In casting our eyes on the other hand, on the
memorable siege of Antwerp, it is to this city that it is
necessary to impute the misfortune of having an useless
port, since, by a more vigorous and wise defence, she
would have remained in the union, with all the advantages
which resulted from it.</p>

<p>"Zealand and the city of Amsterdam, have always held
the slavery of the port of Antwerp of much importance. But
it is very far from being true, that this city, by recovering
the liberty of her navigation, would be able to draw away
any considerable part of their commerce. The maritime
places of the United Provinces have had for several ages,
and many years before the revolution, a great navigation
and a flourishing commerce; this has been demonstrated
by modern authors. See the <i>Tableau de l'Histoire des
Provinces Unies, et la Richesse de la Hollande</i>. It is
an error then to believe, that they were raised upon the
ruins of Ghent, Bruges, and Antwerp; although we cannot
deny, that they have received some augmentation from
them.</p>

<p>"But it is England, which has drawn the greatest advantages
from them. The cause is evident; it is, that the
same troubles, which chased commerce from these cities,
agitated at the same time Holland, Zealand, Friesland,
and the neighboring Provinces. The factions of the
Houcks and the Cabeliaux, the Schieringers, and the
Vetkopers, the Litchembergs, and the Gunterlings, the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>
Hekeren, and the Bronkhorst, have nearly at the same time
for many years, torn almost the whole country, which
forms at this day the Republic of the United Provinces, in
the times when Flanders was a prey to the most violent
intestine dissensions, when Ghent and Bruges held the
Emperor Maximilian in prison; and when the chastisements
inflicted on these two cities, drove out the industry,
and commerce, which enriched them. The United Provinces
were the centre of the rebellion and the theatre of the
most afflicting calamities, when the cruelties of the Spaniards
chased commerce from the city of Antwerp. The
most violent causes, in fact, are necessary to drive commerce
from a country where she has fixed her residence.
The powerful houses of commerce, the immense funds
necessary to carry it on, the credit, the industry, do not
transplant themselves easily from one country to another.</p>

<p>"We ought not to impute to slavery the fall of the commerce
of the Austrian Low Countries. We must ascend
to that epocha, when the fiscal and religious despotism of
Spain carried into the Low Countries the yoke of civil servitude
and the flames of the Inquisition. Commerce cannot
harmonise with slavery, with the tyrannical exaction of
imposts, with persecutors, or with hangmen. It was principally
to London, that industry, and the merchants of Louvain,
Ghent, Bruges, and Antwerp, fled. Although Holland
and Zealand were at the same time a prey to similar
misfortunes, and even still more terrible, they found themselves
in a condition to raise a powerful marine, to beat
their ancient masters, and to seize upon their spoils in the
Indies. It was upon their courage, upon their navigation,
upon their establishments in the Indies, and not upon
the mouth of the Scheldt, that they laid the foundations
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>
of a commerce, the richest and most extensive that ever
was.</p>

<p>"If all the Low Countries had remained attached to the
confederation, they would all have partaken of the riches,
the industry, the power, and the grandeur of the United
Provinces. The Austrian Low Countries were not able
to recover their brilliant commerce, because they had lost
it. To repair this loss, it would have been necessary, that
Holland and England, filled with their manufactures,
should have had the complaisance to send them back all
these manufactures with their riches, their workmen, and
their raw materials. It was only Louis the Fourteenth
who could in this respect take Philip the Second for a
model. If the Flemish and the Brabantians, should have
again a source of raw materials, and of workmen, would it
be easy to recall industry and naturalise it there, after so
long an exile? The little progress of commerce in those
countries has many other causes, besides the subjugation of
one of its brooks. It is necessary to look for them in the
multitude and enormity of the duties imposed upon merchandises,
which enter, or go out of the Austrian dominions,
duties, which are repeated from one Province, and
even from one city to another; it is necessary to look for
them in the tyrannical and insolent inquisition of officers,
with whom the frontiers are covered, in the fiscal and iniquitous
subjection, to which packages and travellers are
exposed; the former to a search, which exposes the goods
to be spoiled, and the other to an indecent and odious inspection.
They have forced women to strip themselves,
even to their shifts, to discover, with a scandalous avidity,
effects subject to these odious taxes.</p>

<p>"A part of the commerce of Germany, and several
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>
Provinces of France with Holland, would have no other
market than the Low Countries, if the imposts and the
collection of them were not tyrannical. The merchants of
St Quentin, of Rheims, of Paris, will all tell you, that the
lawns, wines, and modes, which they send into the countries
situated upon the Baltic, would be embarked at Ostend,
without those armies of inquisitors like highwaymen,
who drive away, by a perpetual restraint, commerce, the
friend of liberty. Add to this, the delays, and the dearness
of land-carriage, interrupted with barriers, in the
countries, where there are no canals; all these obstacles
do not only hurt the commerce of transportation, but also
that of importation and exportation. The foreigner, finding
so many difficulties in spreading his superfluities in
those countries, is the less capable of taking off theirs.</p>

<p>"Moreover, how many ameliorations may be made in
the natural resources of that country? Before they allow
themselves in uncertain speculations abroad, they should
carry to the highest point, industry at home. There are
even reformations, which are very difficult, and without
which these countries will never hold the balance against
countries, in which the number, the celibacy, the riches,
and the laziness of the clergy, do not devour the industry
of the people. Is the slavery of the Scheldt then the
cause, that Louvain is peopled only with students and professors?
Malines filled with attornies and judges? That
Mons, Tournay, Ypres, Ghent, and Bruges, are no longer
more than carcasses? If there were a means of reviving
these cities, would it not be by the enlargement and the
safety of the port of Ostend?</p>

<p>"Even if the ports of Ostend, of Nieuport, and Antwerp
offered roads free, safe, and commodious, would
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>
business fly to them for refuge, and abandon the ports of
Hamburg, Dantzick, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Middleburg,
Dunkirk, Rouen, Nantes, Rochelle, Bordeaux, the
Elbe, the Somme, the Seine, the Loire, the Garonne, and
the ports of the three kingdoms of Great Britain, where it
enjoys all the advantages and facilities, which it can desire?
The English themselves, who dazzle at this day the Austrian
Low Countries with the hope of a free and flourishing
commerce, would not they be the first to oppose this
revolution, if it had any appearance of success? It is their
jealousy of the prosperity of Amsterdam, which makes
them clamor against the subjection of the Scheldt. But
they would clamor much louder, if the liberty of the
Scheldt should restore to the Low Countries the hope of
recovering their ancient commerce. All States seek with
emulation to augment the national industry. Russia, and
even other northern States, are making efforts and sacrifices
to procure for themselves manufactures. All countries,
even Spain and Portugal, begin to perceive that
these things are more useful than <i>autos-da-fe</i>. The Austrian
Low Countries have them also. But could they
augment them at the expense of other countries; especially
at a time, when so many States pique themselves in
having a warlike marine to maintain their commerce and
their national industry?</p>

<p>"But, it will be said, is it not manifest that the navigation
of Antwerp being opened, commerce, by reascending
the river, would diffuse her benign influence throughout all
the extent of an agreeable, and fertile territory, full of
canals and great roads, &amp;c.? I answer again, why would
not the ports of Bruges, Ghent, Ostend, and Nieuport
produce the same effect? It is even apparent, that these
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span>
ports would lose by the new outlet of Antwerp, the little
commerce which remained to them. In that case, Brabant
would only raise itself on the ruins or at the expense
of Flanders. The liberty of this river would enrich perhaps
the interior of the country, but it would certainly impoverish
the coasts of the sea. They say it is unjust to
hold the Scheldt shut up; but would it not, on the contrary,
be the height of injustice to open again a navigation,
assured to the Hollanders by the natural consequence of a
revolution universally ratified, and by a long possession?
What man, what State, would be authorised to appropriate
a thing to itself because it was for his convenience? This
rule, it is true, has in our days effected the dismemberment
of Poland, the invasion of Silesia, and the present
war of England against Holland. But in taking away the
property of the Dutch, with what right can one find fault
with the violence of Russia?</p>

<p>"It will be said, that the restraint of a river dug by
nature, for the use of the inhabitants who live upon the
banks, is contrary to natural right, against which no prescription
ever runs. But do not the turnpikes, or fall-stops,
with which these rivers are thickset, contravene also
the rights of nature? The house of my neighbor intercepts
the light, of which I have great occasion; have I the right
for this reason to pull it down?</p>

<p>"In one word, the mouth of the Scheldt is in the territory
of the United Provinces. The Republic, according
to received principles, may interdict the navigation of it
to foreigners, as well as to its own subjects. She excludes
only the former; because she finds her advantage in it, as
the English find theirs in their famous act of navigation,
much more tyrannical than the subjection of the Scheldt.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span>
The Belgians will say, the waters of this river wash and
fertilize our country in passing through it. But have not
the French still a better right to the same navigation, because
this river takes its rise in France? The Swiss would
have a good grace to wish to arrogate to themselves the
free navigation of the whole course of the Rhone, the Po,
the Danube, and the Rhine, because these rivers flow from
the mountains of Helvetia. The subjection of the Scheldt
was ratified in 1648, in the famous treaty of Munster, or
Westphalia, whereof all the powers of Europe are warranties,
and which still passes for the basis of the political
system of Europe, and for a fundamental law of the empire.
We have seen in 1778, the Emperor himself obliged
to renounce a succession supported upon authentic
titles, because the powers, warranties of the peace of
Westphalia, sustained, that this succession was contrary to
that treaty. And yet it is wished, that in full peace, without
title, without pretence, the Emperor should wrest from
the Dutch a property, the fruits of which will never indemnify
them for the sacrifices they have made for his house.</p>

<p>"They would have the Emperor an ambitious Prince,
rolling the vastest projects in his head. But with what
eye will the other powers view an usurpation, which they
ought to seek to prevent by all the motives of honor and
of interest; even although it should be from the ambitious
idea of acting their part in the affairs of Europe? How?
Shall he expose himself in the present moment to spread
the flames of a general war in Europe, and to lose perhaps
the Low Countries, which would be from that moment
surrounded by inimical powers. For what? To procure
to the inhabitants of Antwerp, the facility of conducting a
few ships into the German ocean.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span></p>

<p>"Holland is in the last degree of weakness, embarrassment,
and disunion; she has fear. Oh! yes; but the
King of Prussia, but the electors of Saxony and Palatine,
but the King of France, would have fear also; fear would
unite them; and when one has a great deal, he begins to
have less fear.</p>

<p>"That which would make of Antwerp a new Sidon, or
a new Carthage, which would render this city the rival of
Bordeaux, of Rouen, of Amsterdam, and of London,
would be infinitely prejudicial to the French and the Russians.
Either this business would be a part detached from
that of the ports of the channel, and of the Baltic sea, and,
in that case, France and Russia would not consent to build
up a place of commerce, which would flourish at their expense;
they would oppose the opening of a port, which
would draw away the inhabitants from those, which they
are laboring to make flourish; or it would be composed of
branches torn from that which is done at the Texel,
upon the Meuse, and the Thames, and, in that case, they
will refuse their consent to this transplantation. If it is
necessary, that the commerce of the Dutch and the English
should fall, Russia and France will choose to take
advantage of its decay, to transport it into their harbors."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 12th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The States of Holland and West Friesland are adjourned
to the 27th. In their last session, they consented to
the augmentation of seventeen thousand six hundred and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span>
eightysix land forces, according to the plan, which the
Council of State, in concert with the Stadtholder, had
formed, on the 18th of April, and which had been carried
on the 19th of the same month, to the Assembly of the
States of the Province. They have also taken the resolution
to lend to the East India Company the sum of one
million two hundred thousand florins, at three per cent interest,
to be reimbursed in thirtythree years, in payments
of thirtysix thousand florins. The affairs of the Colony of
Surinam are about to engage the attention of government,
according to a petition, which the Deputies of the merchants
of Dort, Haerlem, Amsterdam, and Rotterdam,
presented on the 6th, to the States of Holland and West
Friesland, and for which the merchants have demanded, in
an audience, which they have had of the Stadtholder, the
support of His Most Serene Highness. This petition was
conceived in these terms.</p>

<h4>PETITION FROM THE DEPUTIES OF DORT, HAERLEM, AMSTERDAM,
AND ROTTERDAM, TO HOLLAND AND WEST
FRIESLAND.</h4>

<p>"The merchants, deputies of the cities of Dort, Haerlem,
Amsterdam, and Rotterdam, represent in the most
respectful manner, that the mortal stagnation of navigation
and of commerce, which cannot preserve their well-being
but by continual activity, has forced the petitioners not to
disguise any longer the fatal effects, and in circumstances,
when the naval force of the Republic is not yet in a state
to procure them a sufficient protection, to seek for themselves
a succor, which, in the extreme danger in which the
colonies, which yet remain to the State, and even the State
itself, are found at this day, may serve apparently to advance
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span>
in more than one manner, the general interest of
this Republic; that the supplicants, both for themselves,
and speaking in favor and in the name of several thousands
of their fellow-citizens, have taken the part to present
to their High Mightinesses the States-General of the
United Provinces, the petition, a copy of which is here
joined, and to which they respectfully refer, as follows.</p>

<h4><i>Petition.</i></h4>

<p>"That as your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, have always
testified, that the well-being of your fellow-citizens in
general, and that of merchants in particular, ought to be
supported in every manner, the petitioners assure themselves,
that the more the danger becomes imminent, the
more the zeal of your Noble and Grand Mightinesses will
animate itself to prevent, under the divine blessing, the
total ruin of the essential sources of the existence of the
country; so that this danger being at present so great, and
becoming from day to day more pressing, the petitioners
dare to promise themselves, on the part of your Noble and
Grand Mightinesses, all the succor and assistance requisite,
and to hope, that they shall not invoke in vain their powerful
support, relative to the prayer beforementioned. It
is for this, that the petitioners address themselves to this
Sovereign Assembly, in the manner the most respectful,
and in a confidence the most entire in the inclination of
your Noble and Grand Mightinesses for the protection of
the citizens of the Republic, seriously praying, that it may
please your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, to authorise
your Deputies in the Assembly of the States-General to
concur in directing, with all the earnestness possible, things
in such a manner, that there be given to the petition aforesaid
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span>
a prompt and favorable answer, and that measures be
taken, to the end that the petitioners and those who are
otherwise interested with them, may enjoy without delay
the effect of a definitive determination, &amp;c.</p>

<p>"To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the
United Provinces give respectfully to understand, the undersigned
proprietors, and owners of vessels navigating to
the Colony of Surinam, owners of plantations, situated
there, merchants and others interested in the commerce of
the said colony;</p>

<p>"That this Colony, independently of the interest, which
the undersigned, and a great number of others equally interested,
take in it, may be regarded as of the greatest
importance for the Republic itself, by reason of the very
considerable revenues, which, for a long course of years,
it has procured, not only to the direction privileged by
grant, but also to the Republic itself, and which become
every day more lucrative, by the enormous expenses,
which the proprietors of plantations have made to cultivate
new lands, and to improve the culture of several territorial
productions.</p>

<p>"To this effect, the petitioners refer to the estimate annexed,
containing the quantity of productions, which for
some years have been transported from the Colony into the
ports of the country. That these productions, after having
been transported from this country, some wrought up
here, and others as they were received, procure continually
to the treasury of the Republic very important sums,
proceeding from different duties, which are directly or indirectly
relative to them. That the necessity to go in
search of all these productions of the Colony, and that of
transporting thither provisions and other effects, employs
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span>
annually a large number of great ships, which are for the
most part fine frigates, solidly built, the number of which
amounted to more than fourscore, which all pay every
voyage the duties of lest, which are considerable, and
serve, at the same time, for the maintenance of a numerous
body of navigators, which amount to about three thousand
well experienced seamen. That, moreover, the importance
of this Colony does not fall short in point of utility
of any other, both with relation to what has been alleged,
and because, in exchange for its productions, we receive
here the precious metals, and the cash of other nations,
which remain in the bosom of the United Provinces;
while, on the contrary, it is necessary to export them to
the East Indies, there to pay for territorial productions, the
manufactures of the Indies; and the payments, which
foreigners make to us, to procure themselves merchandises,
must equally return to the Indies for new purchases. That
thus the navigation and the commerce with this Colony
serve not only to the amelioration of the finances of the
Republic, and to the augmentation of the national cash;
but they are still an abundant source of general prosperity
for the inhabitants, scattered in the Seven Provinces.</p>

<p>"Many, by means of the free property of their plantations,
draw from thence important revenues, and encouraged
by success make them largely circulate; while a
much larger number of our countrymen are the bearers of
obligations, carrying large interests negotiated upon mortgages,
the preservation of which is of the greatest weight,
considering that the sustenance of so many thousands of
our fellow-citizens depends upon them. That, moreover,
all which serves for housekeeping, all which is wanted for
the culture of the land, the building and repairing of edifices,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span>
and even eatables, must be transported from hence
into this Colony. This commerce, therefore, cannot fail
to procure to a great number of manufacturers, mercers,
and traders, a continual outlet, which even surpasses all
belief, and which is by so much the more useful, as this
commerce consists for the most part in objects furnished
by our territory, either in raw materials, or in things manufactured
here. This article alone procures the maintenance
of an infinite number of artisans in the cities, and of
the cultivators of the field; without mentioning the construction
and repairs of a great number of vessels employed
in this navigation; of their provisions, both for the voyage
and the return, which gives a living to several thousands of
men.</p>

<p>"That thus the public prosperity and that of individuals,
so intimately connected together, would both receive an
irreparable blow, if they were deprived of the advantages,
which they draw from this abundant source. That this
misfortune has already denounced itself, and in the most
sensible manner from the commencement of this war, the
further consequences of which are so alarming, that they
deserve to be warded off or prevented by all means imaginable.
That, nevertheless, the petitioners on their part
cannot otherwise obviate them, than by putting the vessels
they use in this navigation, in a necessary state of defence,
and in equipping them sufficiently for the war; which will
render them strong enough to repel all the enemy's privateers,
of whatever size, and that they may be able to defend
themselves even against the English men-of-war, and
thereby assist and relieve the military marine of the Republic.</p>

<p>"But that the excessively increased prices of everything,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span>
which concerns the equipment of vessels, the bounties
and the pay, risen to near double, which must now be
given to seamen, would render an equipment of this nature
so expensive, that the charges would never be repaid by
the freight. That, nevertheless, without an equipment of
such vessels, we should risk too much; this consideration
has even determined the owners, whose vessels were
loaded before the hostile attack of the English, to unload
them and suspend the voyages, to the great prejudice of
the Colony, of themselves, and of their freighters. That,
moreover, they still find great difficulties to expedite their
ships; on the one hand, from the certainty that the passage
to the Colony and in the West Indies themselves, is infested
with the enemy's vessels of war and privateers, who by
surprise have already made themselves masters of a great
number of our merchant vessels, and have even invaded
the defenceless possessions of the State, such as St Eustatia,
St Martins, Essequebo, and Demerara; on the other
hand, in the uncertainty whether this excellent Colony, in
the neighborhood of which, as they have learned, the enemy's
squadrons cruise without opposition, has not undergone
the same fate; in which case their valuable vessels with
their rich cargoes, would fall into the power of an enemy,
who from the heights of fortresses, taken by surprise, continue
to display the Dutch flag, under shelter of which,
and by means of a certain number of vessels of war, he
seizes upon merchant ships destitute of defence, who, confiding
in the public faith, go in there without fear.</p>

<p>"That, nevertheless, if by these considerations and others
of the same nature, the navigation to this Colony is longer
suspended, the well-being of the Republic cannot avoid the
most sensible prejudice, and the Colony must be considered
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span>
as abandoned; her inhabitants will see themselves even
reduced to deliver themselves into the hands of their enemies,
to the ruin and total loss not only of the classes the
most at their ease, but of all the inhabitants whatsoever of
the United Provinces; so that we ought not to delay a
single moment, nor neglect any means of encouragement
or precaution to preserve them; so much the rather, as it
appears scarcely convenient under this embarrassment, to
invoke the assistance of foreign nations, to make the transportation,
and to go to the Colony and to return; because,
that in that case, we should lose this navigation, and we
should lend our own hand to the entire declension, not only
of the aid furnished to the treasury of the Republic, by the
activity of this commerce and this navigation, but also to
the interruption of the sales of so many manufacturers,
mercers, and traders, and even to the entire privation of
the sustenance of an immense number of workmen and
artisans, to whom this construction of vessels and this navigation
so extended, procured their daily gain, which they
cannot forego without being reduced to the most deplorable
situation. That this repugnance to navigate on one's own
account will be further followed by the desertion of a great
number of sailors, who for want of finding employment
here, and tempted by the advantageous promises of the
enemy, will go there in search of service, to the double
detriment of the public interest of the Republic. That the
respectable fleet, composed of valuable vessels destined to
this navigation, would rot in our ports, and the officers who
command them, many of whom have not been thought unworthy
to be called to the service of their country, would
be obliged to abandon with their families this country,
where all the other means of gaining a livelihood fail more
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>
and more; and as they have solely applied themselves to
navigation, they would go in search of their subsistence into
places, where, by our interruption, navigation makes new
advances every day. That this method, indicated by necessity,
of recurring to foreign flags, by the more considerable
expenses which arise from it, would so absorb the
revenues, that not only no planter would be able, with the
little which should remain to him, to support his plantation,
but, moreover, there would remain no well-grounded hope
for the great number of bearers of obligations to flatter
themselves with obtaining any payment, still less the entire
payment of the interests promised them; since without
having yet supported these additional expenses, and notwithstanding
the excessive prices at which the productions
have been sold, they have seen themselves forced to diminish
considerably the interests, and in some cases to suspend
even the entire payment; without mentioning so
many other political considerations relative to this object,
which cannot escape the penetrating eye of the Sovereign,
so that without hope of a full protection, this single means
of obtaining something, in ever so small a degree, is even
considered as very precarious, and as augmenting more
and more an inaction so fatal to a country, which under
the divine blessing, owes its prosperity so envied, to its
application, its valor, and the fortitude of its inhabitants.
Time may pass away, (and certainly the moments are too
precious) before they may dare to flatter themselves with a
protection so efficacious, as the danger of the crews, the
valuable cargoes, and the pressing necessity of the Colony
require.</p>

<p>"That to this effect, the pensioners take the liberty to
solicit your High Mightinesses with profound respect, in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span>
case it is impossible to grant immediately a sufficient escort
to go to the Colony and return, that in that case, as upon
other occasions, it has been graciously granted by your
High Mightinesses, for the support of trade, the equipment
of vessels, societies, &amp;c., to be so good also, as to grant generously
in favor of the equipments to make for this Colony,
Berbicia, and the interesting establishment of Curaçao, an
encouragement equivalent to the design of the considerable
disbursements, which they will be obliged to make, to put
their vessels in a certain state of defence; and, moreover,
for better order and direction, to cause to be escorted,
their ships sailing in company, by as many vessels of war
as it will be possible to spare for this expedition. In fine,
that under the good pleasure of your High Mightinesses,
and that these ships well armed may also serve to molest
as much as possible the enemy, there may be granted them
letters of marque and reprisals, under the customary condition,
to the end that they make use of them upon occasion,
by the brave officers, which the subscribers dare boast
that they will employ in their ships."</p>

<p>This petition has been referred to the respective Deputies
of the Colleges of the Admiralty, to make report on it
as soon as possible. The Deputies of the merchants having
beforehand solicited, in the most pressing manner, the
Prince Stadtholder, to support with his powerful recommendation
an affair of so great importance.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 15th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The long expected courier has at last arrived at the
Hague from St Petersburg. The contents of his despatches
are not public, but all hopes of assistance from the armed
neutrality seem to be dissipated. The question now is, what
is to be done next. Some are for alliances with the house
of Bourbon and America, but a thousand fears arise.
France, the Emperor, and the Republic, have Provinces
so intermixed together in Brabant and Flanders, that it is
supposed the Emperor would be much alarmed at an alliance
between France and Holland, lest they should soon
agree to divide his Provinces between them. The people
in these Provinces would, it is supposed, have no objection.
They all speak the French language, are of the same religion,
and the policy of France in governing conquered
Provinces, according to their ancient usages, and with
great moderation, has taken away all aversion to a change
of masters.</p>

<p>Some people think, that an alliance between France and
Holland would occasion a general war. This I think
would be an advantage to America, although philanthropy
would wish to prevent the further effusion of human blood.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 23d, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The answer from St Petersburg, as it is given to the
public, is this;</p>

<p>"Her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, declares,
That as much as she has been satisfied with the zeal with
which their High Mightinesses have accepted her mediation,
so much and more has her compassionate heart been
affected with the difficulties formed by the Court of London,
in referring the reconciliation with the Republic to a
subsequent and general negotiation of peace between all
the belligerent powers, under the combined mediation of
Her Imperial Majesty, and His Majesty, the Roman Emperor.
As soon as this negotiation shall take place, her
Majesty promises beforehand to the Republic, all the assistance,
which depends upon her, to the end, that the
Republic may without delay, return into the rank of neutral
powers, and thereby enjoy entirely, and without restraint,
all the rights and advantages, which her accession
to the engagements between Her Imperial Majesty and the
Kings, her high allies, ought to assure to her.</p>

<p>"In this expectation, the intention of Her Imperial Majesty
is, conjointly with their Majesties, to persuade that
Court to that moderation, and those pacific sentiments,
which their High Mightinesses, on their part have manifested.
The Empress flatters herself, that the times and
the events, which may unexpectedly happen, will bring
forth circumstances of such a nature, as will put her in a
situation to make appear, in a manner the most efficacious,
her good will and her affection, of which she sincerely
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span>
desires to be able to give proof to their High Mightinesses."</p>

<p>This answer gives great scope to speculation and conjecture,
but I shall trouble Congress with a very few remarks
upon it.</p>

<p>1. In the first place, and without insinuating her opinion
concerning the justice or injustice of the war, between
Great Britain and the United Provinces, she imputes the
ill success of her mediation between them, to the Court of
London, and not at all to the Republic.</p>

<p>2. She applauds the moderation and pacific sentiments
of their High Mightinesses, and implicitly censures the
Court of London, for opposite dispositions.</p>

<p>Thus far the declaration is unfavorable to the English,
and a pledge of her Imperial honor, at least not to take
any part in their favor.</p>

<p>3. It appears, that the Court of London has proposed
a negotiation for peace between all the belligerent powers,
under the mediation of the Empress and the Emperor.
But, as it is certain the Court of London does not admit
the United States of America to be one of the belligerent
powers, and as no other power of Europe, except France,
as yet admits it to be a power, it is very plain to me, that
the British Ministry mean nothing but chicanery, to unman
and disarm their enemies with delusive dreams of peace, or
to intrigue them, or some of them, into a peace separately
from America, and without deciding our question.</p>

<p>4. The declaration says not, that the Empress has accepted
this mediation, nor upon what terms she would
accept it. Here we are left to conjecture. The Dutch
Ambassadors at St Petersburg wrote last winter to the
Hague, that the Empress would not accept of this mediation
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>
with the Emperor, but upon two preliminary conditions,
viz. that the Court of London should acknowledge
the independence of America, and accede to the principles
of the late marine treaty, concerning the rights of neutrals.
To this she may have since added, that Holland
should previously be set at peace, and become a neutral
power, or she may have altered her sentiments. Here we
can only conjecture.</p>

<p>5. It appears, that the Kings of Denmark and Sweden
have joined, or are to join, the Empress in a new effort
with the Court of London, to persuade it to make peace
with Holland. But how vigorous, or decisive this effort is
to be, or what will be their conduct, if they should still be
unsuccessful, is left only to conjecture.</p>

<p>6. There are hints at future events, and circumstances,
which her Majesty foresees, but the rest of the world do
not, which may give her occasion to show her good will.
Here is nothing declared, nothing promised, yet it leaves
room to suppose, that her Majesty and her high allies may
have insisted on conditions from the Court of London,
which accepted, may give peace to the Republic, or rejected,
may oblige Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, to join
Holland in the war. But all this is so faint, reserved, and
mysterious, that no dependence whatever can be placed
upon it. I am sorry to see the idea of a negotiation for a
general peace held up, because I am as well persuaded it
is only an insidious man&oelig;uvre of the British Ministry, as I
am that many powers of Europe, and especially Holland,
will be the dupe of it. I confess I should dread a negotiation
for a general peace at this time, because I should
expect propositions for short truces, <i>uti possidetis</i>, and
other conditions, which would leave our trade more embarrassed,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>
our union more precarious, and our liberties at
greater hazard, than they can be in a continuance of the
war, at the same time it would put us to as constant, and
almost as great an expense. Nevertheless, if proposals of
peace, or of conferences and negotiations to that end,
should be proposed to me, which they have not as yet
from any quarter, it will be my duty to attend to them
with as much patience and delicacy too, as if I believed
them sincere.</p>

<p>Americans must wean themselves from the hope of any
signal assistance from Europe. If all the negotiations of
Congress can keep up the reputation of the United States
so far as to prevent any nation from joining England, it
will be much. But there are so many difficulties in doing
this, and so many deadly blows are aimed at our reputation
for honor, faith, integrity, union, fortitude, and power,
even by persons who ought to have the highest opinion of
them, and the tenderest regard for them, that I confess
myself sometimes almost discouraged, and wish myself
returning through all the dangers of the enemy to America,
where I could not do less, and possibly might do more for
the public good.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 23d, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The Deputies of the city of Zieriksee have presented
to their Noble Mightinesses, the Lords, the States of
Zealand, on the 12th of this month, their advice concerning
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>
the report of the State, of the 19th of April last,
relative to the building of vessels of war, to be done by
the College of the Admiralty of this Province, in these
words, viz.</p>

<p>"That the venerable Regency having seen, by the Memorial
of the gentlemen, the committees of the Admiralty of
this Province, annexed to the said report, the serious difficulties
which appear to oppose themselves to the resolution
of building a larger number of vessels of war and frigates,
has thought itself obliged to declare, that it is greatly
afflicted at the dangerous situation in which the Republic
and this Province are at present, being involved in a ruinous
war, and almost entirely destitute of all convenient
means, which could be employed for the safety and defence
of the country; that this great distress might furnish
to the venerable Regency, one of the best occasions to enlarge
in reflections, how, by prompt directions and active
foresight, in case that the re-establishment of our marine
had really been taken to heart, the greatest obstacles alleged
in the Memorial in question might have been prevented
in time; but, that a repetition of what ought to
have been executed in time, would in no degree ameliorate
the present situation of affairs; and so much the more, as
it is indispensably necessary that the deliberations concerning
the further building of ships, should be at length terminated;
the venerable Regency, then, for the present,
would abstain from making even well founded observations,
which, nevertheless, they might allege, both with regard to
the contents of the Memorial in question, and to the means
of advancing with greater vigor the construction, or to put
the marine upon a more respectable footing by another
way; they content themselves then, with declaring simply,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span>
that they are ready to concur in the completion of the
aforesaid point of construction, either by conforming to the
disposition of this report, or in any other manner whatsoever,
that a general deliberation of all the members of the
State may find the most convenient.</p>

<p>"That, nevertheless, the venerable Regency cannot abstain
from remarking further here, that at the beginning of
this war, they had always been persuaded that the other
confederates, whose sentiments concerning the first causes
of this war have continually influenced those of Zealand,
had taken the precautions necessary to be able to oppose
the enemy conveniently, either by the national forces, or
by the efficacious assistance of their allies, but that the
issue of affairs already shows visibly with how much lukewarmness
and levity, notwithstanding the serious exhortations
and informations repeatedly made by this Province,
we have conducted ourselves both with regard to the one
and the other. The venerable Regency now sees the Republic
at this moment deprived of all foreign succor, and
abandoned to herself against a formidable enemy.</p>

<p>"That, as such a dangerous situation ought naturally to
excite in all those who participate in the public government,
and really take to heart the true interests of their country,
a redoubled zeal to set immediately at work, and in
proportion to the danger, all the means of defence imaginable,
and to employ them to protect, in the most effectual
manner, their country, her commerce and possessions, and
to annoy the enemy; the venerable Regency, seeing on
the contrary, that the indolence, the inactivity, and even
the continual indifference, are only increasing more and
more, and that public affairs are administered in a manner,
which cannot be reconciled with the danger to which the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>
Republic is exposed, judge, in consequence, that the
Lords, the States of this Province, will not be able longer
to see, without speaking out, a situation so perilous; but
that they ought to examine seriously the true causes and
reasons of all this, to the end, that when we have obtained
the explanations which we have a right to require, we may
take, with the most serious zeal, the resolutions proper to
maintain the excellent prerogatives, which we yet possess,
and to guard against such misfortunes.</p>

<p>"That the venerable Regency, having learnt with a great
deal of satisfaction that similar observations have been
made by other members of the body politic, hope that the
deliberations concerning an object of this importance will
be no longer delayed; but they trust that the affair, for
which the advice of the gentlemen of Middleburg carried
on the 15th of May to the Assembly of the States has been
sent back, will be discussed as soon as possible, and without
delay. The venerable Regency declaring, that they
shall be always disposed to co-operate in taking every
measure proper to obtain an end so salutary."</p>

<p>Thus we see, that two cities of Zealand, Middleburg
and Zieriksee, are co-operating with Amsterdam, Haerlem,
Dort, Delft, &amp;c. in order to arouse the Republic to action;
how many months or years may roll away before
they succeed, it is impossible for me to say, because it will
depend upon events of war, reports of peace, and the
councils of other sovereigns in Europe, as yet inscrutable,
but it will depend upon nothing more than the fate of Clinton
and Cornwallis in America.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 26th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The Emperor appears to be more intent at present
upon taking a fair advantage of the present circumstances,
to introduce a flourishing commerce into the Austrian
Flanders, than upon making treaties with England, or
waging war in its favor. His Imperial, Royal, and Apostolical
Majesty, has condescended to take off and break the
shackles, which restrained the commerce and the communication
of the port of Nieuport, in the interior of the country,
and to discharge by his gracious decree, the commerce
from the charges and impositions which were raised on the
lands bordering upon the said port, under the denomination
of Vate, Geld, Hast-Geld, Myle-Geld, &amp;c. The frequentation
of the port of Nieuport presents all the facilities
which the merchants can require. Thus the city of Nieuport
enjoys the most extensive privileges, both for storage
and transportation to foreigners.</p>

<p>We find there good magazines, merchants, factors, and
commissioners, who will all serve punctually. The communications,
both to the interior parts of the country and
to foreigners, are free and easy, both by land, by means of
the new causeway of Nieuport, which communicates with
all the roads, and by water by means of the direct canals
of Nieuport, to Bruges, to Ostend, to Ypres, to Dixmuide,
to Furnes, and to Dunkirk, and from thence further on.
One passes by the canal from Nieuport to Bruges, nearly
in the same space of time, that we pass by the canal from
Ostend to Bruges. All these canals have daily barks
ready, easy and convenient for travellers, merchandises,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span>
and effects. The fishery of the sea, both of fresh fish, and
of all sorts of herring and cod, is at Nieuport, in the most
flourishing state, and enjoys there every privilege and exemption.
The distillery of gin in the Dutch way, established
at Nieuport, makes excellent gin, the transportation
and expedition of which enjoys the greatest facilities.
And the government of his Imperial Majesty, in the Low
Countries, does not cease to grant all the privileges and
facilities, which can tend to the well-being of the inhabitants,
and of the commerce of the city and port of Nieuport.
I should rejoice at these measures, for the benefit which
American commerce would receive from them, provided
the Emperor could oblige Americans to take their goods
from Germany and not from England; but immense quantities
of British manufactures will go to America from
Nieuport, Ostend, and Bruges.</p>

<p>This is a subject, which deserves the serious consideration
of every American. British manufactures are going
in vast quantities to America, from Holland, the Austrian
Flanders, France, and Sweden, as well as by the way of
New York and Charleston, &amp;c. Whether it is possible to
check it, much less to put a stop to it, I know not; and
whether it would be good policy to put an end to it, if that
were practicable, is made a question by many. If the
Germans, the Dutch, the French, and Spaniards, or any
other nations, would learn a little commercial policy, and
give a credit to Americans, as the British merchants do,
and encourage in their own countries manufactures, adapted
to the wants and tastes of our countrymen, it is certain
that in such a case, it would be our interest and duty to
put an end to the trade in British goods, because nothing
would weaken and distress the enemy so much, and therefore
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span>
nothing would contribute more to bring the war to a
conclusion. At present manufactures flourish in England,
and the duties paid at the custom houses have been
increasing these two or three years, merely owing to their
recovering more and more of the American trade by neutral
bottoms, and by other clandestine channels.</p>

<p>Any American merchant by going over to London, obtains
a credit. The language of the London merchants to
the American merchants is, "Let us understand one another,
and let the governments squabble." But Americans
ought to consider, if we can carry on the war forever, our
allies cannot, and without their assistance we should find it
very difficult to do it.</p>

<p>I wish the taste for British manufactures may not cost
us more blood, than the difference between them and
others is worth.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 26th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The rubicon is passed. A step has been at last taken
by the Regency of Amsterdam, which must decide the
fate of the Republic. The city of Amsterdam, finding
that their proposition of the 18th of last month was not sufficient
to change the conduct of administration, have ventured
on another man&oelig;uvre. On the 8th of this month, as
soon as the States of Holland were separated, two Burgomasters
of Amsterdam, M. Tenminck and M. Rendorp,
accompanied with M. Vesser, the Pensionary of the city,
demanded an audience of the Prince Stadtholder, who
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span>
granted it, at his house in the grove. In this audience,
they made to the Prince, by word of mouth, a representation,
which they repeated in a memorial sent on the 14th,
to the Counsellor Pensionary of the Province, the substance
of which is as follows. The gentlemen of Amsterdam,
said,</p>

<p>"That their proposition of the 18th of May last, founded
perhaps upon former examples, did not result from any
suspicions with regard to the good dispositions and intentions
of his Most Serene Highness, which they had no reason
to distrust, although the Regency of the city of Amsterdam
had learned with the most profound grief, that evil
minded persons had endeavored to insinuate the contrary
to his Most Serene Highness; but that their distrust fell
solely upon him, whose influence over the mind of his Most
Serene Highness was held for the most immediate cause,
of the sloth and weakness in the administration of affairs,
which as they could not but be extremely prejudicial to
the well-being of the public, they had a long time expected,
but in vain, that the dangerous circumstances in which the
Republic found itself involved, would have, in the end,
given rise to serious deliberations upon the means, which
we ought to employ in their order and with more vigor;
but that these hopes had hitherto been fruitless, and, that
as the question now in agitation was concerning the safety
of their dear country, of her dear bought liberty, of that of
his Most Serene Highness and his house, in one word, of
everything which is dear to the inhabitants of the Republic,
the Regency of Amsterdam had judged, that they ought
not any longer to render themselves guilty by their silence,
of a neglect of their duty.</p>

<p>"That, although with regret, they see themselves obliged
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span>
to take this step, and to represent to his Highness with all
due respect, but at the same time with all that frankness
and freedom, which the importance of the affair requires,
and to declare to him openly, that, according to the general
opinion, the Field Maréchal, the Duke Louis of Brunswick
Wolfenbuttel, is held for the primary cause of the
miserable and defective state in which this country finds
itself, in regard to its defence, of all the negligence of duty,
which has taken place with respect to this subject, and of
all the perverse measures, which have been taken for a
long time, with all the fatal consequences which have proceeded
from them; and that they could assure his Highness,
that the hatred and aversion of the nation for the person
and administration of the Duke, were risen to such a
height, that there was reason to apprehend from them,
events the most melancholy, and the most disagreeable for
the public prosperity and the general tranquillity.</p>

<p>"That there was no doubt that the same assertion had
been made to his Highness from other quarters; but that in
case this had not been, it ought to be attributed solely to
the fear of the effects of the resentment of the Duke,
while, at the same time, they dared to appeal in this respect,
with the firmest confidence, to the testimony of all
the members of government, gentlemen of honor and
frankness, that his Serene Highness would interrogate
upon this subject, after having assured them of the necessary
liberty of speaking without reserve, and after having
exhorted them to tell him the truth, according to their duty
and their conscience.</p>

<p>"That the Regents of Amsterdam, had learned more
than once with grief, that the Counsellor Pensionary of the
Province had complained, in presence of divers members
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>
of the Regency of Holland, of the misunderstanding which
took place between him, the Counsellor Pensionary, and
the Duke, as also of the influence which the Duke has
upon the spirit of his Highness, and by which his efforts for
the good of the country had often been rendered fruitless.</p>

<p>"That this discord, and this difference of views and sentiments
between the principal Counsellor of his Serene
Highness and the first Minister of this Province, might not
only have consequences the most prejudicial, but that it
furnished also a motive sufficient to make the strongest instances,
to the end, to remove the source of this distrust
and discord, while that, without the previous re-establishment
of confidence and unanimity, there remained no
longer any means of saving the Republic.</p>

<p>"That nothing was more necessary for the well-being of
the illustrious House of his Highness, to maintain his authority,
to preserve to him the esteem and the attachment
of the nation, and for his own reputation with the neighboring
powers, since they could assure, and they ought to advertise
his Highness, that it is possible he may become one
day the object of the indifference and distrust of the public,
instead of being and continuing always the worthy
object of the love and esteem of the people; and the Regencies,
as they made the sincerest wishes, that his Highness
and his illustrious posterity might constantly enjoy
them, considering, that thereon depended in a great measure,
the conservation of the well-being of their country, and
of the House of Orange.</p>

<p>"That although they know very well, that the members
of the sovereignty have always a right, and that their duty
requires them even to expose their sentiments to his Highness
and their co-regents, concerning the state and administration
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>
of public affairs, they should, however, have now
voluntarily spared the present measure, if there had been
only the smallest hope of amendment or alteration, but that
from the aforesaid reasons, they dared not longer flatter
themselves, and that the necessity having arisen to the
highest point, it appeared that there was no other part to
take, but to lay open in this manner to his Highness the real
situation of affairs, praying him most earnestly to take it
into serious consideration, and no longer listen to the counsels
and insinuations of a man, upon whom the hatred of
the great and the little was accumulated, and whom they regard
as a stranger, not having a sufficient knowledge of our
form of government, and not having a sincere affection for
the Republic.</p>

<p>"That the Regents of Amsterdam were very far from
desiring to accuse this nobleman of that of which, however,
he was too publicly charged; or to consider as well
founded, the suspicions of an excessive attachment to the
Court of London, of bad faith and of corruption, that they
assure themselves, that a person of so illustrious a birth and
so high rank, is incapable of such baseness; but that they
judge, that the unfortunate ideas, which have been unhappily
conceived with regard to him, and which have caused
a general distrust, have rendered him absolutely useless
and hurtful to the service of the country, and of his Highness.</p>

<p>"That thus it was convenient to dismiss him from the
direction of affairs, from the person and Court of his Highness,
as being a perpetual obstacle to the re-establishment
of that good harmony, so highly necessary between his
Highness and the principal members of the State, while
his continuance would but too much occasion the distrust
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span>
conceived of his counsels, to fall, whether with or without
reason, upon the person, and the administration of his
Highness himself.</p>

<p>"That these representations did not proceed from a
principle of personal hatred or private rancor against the
Duke, who, in former times, has had reason to value himself
on the benevolence and real proofs of the affection of
the Regency of Amsterdam; but that they ought to protest
before God and the world, that the conservation of
their country, and of the illustrious House of his Highness,
and the desire to prevent their approaching ruin, had been
the only motives of these representations.</p>

<p>"That they had seen themselves obliged to them, both in
quality of citizens of the country, and as an integral member
of its sovereign Assembly, to the end to make by this
step one last effort, and to furnish yet, perhaps in time, a
means of saving, under the blessing of the Almighty, the
vessel of the State from the most imminent dangers, and
conduct it to a good port, or at least, in every case, to
acquit themselves of their duty, and to satisfy their consciences,
and to place themselves in safety from all reproach
from the present age, and from posterity."</p>

<p>To this representation, the Duke has made an answer
to their High Mightinesses, in which he demands an inquiry
and a vindication of his honor, as dearer to him than his
life. This answer will be transmitted as soon as possible.
The transaction will form a crisis, but what will be the result
of this, or any other measure taken in this country, I
cannot pretend to foretel.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 27th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Major Jackson has been some time here, in pursuance of
instructions from Colonel Laurens, in order to despatch the
purchase of the goods, and the shipping of the goods and
cash, for the United States, which are to go by the South
Carolina.</p>

<p>But when all things appeared to be ready, I received a
letter from his Excellency Dr Franklin, informing me that
he feared his funds would not admit of his accepting bills
for more than fifteen thousand pounds sterling, the accounts
of the Indian and the goods amounted to more than fifty
thousand pounds, which showed that there had not been
an understanding sufficiently precise and explicit between
the Doctor, and the Colonel. There was, however, no
remedy but a journey to Passy, which Major Jackson undertook,
despatched the whole business, and returned to
Amsterdam in seven days, so that I hope now there will
be no more delays.</p>

<p>Major Jackson has conducted, through the whole of his
residence here, as far as I have been able to observe, with
great activity and accuracy in business, and an exemplary
zeal for the public service.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 29th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>On the 21st of this month, the Field Maréchal, Duke
Louis, of Brunswick, presented to the States-General the
following paper.</p>

<p>"High and Mighty Lords,</p>

<p>"It is not without the greatest reluctance, that I see myself
forced to interrupt the important deliberations of your
High Mightinesses, and to have recourse to you in an
affair, which indeed regards me personally, but the simple
explanation of which, I assure myself, will prove, that if I
should neglect this step, I should be essentially wanting to
the dignity of character, with which your High Mightinesses
have clothed me.</p>

<p>"After having passed in 1750 into the service of the
State, it pleased your High Mightinesses, by your resolution
of the 13th of November of the same year, to create
me Field Maréchal of your troops. When, afterwards,
the arrangements for the tuition of the Stadtholder in his
minority were resolved on, by express resolutions of all the
High Confederates, and it was resolved, that his Highness
should be represented in the administration of his military
employments, your High Mightinesses then condescended,
by honoring me with their distinguished confidence, to confer
upon me, by your resolution of the 13th of January,
1759, the title of the representative of the Prince Stadtholder,
as Captain-General during the time of his minority.</p>

<p>"I shall say nothing of the resolutions, which your High
Mightinesses and the respective Provinces took on the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span>
8th of March, 1766, the day of the majority of the Prince,
and in the sequel, under different dates, relative to the
manner in which I had answered to the confidence, which
you had condescended to put in me. These resolutions
are too flattering to be recited here; they are, however,
sure pledges, that at that time, at least, I had the good
fortune to see my conduct and my services rendered to
the State, approved by the high government. In fine,
your High Mightinesses continued to honor me with your
confidence, even after the time of the minority of the
Stadtholder. You took on the same 8th of March, 1766,
the resolution to cause to be solicited by your Envoy Extraordinary
at the Court of Vienna, the consent of her Imperial
and Royal Majesty, in whose service I was also engaged
as Field Maréchal, to continue me still in the same
quality in the service of your High Mightinesses. The
pleasure of her Majesty being obtained, I did not refuse
this honor, but continued vested with the character of
Field Maréchal of the troops of the State, in the service
of your High Mightinesses.</p>

<p>"Having thus filled for more than thirty years, under the
eyes of their High Mightinesses, and in a manner which is
sufficiently known to you, the employments which you
had confided to me, could I have expected that they
would one day render my person the object of the public
hatred to such a degree, that I could be exposed to the
step which they have taken upon my subject; a step the
most dishonorable to the character, with which your High
Mightinesses have condescended to invest me, and which
puts me in the absolute necessity of addressing myself this
day to you.</p>

<p>"In effect, High and Mighty Lords, after having seen
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span>
myself in public, the object of accusations and calumnies
the most atrocious, (but which I have always despised
as such, and of which I shall never take notice, while no
one presents himself to support them) after that they had
excited against me a general cry, as if my person could be
no longer endured, it was necessary for me still further to
suffer, that the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam,
and namely the two reigning Burgomasters, Messieurs
Temminck and Rendorp, accompanied with the
Pensionary Vischer, should have addressed themselves to
my Lord, the Prince of Orange, and in presence of the
Counsellor Pensionary of Holland, should have read to
him a certain memorial, in the name and by the order of
their constituents, who are therein throughout introduced
as speaking in the name of the Regency of Amsterdam,
and in which I receive an affront the most sensible for an
upright heart. It is true, that the Deputies whom I have
just named, took back with them this memorial; but,
since, changing their plan, they have thought fit to transmit
it, on the 14th of the month, by the Burgomaster Rendorp,
not indeed in the name of the Regency of Amsterdam,
but in that of the gentlemen the Burgomasters to the
Counsellor Pensionary, praying him to transmit it to the
Prince, to whom they left the liberty to make such use of
it as should seem to him convenient.</p>

<p>"Informed in this way, and by the communication which
his Highness made to me of it, of the contents of this memorial,
I there found so long a concatenation of expressions
and reasonings, each more insulting than the other, against
my person, which I should be afraid to abuse the attention
of your High Mightinesses by inserting them here; lest,
however, I should represent them out of their order, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span>
the chain which connects them together, your High Mightinesses
will pardon me, I hope, if I transcribe from the
memorial, the periods which relate to me, and by which I
am attacked.</p>

<p>"After having made several reflections, which in nowise
concern me, and which I ought, consequently, to leave to
be answered by those who are attacked by them, but which
tend to justify the proposition, which the gentlemen, the
Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, made the 18th of May
last, in the Assembly of the States of Holland in particular,
to join to his Highness a privy council or committee, the
gentlemen, the Burgomasters, continue to address themselves
to the Prince literally in these terms."</p>

<p>[Here follows the substance of the representations of the
Burgomasters, contained in my letter to Congress, of the
26th of June, 1781.]</p>

<p>"In those pieces, which I have just now literally related,
your High Mightinesses will perceive, and probably
not without indignation, that after a train of reflections,
each more injurious than the other, in which there is no
accusation against me as Field Maréchal, and which,
moreover, are only grounded upon pretended public sentiments
and reports artfully circulated, that nevertheless the
gentlemen, the Burgomasters, have judged it necessary to
insist that his Highness would remove me from his person
and Court, in a manner the most disgraceful, and condemn
me without further examination, as a criminal attainted and
convicted to dishonorable exile.</p>

<p>"I cannot then but consider a proceeding, accompanied
with so many odious and humiliating expressions, which is
not made by simple individuals, but a deputation of two
reigning Burgomasters, with the Pensionary of one of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>
most considerable cities of Holland, in the name and by
the order of the Regency of that city, (according to the
terms of the memorial, although according to the letter
whereof I have spoken of the Burgomaster Rendorp, it
was only in the name of the gentlemen, the Burgomasters
of that city) and that in a formal manner, after mature
deliberation, and after having confirmed this action in the
most injurious manner, by taking back the memorial, and
causing it to be sent to his Highness, I cannot, I say,
but consider this proceeding as wounding, in the most
violent manner, my character and my person; and in
this same writing, where they dare not specify any crime
to my charge, and where they are obliged to acknowledge
the falsity of the reports which have circulated
against me, and of the suspicions of an excessive and
illicit attachment to the English Court, of bad faith and
of corruption, they appear, notwithstanding, to give credit
to these calumnies, and to be willing to cast upon me
the blame of the evils of the times, to the end, to exculpate
those who are the true causes of it. I should think
myself unworthy of bearing any longer the character that
your High Mightinesses have confided to me, if I testified
upon this article an indifference or an insensibility.</p>

<p>"I dare also assure myself, that your High Mightinesses
will consider my proceeding in the same point of light, and
that they will agree with me, that it is of the highest importance
to know, if he, whom your High Mightinesses
have clothed with the dignity of Field Maréchal, whom
they have engaged and continued in their service in the
manner abovementioned, is in fact the true cause of the
deplorable state of the weakness of the Republic, of all
the negligence they suppose to have taken place, of all the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>
false steps, that they say have been taken, and of all
the unhappy consequences, that have resulted from them.
Your High Mightinesses are to examine in the most exact
manner, things so interesting, and to see if this person is
the source of the distrust and disunion; for what reasons
he would be totally unuseful and prejudicial to the service
of the State and of his Highness; what are the proofs of
his want of affection to the country; in one word, for what
reason he should be hereafter unworthy of the confidence
of the Prince, who is placed at the head of this Republic,
to whose testimony I here take the liberty of appealing;
finally, for what reason he hath merited to be removed
from the person of his Highness, and of his Court, as a
perpetual obstacle to the good intelligence between his
Highness and the Court.</p>

<p>"And as my honor is more dear to me than life, and as
I am attacked in a part so sensible, it is also for this reason,
and in consideration of that, which I owe to myself even,
and to the relations, which I have as well with this State
and to your High Mightinesses, as to those which I still
have with his Imperial and Royal Majesty, to which otherwise
I should be too much wanting, that I see myself
obliged to address myself to your High Mightinesses, and
by them to all the confederates, to supplicate them respectfully,
and to insist in the most express manner, that your
High Mightinesses would deign, after the most severe and
scrupulous examination, to take such measures in protecting
efficaciously the character, which your High Mightinesses
have confided to me, that I may be justified in a proper
manner from the blame, that the abovementioned proceeding
hath cast upon me, and that so sensible an affront as
hath been offered me by it, may be suitably repaired; that
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>
to this end it may please your High Mightinesses to direct
things in such a manner, that the four reigning Burgomasters
of Amsterdam, who have caused to be delivered in
their name the said Memorial, according to the letter of
Burgomaster Rendorp, be obliged, as well as the Pensionary
Vischer, to allege the reasons they have had of injuring
me so grievously as they have done by the said proceeding,
and by the accusation, therein contained, and to
verify the whole in a suitable manner, which I cannot but
consider all that, which is there said as calumnies, and that
they may be obliged, moreover, to specify more precisely
the other heads of accusation, that they pretend to allege
to my charge, and to bring the requisite judiciary proofs of
them; and in case that they can specify nothing, or that
they cannot prove sufficiently their allegations, that the
authors of the infamous reports circulated against me may
be sought out, to the end, that they may be punished as
calumniators, according to their deserts; finally, that your
High Mightinesses will then, conjointly with all the confederates,
take such justificatory resolutions, as will save my
honor and my reputation in the nation, and in the eyes of
all Europe; that thus I may be placed in a situation to
support with proper dignity the character, which your
High Mightinesses have given me, and that I may obtain
the satisfaction, that your High Mightinesses, according to
their profound wisdom and known equity, shall judge equivalent
to the affront offered to my character and my relations.</p>

<p>"I have the honor to be, with the most sincere and respectful
attachment, High and Mighty Lords, your High
Mightinesses' most humble, most obedient, and faithful
servant,</p>
<p class="signed">L. DUC DE BRUNSVIC."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, July 5th, 1781.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The following is an extract from the registry of the
resolutions of their High Mightinesses, the States-General
of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.</p>

<p><i>Thursday, June the 20th, 1781.</i> His Serene Highness,
the Prince of Orange and Nassau, having appeared
in the Assembly, made to their High Mightinesses the following
proposition.</p>

<p>"High and Mighty Lords,</p>

<p>"I have judged necessary to propose to your High
Mightinesses to examine, with the greatest care, if, since
the present troubles have arisen, proper attention has been
paid to the placing the marine of the State in that situation,
that it had been able to act efficaciously against an
enemy, particularly one so strongly armed by sea as the
kingdom of Great Britain is, or if any negligence or supineness
hath had place in that respect, and in that case,
to what it ought to be attributed; and to the end to receive
the necessary information on that head, to write to
the respective Colleges of Admiralty, that they may make
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span>
report, and declare how many vessels they had in 1776,
and how many were then equipped, and with how many
men, what they have done since the English have begun to
molest the ships of the inhabitants of this country, employed
in the West India trade under pretext of the disputes
arisen with their colonies in North America, and by
consequence from the end of 1776 and the beginning of
1777, to place themselves as much as was possible and in
their power, in a state to protect the commerce of this
country, and what they have done since the troubles have
begun in Europe, and that it was to be feared, that the Republic
would have a share in them, for to put it as much
as depended on them, in a state of not only protecting her
commerce, but also to be able to assist in defending the
country, and in attacking the enemy; if they have been
active to effect that, which hath been resolved by your
High Mightinesses for this object, or if there has been a
negligence in this respect; and in that case, for what reason
they have not executed these resolutions; if it has
been possible for them to furnish the ships put in commission
and equip them, to the end, that it may appear from
whence it arises, that the Republic finds itself in so deplorable
a state of defence by sea, which is certainly the
point the most interesting in this war, and upon which all
the inhabitants of this country have an eye. Although
on this occasion I make only mention of the defence by
sea, I esteem it necessary to represent to your High
Mightinesses, that I am very far from avowing by that, that
the land forces of this State are sufficient to assure us,
that the country is in a respectable state of defence by
land.</p>

<p>"I do not think myself under the necessity of justifying
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span>
my conduct, and that your High Mightinesses are ignorant
of the efforts I have made since my majority to place everything,
which regards this Republic, in a respectable posture
of defence; nevertheless, I have thought it in my
power to represent to your High Mightinesses, that I have
on more than one occasion, given it as my opinion, that this
Republic ought to be placed not only by land but also by
sea, in a proper state of defence, to the end to be able to
maintain its liberty and independence, and not to be obliged
to take measures contrary to the true interests of the country;
but conformable to those of a power from whose menaces
it has at length more to fear, because it is not in a
state to resist it.</p>

<p>"It is for that reason that even in the beginning of 1771,
I have given to understand, that the Deputies of the Province
of Holland and West Friesland had proposed in the
assembly of your High Mightinesses, by the express orders
of the gentlemen, the States their constituents, to cause to
be formed a petition for the construction of twentyfour vessels
of war; that I have not neglected to insist upon all
occasions, as well upon the re-establishment of the marine
as upon the augmentation of the land forces, and to press
particularly more than once the conclusion of the petition
for the construction of vessels.</p>

<p>"It is for the same reason, that in the beginning of the
year 1775, upon occasion of the exertions made by the
gentlemen, the Commissaries of your High Mightinesses
for the affairs of war, with some members of the Council
of State, to conciliate the different sentiments of the respective
confederates, in regard to the plan of augmentation
of the land forces, proposed by the Council of State, the
19th of July, 1773, I have made a conciliatory proposition
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span>
to this purport, viz. 'that the sum for the department of
war should be fixed at six hundred thousand florins for the
marine, and to make amends for that, that the sum of one
million five hundred thousand florins demanded in 1773,
for an augmentation to be made of the land forces, should
be reduced to nine hundred thousand florins;' which proposition
was embraced at that time by the gentlemen, the
States of Guelderland, Friesland, Overyssel, and Gronigen,
but hath had no further operation.</p>

<p>"I shall not allege here the entreaties that I have annually
made with the Council of State by the general petition;
but shall communicate only to your High Mightinesses
the proposition that I have made to the assembly
of the gentlemen, the States of Holland and West Friesland,
the 10th of March, 1779, which is of the same tenor
with the letter I wrote the same day to the gentlemen, the
States of Guelderland, Zealand, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel,
and Groningen, a copy of which I have the honor
to remit to your High Mightinesses. I cannot disguise
that in my opinion it was to have been wished, that what
I then proposed had been more attended to, since I dare
assure myself that if the republic had found it good at that
time to have caused to be armed fifty or sixty vessels well
equipped, and provided with every necessary, whereof not
less than twenty or thirty should have been of the line,
and to have augmented the land forces to fifty or sixty
thousand men of foot, it would not have found itself in its
present unhappy circumstances, but it would have been
respected as an independent State by all the powers, it
would have been able to maintain the system of neutrality,
which it had embraced; and it would have seen itself in a
state to promise itself with reason, under the divine benediction,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>
that in giving great weight to the party to which it
should be joined, it would not have been to be feared that
any power whatsoever would have attacked it, but that it
would have been managed by each, and that her friendship
being sought by all, and not giving to any one of them just
causes of complaint, it would have obtained the esteem and
confidence of all the powers, which would have produced
the best effects for the true interests of this State, certainly
and in every case, if it had been attacked by an unjust
war, to which a State is always exposed, it would have
seen itself in a state to make an opposition with hopes of
success, and of obliging the enemy to seek the friendship
of this State, upon honorable terms for the Republic."</p>

<p>The following is the letter from his Serene Highness to
the Lords, the States of Guelderland, Zealand, Utrecht,
Friesland, Overyssel, and Groningen, dated March 10th,
1779.</p>

<p>"Noble and Mighty Lords, intimate and good Friends;&mdash;We
think ourselves obliged to communicate to your Noble
Mightinesses our sentiments respecting one of the most important
objects of your deliberations, viz. we are very far
from judging that it would be expedient that this Republic
should renounce the lawful rights, which appertain to its inhabitants
in virtue of solemn treaties; we think, on the
contrary, that they ought to be maintained by all the means
that Providence hath placed in the hands of this Republic,
but that it belongs only to your Noble Mightinesses, and to
the Noble Mighty Lords, the States of the other Provinces
to decide, when it is time that their High Mightinesses
ought to take the resolution of granting an unlimited protection
to their commercial inhabitants, and that their High
Mightinesses not having engaged themselves by any treaty
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>
whatsoever with any foreign power, to protect all branches
of commerce without distinction, no one hath a right to
exact from them, that, in granting protection, they ought to
grant it to all vessels without distinction, without leaving to
their prudence to decide if they are in a condition to protect
all the branches of commerce; and if they can do it in
the present moment without hazarding important interests,
and exposing themselves to the greatest danger.</p>

<p>"We think, then, that in this case it will be proper to
pay no regard to anything else than the true interests of
the Republic, and it is for this reason that before a final
resolution is taken to convoy vessels loaded with wood, it
would be necessary to examine the state of the Republic,
both by land and sea. In our opinion, nothing will be more
expedient for this Republic than an exact and punctual
neutrality, without prejudicing the treaties which it has with
foreign powers, but we think that to maintain and support
it efficaciously, and not only for so long a time as it may
please one of the belligerent powers to require of the Republic,
in a violent and threatening manner, that it takes a
part, that it will be proper that the Republic be put in
an armed state, that to this end it will be necessary to
equip at least fifty or sixty vessels, not less than twenty or
thirty of them of the line, and to augment the land forces
to fifty or sixty thousand men, and that the frontier places
should be put in a proper state of defence, and the magazines
provided with the requisite munitions of war. In
which case we are of opinion, that the Republic would be
respected by all the powers, and could do, without obstacle,
what is permitted it by the treaties, or would not be
prevented from doing and acting what it should judge proper
to its true interests.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span></p>

<p>"For these reasons we judge, that the fidelity we owe
to our country requires us to offer this consideration to the
enlightened minds of your Noble Mightinesses, and to
give your Noble Mightinesses the deliberation of it, to take
a resolution, to the end that by the construction of a considerable
number of vessels, and particularly of the line,
the marine may be reinforced, and that by the augmentation
of the monthly pay or premiums, or by such other
arrangements as your Noble Mightinesses, and the Lords,
the States of the other Provinces, shall judge proper, it may
be effected that the sailors necessary to equip them be
procured, and that at the same time your Noble Mightinesses
grant the sums for the necessary augmentation, to
the end to carry the land forces to the number of fifty or
sixty thousand men, and for the petitions respecting the
fortifications and magazines.</p>

<p>"When your Noble Mightinesses and the Lords the
States of the other Provinces shall have done that, and this
reinforcement, both by sea and land, shall have been carried
into execution, we think that this is the epoch when
the Republic may with advantage, and as an independent
State, take the resolution of maintaining the rights which
appertain to their inhabitants according to the treaties, and
particularly that of Marine, in 1674. But before the Republic
is put in a respectable state of defence, we should
fear, that a resolution to take under convoy all vessels indiscriminately,
according to the letter of the said treaty,
and particularly vessels loaded with ship timber, might
have very bad consequences for the true interests of this
State, and expose the honor of its flag to an affront. And
is for this reason we are of opinion, that it would be proper,
that it should be resolved by an ulterior resolution,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>
that the vessels loaded with masts, knees, beams, and other
kinds of wood necessary to the construction of ships of war
should not be taken under convoy, before an equipment of
fifty or sixty vessels, (not less than twenty or thirty of them
of the line,) is ready, and before having augmented the
land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men of foot; but that
in the meantime, to the end to protect as much as possible,
the general commerce of this country, without exposing
the important interests of the State, the necessary convoys
as they were announced, shall be granted to all other vessels
not loaded with contraband effects, to the end that all
the branches of commerce may not be suspended and left
without protection, during the time of the deliberation upon
the protection of one branch only. We expect, that when
the Republic shall be put into this armed state, all the
powers will leave her to exercise the right which belongs
to her of keeping an exact neutrality, and of observing also
on their part, everything which the treaties it hath made
may require, &amp;c."</p>

<p>Which having been deliberated, their High Mightinesses
have thanked his Serene Highness for the said proposition.</p>

<p>"They regard it as a new mark of his assiduous zeal
and solicitude for the interests of the State, in declaring
that their High Mightinesses acknowledged with gratitude,
all the efforts that his Serene Highness hath employed
since his majority, and in particular since the commencement
of the war between the two neighboring kingdoms, to
put the Republic in a proper state of defence, both by sea
and land, and could have wished that these efforts might
have had the desired effect in every respect; and besides,
it has been found good and resolved, that conformably to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>
the proposition of his Serene Highness, it shall be notified
to the respective Colleges of the Admiralty, (in sending to
them a copy of the said proposition,) that they make report
and render an account how many vessels they had in
1776; in what condition they were, and how many of them
were equipped with the number of men; afterwards what
they have done since the English have begun to molest the
ships of the inhabitants of this country trading to the West
Indies, under pretext of disputes arisen with their Colonies
in North America, and thus from the end of the year 1776,
and at the beginning of 1777, to put themselves in a condition,
as much as was possible and in their power, to protect
the commerce of this country, and what they have done
since the troubles have begun in Europe, and that it was
to be feared that the Republic would become a party, to
put themselves in a condition for what depended upon
them, to protect not only their commerce, but also to be
able to aid in defending the country and attacking the enemy;
if they have been active to carry into effect what your
High Mightinesses have resolved upon this subject, and if
any negligence hath had place in this regard, and in this
case, for what reasons they have not executed those resolutions;
if they have been in a possibility of supporting and
equipping the vessels put in commission, to the end that it
may appear to what we ought to attribute the present situation."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Versailles, July 7th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that upon
an intimation from you, signified to me by M. Berenger,
and afterwards by the Duc de la Vauguyon, that the interest
of the United States required me here, I arrived last night
in Paris, and am come today to Versailles, to pay
my respects to your Excellency, and receive your further
communications. As your Excellency was in council
when I had the honor to call at your office, and as it is
very possible that some other day may be more agreeable,
I have the honor to request you to appoint the time, which
will be most convenient for me to wait on you.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant,</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<p>The foregoing letter I sent by my servant, who waited
until the Count descended from council, when he delivered
it into his hand. He broke the seal, read the letter, and
said he was very sorry he could not see Mr Adams, but he
was obliged to go into the country immediately after dinner;
that Mr Adams, <i>seroit dans le cas de voir M. de
Rayneval</i>, who lived at such a sign in such a street. After
dinner, I called on M. Rayneval, who said; M. le Duc de
la Vauguyon has informed me, that there is a question of
a pacification, under the mediation of the Emperor of Germany
and the Empress of Russia, and that it was necessary
that I should have some consultations at leisure with the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>
Count de Vergennes, that we might understand each
other's views; that he would see the Count tomorrow
morning, and write me when he would meet me; that they
had not changed their principles nor their system; that
the treaties were the foundation of all negotiation. I said,
that I lodged at the hotel de Valois, where I did formerly;
that I should be ready to wait on the Count when it would
be agreeable to him, and to confer with him upon everything
relative to any proposition, which the English might
have made. He said the English had not made any propositions,
but it was necessary to consider certain points, and
make certain preparatory arrangements; to know
whether we were British subjects, or in what light we were
to be considered, &amp;c. Smiling, I said, I was not a British
subject, that I had renounced that character many years
ago, forever; and that I should rather be a fugitive in
China or Malabar, than ever reassume that character.</p>

<p>On the 9th, was brought me by one of the Count de
Vergennes' ordinary commissaries the following billet.</p>

<h3>M. DE RAYNEVAL TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="translation">Translation.</p>

<p class="letter_head">Versailles, July 9th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have had the honor to inform you, that the Count de
Vergennes desired to have an interview with you, and it
will give him pleasure if you can meet him on Wednesday
next, at nine o'clock in the morning.</p>

<p>Meantime, I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">GERARD DE RAYNEVAL.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span></p>

<h3>TO M. DE RAYNEVAL.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, July 9th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have this moment the honor of your billet of this day's
date, and will do myself the honor to wait on his Excellency
the Count de Vergennes at his office, on Wednesday
next, at nine of the clock in the morning according to his
desire.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<p>Accordingly on Wednesday I went to Versailles, and met
the Count at his office, with M. de Rayneval, at nine
o'clock, who communicated to me the following articles
proposed by the two Imperial Courts. That Spain had
prepared her answers; that of France was nearly ready;
but did not know that England had yet answered.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, July 7th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The following Resolution was passed at the Hague, the
2d of this month, by their High Mightinesses the States-General,
respecting the Duke of Brunswick.</p>

<p>"Heard the report of Messrs de Lynden, de Hemmen,
and other deputies of their High Mightinesses for marine
affairs, who, in consequence and conformably to a commissorial
resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 21st of
last month, have examined a letter of the Duke of Brunswick,
dated at the Hague the same day, and containing
serious complaints upon the proposition, that the gentlemen,
the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, have made to his
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span>
Highness, after that many calumnies and atrocious accusations
had been circulated against him in public; upon
which, having deliberated, it hath been found good and
resolved,</p>

<p>"That, saving the deliberations of the Lords, the States
of the respective Provinces, upon the complaints relative
to the proceeding of the gentlemen, the Deputies of Amsterdam,
their High Mightinesses, not being able to see
with indifference, that my Lord the Duke of Brunswick,
in quality of Field Maréchal of this State, be publicly
accused in so enormous a manner, it may from this time
be declared, and it is declared by the present, that it is
not manifest to their High Mightinesses that there are any
reasons, which could furnish any ground for such accusations
and suspicions of bad faith and of corruption as have
been alleged to the charge of my Lord the Duke, and that
have been circulated abroad in anonymous writings, defamatory
libels, and dishonorable reports; that, on the contrary,
their High Mightinesses regard them as false and
injurious calumnies, spread with design to disgrace and
wound the honor and reputation of my Lord the Duke;
whilst that their High Mightinesses hold the said Lord the
Duke entirely innocent and exempt from the blame, with
which the libels and reports alleged endeavor to disgrace
him.</p>

<p>"That in consequence, the gentlemen, the States of the
respective Provinces, should be required by writing, and
that it should be submitted to their consideration, if they
could not find it good each in their Provinces, conformably
to the placards of the country, to make the necessary regulations
to restrain the authors, printers, and distributors of
such like defamatory libels and malicious and calumnious
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span>
writings, by which the said Lord the Duke is so sensibly
attacked and wounded in his honor and reputation."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, July 7th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Under the head of St Petersburg is the following article.</p>

<p>"On the 8th of June, the Minister of the Court of Versailles
had a conference with the Count Osterman, Vice
Chancellor of the empire, and remitted to him a memorial,
containing representations upon the continued proceedings
of the English against the commerce and navigation of
neuters; upon the little activity of these last to prevent
these arbitrary proceedings, and supporting thereby the
principles of their declarations made to the belligerent powers,
and the convention of neutrality which has been agreed
upon between them; upon the prejudice which ought naturally
to result from it to the whole world, and upon the
desire which the king his master has that it should be
remedied by the vigorous co-operation of her Imperial
Majesty, seeing that without that the said association of
neutrality would turn only to the advantage of the enemies
of France, and that the King, who to this moment has confined
himself exactly to the principle of the abovementioned
declaration and convention of neutrality, would see himself,
although with regret, in the indispensable necessity of changing
in like manner the system which he had hitherto followed,
with respect to the commerce and navigation of neuters, and
of measuring and regulating it upon the conduct
which the English shall allow themselves, and which was
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>
so patiently borne by the neuters. Objects, in regard to
which his Majesty has nevertheless judged it his duty to
suspend his final resolution, until he can concert upon this
subject with her Imperial Majesty."</p>

<p>Mr Dana left Amsterdam this day, and is gone to
Utrecht and from thence he will proceed on his journey
to Petersburg without delay. Mr Jennings does not accompany
him.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, July 10th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>On Wednesday, the 4th of July, M. de Lynden Blitterswyk,
presiding in the Assembly, hath related and acquainted
their High Mightinesses, that the Duke of Brunswick
had been with him that morning and given him to understand,</p>

<p>"That he had been informed of the resolution, that their
High Mightinesses had taken the 2d of July upon the letter,
that he had the honor of remitting to them, the 21st of
June last; that He was extremely sensible of the marks of
confidence and affection, that their High Mightinesses had
been pleased to give him on this occasion, and that in an
affair, to the subject of which he had not directly carried
his complaints to their High Mightinesses; that he was
nevertheless not less persuaded, that the intention of their
High Mightinesses could not be by that to let the affair
rest provisionally, much less that thereby they should have
satisfied the respectful demand and requisition contained in
his said letter, by which he had required an exact and vigorous
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span>
examination, and demanded for that purpose of their
High Mightinesses such steps as had been more amply
mentioned in the said letter; and that then only he had
required such a justificatory resolution and satisfaction as
had been afterwards demanded by that letter; that he
ought to insist upon that so much the more, as by that provisional
resolution, as taken without previous inquiry, one
could by no means think him cleared from the blame and
affront, which had been offered him, for which reason he
had conceived that he could and ought to implore the resolution
of all the High Confederates themselves, as he still
continued to implore it with earnestness;" praying M. de
Lynden, as President of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses,
to be pleased to acquaint them therewith.</p>

<p>Which having been deliberated, it hath been resolved
and concluded,</p>

<p>"To pray by the present, the gentlemen, the Deputies of
the respective Provinces, to be pleased to acquaint the gentlemen,
the States, their principals, with the above, to the
end that in the deliberations upon the letter of the Duke of
Brunswick, such reflections may be made upon the above
as they shall judge proper."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, July 11th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have only time by Major Jackson, to inform Congress,
that upon information from the Count de Vergennes, that
questions concerning peace under the mediation of the
two Imperial Courts were in agitation, that required my
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span>
presence here, I undertook the journey, and arrived here
last Friday night, the 6th of the month, and have twice
waited on the Count de Vergennes at Versailles, who
this day communicated to me the enclosed propositions.</p>

<p>These propositions are made to all the belligerent powers,
by the Courts of Petersburg and Vienna, in consequence
of some wild propositions made to them by the
Court of London, "that they would undertake the office of
mediators upon condition, that the league as they call it,
between France and their rebel subjects in America should
be dissolved, and these left to make their terms with Great
Britain, after having returned to their allegiance and obedience."</p>

<p>France and Spain have prepared their answers to these
propositions of the Empress and Emperor, and I am desired
to give my answer to the articles enclosed. It is
not in my power at this time to enclose to Congress my
answer, because I have not made it, nor written it,
but Congress must see, that nothing can come of this
man&oelig;uvre, at least for a long time. Thus much I may
say to Congress, that I have no objection to the proposition
of treating with the English separately in the manner proposed,
upon a peace, and a Treaty of Commerce with
them, consistent with our engagements with France and
Spain; but that the armistice never can be agreed to by
me. The objections against it are as numerous as they
are momentous and decisive. I may say further, that as
there is no judge upon earth, of a Sovereign Power, but
the nation that composes it, I can never agree to the mediation
of any powers, however respectable, until they
have acknowledged our sovereignty, so far at least as to
admit a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, as
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span>
the representative of a free and independent power. After
this, we might discuss questions of peace or truce with
Great Britain, without her acknowledging our sovereignty,
but not before.</p>

<p>I fancy, however, that Congress will be applied to for
their sentiments, and I shall be ever ready and happy to
obey their instructions, because I have a full confidence,
that nothing will be decided by them, but what will be
consistent with their character and dignity. Peace will
only be retarded by relaxations and concessions, whereas
firmness, patience, and perseverance will ensure us a good
and lasting one in the end. The English are obliged to
keep up the talk of peace, to lull their enemies, and to
sustain their credit. But I hope the people of America
will not be deceived. Nothing will obtain them real peace
but skilful and successful war.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h4>ARTICLES</h4>

<p class="center"><i>To serve as a Basis to the Negotiation for the Re-establishment
of Peace.</i></p>

<p class="translation">Translation.</p>

<h4>ARTICLE I.</h4>

<p>The re-establishment of peace in America shall be negotiated
between Great Britain and the American Colonies,
but without the intervention of any of the other belligerent
parties, nor even with that of the two Imperial Courts,
unless their mediation should be formally asked and granted
upon this object.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span></p>

<h4>ARTICLE II.</h4>

<p>This separate peace cannot, however, be signed, but
conjointly, and at the same time with that of those powers
whose interests shall have been negotiated by the mediating
Courts, for this reason, although each peace may be
separately treated, yet they cannot be concluded without
each other. Care shall be taken to inform the mediators
with certainty of the measures and state of that, which
regards Great Britain and the Colonies, to the end, that the
mediation may be able to regulate the measures intrusted
to it, by the state of the negotiation relating to the colonies,
and both of the pacifications, which shall have been concluded
at the same time, although separately, shall be solemnly
guarantied by the mediating Courts, and every
other neutral power, whose guarantee the belligerent parties
may think proper to claim.</p>

<h4>ARTICLE III.</h4>

<p>To render the negotiations for peace independent of the
events of war, always uncertain, which may put a stop to,
or at least retard their progress, there shall be a general
armistice between all parties during the term of a year,
reckoning from &mdash;&mdash; of the month of &mdash;&mdash; of the
present year, or of &mdash;&mdash; years, reckoning from &mdash;&mdash; of the
month of &mdash;&mdash; of the year 1782, should it happen that
peace should not be re-established in the first period, and
whilst the duration of either of these periods continue,
everything shall remain in the state in which they shall be
found at signing the present preliminary articles.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span></p>
<div class="thought_break"></div>
<h3>TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, July 13th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency some
remarks upon the articles, to serve as a basis of the negotiation
for the re-establishment of peace, which you did
me the honor to communicate to me.</p>

<p>As I am unacquainted, whether you desired my sentiments
upon these articles merely for your own government,
or with a design to communicate them to the Imperial
Courts, I should be glad of your Excellency's advice
concerning them. If your Excellency is of opinion
there is anything exceptionable, or which ought to be
altered, I should be glad to correct it; or if I have not
perceived the points, or questions, upon which you desired
my opinion, I shall be ready to give any further answers.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h4>ANSWER</h4>

<p><i>Of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States
of America, to the Articles to serve as a Basis to the
Negotiation for the Re-establishment of Peace.</i></p>

<p><span class="smcap">Article i.</span> The United States of America have no
objection, provided their allies have none, to a treaty with
Great Britain, concerning the re-establishment of peace in
America, or to another concerning the re-establishment of
commerce between the two nations, consistent with their
obligations to France and Spain, without the intervention
of any of the other belligerent parties, and even without
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>
that of the two Imperial Courts, at least, unless their mediation
should be formally demanded and granted upon this
object, according to the first article communicated to me.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Art. ii.</span> The United States have nothing to say, provided
their allies have not, against the second article.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Art. iii.</span> To the armistice, and the <i>statu quo</i>, in the
third article, the United States have very great objections,
which indeed are so numerous and decisive, and at the
same time so obvious, as to make it unnecessary to state
them in detail.</p>

<p>The idea of a truce is not suggested in these articles;
but as it is mentioned in some observations shown me by
his Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, it may be necessary
for me to add, that the United States are so deeply
impressed with an apprehension, that any truce whatsoever
would not fail to be productive of another long and
bloody war at the termination of it, and that a short truce
would be in many ways highly dangerous to them, that it
would be with great reluctance that they should enter into
any discussion at all upon such a subject.</p>

<p>Two express conditions would be indispensable preliminaries
to their taking into consideration the subject of a
truce at all. The first is, that their allies agree, that the
treaties now subsisting remain in full force during and after
the truce, until the final acknowledgment of their independence
by Great Britain. The second is, the antecedent
removal of the British land and naval armaments from
every part of the United States. Upon these two express
conditions as preliminaries, if a truce should be proposed
for so long a period, or for an indefinite period, requiring
so long notice, previous to a renewal of hostilities, as to
evince that it is on the part of Great Britain a virtual relinquishment
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>
of the object of the war, and an expedient
only to avoid the mortification of an express acknowledgment
of the independence and sovereignty of the United
States, they, with the concurrence of their allies, might
accede to it.</p>

<p>It is requisite, however, to add; first, that the United
States cannot consider themselves bound by this declaration,
unless it should be agreed to before the opening of
another campaign. Secondly, that it is not in the power
of the Crown of Great Britain, by the constitution of that
kingdom, to establish any truce, or even armistice with the
United States, which would not be illusory without the intervention
of an act of Parliament, repealing or suspending
all their statutes, which have any relation to the United
States, or any of them. Without this, every officer of the
navy would be bound by the laws, according to the maxims
of their constitution, to seize every American vessel
that he should find, whose papers and distinction should
not be found conformable to those statutes, and every
French, Spanish, Dutch, or other foreign vessel, which he
should find going to, or coming from America; notwithstanding
any convention that is in the power of the Crown
to make.</p>

<p>After all, the greatest difficulty does not lie in anything
as yet mentioned. The great question is, in what character
are the United States to be considered? They
know themselves to be a free, sovereign, and independent
State, of right and in fact.</p>

<p>They are considered and acknowledged as such by
France. They cannot be represented in a Congress of
Ministers from the several powers of Europe, whether
their representative is called Ambassador, Minister, or
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>
Agent, without an acknowledgment of their independence,
of which the very admission of a representative from them
is an avowal. Great Britain cannot agree with their representative
upon a truce, or even an armistice, without
admitting their freedom and independence.</p>

<p>As there is upon earth no judge of a sovereign State,
but the nation that composes it, the United States can
never consent, that their independence shall be discussed
or called in question by any sovereign or sovereigns, however
respectable, nor can their interests be made a question
in any Congress, in which their character is not acknowledged,
and their Minister admitted. If, therefore,
the two Imperial Courts would acknowledge and lay down
as a preliminary, the sovereignty of the United States,
and admit their Minister to a Congress, after this, a treaty
might be commenced between the Minister of Great
Britain and the Minister of the United States, relative to
a truce, or peace and commerce, in the manner proposed,
without any express acknowledgment of their sovereignty
by Great Britain, until the treaty should be concluded.</p>

<p>The sovereigns of Europe have a right to negotiate
concerning their own interests, and to deliberate concerning
the question, whether it is consistent with their dignity
and interests, to acknowledge expressly the sovereignty
of the United States, and to make treaties with them, by
their Ministers in a Congress, or otherwise; and America
could make no objection to it; but neither the United
States nor France can ever consent, that the existence
of their sovereignty shall be made a question in such
Congress; because, let that Congress determine as it
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>
might, their sovereignty, with submission only to Divine
Providence, never can, and never will be given up.</p>

<p>As the British Court, in first suggesting the idea of a
Congress to the Imperial Courts, insisted upon the annihilation
of the league, as they were pleased to call it, between
France and their rebel subjects, as they were
pleased again to phrase it, and upon the return of these to
their allegiance and obedience, as preliminaries to any
Congress or mediation; there is too much reason to fear,
that the British Ministry have no serious intentions or sincere
dispositions for peace, and that they mean nothing but
amusement. Because, the support of the sovereignty of
the United States was the primary object of the war, on
the part of France and America; the destruction of it,
that of Great Britain. If, therefore, the treaty between
France and America were annulled, and the Americans
returned to the domination and monopoly of Great Britain,
there would be no need of troubling all Europe with a
Congress to make peace. All points between France,
Spain, and Great Britain, might be easily adjusted among
themselves. Surely the affairs of Great Britain are, in no
part of the world so triumphant, nor those of any of their
enemies so adverse, as to give this Ministry any serious
hopes, that France and America will renounce the object
of the war. There must, therefore, be some other view.</p>

<p>It is not difficult to penetrate the design of the British
Ministry upon this, any more than upon many former occasions.
They think that a distrust of them, and a jealousy
that they would not adhere with good faith to the propositions
of reconciliation, which they have made from time to
time, were, in the minds of the Americans, the true cause
why these propositions were not accepted. They now
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>
think, that by prevailing on the two Imperial Courts, and
other Courts, to warranty to the Americans any similar
terms they may propose to them, they shall remove this
obstacle; and by this means, although they know that no
public authority in America will agree to such terms, they
think they shall be able to represent things in such a light,
as to induce many desertions from the American army,
and many apostates from the American independence and
alliance. In this way, they pursue their long practised arts
of seduction, deception, and division. In these again, as in
so many former attempts, they would find themselves disappointed,
and would make very few deserters or apostates.
But it is to be hoped, that the powers of Europe
will not give to these superficial artifices, with which that
Ministry have so long destroyed the repose of the United
States, and of the British dominions at home and abroad,
and disturbed the tranquillity of Europe, so much attention
as to enable them to continue much longer such evils to
mankind.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, July 15th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have the honor to enclose a copy of a letter to the
Count de Vergennes, and of certain articles and their answers.
The British Court proposed to the Imperial
Courts, a Congress, upon two preliminary conditions, the
rupture of the treaty with France, and the return of America
to their obedience. The two Imperial Courts have
since proposed the enclosed articles. Spain and France
have prepared their answers. England has not answered
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span>
yet, and no Ministers are yet commissioned or appointed
by any power. If she accepts the terms, I should not
scruple to accept them too, excepting the armistice and
the <i>statu quo</i>. I mean I should not insist upon a previous
explicit acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United
States, before I went to Vienna. I see nothing inconsistent
with the character or dignity of the United States, in
their Minister going to Vienna, at the same time when
Ministers from the other powers are there, and entering
into treaty with a British Minister without any explicit acknowledgment
of our independence, before the conclusion
of the treaty. The very existence of such a Congress
would be of use to our reputation.</p>

<p>But I cannot yet believe that Britain will wave her preliminaries.
She will still insist upon the dissolution of the
treaty, and upon the return of the Americans under her
government. This, however, will do no honor to her
moderation or pacific sentiments, in the opinion of the
powers of Europe.</p>

<p>Something may grow out of these negotiations in time,
but it will probably be several years before anything can be
done. Americans can only quicken these negotiations by
decisive strokes. No depredations upon their trade, no
conquests of their possessions in the East or West Indies
will have any effect upon the English to induce them to
make peace, while they see they have an army in the
United States, and can flatter themselves with the hope of
conquering or regaining America; because they think that
with America under their government, they can easily regain
whatever they may lose now in any part of the world.
Whereas, the total expulsion of their forces in the United
States would extinguish their hopes, and persuade them to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span>
peace, sooner than the loss of everything less. The belligerent
powers and the neutral powers may flatter themselves
with the hopes of a restoration of peace, but they
will all be disappointed while the English have a soldier in
America. It is amazing to me that France and Spain do
not see it, and direct their forces accordingly.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, July 16th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Since my letter of the 13th, upon further reflection, I
have thought it necessary to explain myself a little more,
particularly in some points, to your Excellency. If I comprehend
the facts, the British Court first proposed to the
Imperial Courts a Congress and a mediation, upon two
conditions. 1st. The dissolution of the treaties between
France and the United States. 2d. The return of the
Americans under the British government.</p>

<p>In consequence of this proposal from the Court of St
James, the two Imperial Courts have made the proposition
of the articles, which were shown to me, to the Courts of
France, Spain, and England, neither of which has yet
given its answer. Their Imperial Majesties have omitted
the two conditions, which the British Court insisted on as
preliminaries, and mean to admit a representative of the
United States to the Congress, to negotiate separately with
the British Minister, without ascertaining the title or character
of the American representative, until the two pacifications
shall be accomplished.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span></p>

<p>I am in my own mind apprehensive, though I devoutly
wish I may be mistaken, that the British Court in their
answer to the articles, will adhere to their two preliminaries.
It is very convenient for the English to hold up the
idea of peace; it serves them to relieve their credit at certain
times when it is in distress; it serves to disconcert the
projects of the neutral powers to their disadvantage; it
enables their friends in the United Provinces, to keep the
Dutch nation in that state of division, sloth and inactivity,
from which they derive so much plunder, with so much
safety. But I cannot persuade myself, that the English
will soberly think of peace, while they have any military
force in the United States, and can preserve a gleam of
hope of conquering or regaining America. While this
hope remains, no depredations on their commerce, no loss
of dominions in the East or West Indies, will induce them
to make peace; because they think, that with America reunited
to them they could easily regain whatever they may
now lose. This opinion of theirs may be extravagant and
enthusiastical, and they would not find it so easy to recover
their losses; but they certainly entertain it, and while it
remains, I fear they will not make peace.</p>

<p>Yet it seems they have negotiated themselves into a
delicate situation. If they should obstinately adhere to
their two preliminaries, against the advice of the two Imperial
Courts, this might seriously affect their reputation, if
they have any, for moderation and for pacific dispositions,
not only in those Courts, but in all the Courts and countries
of Europe, and they would not easily answer it to
their own subjects, who are weary of the war. Peace is
so desirable an object, that humanity, as well as policy,
demands of every nation at war a serious attention to every
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span>
proposition, which seems to have a tendency to it, although
there may be grounds to suspect, that the first proposer of
it was not sincere. I think, that no power can judge the
United States unreasonable in not agreeing to the <i>statu
quo</i>, or the armistice. But perhaps I have not been sufficiently
explicit upon another point.</p>

<p>The proposal of a separate treaty between the British
Minister and the Representative of the United States,
seems to be a benevolent invention to avoid several difficulties;
among others, first, that England may be allowed to
save her national pride, to think and to say, that the independence
of America was agreed to voluntarily, and was
not dictated to her by France and Spain; secondly, to
avoid the previous acknowledgment of American independence,
and the previous ascertaining the title and character
of the American Representative, which the Imperial
Courts may think would be a partiality inconsistent with
the character of mediators, and even of neutrals, especially
as England has uniformly considered any such step
as a hostility against them; though I know not upon what
law of nations, or of reason.</p>

<p>I cannot see, that the United States would make any
concession, or submit to any indignity, or do anything inconsistent
with their character, if their Minister should appear
at Vienna, or elsewhere, with the Ministers of other
powers, and conduct any negotiation with a British Minister,
without having the independence of the United States
or his own title and character acknowledged or ascertained,
by any other power, except France, until the pacification
should be concluded. I do not see, that America would
lose anything by this, any more than by having a Minister
in any part of Europe, with his character unacknowledged
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span>
by all the powers of Europe. In order to remove every
embarrassment, therefore, as much as possible, if your Excellency
should be of the same opinion, and advise me to
it, I would withdraw every objection to the Congress on
the part of the United States, and decline nothing but the
<i>statu quo</i>, and the armistice, against which such reasons
might be given, as I think would convince all men, that the
United States are bound to refuse them. If your Excellency
should think it necessary for me to assign these reasons
particularly, I will attempt some of them; but it is
sufficient for me to say to your Excellency, that my positive
instructions forbid me to agree either to the armistice,
or <i>statu quo</i>.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, July 17th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Since my letter of the 26th of June last, the Memorial
of the Deputies of the City of Amsterdam, of the 8th of
June, has appeared entire, and is conceived in the following
terms.</p>

<p class="letter_open">"Most Serene and Illustrious Prince and Lord,</p>

<p>"The gentlemen, the Deputies of the City of Amsterdam,
in the name and by the order of the gentlemen,
their constituents, have the honor to represent to your
Most Serene Highness, that the said constituents having
learnt, with much uneasiness the discontent, that your
Highness had taken, on the subject of their last proposition,
made in the Assembly of their Noble and Grand
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span>
Mightinesses, although it had been contrary to their intention
to give your Highness the least offence, or to offer
him any insult or displeasure, they have seized with great
satisfaction, an opportunity to give your Highness the most
sincere assurances of it; that they flatter themselves, that,
from what they shall have the honor of laying before you
your Highness will be able to deduce the reasons, for
which they have not previously acquainted him with the
contents of the said proposition, before it hath been remitted
to the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses;
that they should feel a real chagrin, if your Highness
attributed this silence to any particular distrust towards
his person; they declare, that they are absolutely divested
of it, and that they have nothing so much at heart as to
excite and cherish between your Highness and their City
that confidence, that the well-being and advancement of
the public cause render inevitably necessary; that by their
proposition they have only wished to open a way to find
out and carry into execution, such measures as the critical
situation of affairs most pressingly requires for the safety
and preservation of their dear country.</p>

<p>"That placed at the head of the government of a very
populous city, in which the lower class of the people begin
already to feel that indigence, which results from a want
of business, they are obliged to show in effect, and in the
best manner possible, that they desire not to let any opportunity
escape of encouraging and promoting the well-being
of the country, and of its good citizens, unless they
would run the risk of entirely destroying the proper authority,
and the good order, which in a popular government
are founded only upon the confidence of the people,
and of the Burgesses in its Regents, and of seeing in a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span>
little time a total anarchy, that they had thought that affairs
had, for a long time, and particularly since the rupture
with England, appeared in the eyes of the whole nation,
and not without reason, to be administered in a strange
and inconceivable manner, seeing, that notwithstanding the
extreme condescendence to the wishes of England, we
had only experienced from that kingdom, each year contempt,
affronts, and insults, which have been lately crowned
by an open war, commenced by the capture of a considerable
number of our vessels, and the invasion of our
foreign possessions, and that, nevertheless, we had remained
in a defenceless state, and taken no sufficient steps
to place the Republic in a situation to protect its liberty, its
well acquired rights, its extensive navigation, and its lawful
commerce.</p>

<p>"That, nevertheless, it is an incontestible truth, that the
members of government have for a long time been of
opinion, that it is principally by sea, that it is necessary to
place themselves upon a respectable footing, as it evidently
appears by the different resolutions taken in the year 1778,
and following, by different reports, petitions, and assents to
augment and reinforce the equipages of vessels of war,
and particularly by the report of the 30th of March, 1779,
that notwithstanding the said opinions and resolutions of the
confederates, to equip all the vessels of war of the State,
and to construct new ones, yet at this moment, after so
much time has elapsed, and some things have taken so
disadvantageous a turn, there hath not been put to sea the
thirtytwo vessels stipulated in the month of April, 1779,
much less still the fiftytwo, whose armament had been resolved
upon the last year, so that to this moment none of
the precautions proposed in the month of March, 1779, to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span>
the generality for the defence of our coasts, and the mouths
of our rivers, have been taken.</p>

<p>"That the regency of our city, with all the good citizens
of the Republic, who discover the best disposition possible
to pay the ordinary and extraordinary imposts, has been
much surprised at the little promptitude and at the slowness
in the executions of resolutions so important for the Sovereign;
for it is impossible to believe that the situation in
which the respective admiralties found themselves, should
be so bad that they could not effect in two years the equipments
that they themselves had proposed; as they had no
want of money, and as the necessity of them became more
and more pressing daily; that in consequence, one could
not conceive what were the causes of this slowness and
inactivity no more than of the non-execution of the resolutions
and orders to secure the coasts and harbors, and
above all, one could not form an idea of the unforeseen
obstacles and difficulties which have prevented the sailing
of few vessels, which had been supposed perfectly in a
state of putting to sea, even when your Highness after a
suitable examination of things, had given the necessary
orders to this effect.</p>

<p>"That seeing it is to this state of inactivity and incapacity
of defending themselves, that it is necessary to attribute
in the greatest measure the evils and calamities which have
happened to the Republic, and which still threaten it, and that
to this moment we have not been able to observe that any
vigorous measures are taken to prevent future misfortunes,
and to repair those already suffered, (without which we
ought soon to expect the total ruin of the Republic,) we
have judged it the indispensable duty of the brave regents,
and that they cannot dispense themselves from searching
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>
out to what one ought to attribute this inexcusable negligence?
And by what means one may remedy it, and
direct and re-establish still affairs, as much as possible, for
the safety of the State?</p>

<p>"That this having been attempted from time to time,
privately, but in vain, and affairs becoming more and more
disadvantageous and critical, it was so much the more
necessary to take vigorous resolutions, and one could not
longer defer the concerting of suitable measures; that from
a mature and deliberate consideration of the whole of this
had resulted the proposition, made by order of the Regency
of Amsterdam the 18th of May last to the Assembly
of Holland, and submitted to the judgment and deliberations
of the other members, to the end that these deliberations
might give rise to resolutions the most useful and the
most salutary to the country; that the said Regency are
still of opinion, that duty to themselves, to their country,
and to its good citizens, who for a long time had expected
a similar measure on their part, required them to make the
said proposition.</p>

<p>"That, nevertheless, it was very far from their intention
to give your Highness any uneasiness or discontent, or to
introduce innovations, or to diminish and circumscribe in
more narrow limits the authority lawfully acquired of my
Lord the Stadtholder; that on the contrary, they could
assure solemnly, that they would assist constantly with all
their power, to maintain the present constitution of government
with which they judge the well-being of the Republic
is intimately connected; that they considered at the
same time, that in the present circumstances of affairs
nothing would be more necessary or more useful, for the
direction and execution of the operations of the present
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span>
war, and for to combine them with more secrecy and despatch
than to form and establish a small council or committee,
composed of the regencies of the respective Provinces,
to assist your Highness with the advice and labors,
and to co-operate conjointly to the preservation of the
country.</p>

<p>"That this proposition, (founded perhaps upon former
examples,) proceeded not from any motive of distrust of
the good intentions and designs of your Serene Highness,
of which there is no reason to suspect their purity, although
according to the information of the Regency of that city,
some evil minded persons have endeavored to insinuate the
contrary to your Serene Highness.</p>

<p>"That such a distrust fell only upon him, whose influence
over the mind of your Serene Highness is regarded
as the first cause of the slowness and indolence in the
administration of affairs, and as that cannot but be very
prejudicial to the general good, one had in vain expected
for a long time, that the dangerous circumstances in which
the Republic finds itself at present, would at length have
given rise to serious deliberations upon the measures necessary
to be employed in future, and with more vigor than
the past; but that this expectation having been vain to the
present moment, and as the question in agitation was concerning
the preservation of the country, of its dear bought
liberty, of your Serene Highness, of his illustrious House,
in one word, of everything dear and precious to the inhabitants
of the Republic, it is for these reasons that the Regency
of Amsterdam have judged that they could no longer
by silence be wanting in their duty, but saw themselves
forced, although with regret, to the present measure.</p>

<p>"It is therefore with all the respect that they owe to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>
your Serene Highness, but at the same time with the candor
and honest freedom that the importance of the affair
requires, that they represent to your Serene Highness, and
declare to him expressly, that, according to the general
opinion, the Lord the Duke is regarded as the principal
cause of the deplorable state of weakness in which the Republic
finds itself at this day, of all the negligence which
hath had place, of all the false measures that have been
taken for a long time, and of all the fatal consequences that
have resulted from them; that your Serene Highness may
be assured that the aversion and hatred of the nation against
the person and administration of the Duke, are arisen to
such a degree that one ought to dread an event the most
grievous and the most disagreeable for the public tranquillity.</p>

<p>"That without doubt your Serene Highness has been
already informed by others of all these things; but in case
your Serene Highness is still ignorant of them, it is necessary
to attribute it solely to a fear of the effects of the resentment
of the Duke. We dare, nevertheless, to appeal
with confidence upon everything now advanced, to the testimony
of all the honest and sincere members of the Regency,
that your Serene Highness shall deign to interrogate,
after granting them full liberty of speech, and summoning
them to answer according to their duty and their
conscience.</p>

<p>"That they had heard many times with much regret,
M. the Counsellor Pensionary, complain, in presence of
divers members of the Province of Holland, of the misunderstanding
which existed between him and the Lord
the Duke, as well as of the ascendancy that the said Lord
has over the mind of your Serene Highness, whereby
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span>
all his effects for the good of the country were rendered
fruitless.</p>

<p>"That this disunion and this diversity of sentiments and
views between the principal Counsellor of your Serene
Highness and the first Minister of this Province must have
not only consequences the most fatal, but furnished also a
sufficient motive to make the strongest instances to remove
the source of that distrust and of that discord; seeing it is
only a previous re-establishment of confidence and concord
that can save the Republic; that nothing is also more
necessary for the happiness of your Most Serene House,
for the support of your authority, the preservation of the
esteem and confidence of the nation, and of your consideration
among the neighboring powers; for we can assure
your Serene Highness, and we are obliged to apprise him,
that he might indeed lose one day the esteem and confidence
of the people, instead of being and continuing the
worthy object of the love and the veneration of this people,
and of its Regents; which we pray and wish ardently that
your Serene Highness may ever experience, seeing upon
that depends, in a great measure, the preservation and the
happiness of our dear country and of the House of Orange.</p>

<p>"That as well persuaded as we may be, that the members
of the sovereignty have always the liberty, and that
it is sometimes even their duty to communicate to your
Serene Highness and to the other members, their sentiments
upon the state and administration of public affairs,
we should have preferred, nevertheless, to have abstained
from the present measure, if we had been able to conceive
any hope, amelioration, and change; but since we can no
longer flatter ourselves with that, for the reasons above
alleged, and the danger has arisen to its highest degree,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span>
there remains no other part to take than that of laying before
your Serene Highness the true state of things, of praying
him, in the most solemn manner, to reflect seriously upon
them, and of no longer listening to the councils and insinuations
of a man loaded as he is with the hatred of the
great and the small, regarded as a stranger destitute of a
sufficient knowledge of the form of our government, and
not possessed of a true affection to our country.</p>

<p>"That we are very far from wishing to accuse this Lord
of what he is but too openly charged, or of considering as
founded, the suspicions circulated against him of an excessive
and illicit attachment to the Court of England, or of
bad faith and corruption; that we believe, that a Lord of
so high a birth and so distinguished a rank, is incapable of
such baseness, but that we think, that the unhappy ideas
that have been unfortunately entertained of him, and which
have caused a general distrust, render him totally unuseful
and pernicious, even to the service of the State and of your
Serene Highness, that he consequently be removed from
the direction of affairs, and from the Court of your Serene
Highness, as being a perpetual obstacle to the re-establishment
of the good intelligence so necessary between your
Serene Highness and the principal members of the State;
seeing that on the contrary, his presence cannot but for the
future, occasion the distrust conceived, whether with or
without reason, of his counsels to fall upon your Serene
Highness.</p>

<p>"That these representations do not spring from a principle
of hatred or of ill will against the Lord, the Duke,
who has formerly had occasion to be well satisfied, even
with the benevolence and the real marks of affection of
the Regency of Amsterdam, but that we protest before
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span>
God and the whole world, that the only motives which have
dictated them to us, are the preservation of the country and
of the illustrious House of your Most Serene Highness, and
to prevent their approaching total ruin; that the Regency of
our city have seen themselves obliged to take this measure,
both in quality of inhabitants of this country, and as a
member of its sovereign Assembly; to the end to make
by this means the last effort, and to point out, perhaps,
yet in time, a means of saving, with the blessing of the
Almighty, the vessel of State from the most imminent
danger, and of conducting it into a safe port, or of acquitting
themselves at least in every case of their duty, and of
exculpating themselves in the eyes of their fellow citizens
and posterity.</p>

<p>"That, in truth, it is not necessary to despair of the safety
of the country; but that, nevertheless, affairs appear to have
arrived to such an extremity, that it cannot be saved without
the use of extraordinary means, and that for this reason,
we ought still, with the approbation of your Serene Highness,
to take the liberty to submit to his consideration, if
the best means of managing hereafter affairs with success
would not be, that your Serene Highness should associate
to himself a small number of persons, chosen from among
the most distinguished and the most experienced citizens
born in the country, to concert assiduously with them
everything which should be the most necessary or the most
useful for the preservation and the service of the country
during the present war, with such powers and such restrictions,
as should be judged requisite to fulfil effectually
the object of this commission; that we expect therefrom
the two following effects, as important as useful.</p>

<p>"1st. That, in a conjuncture like the present, in which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span>
every moment is precious, no delay occasioned by deliberations
of long duration shall take place, and the requisite
despatch would be given to the execution of that which
shall have been resolved.</p>

<p>"2dly. That thereby the confidence of the nation would
be re-established, an universal tranquillity and content promoted,
and each one would be encouraged and animated
to contribute with joy everything in his power to the execution
of the measures of the sovereign, whilst, that at
present, we see the contrary take place, and hear everywhere
of the general complaints of the division and of the
inactivity of the government.</p>

<p>"That this proposition appears of the highest necessity,
not only to the Regency of Amsterdam, but we have reason
to think, that it is considered in the same point of
light by the principal members of this Province, and of all
the others.</p>

<p>"Besides, nothing is more necessary than to adopt a
fixed system and plan of conduct, seeing that the Republic
ought to choose between two conditions; either to re-establish
the peace with England, or to prosecute the war
with all our forces, to the end to accelerate by this means
an honorable peace; which ought to be the sincere wish
of every good citizen, and to which alone, without any
further views, (as we can assure your Serene Highness in
the most serious manner) has tended the overture made
by our proposition of concerting with France the operations
for this campaign. We desire nothing more
ardently on our part, than to deliberate seriously with your
Serene Highness upon the option between the two conditions
alleged, and what means it will be necessary to
employ to arrive at the end which shall be chosen; but we
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span>
are absolutely of opinion, that above all things, we must
never lose sight, although a reconciliation may be preferred,
that nothing ought to be neglected or omitted, to
place in every respect, the Republic in such a position that
it has nothing to fear from its enemies, but, on the contrary,
that it may be in a state to force them to wish the
re-establishment of that peace, which, without any lawful
cause, they have so unjustly and wickedly broken.</p>

<p>"That the above piece is word for word the same without
any addition or omission, as that which has been read
to his Serene Highness, the 8th of June, 1781, by the
order of the gentlemen, the Burgomasters, by the Pensionary
Vischer, in presence of the Counsellor Pensionary of
Holland, and which is written with the hand of the said
Pensionary, is that which we attest.</p>
<p class="letter_open">"Amsterdam, June 12th, 1781.</p>

<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="Burgomasters">
<tr>
<td class="ltext" valign="middle" >
E. DE VRY TEMMINCK,<br />
J. RENDORP,<br /></td>
<td valign="middle" class="bracket">
}</td>
<td valign="middle" class="rtext">
<i>Reigning</i><br />
<i>Burgomasters.</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>C. W. VISCHER, <i>Pensionary.</i></td>
</tr>
</table>

<p>"Deposed in the cabinet of the gentlemen, the Burgomasters,
the said 12th of June, 1781."</p>

<p>"The original of this memorial, which after the reading
has been put into the hands of his Most Serene Highness,
but taken back during the audience, has been sent, the
14th of June, to the Counsellor Pensionary, accompanied
with a letter in the name of the Burgomasters, written by
the Burgomaster Rendorp to the said Counsellor Pensionary."</p>

<p>"By a resolution of the 6th of this month, the States-General
have revoked the order, that their High Mightinesses
had given, at the beginning of the war, to all captains
or patrons of merchant-ships belonging to the subjects
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span>
of this Republic, to remain in the ports where they found
themselves, and not to make sail from them, either for their
destination or to return into this country. Their High
Mightinesses have this day given to the proprietors and
captains of these vessels, the liberty of navigating and employing
them in such a manner, and when they shall judge
proper.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="translation">Translation</p>

<p class="letter_head">Versailles, July 18th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write to me the 13th instant. It was owing to the confidence
I placed in your judgment and zeal for your country,
that I intrusted to you the propositions of the two Imperial
Courts, and requested that you would make such
observations as you might think them susceptible of.
Things are not yet sufficiently advanced to admit of communicating
them to the two mediating Courts. As you
have seen in the sketch of our answer, there are preliminaries
to be adjusted with respect to the United States, and
until they are adjusted you cannot appear, and consequently
you cannot transact anything officially with respect
to the two mediators. By so doing you would hazard
and expose the dignity of the character with which you
are invested.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">DE VERGENNES.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, July 18th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have received the letter, which your Excellency did
me the honor to write me this day. I assure your Excellency,
I never had a thought of appearing upon the scene,
or of taking ministerially or otherwise any step towards the
two mediators. I must confess to your Excellency that I
have too many jealousies of the motives, and too many
apprehensions of the consequences of this negotiation to be
willing to take any part in it, without an express vocation.
The English are tottering on such a precipice, and are in
such a temper, that they will not hesitate at any measure,
which they think can move every latent passion, and awaken
every dormant interest in Europe, in order to embroil
all the world. Without looking much to consequences, or
weighing whether the quarrels they wish to excite will be
serviceable to them or not, they seem to think the more
confusion they can make the better; for which reason my
fears from the proposed mediation are greater than my
hopes.</p>

<p>Nevertheless, if properly called upon, it will be my duty
to attend to every step of it; but there are many questions
arise in my mind, upon which in due time I should wish to
know your Excellency's opinion.</p>

<p>The two Imperial Courts have proposed, that there
should be an American Representative at the Congress.
This is not merely by implication, but expressly acknowledging,
that there is a belligerent power in America, of
sufficient importance to be taken notice of by them and
the other powers of Europe. One would think after this,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>
that the two Imperial Courts would have communicated
their propositions to Congress. The propositions they
have made and communicated to the Courts of France,
Spain and England, imply that America is a Power, a free
and Independent Power, as much as if they had communicated
them also to Congress at Philadelphia. Without
such a formal communication and an invitation to the
United States in Congress, or to their Representative here
by the two Imperial Courts, I do not see how an American
Minister can with strict propriety appear at the proposed
Congress at Vienna at all. I have never heard it intimated,
that they have transmitted their propositions to Philadelphia;
certainly I have received no instructions from
thence, nor have I received any intimation of such propositions
from any Minister of either of the mediating Courts,
although as my mission has been long public and much
talked of, I suppose it was well known to both that there
was a person in Europe vested by America with power to
make peace.</p>

<p>It seems, therefore, that one step more might have been
taken, perfectly consistent with the first, and that it may
yet be taken, and that it is but reasonable to expect that it
will be. How is the American Minister to know that
there is a Congress, and that it is expected that he should
repair to it? And that any Minister from Great Britain
will meet him there? Is the British Court, or their Ambassador,
to give him notice? This seems less probable,
than that the mediators should do it.</p>

<p>The dignity of North America does not consist in diplomatic
ceremonials, or any of the subtleties of etiquette; it
consists solely in reason, justice, truth, the rights of mankind,
and the interests of the nations of Europe; all of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span>
which well understood, are clearly in her favor. I shall
therefore never make unnecessary difficulties on the score
of etiquette, and shall never insist upon anything of this
sort, which your Excellency or some other Minister of our
allies does not advise me to as indispensable; and therefore
I shall certainly go to Vienna or elsewhere, if your
Excellency should invite or advise me to go. But as
these reflections occurred to me upon the point of propriety,
I thought it my duty to mention them to your Excellency.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, July 19th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>In my letter of the 18th, I had the honor to mention
some things, which lay upon my mind; but still I am apprehensive,
that in a former letter, I have not conveyed
my full meaning to your Excellency.</p>

<p>In my letter of the 16th, I submitted to your Excellency's
opinion and advice, whether an American Minister
could appear at the Congress at Vienna, without having
his character acknowledged by any power, more expressly
than it is now. This was said upon the supposition, and
taking it for granted, that it was the intention of the mediating
Courts to admit a representative of the United
States to the Congress, with such a commission and such
a title as the United States should think fit to give him,
and that during his whole residence and negotiations at
Vienna, whether they should terminate in peace or not, he
should enjoy all the prerogatives, which the law of nations
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span>
has annexed to the character, person, habitation, and attendants
of such a Minister. It is impossible that there
should be a treaty at Vienna between Great Britain and
the people of America, whether they are called United
States or American Colonies, unless both nations appear there
by representatives, who must be authorised by commissions
or full powers, which must be mutually exchanged,
and consequently admitted to be, what upon the face of
them they purport to be. The commission from the
United States for making peace, which has been in Europe
almost two years, is that of a Minister Plenipotentiary,
and it authorises him to treat only with Ministers vested
with equal powers. If he were to appear at Vienna, he
would certainly assume the title and character of a Minister
Plenipotentiary, and could enter into no treaty or conference
with any Minister from Great Britain, until they had
mutually exchanged authentic copies of their full powers.
This it is true, would be an implied acknowledgment of his
character and title, and of those of the United States too;
but such an acknowledgment is indispensable, because
without it there can be no treaty at all. In consequence he
would expect to enjoy all the prerogatives of that character,
and the moment they should be denied him, he must
quit the Congress, let the consequences be what they
might.</p>

<p>And I rely upon it, this is the intention of the two Imperial
Courts; because otherwise, they would have proposed
the Congress upon the basis of the two British preliminaries,
a rupture of the treaty with France, and a return of
the Americans to their submission to Great Britain; and
because I cannot suppose it possible, that the Imperial
Courts could believe the Americans capable of such infinite
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>
baseness, as to appear upon the stage of the universe,
acknowledge themselves guilty of rebellion, and supplicate
for grace; nor can I suppose they meant to fix a brand of
disgrace upon the Americans in the sight of all nations, or
to pronounce judgment against them; one or all of which
suppositions must be made, before it can be believed, that
these Courts did not mean to protect the American Representative
in the enjoyment of the privileges attached to the
character he must assume; and because, otherwise, all
their propositions would be to no effect, for no Congress at
Vienna can make either the one or the other of the two
proposed peaces, without the United States. But upon
looking over again the words of the first article, there
seems to be room for dispute, of which a British Minister,
in the present state of his country, would be capable of
taking advantage. The terms used seems to be justly exceptionable.
There are no "American Colonies" at war
with Great Britain. The power at war is the United
States of America. No American Colonies have any
Representative in Europe, unless Nova Scotia or Quebec,
or some of the West India Islands, may have an agent in
London. The word Colony, in its usual acceptation, implies
a metropolis, a mother country, a superior political
Governor, ideas which the United States have long since
renounced forever.</p>

<p>I am therefore clear in my opinion, that a more explicit
declaration ought to be insisted on, and that no American
Representative ought to appear, without an express assurance,
that while the Congress lasts, and in going to it, and
returning from it, he shall be considered as a Minister
Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, and
entitled to all the prerogatives of such a Minister from a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span>
sovereign power. The Congress might be to him and to
his country but a snare, unless the substance of this is <i>bona
fide</i> intended, and if it is intended, there can be no sufficient
reason for declining to express it in words.</p>

<p>If there is a Power upon earth, that imagines that America
will ever appear at a Congress, before a Minister of
Great Britain, or any other power in the character of repenting
subjects, soliciting an amnesty, or a warranty of an
amnesty, that Power is infinitely deceived. There are few
Americans who would hold their lives upon such terms. I
know of none who would not rather choose to appear upon
a scaffold in their own country, or in Great Britain. All
such odious ideas ought to be laid aside by the British
Ministry, before they propose mediations. The bare mention
of such a thing to the United States by Great Britain
would be considered only as another repetition of injury
and insult. The proposal of a rupture of the treaty is little
less to France. But it is possible, that in the future course
of this negotiation, there may be a proposal of a Congress
of Ministers of the several mediating and belligerent powers,
exclusive of the United States, to deliberate on the
question, in what character the United States are to be
considered, whether a Representative of the people of
North America can be admitted, and what shall be his
title and privileges.</p>

<p>All that I can say to this case at present is this. The
United States have assumed their equal station among the
nations. They have assumed a sovereignty, which they
acknowledge to hold only from God and their own swords.
They can be represented only as a sovereign; and, therefore,
although they might not be able to prevent it, they
can never consent that any of these things shall be made
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span>
questions. To give their consent, would be to make the
surrender of their sovereignty their own act.</p>

<p>France has acknowledged all these things, and bound
her honor and faith to the support of them, and, therefore,
although she might not be able to prevent it, she can never
consent that they should be disputed. Her consent would
make the surrender of the American sovereignty her act.
And what end can it answer to dispute them, unless it be
to extend the flames of war? If Great Britain had a
color of reason for pretending, that France's acknowledgment
of American independence was a hostility against
her, the United States would have a stronger reason to
say, that a denial of their sovereignty was a declaration of
war against them. And as France is bound to support
their sovereignty, she would have reason to say, that a
denial of it is a hostility against her. If any power of
Europe has an inclination to join England, and declare
war against France and the United States, there is no need
of a previous Congress to enable her to do it with more
solemnity, or to furnish her with plausible pretexts. But
on the other hand, if the powers of Europe are persuaded
of the justice of the American pretensions, and think it
their duty to humanity to endeavor to bring about peace,
they may easily propose, that the character of the United
States shall be acknowledged, and their Minister admitted.</p>

<p>I cannot but persuade myself, that the two Imperial
Courts are convinced of the justice of the American cause,
of the stability of the American sovereignty, and of the
propriety and necessity of an acknowledgment of it by all
the powers of Europe. This, I think, may be fairly and
conclusively inferred from the propositions themselves.
Was there ever an example of a Congress of the powers
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span>
of Europe to exhort, to influence, to overawe the rebellious
subjects of any one of them into obedience? Is not
every sovereign adequate to the government, punishment,
or pardon of its own criminal subjects? Would it not be
a precedent mischievous to mankind, and tending to universal
despotism, if a sovereign, which has been proved to
be unequal to the reformation or chastisement of the pretended
crimes of its own subjects, should be countenanced
in calling in the aid of all or any of the other powers of
Europe to assist them? It is quite sufficient, that England
has already been permitted to hire twenty thousand German
troops, and to have the number annually recruited for
seven years, in addition to her own whole force; it is quite
sufficient, that she has been permitted to seduce innumerable
tribes of savages, in addition to both, to assist her in
propagating her system of tyranny, and committing her
butcheries in America, without being able to succeed.</p>

<p>After all this, which is notorious to all Europe, it is
impossible to believe, that the Imperial Courts mean to
give their influence in any degree towards bringing America
to submission to Great Britain. It seems to me, therefore,
most certain, that the Imperial Courts perceive, that
American independence must be acknowledged; and if this
is so, I think there can be no objection against ascertaining
the character of the American Minister before any Congress
meets, so that he may take his place in it as soon as
it opens.</p>

<p>But if any sentiments of delicacy should induce those
Courts to think it necessary to wait for Great Britain to set
the example of such acknowledgment, one would think it
necessary to wait until that power shall discover some
symptoms of an inclination that way. A Congress would
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span>
have no tendency, that I know of, to give her such a disposition;
on the contrary, a Congress in which Great
Britain should be represented, and France and the United
States not, would only give her an opportunity of forming
parties, propagating prejudices and partial notions, and
blowing up the coals of war.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, July 21st, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Since my letter of the 19th, another point has occurred
to me, upon which it seems necessary, that I should say
something to your Excellency, before my departure for
Holland, which will be on Monday morning.</p>

<p>An idea has, I perceive, been suggested of the several
States of America choosing agents separately to attend the
Congress at Vienna, in order to make peace with Great
Britain; so that there would be thirteen instead of one.
The constitution of the United States, or their confederation,
which has been solemnly adopted and ratified by each
of them, has been officially and authentically notified to
their Majesties, the Kings of France and Spain, and to their
High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United
Provinces of the Low Countries, and communicated to all
the Courts and nations of the world, as far as all the gazettes
of Europe are able to spread it; so that it is now as
well and universally known as any constitution of government
in Europe. By this constitution, all power and
authority of negotiating with foreign powers is expressly
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span>
delegated to the United States in Congress assembled. It
would, therefore, be a public disrespect and contempt offered
to the constitution of the nation, if any power should
make any application whatever to the Governors, or Legislature
of the separate States. In this respect, the American
Constitution is very different from the Batavian. If
the two Imperial Courts should address their articles to the
States separately, no Governor or President of any one
of those Commonwealths could even communicate it to
the Legislature. No President of a Senate could lay it
before the body over which he presides. No Speaker of
a House of Representatives could read it to the House.
It would be an error, and a misdemeanor in any one of
these officers to receive and communicate any such letter.
All that he could do would be, after breaking the seal and
reading it, to send it back. He could not even legally
transmit it to Congress. If such an application, therefore,
should be made and sent back, it would consume much
time to no purpose, and perhaps have other worse effects.</p>

<p>There is no method for the Courts of Europe to convey
anything to the people of America but through the Congress
of the United States, nor any way of negotiating with
them but by means of that body. I must, therefore, entreat
your Excellency, that the idea of summoning Ministers
from the thirteen States may not be countenanced
at all.</p>

<p>I know very well, that if each State had in the confederation
reserved to itself a right of negotiating with foreign powers,
and such an application should have been made to them
separately upon this occasion, they would all of them separately
refer it to Congress, because the people universally
know and are well agreed, that all connexions with foreign
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>
countries must, in their circumstances, be made under one
direction.</p>

<p>But all these things were very minutely considered in
framing the confederation, by which the people of each
State have taken away from themselves even the right of
deliberating and debating upon these affairs, unless they
should be referred to them by Congress for their advice,
or unless they should think proper to instruct their delegates
in Congress of their own accord.</p>

<p>This matter may not appear to your Excellency in so
important a light as it does to me, and the thought of such
an application to the United States may not have been
seriously entertained; but as it has been mentioned, although
only in a way of transient speculation, I thought I
could not excuse myself from saying something upon it,
because I know it would be considered in so unfavorable a
light in America; that I am persuaded Congress would
think themselves bound to remonstrate against it in the
most solemn manner.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, July 21st, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>From the Hague, there is an article of the following
tenor.</p>

<p>"As to the affair of the Field Maréchal, the Duke of
Brunswick, which makes an object of deliberation in the
Assemblies of the Provinces, one sees in public a copy of
the opinion of the Quarter of Westergo, (one of the four
Chambers which form the States of Friesland,) in which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span>
it is joined by four Manors or Intendancies of the Quarter
of Sevenwonde, which have protested against the opinion of
the plurality of their Chamber; this opinion is of the following
tenor."</p>

<p>"The Quarter having examined with all due attention the
memorial, presented by the Duke to their High Mightinesses,
is of opinion, that the paragraphs of the memorial,
remitted to his Highness in the name of the Burgomasters
of Amsterdam, of which the said Lord the Duke complains,
contain not the least thing by which the Lord the
Duke may be considered to have been any way hurt in his
character; but rather, that the paragraphs or complaints
contained in the said Memorial, exhibit an accusation
against the Duke in his quality of Counsellor of his Highness,
and that they express the sentiments of the people,
which the gentlemen, the Burgomasters of Amsterdam,
have infused into the breast of our well beloved hereditary
Stadtholder; by means of which, they have manifested an
evident proof of their sincere attachment to his Highness
and to his illustrious House. The Quarter is therefore of
opinion, that in case the Lord Duke thinks himself aggrieved
by the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, he ought to
address himself to their ordinary and competent judge,
seeing that this Assembly of their High Mightinesses is not
a competent judge in this matter; and that, therefore, it is
proper to charge the gentlemen, the Deputies in the Assembly
of the States-General, not to enter into any deliberations
upon this matter."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, August 3d, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have the honor to enclose copies of some papers,
which passed between the Count de Vergennes and me,
lately at Paris. The conjecture, that the British Court
would insist upon their two preliminaries, is become more
probable by the publication of the King's speech at the
prorogation of Parliament.</p>

<p>"The zeal and ardor, which you have shown for the
honor of my Crown," says the King, "your firm and steady
support of a just cause, and the great efforts you have
made to enable me to surmount all the difficulties of this
extensive and complicated war, must convince the world,
that the ancient spirit of the British nation is not abated or
diminished.</p>

<p>"While I lament the continuance of the present troubles,
and the extension of the war, I have the conscious satisfaction
to reflect, that the constant aim of all my counsels
has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to
the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and to
see the tranquillity of Europe restored.</p>

<p>"To defend the dominions, and to maintain the rights of
this country, was on my part the sole cause, and is the
object of the war. Peace is the earnest wish of my
heart, but I have too firm a reliance on the spirit and resources
of the nation, the powerful assistance of my Parliament,
and <i>the protection of a just and all ruling Providence</i>,
to accept it upon any other terms or conditions than
such as may consist with the honor and dignity of my
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>
Crown, and the permanent interest and security of my
people."</p>

<p>We all know very well what his meaning is when he
mentions "the honor and dignity of his Crown, and the permanent
interest and security of his people." Could the
Minister who composed this speech expect that anybody
would believe him when he said, that the constant aim of
all his counsels had been to bring back the Americans to
the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed?</p>

<p>The whole of this speech is in a strain, which leaves no
room to doubt that the cabinet of St James is yet resolved
to persevere in the war to the last extremity, and to insist
still upon the return of America to British obedience, and
upon the rupture of the treaty with France, as preliminaries
to the Congress at Vienna. Thus the two Imperial
Courts will find themselves trifled with by the British. It
is not to be supposed that either will be the voluntary bubble
of such trickish policy. The Empress of Russia is
supposed to be as sagacious as she is spirited; yet she
seems to have given some attention to the pacific professions
of the English. If she could see herself intentionally
deceived, she will not probably be very patient.</p>

<p>The Emperor, in his late journey through Holland, made
himself the object of the esteem and admiration of all;
affable and familiar, as a great sovereign can ever allow
himself to be with dignity, he gave to many persons unequivocal
intimations of his sentiments upon public affairs.
Patriotism seemed to be the object which he wished to distinguish.
Whoever espoused with zeal the honor and
interest of his own country, was sure of some mark of his
approbation; whoever appeared to countenance another
country in preference to his own, found some symptom of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span>
his dislike; even the ladies, French or Dutch, who had
any of the English modes in their dress, received from his
Majesty some intimation of his disapprobation of their
taste. Everybody here, since his departure, is confident
of his entire detestation of the principles on which the
English have conducted this war, and of his determination
to take no part in it, in their favor. His sentiments concerning
America are inferred from a very singular anecdote,
which is so well attested, that it may not be improper
to mention to Congress.</p>

<p>His Majesty condescended, in a certain company, to
inquire after the Minister of the United States of America
to their High Mightinesses, said he was acquainted with
his name and character, and should be glad to see him; a
lady in company, asked his Majesty if he would drink tea
with him at her house? He replied in the affirmative, in
the character of the Count of Falkenstein. A lady in
company undertook to form the party; but upon inquiry,
the American was at Paris. It is supposed with good reason,
that there could be nothing personal in this curiosity,
and therefore that it was intended as a political signification
of a certain degree of complaisance towards America.</p>

<p>Thus it is, that the words, gestures, and countenances of
sovereigns are watched, and political inferences drawn from
them; but there is too much uncertainty in this science, to
depend much upon it. It seems, however, that the Emperor
made himself so popular here, as to excite some
appearance of jealousy in Prussia. For my own part, I
think that the greatest political stroke which the two Imperial
Courts could make, would be upon receiving the answer
from England adhering to her preliminaries, immediately
to declare the United States independent. It would
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span>
be to their immortal honor; it would be in the character
of each of these, extraordinary geniuses; it would be a
blessing to mankind; it would even be friendship to England.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>B. FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Passy, August 6th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I sometime since gave orders, as you desired, to Mr
Grand to furnish you with a credit in Holland for the remainder
of your salary to November next. But I am now
told that your account having been mixed with Mr Dana's,
he finds it difficult to know the sum due to you. Be
pleased therefore to state your account for two years, giving
credit for the sums you have received, that an order
may be made for the balance. Upon this occasion, it is
right to acquaint you that I do not think we can depend on
receiving any more money here, applicable to the support
of the Congress Ministers.</p>

<p>What aids are hereafter granted, will probably be transmitted
by the government directly to America. It will,
therefore, be proper to inform Congress, that care may be
taken to furnish their servants by remittances from thence.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">B. FRANKLIN.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, August 6th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>In the Utrecht Gazette of this morning is an article from
Petersburg, of the 13th of July, in these words.</p>

<p>"Saturday last, the government despatched a courier for
London. He carries, it is assured, instructions to M.
Simolin, our Minister to the King of England, to make to
his Britannic Majesty, conjointly with the Ministers of
Sweden and Denmark, certain representations concerning
the war, which he has thought fit to declare against the
Republic of the United Provinces.</p>

<p>"The Minister of England, at our Court, received a
courier from London, the day before yesterday, with the
answer of the British Ministry to the preliminary articles
of a Treaty of Peace to be concluded between the belligerent
powers of Europe under the high mediation of her
Majesty, the Empress, our Sovereign, and of his Majesty,
the Emperor, King of Hungary and Bohemia; but nothing
has transpired of the contents of this answer."</p>

<p>"It is said, that the Grand Duke and the Grand
Dutchess of Russia, will set off from hence for the Courts
of Europe, which their Imperial Highnesses propose to
visit, about the end of August or the beginning of September."</p>

<p>A man, who is master of the history of England for the
last twenty years, would be at no loss to conjecture the answer
to the preliminary articles of the two Imperial Courts.
Indeed the King's speech has already answered them before
all the world. The King has not probably given one
answer to Parliament, and his Ministers another to the
mediating Courts.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span></p>

<p>Thus all Europe is to be bubbled by a species of chicanery,
that has been the derision of America for a number
of years. In time, the Courts of Europe will learn the
nature of these British tricks by experience, and receive
them with the contempt or the indignation they deserve.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, August 6th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>In several of the London newspapers of July the 26th,
appeared the following paragraph.</p>

<p>"An order has been sent from Lord Hillsborough's office
for bringing Curson and Gouverneur, (whom we sometime
ago mentioned to have been confined by command of
Sir George Rodney, and General Vaughan, for having carried
on a traitorous correspondence with the enemy at St
Eustatia,) to town, to be confined in Newgate, to take their
trial for the crime of high treason. The whole circumstances
of their case, and all their correspondence has been submitted
to the inspection of the Attorney and Solicitor-General,
and they consider the offence in so serious a light, that a
direct refusal has been given to a petition from Mr Curson
to be indulged with the privilege of giving bail for appearance,
on account of the ill-health, which he has experienced
on board the Vengeance, where he and his colleague
have been for some months confined, and which is
now lying at Spithead. It has been discovered, from an
inspection of their papers, that Mr Adams, the celebrated
negotiator to Holland, was the man, with whom they held
their illicit correspondence, and it is said, that the appearance
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>
of proof against them, has turned out much stronger
than was originally supposed."</p>

<p>Last fall Mr Searle informed me, that Messrs Curson
and Gouverneur were Continental Agents at Eustatia, and
advised me to send my despatches to their care, as worthy
men, a part of whose duty it was to forward such things to
Congress. I accordingly sent several packets of letters,
newspapers, and pamphlets to their address, accompanied
only with a line, simply requesting their attention to forward
them by the first safe opportunity. I never saw
those gentlemen, or received a line from either. It must
have been imprudence, or negligence, to suffer my letters
to fall into the hands of the enemy. I have looked over all
the letters, which I wrote about that time, and I find no
expression in any, that could do harm to the public, if
printed in the gazettes, yet there are some things, which
the English would not choose to publish, I fancy. What
other correspondences of Messrs Curson and Gouverneur
might have been discovered, I know not.</p>

<p>The British Ministry seem to be growing outrageous.
The more they despair, the more angry they are. They
think not at all of peace. America should think of it as
little; sighing, and longing for peace, will not obtain it. No
terms short of eternal disgrace and irrecoverable ruin
would be accepted. We must brace up our laws and our
military discipline, and renounce that devoted and abandoned
nation for ever. America must put an end to a
foolish and disgraceful correspondence and intercourse,
which some have indulged, but at which all ought to blush,
as inconsistent with the character of man.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, August 8th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>This people must have their own way. They proceed
like no other. There cannot be a more striking example
of this, than the instructions given to privateers and letters
of marque.</p>

<p>The commander is ordered to bring his prizes into some
port of the United Provinces, or into the ports or roads
of the allies and friends of this Republic, especially France,
Sweden, North America, or Spain; and the ship shall be
at liberty to join, under a written convention, with one or
more privateers or other similar ships of war, belonging to
Hollanders, Zealanders, French, Americans, or Spanish,
to undertake jointly anything advantageous, &amp;c. This is
not only an acknowledgment of the independence of North
America, but it is avowing it to be an ally and friend.
But I suppose, in order to elude and evade, it would be
said, that these are only the instructions given by owners
to their commanders; yet these instructions are required
to be sworn to, and produced to the Admiralty for their
approbation.</p>

<p>It is certain, that the King of Spain, when he declared
war against Great Britain, sent orders to all his officers to
treat the Americans, as the best friends of Spain, and
the King's pleasure, being a law to his subjects, they are
bound by it. But what is there to oblige a citizen of the
United Provinces to consider the Americans as the friends
of the Republic? There is no such law, and these instructions
cannot bind. Yet it is very certain, that no
Dutchman will venture to take an American.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, August 16th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Mr Temple has held offices of such importance, and a
rank so considerable in America, before the revolution,
that his return to his native country at this time, cannot fail
to cause much speculation, and it is to be feared some diversity
of sentiments concerning him. As he came from
London to Amsterdam, and did me the honor of a visit, in
which he opened to me his design of returning, and his
sentiments upon many public affairs, it will be expected in
America by many, although it has not been requested by
Mr Temple, that I should say something concerning him.</p>

<p>I was never before personally acquainted with this gentleman,
but I have long known his public character and
private reputation. He was ever reputed a man of very
delicate sentiments of honor, of integrity, and of attachment
to his native country, although his education, his long residences
in England, his numerous connexions there, and
the high offices he held under the British government, did
not even admit of a general opinion, that his sentiments
were in all respects perfectly conformable to those of the
most popular party in the Colonies. Nevertheless, he was
never suspected, to my knowledge, of concurring in, or
countenancing any of those many plots which were laid by
other officers of the Crown, against our liberties, but on the
contrary, was known to be the object of their jealousy, revenge,
and malice, because he would not. He was, however,
intimate with several gentlemen, who stood foremost
in opposition, particularly Mr Otis, who has often communicated
to me intelligence of very great importance, which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span>
he had from Mr Temple, and which he certainly could
have got no other way, as early I believe as 1763 and
1764, and onwards.</p>

<p>I cannot undertake to vindicate Mr Temple's policy in
remaining so long in England; but it will be easily in his
power to show what kind of company he has kept there;
what kind of sentiments and conversation he has maintained,
and in what occupations he has employed his time.
It is not a view to recommend Mr Temple to honors
or emoluments, that I write this. It would not be proper
for me, and Congress know very well, that I have not ventured
upon this practice, even in cases where I have much
more personal knowledge than in this. But it is barely to
prevent, as far as my poor opinion may go, jealousies and
alarms upon Mr Temple's arrival. Many may suspect
that he comes with secret and bad designs, in the confidence
of the British Ministry, of which I do not believe
him capable.</p>

<p>Mr Temple it is most certain, has fallen from high rank
and ample emoluments, merely because be would not join
in hostile designs against his country. This I think should
at least entitle him to the quiet enjoyment of the liberties of
his country, and to the esteem of his fellow-citizens, provided
there are no just grounds of suspicion of him. And
I really think it a testimony due to truth, to say, that after
a great deal of the very freest conversation with him, I see
no reason to suspect his intentions.</p>

<p>I have taken the liberty to give Mr Temple my own sentiments
concerning the suspicions which have been, and
are entertained concerning him, and the causes of them,
and of all parts of his conduct, which have come to my
knowledge, with so little disguise, that he will be well apprised
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span>
of the disappointments he may meet with, if any.
I hope, however, that he will meet a more friendly reception
in America, and better prospects of a happy life there,
than I have been able to assure him. Whether any services
or sufferings of Mr Temple could support any claim
upon the justice, gratitude, or generosity of the United
States, or of that of Massachusetts in particular, is a question
upon which it would be altogether improper for me to
give my opinion, as I know not the facts so well as they
may be made known, and as I am no judge, if I knew the
facts. But this I know, that whenever the facts shall be
laid before either the great Council of the United States,
or that of Massachusetts, they will be judged of by the
worthy Representatives of a just, grateful, and generous
people, and therefore Mr Temple will have no reason to
complain if the decision should be against him.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, August 16th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The following verbal insinuation, made to the Ambassador
of Holland at the Court of Russia, was transmitted to
Congress in my absence, and is now repeated by me, in
order to complete the setts already forwarded.</p>

<p>"The affection of the Empress to the interests of the
Republic of the United Provinces, and her desire to see
re-established, by a prompt reconciliation, a peace and
good harmony between the two maritime powers, have
been sufficiently manifested by the step, which she has
taken, in offering them her separate mediation.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span></p>

<p>"If she has not had the desired success, her Imperial
Majesty has only been for that reason the more attentive to
search out the means capable of conducting her to it.
One such means offers itself in the combined mediation of
the two Imperial Courts, under the auspices of which it is
to be treated at Vienna of a general pacification of the
Courts actually at war.</p>

<p>"It belongs only to the Republic to regulate itself in the
same manner. Her Imperial Majesty by an effect of her
friendship for it, imposing upon herself the task to bring
her co-mediator into an agreement to share with her the
cares and the good offices, which she has displayed in its
favor. As soon as it shall please their High Mightinesses
to make known their intentions in this regard to the Prince
de Gallitzin, the Envoy of the Empress at the Hague,
charged to make to them the same insinuation, this last will
write of it immediately to the Minister of her Imperial
Majesty at Vienna, who will not fail to take with that
Court the arrangements, which are prescribed to him, to the
end to proceed in this affair by the same formalities, which
we have made use of with the other powers.</p>

<p>"Her Imperial Majesty flatters herself, that the Republic
will receive this overture, as a fresh proof of her benevolence,
and of the attention, which she preserves, to cultivate
the ties of that friendship, and of that alliance, which
subsists between them."</p>

<p>It does not appear by this insinuation, that the articles
proposed by the two Imperial Courts, to serve as a basis
for the negotiations of peace at Vienna, were communicated
to the Dutch Minister at Petersburg, or the Russian
Minister at the Hague, or by either to their High Mightinesses;
as the word, Courts at war, is used, and no hint
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span>
about the United States in it, the probability is that the
articles are not communicated.</p>

<p>I must confess, I like the insinuation very much, because
it may be in time an excellent precedent for making such
an insinuation to the Minister of the United States of America.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, August 18th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>We have received at last, Parker's account of the action
with Admiral Zoutman; according to which, the battle
was maintained with a continual fire for three hours and
forty minutes, when it became impossible to work his ships.
He made an attempt to recommence the action, but found
it impracticable. The Bienfaisant had lost her maintopmast,
and the Buffalo her mizzen-yard, and the other vessels
were not less damaged in their masts, rigging, and
sails. The enemy did not appear in a better condition.
The two squadrons remained some time over against each
other; at length the Dutch retired, taking with their convoy
the course to the Texel. He was not in a condition
to follow them. The officers and all on board behaved
with great bravery, and the enemy did not discover less
courage. He encloses the particulars of the number
killed and wounded, and of the damages which the vessels
have sustained. The last is prudently suppressed by the
Ministry.</p>

<p>The following is a list of the killed and wounded in the
action of the 5th of August.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span></p>

<table summary="English">
<caption><i>English.</i></caption>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<th>Killed.</th>
<th>Wounded.</th>
<th>Total.</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Fortitude,</td>
<td class="rt">20</td>
<td class="rt">67</td>
<td class="rt">87</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Bienfaisant,</td>
<td class="rt">6</td>
<td class="rt">21</td>
<td class="rt">27</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Berwick,</td>
<td class="rt">18</td>
<td class="rt">58</td>
<td class="rt">76</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Princess Amelia,</td>
<td class="rt">19</td>
<td class="rt">56</td>
<td class="rt">75</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Preston,</td>
<td class="rt">10</td>
<td class="rt">40</td>
<td class="rt">50</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Buffalo,</td>
<td class="rt">20</td>
<td class="rt">64</td>
<td class="rt">84</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Dolphin,</td>
<td class="rtu">11</td>
<td class="rtu">33</td>
<td class="rtu">44</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="rt">104</td>
<td class="rt">339</td>
<td class="rt">443</td>
</tr>
</table>

<table class="p2" summary="Dutch">
<caption><i>Dutch.</i></caption>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<th>Killed.</th>
<th>Wounded.</th>
<th>Total.</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Admiral de Ruyter,</td>
<td class="rt">43</td>
<td class="rt">90</td>
<td class="rt">133</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Admiral-General,</td>
<td class="rt">7</td>
<td class="rt">41</td>
<td class="rt">48</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Batavier,</td>
<td class="rt">18</td>
<td class="rt">48</td>
<td class="rt">66</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Argo,</td>
<td class="rt">11</td>
<td class="rt">87</td>
<td class="rt">98</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Holland,</td>
<td class="rt">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="rt">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="rt">64</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Admiral Ret Hein,</td>
<td class="rt">9</td>
<td class="rt">58</td>
<td class="rtu">67</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="rt">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="rt">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="rt">476</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, August 22d, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The late glorious victory, obtained by Admiral Zoutman
over Admiral Parker, is wholly to be ascribed to the
exertions of Amsterdam. Pretences and excuses would
have been devised for avoiding to send out the fleet, and
indeed for avoiding an action when at sea, if it had not
been for the measures which have been taken to arouse the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span>
attention and animate the zeal of the nation. The officers
and men of the army, and especially of the navy, appear to
have been as much affected and influenced by the proceedings
of the Regency of Amsterdam, as any other parts of
the community. Notwithstanding the apparent ill success
of the enterprises of the great city, it is certain that a flame
of patriotism and of valor has been kindled by them, which
has already produced great effects, and will probably much
greater.</p>

<p>It is highly probable, however, that if the Regency of
Amsterdam had taken another course, they would have
succeeded better. If instead of a complaint of sloth in the
Executive department, and a personal attack upon the
Duke, they had taken the lead in a system of public measures,
they would have found more zealous supporters,
fewer powerful opposers, and perhaps would have seen the
ardor of the nation increase with equal rapidity. For example,
as the sovereignty of the United States was a question
legally before them, they might have made a proposition
in the States of Holland to acknowledge it, and make
a treaty with them. This measure would have met with
general applause among the people, throughout the Seven Provinces,
and their example would have been followed by
the Regencies of other cities, or they might have proposed
in the States to accede to the treaty of alliance between
France and America. However, we ought to presume,
that these gentlemen know their own countrymen, and their
true policy, better than strangers, and it may be their intention
to propose other things in course. It is certain,
that they have animated the nation to a high degree, so
that a separate peace, or any mean concessions to Great
Britain, cannot now be made.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span></p>

<p>The good party have the upperhand, and patriotic counsels
begin to prevail.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS,</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, August 22d, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The constitution of this country is such, that it is difficult
to discover the general sense. There have been all
along circumstances in which it might be discerned, but
these were so feeble, and so susceptible of contradiction
and disguise, that some extraordinary exertions were necessary
to strike out unquestionable proofs of the temper
and opinion of the nation.</p>

<p>Last spring, the part of this people, which was most
averse to war, was for making propositions and concessions
to England, in order to obtain peace. This policy
was not only injudicious, but would have been fruitless,
because the English would have made peace upon no
other terms, than this nation's joining them against France,
Spain, and America, which would have been its ruin.
Nevertheless, if the party had prevailed, and sent Ambassadors
to London to solicit peace, the Court of London
would have found so many arts and pretences for spinning
out the negotiation, and would have obstructed the commerce
of Holland so much, as to bring on a discouragement
and despair among the people.</p>

<p>In these critical circumstances, something uncommon
was necessary to arouse the nation, and bring forth the
public voice. The first step of this kind, was the proposition
of the United States of America to their High
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span>
Mightinesses, which being taken <i>ad referendum</i>, became a
subject of deliberation in every city of the Republic, and
the publication of the memorial of the 19th of April, 1781,
which made the American cause, the primary object and
main spring of the war, the topic of conversation in every
private circle, as well as in every public assembly.</p>

<p>This memorial gave all parties an opportunity to know
with certainty the public opinion; and accordingly, such a
general and decided approbation was discovered everywhere,
that the few who detested it in their hearts, never
dared to open their mouths. Emboldened by this, M.
Van Berckel came forward with his application to the
States for a vindication of his character, and although he
has not obtained an answer, yet it has been discovered
that his enemies have not been powerful enough either to
condemn or to censure him. Not long after, followed
the manly proposition of the Regency of Amsterdam for
an inquiry into the causes of the inactivity of the State,
and, in course, their direct attack upon the Duke of Brunswick.</p>

<p>The American memorial has not obtained, and probably
will not obtain for a long time, an acknowledgment of
American independence, but it discovered with absolute
certainty the sentiments of the nation. M. Van Berckel's
petition has not procured him a formal justification, but it
has proved that his enemies are too weak to punish or
to censure him. The proposition of Amsterdam has not
obtained an inquiry into the causes of the sloth of the
State, nor the appointment of a committee to assist the
Prince; but it has occasioned a universal declaration of
the people's sentiments, that the State has been too inactive,
and the counsels of the Court too slow. The application
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span>
of Amsterdam against the Duke has not procured
his removal, but it has procured a universal avowal, that
the public counsels have been defective, and a universal
cry for an alteration, and has obliged the Court to adopt a
different system. When the public counsels of a country
have taken a wrong bias, the public voice, pronounced
with energy, will sometimes correct the error, without any
violent remedies. The voice of the people, which had
been so often declared, by the late sea action was found to
be so clear, that it has produced many remarkable effects.
Among which, none deserve more attention than the following
declarations of the Prince. The first was inserted
by order in the newspapers in these words.</p>

<p>"As pains are taken to draw the public into an opinion,
that the vessels of the Meuse, (Rotterdam) and of
Middleburg, (Zealand) which at first had orders to join the
squadron of the Texel, (only those of Amsterdam) had
afterwards received counter orders, as it is given out in
some cities almost in so many words, and which is propagated,
(God knows with what design) it is to us a particular
satisfaction to be able to assure the public, after authentic
information, and even from the supreme authority, that
such assertions are destitute of all foundation, and absolutely
contrary to the truth; that the orders, given and
never revoked, but, on the contrary, repeated more than
once to the vessels of the Meuse, to join the convoy of the
Texel, could not be executed, because it did not please
Providence to grant a wind and the other favorable circumstances
necessary to this effect, while the Province of
Zealand, threatened at the same time with an attack from
an English squadron, would not willingly have seen diminished
the number of vessels, which lay at that time in their
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>
Road. It is, nevertheless, much to be regretted, that circumstances
have not permitted us to render the Dutch
squadron sufficiently strong, to have obtained over the
enemy a victory as useful as it was glorious."</p>

<p>On the 14th of August, the Prince wrote the following
letter to the crews of the vessels of the State.</p>

<p>"Noble, respectable, and virtuous, our faithful and well
beloved; We have learned with the greatest satisfaction,
that the squadron of the State, under the command of
Rear Admiral Zoutman, although weaker by a great deal
in ships, guns, and men, than the English squadron of Vice
Admiral Parker, has resisted so courageously on the 5th
of this month his attack, that the English squadron, after
a most obstinate combat, which lasted from eight o'clock
in the morning to half past eleven, has been obliged to desist
and to retire. The heroic courage, with which Vice Admiral
Zoutman, the captains, officers, petty officers, and common
sailors and soldiers, who have had a part in the action, and
who, under the blessing of God Almighty, have so well
discharged their duty in this naval combat, merits the
praises of all, and our particular approbation; it is for this
cause, we have thought fit by the present, to write to you,
to thank publicly in our name, the said Vice Admiral,
captains, officers, petty officers, and common sailors and
soldiers, by reading this letter on board of each ship, which
took part in the action, and whose captains and crews have
fought with so much courage and valor, and to transmit by
the Secretary of the fleet of the State an authentic copy,
as well to the said Rear Admiral Zoutman, as to the commanders
of the ships under his orders, of the conduct of
whom the said Rear Admiral had reason to be satisfied;
testifying, moreover, that we doubt not, that they and all
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>
the other officers of the State, and soldiers, in those occasions,
which may present, will give proofs that the State is
not destitute of defenders of our dear country and of her
liberty, and that the ancient heroic valor of the Batavians
still exists, and will not be extinguished. Whereupon,
noble, respectable, virtuous, our faithful and well beloved,
we recommend you to the divine protection."</p>

<p>"Your affectionate friend,</p>

<p class="signed_long">WILLIAM, <i>Prince of Orange</i>.</p>

<p>Thus, although the enemies of England in this Republic
do not appear to have carried any particular point against
the opposite party, yet it appears that they have forced into
execution their system by means of the national voice, and
against all the measures of the Anglomanes. The national
spirit is now very high; so high that it will be dangerous to
resist it. In time, all things must give way to it. This
will make a fine diversion, at least for America and her
allies. I hope in time we may derive other advantages
from it. But we must wait with patience here, as we are
still obliged to do in Spain, and as we were obliged to do
in France, where we waited years before we succeeded.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO B. FRANKLIN.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, August 25th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Last evening I received your Excellency's letter of the
16th of this month, accompanied with a letter from the
President of Congress, containing the commissions you
mention.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span></p>

<p>You desire to know what steps have already been taken
in this business. There has been no step taken by me in
pursuance of my former commission, until my late journey
to Paris, at the invitation of the Count de Vergennes, who
communicated to me certain articles proposed by the mediating
Courts, and desired me to make such observations
upon them as should occur to me. Accordingly, I wrote a
number of letters to his Excellency of the following dates;
July 13th, enclosing an answer to the articles sixteen, eighteen,
nineteen, twentyone. I would readily send you
copies of the articles, and of those letters, but there are
matters in them, which had better not be trusted to go so
long a journey, especially as there is no necessity for it.
The Count de Vergennes will readily give you copies of
the articles and of my letters, which will prevent all risk.</p>

<p>I am very apprehensive that our new commission will
be as useless as my old one. Congress might very safely,
I believe, permit us all to go home, if we had no other
business, and stay there some years; at least, until every
British soldier in the United States is killed or captivated.
Till then, Britain will never think of peace, but for the purposes
of chicanery.</p>

<p>I see in the papers, that the British Ambassador at Petersburg
has received an answer from his Court to the articles.
What this answer is, we may conjecture from the
King's speech. Yet the Empress of Russia has made an
insinuation to their High Mightinesses, which deserves
attention. Perhaps you may have seen it; but, lest you
should not, I will add a translation of it, which I sent to
Congress in the time of it, not having the original at hand.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span></p>

<p>I must beg the favor of your Excellency to communicate
to me whatever you may learn, which has any connexion
with this negotiation; particularly the French, Spanish,
and British answers to the articles, as soon as you can obtain
them. In my situation, it is not likely that I shall obtain
any information of consequence, but from the French
Court. Whatever may come to my knowledge, I will
communicate to you without delay.</p>

<p>If Britain persists in her two preliminaries, as I presume
she does, what will be the consequence? Will the two
Imperial Courts permit this great plan of a Congress at
Vienna, which is public and made the common talk of Europe,
to become another sublime bubble, like the armed
neutrality? In what a light will these mediating Courts
appear, after having listened to a proposition of England,
so far as to make propositions themselves, and to refer to
them in many public acts, if Britain refuses to agree to
them? and insists upon such preliminaries as are at least
an insult to France and America, and a kind of contempt
to the common sense of all Europe? I am weary of
such round-about and needless negotiations, as that of the
armed neutrality, and this of the Congress at Vienna. I
think the Dutch have at last discovered the only effectual
method of negotiation, that is, by fighting the British fleets
until every ship is obliged to answer the signal for renewing
the battle by the signal of distress. There is no room for
British chicanery in this. If I ever did any good, it was
in stirring up the pure minds of the Dutchmen, and setting
the old Batavian spirit in motion, after having slept so long.</p>

<p>Our dear country will go fast asleep, in full assurance
of having news of peace by winter, if not by the first vessel.
Alas! what a disappointment they will meet. I believe
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span>
I had better go home, and wake up our countrymen
out of their reveries about peace. Congress have done
very well to join others in the commission for peace, who
have some faculties for it. My talent, if I have one, lies
in making war. The Grand Seignior will finish the <i>procès
des trois rois</i>, sooner than the Congress of Vienna will
make peace, unless the two Imperial Courts act with dignity
and consistency upon the occasion, and acknowledge
American independency at once, upon Britain's insisting
on her two insolent preliminaries.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>JAMES LOVELL TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Philadelphia, September 1st, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Enclosed you have some important instructions, passed
in Congress upon the 16th of last month.<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> They will
probably reach you first through our Minister at Versailles,
an opportunity to France having earliest presented itself.
Should that not be the case, you will be careful to furnish
copies to Dr Franklin and Mr Jay.</p>

<p>I remain, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">JAMES LOVELL,<br />
<i>For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.</i></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span></p>

<h3>TO B. FRANKLIN.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, October 4th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Since the 25th of August, when I had the honor to
write to you, this is the first time I have taken a pen in
hand to write to anybody, having been confined and reduced
too low, to do any kind of business, by a nervous
fever.</p>

<p>The new commission for peace has been a great consolation
to me, because it removed from the public all danger
of suffering any inconvenience, at a time, when, for many
days together, there were many chances to one, that I
should have nothing more to do with commissions of any
sort. It is still a great satisfaction, because I think it a
measure essentially right, both as it is a greater demonstration
of respect to the powers, whose Ministers may assemble
to make peace, and as it is better calculated to give
satisfaction to the people of America in all parts, as the
Commissioners are chosen from the most considerable
places in that country.</p>

<p>It is probable, that the French Court is already informed
of the alteration. Nevertheless, I should think it proper,
that it should be officially notified to the Count de Vergennes,
and, if you are of the same opinion, as you are
near, I should be obliged to you if you would communicate
to his Excellency an authentic copy of the new commission.</p>

<p>I should think, too, that it would be proper to give some
intimation of it to the public, in the Gazette, or <i>Mercure
de France</i>, the two papers, which are published with the
consent of the Court, and, if you are of the same opinion,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span>
upon consulting the Count de Vergennes, I should be glad
to see it done.</p>

<p>Have you any information concerning Mr Jefferson,
whether he has accepted the trust? Whether he has embarked?
Or proposes soon to embark? I saw a paragraph
in a Maryland paper, which expressed an apprehension,
that he was taken prisoner, by a party of horse, in
Virginia.</p>

<p>I feel a strong curiosity to know the answer of the
British Court, to the articles to serve as a basis, &amp;c. and
should be much obliged to your Excellency for a copy of
it, if to be procured, and for your opinion, whether there
will be a Congress or not.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, October 15th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I am very sorry to learn, that Congress have received
no letters from me from October to June. It is not that
I wrote less than usual in that period, but that I was more
unfortunate. Two vessels, which sailed from hence for
Boston, each of which had despatches from me for Congress,
destroyed them, one upon being taken, and the other
upon being chased. But the most of my despatches were
lost at St Eustatia, I fear.</p>

<p>While that island was in the possession of the Dutch, I
sent a great number of letters, packets of papers, &amp;c. by
several vessels, to the care of Curson and Gouverneur, to
be forwarded to Congress. It is very certain, the enemy
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span>
have got possession of some, one very short and insignificant
one they have published, and the London papers give
intimations of more; but I fancy they will not choose to
publish them.</p>

<p>I hope Commodore Gillon has arrived before this day,
who had letters from me, and all the public papers for
some time. I sent despatches also by several other vessels,
which have sailed from hence. It is extremely difficult
for me to send letters by the way of Nantes, L'Orient,
&amp;c. or by the way of Spain. There is so much bad faith
in the public posts, that it would not be possible for me to
write without having my letters opened, perhaps copied,
and there is scarcely ever an opportunity by a private hand
to any sea-port in France.</p>

<p>But I have a further apology to make to Congress for
the few letters I have lately written. On the 2d of July
I left Amsterdam at the invitation of the Count de Vergennes
for Paris, for a conference upon the subject of
peace, at the mediation of the two Imperial Courts, and
the Congress at Vienna. After despatching all that was
necessary relative to these sublime bubbles, I returned to
Amsterdam. Not long after I got home, I found myself
attacked by a fever, of which at first I made light, but
which increased very gradually and slowly, until it was
found to be a nervous fever of a very malignant kind, and
so violent as to deprive me of almost all sensibility for four
or five days, and all those who cared anything about me,
of the hopes of my life.</p>

<p>By the help, however, of great skill, and all powerful
bark, I am still alive; but this the first time I have felt the
courage to attempt to write to Congress. Absence and
sickness are my apologies to Congress for the few letters
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>
they will receive from me since June. Whether it was
the uncommon heat of the summer, or whether it was the
mass of pestilential exhalations from the stagnant waters of
this country, that brought this disorder upon me, I know
not; but I have every reason to apprehend, that I shall
not be able to re-establish my health in this country. A
constitution ever infirm, and almost half a hundred years
old, cannot expect to fare very well amidst such cold
damps and putrid steams as arise from the immense quantities
of dead water, that surround it.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, October 15th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I wish it were possible to communicate to Congress the
present state of every affair, which they have been pleased
to confide in any measure to me. I have received the
new commission for peace, and the revocation of my commission
and instructions of the 29th of September, 1779.<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
To both of these measures of Congress, as to the commands
of my sovereign, I shall pay the most exact attention.
The present commission for peace, is a demonstration
of greater respect to the powers of Europe, and must
be more satisfactory to the people of America, than any
former one; besides that it guards against accidents, which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span>
in my late sickness I had reason to think may well happen.
I am, however, apprehensive that this commission will lie
a long time neglected, and as useless as the former one.</p>

<p>I am myself seriously of opinion, that the English will
not treat with the United States for many years. They
will see all their dominions in the East and West Indies
conquered by the French and Spaniards; they will see
their government reduced to the limits of their own island
before they will do it. The present Ministers must die
off, and the King too, before there will be any treaty between
Britain and America. The nation will stand by the
King and Ministry through every loss, while they persevere;
whereas both would sink into total contempt and
ridicule, if they were to make peace. While they persevere,
they are masters of the purses and commerce too of
the whole nation. Make peace and they lose a great part
of this influence. National pride, when it has become a
habitual passion by long indulgence, is the most obstinate
thing in the world; and this war has been made so completely,
though so artfully the national act, as well as that of
King and Ministers, that the pride of the nation was never
committed more entirely to the support of anything. It is
not to be supposed that the present Ministry will treat with
America, and if there should be a change, and the leaders
of opposition should come in, they will not treat with America
in any character, that she can with honor or safety
assume. They might propose a peace separate from
France, or they might withdraw their troops from the
United States, but they would not make a general peace.
The Congress at Vienna will prove but a magnificent
chimera, as the British Ministry ever intended it should
be.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span></p>

<p>It has already answered their insidious ends, and now
they are giving it a dismission, by insisting upon their two
preliminaries; so that upon the whole, according to the
best judgment I can form, it will not be worth while for
Congress to be at the expense of continuing me in Europe,
with a view to my assisting at any conferences for peace,
especially as Dr Franklin has given me intimations, that I
cannot depend upon him for my subsistence in future.</p>

<p>My commission for borrowing money has hitherto been
equally useless. It would fill a small volume to give a
history of my negotiations with people of various stations
and characters, in order to obtain a loan, and it would
astonish Congress to see the unanimity with which all have
refused to engage in the business, most of them declaring
they were afraid to undertake it. I am told that no new
loan was ever undertaken here, without meeting at first
with all sorts of contradiction and opposition for a long
time; but my loan is considered not only as a new one,
but as entering deep into the essence of all the present political
systems of the world, and no man dares engage in it,
until it is clearly determined what characters are to bear
rule, and what system is to prevail in this country.</p>

<p>There is no authority in Europe more absolute, not even
that of the two empires, not that of the simple monarchies,
than that of the States-General is in their dominions, and
nobody but M. de Neufville dares advance faster in a political
man&oelig;uvre than the States. M. de Neufville has
done his utmost, and has been able to do nothing; three
thousand guilders, less than three hundred pounds, is all
that he has obtained. Notwithstanding this, there is a
universal wish that the world may be made to believe that
my loan is full. It is upon 'Change, by a unanimous dissimulation,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span>
pretended to be full, and there are persons,
(who they are I know not,) who write to London, and fill
the English papers with paragraphs that my loan is full.
M. de Neufville has advertised in the customary form, for
all persons possessed of American <i>coupons</i>, to come and
receive the money at the end of the first six months.
These persons cannot be more than three in number.</p>

<p>My letters of credence to their High Mightinesses have
been taken <i>ad referendum</i> by the several Provinces, and
are now under consideration of the several branches of the
sovereignty of this country; but no one city or body of
nobles has as yet determined upon them. None have
declared themselves in favor of my admission to an audience,
and none have decided against it; and it is much
to be questioned whether any one will determine soon.</p>

<p>I have often written to Congress, that I never could pretend
to foretell what the States-General would do. I never
found anybody here who guessed right; and upon reading
over all the negotiations of Jeannin, Torcy, d'Avaux, and
d'Estrades, in this country, I found every one of those
Ministers were, at the several periods of their residence
here, in the same uncertainty. It appears to have been
for this century and a half, at least, the national character,
to manage all the world as long as they could, to keep
things undetermined as long as they could, and finally to
decide suddenly upon some fresh motive of fear. It is
very clear to me, that I shall never borrow money until I
have had an audience; and if the States pursue their old
maxims of policy, it may be many years before this is
agreed to. I am much inclined to believe that nothing decisive
will be done for two or three years, perhaps longer;
yet it may be in a month. Parties are now very high,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>
and their passions against each other warm; and to all appearance,
the good party is vastly the most numerous; but
we must remember, that the supreme Executive is supposed
to be determined on the other side, so that there is
real danger of popular commotions and tragical scenes.</p>

<p>The question really is, whether the Republic shall make
peace with England, by furnishing her ships and troops
according to old treaties, and joining her against all her
enemies, France, Spain, America, and as many more as
may become enemies in the course of the war? The English
party dare not speak out and say this openly; but if
they have common sense they must know that England
will make peace with them upon no other terms. They
pretend that upon some little concessions, some trifling condescendencies,
England would make peace with Holland
separately. Some pretend that a separate peace might be
had upon the single condition of agreeing not to trade with
America; others upon the condition of considering naval
stores as contraband goods; but the commercial cities are
almost unanimously against both of these articles. The
English party are sensible of this, yet they entertain hopes
by keeping the Republic in a defenceless state, that commerce
will be so far ruined, and the common people in
the great trading cities reduced to such want and misery,
as to become furious, demand peace at any rate, and fall
upon the houses and persons of those who will not promote
it.</p>

<p>The English party, I think, will never carry their point
so far as to induce the nation to join the English. There
are three considerations, which convince me of this beyond
a doubt. First, corrupted and abandoned as a great part
of this nation, as well as every other in Europe is, there is
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span>
still a public national sense and conscience, and the general,
the almost universal sense of this nation is, that the English
are wrong and the Americans right in this war. The conduct
of the Americans is so like that of their venerable and
heroic ancestors, it is evidently founded in such principles
as are uniformly applauded in their history, and as every
man has been educated in a habitual veneration for, that
it is impossible for them to take a part in the war against
America. This was universally conspicuous upon the
publication of my memorial to the States. Secondly; the
commercial part of these Provinces, I think, will never
give up the American trade. Thirdly; England is so exhausted
and so weak, and France, Spain, and America so
strong, that joining the former against the three latter,
would be the total ruin of the Republic. Nevertheless,
the court party will find means of delay, and will embarrass
the operations of war in so many ways, that it will be long
before any decisive measures will be taken in favor of
America.</p>

<p>Whether, under all these circumstances, Congress will
think proper to continue me in Europe, whether it will be
in their power to furnish me with the means of subsistence,
as Dr Franklin in his letter to me thinks I cannot depend
upon him, and I have no hopes at all of obtaining any
here, I know not, and must submit to their wisdom.
But after all, the state of my health, which I have little
reason to hope will be restored without a voyage home, and
more relaxation from care and business than I can have in
Europe, makes it very uncertain whether I shall be able
to remain here. In short, my prospects both for the public
and for myself are so dull, and the life I am likely to
lead in Europe so gloomy and melancholy, and of so little
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span>
use to the public, that I cannot but wish it may suit with
the views of Congress to recall me.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, October 17th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>There is at present a fermentation in this nation, which
may arise to violent extremities. Hundreds of pamphlets
have appeared, all of which must be adjudged to be seditious
libels; some against the Court, and some against
the city and sovereign magistrates of Amsterdam. At
length, a large pamphlet has appeared in Dutch, and been
distributed through the streets of the Hague, Leyden, Rotterdam,
and other cities, which has occasioned a great
alarm to the government, and a great agitation of spirits
among the people. All parties speak of it as a composition,
in the strongest terms of admiration. The substance
of it will appear from the following placard against it.</p>

<p>"We, the Deputies of the States of Utrecht, make
known, that as it is come to our knowledge, that, notwithstanding
the strong and serious advertisements and publications
against the composition, sale, and distribution of
lampoons, scandalous pamphlets, or libels, and defamatory
writings of whatever sort, or in whatever form they may
be, to the prejudice of the high sovereignty of these Provinces,
and of those who are placed in any administration or
direction of public affairs already, heretofore, and lately
promulgated, both by the Lords, the States of this Province,
and by others, and the rigorous penalty therein decreed
against transgressors; nevertheless, the spirit of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>
discord, of wickedness, of calumny, and of sedition has
burst forth, and spread itself in this State so far, that it
has not been possible, hitherto to restrain it by such advertisements,
but, on the contrary, it has arrived at such
a height, that there has been printed and dispersed
within a few days a most pernicious libel, under the title of
Aan het Volkvan Nederland, (to the people of the Low
Countries) containing a great number of wicked and slanderous
imputations against the Most Serene Person of his
Most Serene Highness, our Lord, the Prince of Orange
and Nassau, Hereditary Stadtholder, Captain and Admiral-General
of these Provinces, against his Most Serene
father and mother of glorious memory, as also our Lords,
the Princes of Orange, William the First, Maurice, Frederick,
Henry, William the Second, and William the Third,
illustrious predecessors of his Most Serene Highness, and
interspersing efforts the most seditious, tending to overturn
not only the present form of the Regency, but even to introduce,
instead of the Regency in the State, which also is
therein painted, in the most hateful manner, a democracy,
or Regency of the people, and thus to cause the Republic
to fall into an entire anarchy, which would increase and
multiply still more extremely, the dangers to which the
dear country is exposed at present by a foreign war, joined
to an intestine division; and taking into consideration that
such most detestable wickedness, if not restrained, can
have no other consequences, than the total ruin and destruction
of the dear country, if God by his grace does not
prevent it, and that it is incumbent on us to employ all the
means possible to hinder it, and to punish offences according
to their demerit; for these causes, we renew that which
has been heretofore and lately ordained in this respect by
the publication of their Noble Mightinesses, of the 4th of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>
July of the present year, 1781, and not only the punishments
by fine, but also of discretionary correction, according
to the exigence of the case against the transgressors
there mentioned, to discover the author or the authors,
and the distributor or the distributors of such a dangerous
libel as that before mentioned, and to the end that they be
punished, as examples to others, according to the magnitude
of such a crime, tending to the ruin of the country;
we have thought fit to promise, as we do by these presents,
a premium of a hundred ryders (fourteen hundred guilders)
in favor of those who may discover or make known,
the author or authors, distributor or distributors, in such
manner that they may be juridically convicted and punished,
concealing the name of the informer if he requires
it. And we ordain, moreover, to all the officers and
judges in the city, cities, and countries of this Province, to
make all possible search, and to endeavor, without any
negligence, dissimulation, or connivance, to discover and
arrest the aforesaid malefactor, or malefactors, and to proceed
and to cause to be proceeded, as is convenient,
against them, as seditious persons, and disturbers of the
public repose, guilty of overturning the foundations of the
government of these Provinces, and of the sovereignty of
the Lords, the States of the Provinces respectively, and as
the enemies the most dangerous of the country; and to
the end, that no man may pretend ignorance, these presents
shall be published and posted up in convenient places.</p>

<p>"Done at Utrecht, the 3d of October, 1781.</p>

<p class="signed_long">I. TACTS VAN AMERONGEN.</p>

<p>"By order of the said Lords Deputies,</p>

<p class="signed">C.A. VOS."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span></p>
<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, October 18th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The Committees of the Fisheries of Vlaardingen and
Maaslleys have presented to their High Mightinesses a petition
to give them to understand, "that they learned with
the most lively sensibility that the gentlemen, the committees
of the respective colleges of Admiralty had proposed
to their High Mightinesses to permit the free navigation of
the ports of the Republic, with or without convoy, excepting,
nevertheless, until further order, the vessels destined to
the greater and lesser fisheries. The petitioners represent
the inevitable losses, with which they are more and more
threatened, in case that all the fishery, without exception,
remain longer suspended; that they might very well find a
remedy in a certain manner by excepting from this prohibition
the ships employed in taking fish for salting, and in
the fishery of fresh cod. They solicit, that it may please
their High Mightinesses to revoke in this regard the placard
of the 26th of January, 1781, or at least to make in it such
alteration as their High Mightinesses may find convenient."</p>

<p>This petition, accepted by the Province of Holland, has
been rendered commissorial, and sent to the colleges of the
Admiralty respectively.</p>

<h4>ANOTHER PETITION,</h4>

<p class="center"><i>From divers Merchants, Bookkeepers, and Owners of
Ships of Amsterdam, containing in substance</i>,</p>

<p>"That the petitioners having caused their vessels and
cargoes, for the most part loaded beforehand, to sail under
the escort of the convoy, there has resulted from it on the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span>
5th of August, the famous rencounter between this convoy,
commanded by the Vice Admiral Zoutman, and the British
Vice Admiral Parker; a rencounter, which in truth had
covered the naval forces of the Republic with immortal
glory, but at the same time given to commerce a terrible
blow, the merchant vessels having seen themselves obliged
to return into the ports of the State. That the petitioners
seeing themselves disappointed of their just and equitable
expectation, of being able to obtain an escort sufficient and
seasonably ready, found themselves forced to submit to
necessity, and consequently to call back their ships, which
without running the greatest danger, could not remain longer
in their then station; that the petitioners could not refrain
from representing to their High Mightinesses in the
most pressing manner, the enormous prejudice which resulted
from it to the petitioners and the freighters of vessels,
who, after having for so many months held their vessels
and crews ready, must now pay the expense of equipping
them, the wages, the monthly pay and subsistence of
their crews, as well as all the other charges that result from
them.</p>

<p>"But as all these disbursements are lost, the petitioners
for the causes alleged, and others particularised in the petition,
pray that it may please their High Mightinesses to
assign to the petitioners, and especially to the proprietors
and freighters of vessels, a convenient indemnification and
sufficient for the cost, damages, and interest borne and suffered,
because the said convoy has not set sail; from
whence it has resulted, that they have detained the vessels
belonging to the petitioners, who, at the first requisition,
are ready to produce the particulars to their High Mightinesses,
that it may also please their High Mightinesses to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span>
give the necessary orders, to the end that the convoy destined
for this purpose may be ready early enough to be
able to set sail next spring, even by the month of March,
to the end that by accelerating their departure, the loss of
time suffered in the current year may be, at least in some
degree, compensated, and that there may be an opportunity
that the ships which are now in Norway and at Elsinore;
supposing they should be obliged to pass the winter
there, may then profit of this convoy for their return.
Finally, that they would please to give, concerning all
these objects, precise orders, and such as their High
Mightinesses may judge the most proper to fulfil the wishes
of the petitioners, and for the greatest utility of commerce."</p>

<p>This petition has been rendered commissorial for the
respective Admiralties.</p>

<h4>ANOTHER PETITION.</h4>

<p>"The undersigned, merchants trading to the Levant, living
at Amsterdam and Rotterdam, give respectfully to understand,
that the petitioners acknowledge with the most
lively gratitude the paternal care which your High Mightinesses
have always manifested for the prosperity of the
commerce of the Levant, and particularly the advantages
procured to the Belgic navigation by the resolutions of
your High Mightinesses of the 21st of May, 1770, and of
the first of April, 1776; the first of which authorises the
directors of the commerce of the Levant, and of the navigation
of the Mediterranean, besides the accustomed imposition
of six per cent of freight, to require of all foreign
vessels coming from the Levant, five per cent of the value
of the effects; and the second of which tends to raise considerably
the tariff, after which they always tax the abovementioned
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span>
effects; which has also fully answered to the
salutary end of your High Mightinesses, to wit, to inspire
a general aversion in foreign ships to suffer themselves to
be employed in the transportation of productions from the
Levant into the ports of these countries. But, the situation
of the navigation of this country by the unfortunate
and cruel war, which the King of England unjustly makes
upon our dear country, is in fact entirely changed, and
almost entirely interrupted and ruined, in such sort, that
by the present impossibility to make use of those ships
which have not been taken, business in general, and that of
the Levant in particular, is in the deplorable condition,
even for the account of neutral foreigners, (for that upon
our own account is entirely stopped) either to be wholly
abandoned, or to be carried on by the means of foreign
vessels.</p>

<p>"The petitioners think it unnecessary to enumerate, particularly
the disadvantages of the first points alleged, that is
to say, the abandoning of this commerce, because in all
times the considerable importance of the Levant trade has
been universally acknowledged, and your High Mightinesses
yourselves have always shown that you have been intimately
persuaded of it. It is then manifest, that in the present
situation of affairs there remains only the second means,
which is to employ foreign ships; nevertheless, as the small
quantity of these vessels joined to the inclination on all
sides to employ them, has already occasioned an enormous
rise of their freights, and since moreover they cannot be
ensured, but by paying a premium three times larger than
in past times, we encounter here obstacles the most discouraging
and invincible, considering, that besides all this, the
extraordinary imposition beforementioned of five per cent
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span>
of the value of the merchandises calculated after the augmented
tariff renders almost impracticable this manner of
negotiating, and deprives it of all advantage; which in this
critical situation of affairs, must ruin absolutely the commerce
of the Levant; for since at this time it cannot be carried
on, but for the account of neutral foreigners, it is incontestible
that their enterprises being in all cases so much
confined, they will find themselves in the indispensable
necessity to suspend this commerce with us, and to transmit
it to other places; besides this, there will be found
many foreigners, who for these causes will excuse themselves
from remitting to the petitioners what they justly owe
because at present, by the enormous rise of bills of exchange
this cannot be effected but by sending merchandises, which
still augments and extends, in an aggravating manner, the
risk of the petitioners.</p>

<p>"But finally to ward off this misfortune in season, if
possible, the petitioners take the liberty respectfully to
address themselves to your High Mightinesses, praying that
you would please, during the course of this war, consequently
as long as the Belgic vessels cannot be employed,
to exempt the effects, loaded upon foreign ships and coming
from the Levant to the ports of this country, from the said
extraordinary imposition of five per cent of their value, and
that you would also give the same advantages to the merchandises
loaded on board the Pisano, a Venetian vessel,
commanded by Captain Antonio Ragusin, from Smyrna,
and lately arrived at the Texel; to the end that this branch
of Commerce, so important, may not perish entirely, and
that it may be preserved for the general well-being of the
dear country.</p>

<p>"Divers freighters and part owners of vessels, fitted out
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span>
for the Colony of Surinam, by the proprietors of plantations,
merchants, and others interested in this commerce, as
well as that of Curaçao, have addressed a petition to their
High Mightinesses, and laid open the "deplorable condition
of the two Colonies; that in consequence of the Resolution
of the 14th of last June, in virtue of the petition, which they
then presented, they equipped their vessels with despatch,
and that in two months they had put in order a fleet of
seventeen vessels, armed with four hundred guns, and
manned with twelve hundred men, expecting a suitable
convoy; but that several circumstances having without
doubt hindered it from being ready, they pray first, their
High Mightinesses, that they would prepare as soon as possible
a convenient convoy, to go out with their ships, at a
certain day, and conduct them to the West Indies; secondly,
that their High Mightinesses, in case of delay, would
be so good as to grant them an indemnification; thirdly,
that their High Mightinesses, upon the exhibition of a certificate,
as it was stipulated by their resolution of the 31st
of July last, would be so good as to cause to be given to those
who shall have made the armaments required, the bounties
which they shall judge convenient, the petitioners being
ready to give convenient sureties, and even to engage their
vessels, in case they are not ready to sail at the time appointed."</p>

<p>At the requisition of his Highness, the request has been
rendered commissorial in the respective Admiralties.</p>

<p>The representative and the directors of the East India
Company have notified to their High Mightinesses, "that
their finances are diminished, and that they are in the indispensable
necessity of demanding of their High Mightinesses
a succor of at least 550,000 florins; adding, that
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span>
if some favorable change does not take place, they will
soon be obliged to have again recourse to their High
Mightinesses."</p>

<p>This petition has been rendered commissorial.</p>

<p>These papers will sufficiently show Congress how much
the trade of this country is affected by the war, and what
discontents must arise from it. Yet the British Ministry
are amusing the government with their delusive ideas of
mediation, armistices, Congresses, peace, and anything to
lay them asleep.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, October 23d, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Dear Sir,</p>

<p>The enclosed resolution will inform you that Congress
have thought it advisable to new model their department of
foreign affairs, by the appointment of a Secretary, through
whose hands the communications with their Ministers
abroad are to pass. Though they did me the honor to
elect me so long since as August last, I but lately determined
to accept, and did not enter upon business till two
days ago, so that you must not expect those minute communications,
which I shall think it my duty to make to you
when I have had leisure to arrange my department, and to
acquaint myself more fully with the sentiments of Congress,
which must upon the whole be my direction.</p>

<p>I can only say in general, that we consider your situation
as extremely delicate, the state you are in, divided by
powerful parties, and the bias that every man has to his
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>
own country, naturally gives him a predilection for that
which most favors its interests. But this, though the child
of virtue, is often the greatest obstacle to successful negotiations;
it creates distrust and jealousies; it excites prejudices,
which unfit us for conciliating the affections of those
whose assistance we require, and induce too fond a reliance
upon the information of those who wish to serve us.
Aristocratic governments are, of all others, the most jealous
of popular commotions; the rich and the powerful are
equally engaged to resist them, and nothing will, in my
opinion, so soon contribute to a peace between England
and the United Provinces as the commotions which now
clog the government of the latter.</p>

<p>You must, Sir, be infinitely better acquainted with the
interior of the State you are in than I can pretend to be,
and I rely much on your information for light, which I cannot
attain here. If I venture to give you my sentiments,
it is with the hope that you will correct my errors when I
have discovered them by my freedom.</p>

<p>The United Provinces appear to me one of those governments
whose very constitution disposes them to peace;
the ambition of making conquests, either is or ought to be
unknown to them. A war for the extension of commerce
is a solecism in politics, since the shocks that the established
trade sustains, infinitely overbalance any new accession
that may be made by it. War, then, while the true interest
of the United Provinces is considered, will be the child
of necessity. That necessity happily exists at present, and
will exist till Great Britain ceases to be the tyrant of the
ocean. We are greatly interested in its continuance; but
let us always bear in mind that the moment Great Britain
makes the sacrifices, which prudence and justice require,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>
the United Provinces will be drawn by the interest of commerce
and the love of peace to close with them. Their
acknowledgment of our independence would be an important
and a leading object. Success here, and the injustice
and cruelty of the British may affect it, but do not let
us appear to be dissatisfied if it is delayed. They have a
right to judge for themselves; from the very nature of their
government, they must be slow in determining. Every
appearance of dissatisfaction on our part, gives room to the
British to believe the United Provinces disinclined to us,
and paves the way to negotiations, which may end in a
peace, which we are so much interested in preventing.</p>

<p>Your first object, then, if I may venture my opinion, is to
be well with the government; your second, to appear to
be so, and to take no measures, which may bring upon you
a public affront. You will naturally treat the friends we
have with the politeness and attention that they justly merit,
and even with that cordiality which your heart must feel
for those who wish your country well, but your prudence
will suggest to you to avoid giving offence to government,
by the appearance of intrigue. I know nothing of the refinements
of politics, nor do I wish to see them enter into
our negotiations. Dignity of conduct, the resources of our
country, and the value of our commerce, must render us
respectable abroad. You will not fail to lay the foundation
of your alliances in these, by displaying them in the strongest
point of view. The spirit of injustice and cruelty, which
characterise the English, must also afford you advantages,
of which I dare say you avail yourself.</p>

<p>I make no apology for the length or freedom of this; it
is of the last importance to you (and I am satisfied you will
think it so,) to be intimately acquainted with the sentiments
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span>
entertained on this side of the water. In return, Sir, you
will let me know, minutely, everything that can in any way
be of use to us, particularly if either of the belligerent powers
takes measures that may tend to establish a partial or
general peace. At your leisure, acquaint me with the interior
of the government you are in, and everything else
interesting, which you may learn relative to others. Remember
that Ministers are yet to be formed in this country,
and let them want no light, which your situation enables
you to afford them.</p>

<p>I would submit it to you, whether it would not be most
advisable to spend as much time as possible at the Hague,
and to form connexions with the Ministers of the powers
not interested in our affairs. They are frequently best
informed, because least suspected, and while your public
character is unacknowledged, and you can visit without the
clog of ceremony, I should conceive it no difficult task to
engage the friendship of some among them.</p>

<p>But it is time to let you breathe; this I shall do without
closing my letter, reserving the remainder of it for the communication
of the most agreeable intelligence you ever received
from America. The enclosed prints will announce
one important victory to you, and we are in hourly expectation
of the particulars of another, which will enable you
to open your negotiations this winter with the utmost advantage.</p>

<p><i>October 24th.</i> I congratulate you, Sir, upon the pleasing
intelligence which, agreeable to my hopes, I am enabled
to convey to you; enclosed you have a letter from
General Washington to Congress; the terms granted to
Lord Cornwallis, his fleet and army, and the letters that
passed previous to the surrender of both. I make no comments
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span>
upon this event, but rely upon your judgment to improve
it to the utmost; perhaps, this is the moment in
which a loan may be opened with most advantage. The
want of money is our weak side, and even in the high day
of success we feel its pressure.</p>

<p>As you may not perhaps be fully acquainted with the
steps that led to this important victory, I enclose also an
extract of my last letter to Dr Franklin. The British fleet
consisting of twentysix sail of the line, including three fifties
as such, with five thousand land forces, and General Clinton
himself on board, sailed the 19th for the relief of
Cornwallis. Count de Grasse is also out with thirtyfour
sail of the line. I shall keep this open as long as possible,
from the hopes of communicating an interesting account of
their meeting.</p>

<p><i>November 1st.</i> I am under the necessity of closing this
without being able to give you any other account of the
fleets, than that the British have not yet returned to New
York; nor are we certain that the Count de Grasse has
yet left the Chesapeake. If anything in the nature of a
Court calendar is published at the Hague, you will be
pleased to send me one or two impressions of it, as it may
be of use to us.</p>

<p>I am, Sir, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, October 25th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I see in the London Courant, which arrived today, an
advertisement of a translation into English of the address
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span>
to the people of the Netherlands; so that this work is likely
to be translated into all languages, and read by all the
world, notwithstanding the placards against it. I have before
sent that of Utrecht; that of Holland is as follows.</p>

<p>"The States of Holland and of West Friesland, to all
those who shall see these presents, or hear them read,
Greeting. As it is come to our knowledge, that notwithstanding
the placards and ordinances, from one time to another,
issued against the impression and dissemination of
seditious and slanderous writings, there has been lately dispersed
in various places of this Province, a certain very
seditious and slanderous libel, entitled <i>Aan het Volk van
Nederland</i>, (To the People of the Low Countries) in which
the supreme government of this country, his Most Serene
Highness, our Lord the Prince Hereditary Stadtholder, as
well as his illustrious predecessors, to whom under God,
we are indebted for the foundation and maintenance of our
Republic, as well as of its liberty, are calumniated in the
most scandalous and enormous manner, and in which the
good people are invited to an insurrection and to seditious
commotions.</p>

<p>"For these causes, being desirous to make provision in
this case, without derogating from our former placards against
lampoons, and other defamatory and scandalous writings,
issued from time to time, and in particular from our renovation
of the 18th of January, 1691, and our placard of the
17th of March, 1754, we have thought fit for the discovery
of the author or authors of the said seditious and slanderous
libel, entitled <i>Aan het Volk van Nederland</i>, and of his or
their accomplices, to promise a reward of a thousand
ryders of gold, (fourteen thousand florins) to him who shall
give the necessary indications by which the author, writer,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>
or printer of the said libel, or all those who may have had a
part in it in any other manner, may fall into the hands of
justice, and may be convicted of the fact; and in case
that the informer was an accomplice in it, we declare by
these presents, that we will pardon him for whatever upon
this occasion he may have done amiss against his sovereign;
moreover, he shall also enjoy the reward in question, and
his name shall not be pointed out, but kept secret.</p>

<p>"Forbidding, consequently, in the most solemn manner
by these presents, every one of what estate, quality or condition
soever he may be, to reprint in any manner the said
seditious and slanderous libel, to distribute, scatter, or spread
it, upon pain of the confiscation of the copies, and a fine
of six thousand florins, besides at least, an everlasting
banishment from the Province of Holland and West Friesland,
which fine shall go, one third to the officer who shall
make the seizure; another third to the informer; and
the remaining third to the use of the poor of the place
where the seizure shall be made. And whereas, some
persons, to keep their unlawful practices concealed, may be
tempted to pretend, that the libel in question had been addressed
to them under a simple cover, they know not by
whom, nor from what place, we ordain and decree, that all
printers, booksellers, and moreover all and every one, to
whom the said seditious and slanderous libel, entitled <i>Aan
het Volk van Nederland</i>, may be sent, whether to be sold,
given as a present, distributed, lent or read, shall be held
to carry it forthwith; and deliver it to the officer or the
magistrate of the place of their residence, or of the place
where they may receive it, under penalty of being held for
disseminators of it, and as such punished in the manner before
pointed out. Ordaining most expressly to our Attorney-General,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span>
and to all our other officers, to execute strictly
and exactly the present placard, according to the form
and contents of it, without dissimulation or connivance,
under pain of being deprived of their employments. And
to the end, that no one may pretend cause of ignorance,
but that every one may know how he ought to conduct
himself in this regard, we order that these presents be published,
and posted up everywhere, where it belongs, and
where it is customary to do it.</p>

<p>"Done at the Hague, under the small seal of the country,
the 19th of October, 1781. By order of the States.</p>

<p class="signed">
C. CLOTTERBOOKE."</p>

<p>Such are the severe measures, which this government
think themselves bound to take to suppress this libel. They
will have, however, a contrary effect, and will make a pamphlet,
which otherwise perhaps would have been known in
a small circle, familiar to all Europe. The press cannot
be restrained; all attempts of that kind in France and Holland
are every day found to be ineffectual.</p>

<p>I consider the disputes in the city of Geneva as arising
from the progress of democratical principles in Europe. I
consider this libel as a demonstration that there is a party
here, and a very numerous one, too, who are proselytes to
democratical principles. Who and what has given rise to
the assuming pride of the people, as it is called in Europe, in
every part of which they have been so thoroughly abased?
The American revolution. The precepts, the reasonings,
and example of the United States of America, disseminated
by the press through every part of the world, have convinced
the understanding, and have touched the heart.
When I say democratical principles, I do not mean that
the world is about adopting simple democracies, for these
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>
are impracticable, but multitudes are convinced that the
people should have a voice, a share, and be made an integral
part; and that the government should be such a
mixture, and such a combination of the powers of one, the
few and the many, as is best calculated to check and control
each other, and oblige all to co-operate in this one democratical
principle, that the end of all government is the
happiness of the people; and in this other, that the greatest
happiness of the greatest number is the point to be obtained.
These principles are now so widely spread, that despotisms,
monarchies, and aristocracies must conform to them in
some degree in practice, or hazard a total revolution in religion
and government throughout all Europe. The longer
the American war lasts, the more the spirit of American
government will spread in Europe, because the attention of
the world will be fixed there, while the war lasts. I have
often wondered that the Sovereigns of Europe have not
seen the danger to their authority, which arises from a
continuance of this war. It is their interest to get it finished,
that their subjects may no longer be employed in
speculating about the principles of government.</p>

<p>The people of the Seven United Provinces appear to
me of such a character, that they would make wild steerage
at the first admission to any share in government; and
whether any intimations of a desire of change at this time
will not divide and weaken the nation, is a problem. I
believe rather it will have a good effect, by convincing
the government that they must exert themselves for the
good of the people, to prevent them from exerting themselves
in innovations.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span></p>
<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, November 1st, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>It is still as problematical as ever, what is the political
system of this Republic, and indeed whether it has any
system at all. They talk much, and deliberate long, but
execute nothing. By the violence with which they speak
and write of each other, a stranger would think them ripe
for a civil war. In the Assembly of the States of Guelderland,
held to consider the requisition of the King of
France of a negotiation of five millions of florins, under the
warranty of the Republic, the debates were sustained with
great warmth. Some were for an alliance with France.
The Baron de Nagel, Senechal of Zutphen, evaded the
putting of the question, and said among other things, "that
he had rather acknowledge the independence of the Americans,
than contract an alliance with France."</p>

<p>The Baron Van der Cappellen de Marsch, was for an
alliance with France and America too. He observed,
"that nothing being more natural, than to act in concert
with the enemies of our enemy, it was an object of serious
deliberation to see if the interest of the Republic did not
require to accept, without further tergiversation, the invitations
and offers of the Americans; that no condescension
for England could hinder us at present from uniting ourselves
against a common enemy, with a nation so brave
and so virtuous, a nation, which, after our example, owes
its liberty to its valor, and even at this moment, is employed
in defending itself from the tyranny of the enemy of the
two nations; that, consequently, nothing could restrain us
from acknowledging the independence of this new Republic;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>
that our conduct differed very much from that held
by our ancestors, who allied themselves to the Portuguese,
as soon as they shook off the yoke of the Spaniards; that
there was no doubt that the said alliances with the enemies
of our enemy would soon restrain his fury, and operate a
general peace advantageous for us."</p>

<p>As this is the first opinion given openly, which has been
published, in favor of acknowledging American independence,
it deserves to be recorded, but it will be long, very
long, before the Republic will be unanimously of this
opinion.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, November 20th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Since my last of the 23d of October, nothing material
has happened here, unless it be the return of Digby to
New York, where he has relanded great part of his
troops, and, as is said, proceeded to the West Indies with
the fleet, though this is not fully ascertained. Nor have
we any authentic account, that the Count de Grasse sailed
from the Chesapeake on the 4th instant.</p>

<p>It gives me pleasure, however, to mention an incident
to you, which shows how much the yeomanry of this
country have improved in military discipline, and must
defeat every hope that Britain entertains of conquering a
country so defended. It has been the custom of the
enemy to move a large body of troops every fall, from
Canada to Ticonderoga, while a light corps, with a number
of Indians, entered the State from the westward, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span>
destroyed the frontier settlements, burning the houses and
barns, and scalping the old men, women, and children.
Last year, they effected the destruction of Scoharie, and
most of the settlements on the Mohawk River, before the
militia could assemble to oppose them. This year, a small
body of State troops, drafted from the militia for three
months, about sixty New Hampshire levies, part of the
militia of the country, and forty Oneida Indians, to the
number of four hundred and eighty in all, under the command
of Colonel Willet, hastily collected, upon the report
of the enemy's coming from the westward to oppose them,
while the rest of the militia, and some Continental troops
marched upon Hudson's River, (the enemy having about
two thousand men at Ticonderoga.) Willet met the
enemy, who consisted of a picked corps of British troops,
to the amount of six hundred and six, besides a number of
Indians and tories; he fought and defeated them twice with
his militia, killed their leader, Major Ross, and young Butler,
as is said, made a number of prisoners, and pursued
them three days, till he had driven them into the thickest
part of the wilderness, whence fatigue and want of provision
will prevent many of them from returning. Those at
Ticonderoga have remained inactive ever since.</p>

<p>It must be a mortifying circumstance to the proudest
people in the world, to find themselves foiled, not only by
the American regular troops, but by the rough undisciplined
militia of the country.</p>

<p>Admiral Zoutman's combat must also, I should imagine,
have some effect in humbling their pride, and, what is of
more consequence, in raising the spirits of the Dutch.</p>

<p>We find from your letters, as well as from other accounts
of the United Provinces, that they are divided into
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span>
powerful parties for and against the war, and we are sorry
to see some of the most distinguished names among what
you call the Anglomanes. But your letters leave us in the
dark relative to the principles and views of each party,
which is no small inconvenience to us, as we know not
how to adapt our measures to them. It is so important to
the due execution of your mission, to penetrate the views
of all parties, without seeming to be connected with either,
that I have no doubt you have insinuated yourself into the
good graces and confidence of the leaders, and that you
can furnish the information we require; you may be persuaded
no ill use will be made of any you give, and that it
is expected from you.</p>

<p>We learn from M. Dumas, that you have presented
your credentials to the States-General; we are astonished,
that you have not written on so important a subject, and
developed the principle, that induced you to declare your
public character before the States were disposed to acknowledge
it. There is no doubt from your known prudence
and knowledge of the world, that some peculiarity in your
situation, or that of the politics and parties in the United
Provinces, furnished you with the reasons, that overbalanced
the objections to the measure, which arise from the
humiliating light in which it places us. Congress would,
I believe, wish to have them explained, and particularly
your reason for printing your Memorial. I may form improper
ideas of the government, interest, and policy of the
United Provinces, but I frankly confess, that I have no
hope, that they will recognise us as an independent State,
and embarrass themselves in making their wished for peace,
with our affairs. What inducements can we hold out to
them? They know, that our own interest will lead us to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>
trade with them, and we do not propose to purchase their
alliance, by giving them any exclusive advantage in commerce.</p>

<p>Your business, therefore, I think lies in a very narrow
compass; it is to conciliate the affection of the people,
to place our cause in the most advantageous light, to remove
the prejudices, that Britain may endeavor to excite,
to discover the views of the different parties, to watch
every motion, that leads to peace between England and
the United Provinces, and to get the surest aid of government
in procuring a loan, which is almost the only thing
wanting, to render our affairs respectable at home and
abroad. To these objects I am satisfied you pay the
strictest attention, because I am satisfied no man has more
the interest of his country at heart, or is better acquainted
with its wants. As our objects in Holland must be very
similar to those of France, I should suppose it would be
prudent for you to keep up the closest connexion with her
Minister; to advise with him on great leading objects, and
to counteract his opinion only upon the most mature deliberation.</p>

<p>You were informed, before I came into office, that Mr
Jay and Mr Franklin are joined in commission with you,
and have received copies of the instructions, that Congress
have given their commissioners; this whole business being
terminated before I came down, I make no observations
upon it, lest I should not enter fully into the views of Congress,
and by that means help to mislead you in so important
a subject. I enclose you a resolution, discharging the
commission for <i>establishing a Commercial Treaty with
Britain</i>. This also being a business of long standing, I
for the same reason, transmit it without any observations
thereon.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span></p>

<p>I would recommend it to you, to be, in your language
and conduct, a private gentleman. This will give you
many advantages in making connexions, that will be lost on
your insisting upon the assumption of a public character,
and the rather, as this sentiment prevails generally among
the members of Congress, though, for reasons of delicacy
with respect to you, I have not chosen to ask the sense of
Congress, to whom it is my sincere wish, as well as my
leading object, in the free letters I wrote you, to enable you
to render your measures acceptable. A number of your
letters, written last winter and spring, have this moment
come to hand.</p>

<p>This letter will be sent to Europe by the Marquis de
Lafayette, who has obtained leave of absence during the
winter season. He wishes to correspond with you, and
as from his connexion, his understanding, and attachment
to this country he may be serviceable to you, I would wish
you to write as freely to him, as you conceive those considerations
may render prudent.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE
AT THE HAGUE.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, November 24th, 1781.</p>

<p>Mr Adams presents his most respectful compliments to
his Excellency the Duc de la Vauguyon, and begs leave
to acquaint him, that by the last night's post he received
from Congress some important despatches, which it is his
duty to communicate to the Ambassador of France. Mr
Adams requests his Excellency to inform him, what hour
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span>
will be most convenient for him to wait on him at the
Arms of Amsterdam. Meantime, he most sincerely congratulates
his Excellency on the glorious news from America
by the Duc de Lauzun, of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis
with his whole army, to the arms of the allies.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<p>This card I sent by my secretary Mr Thaxter. The
Duke returned for answer, that he would call upon me at
my house, between twelve and one, to congratulate me on
the news from America. Accordingly about one, he came
and spent with me about an hour and a half.</p>

<p>I communicated to him my fresh instructions, and agreed
to send him a copy of them tomorrow or next day, by the
post waggon (<i>chariot-de-poste</i>.) He said he had not
received any instructions from Versailles, upon the subject;
but might receive some by next Tuesday's post. He asked
me, what step I proposed to take in consequence of these
instructions? I answered none, but with his participation
and approbation; that I would be always ready to attend
him at the Hague, or elsewhere, for the purpose of the most
candid and confidential consultations, &amp;c. He said that he
thought that the subject was very well seen (<i>très bien vû</i>)
and the measure very well concerted, (<i>très bien combiné</i>)
and that it would have a good effect at this time, to counteract
the artifice of the British Ministry, in agreeing to the
mediation of Russia, for a separate peace with this Republic.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span></p>

<h3>RESOLVES OF CONGRESS, COMPRISING THE INSTRUCTIONS
TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">In Congress, August 16th, 1781.</p>

<p>On the Report of the Committee, to whom was recommitted
their report on the communications from the Honorable
the Minister of France, and who are instructed to
report instructions to the Honorable John Adams, respecting
a Treaty of Alliance with the United Provinces of the
Netherlands,</p>

<p><i>Resolved</i>, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these
United States at the Court of Versailles, be directed to inform
His Most Christian Majesty, that the tender of his
endeavors to accomplish a coalition between the United
Provinces of the Netherlands, and these States, has been
received by Congress, as a fresh proof of his solicitude for
their interests. That previous to the communication of
this His Most Christian Majesty's friendly purpose, Congress,
impressed with the importance of such a connexion,
had confided to Mr John Adams full powers to enter, on
the part of the United States, into a Treaty of Amity and
Commerce with the United Provinces, with a special instruction
to conform himself therein to the treaties subsisting
between His Most Christian Majesty and the United
States. That Congress do, with pleasure, accept His
Most Christian Majesty's interposition, and will transmit
further powers to their Minister at the Hague, to form a
Treaty of Alliance between His Most Christian Majesty,
the United Provinces, and the United States, having for
its object, and limited in its duration to, the present war
with Great Britain. That he will be enjoined to confer,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span>
on all occasions, in the most confidential manner, with His
Most Christian Majesty's Minister, at the Hague; and that
provisional authority will also be sent to admit his Catholic
Majesty as a party.</p>

<p><i>Resolved</i>, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these
United States at the Hague, be, and he is hereby instructed
to propose a Treaty of Alliance between His Most
Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands,
and the United States of America, having for its
object, and limited in its duration to, the present war
with Great Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting
between His Most Christian Majesty and the United
States.</p>

<p>That the indispensable conditions of the Alliance be,
that their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the
United Provinces of the Netherlands, shall expressly recognise
the sovereignty and independence of the United
States of America, absolute and unlimited, as well in matters
of government as of commerce. That the war with
Great Britain shall be made a common cause, each party
exerting itself according to its discretion in the most effectual
hostility against the common enemy; and that no party
shall conclude either truce or peace with Great Britain,
without the formal consent of the whole first obtained;
nor lay down their arms, until the sovereignty and independence
of these United States shall be formally or tacitly
assured by Great Britain, in a Treaty, which shall terminate
the war.</p>

<p>That the said Minister be, and he hereby is further instructed,
to unite the two Republics by no stipulations of
offence, nor guaranty any possessions of the United Provinces.
To inform himself, from the Minister of these
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span>
United States at the Court of Spain, of the progress of his
negotiations at the said Court; and if an alliance shall
have been entered into between his Catholic Majesty and
these United States, to invite his Catholic Majesty into the
Alliance herein intended; if no such alliance shall have
been formed, to receive his Catholic Majesty, should he
manifest a disposition to become a party to the alliance
herein intended, according to the instructions given to the
said Minister at the Court of Spain.</p>

<p>That in all other matters, not repugnant to these instructions,
the said Minister at the Hague do use his best discretion.</p>

<p><i>Resolved</i>, That the Minister Plenipotentiary of these
United States at the Hague, be, and he hereby is instructed
to confer in the most confidential manner with His Most
Christian Majesty's Minister there.</p>

<p><i>Ordered</i>, That the foregoing resolutions be communicated
to our Ministers at the Courts of Versailles and Madrid,
that they may furnish every information and aid in
their power to our Minister at the Hague, in the accomplishment
of this business.</p>

<p><i>Resolved</i>, That the following commission be issued to
Mr John Adams, for the purpose aforesaid.</p>

<p>The United States in Congress assembled, to all who
shall see these presents, send, greeting.</p>

<p>Whereas a union of the force of the several powers
engaged in the war against Great Britain may have a
happy tendency to bring the said war to a speedy and
favorable issue; and it being the desire of these United
States to form an alliance between them and the United
Provinces of the Netherlands; know ye, therefore, that
we, confiding in the integrity, prudence, and ability of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span>
Honorable John Adams, have nominated, constituted, and
appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute,
and appoint him, the said John Adams, our Minister
Plenipotentiary, giving him full powers, general and special, to
act in that quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude, with
the person or persons vested with equal powers, by His Most
Christian Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the States-General
of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of
and concerning a Treaty of Alliance between His Most
Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands,
and the United States of America; and whatever
shall be so agreed and concluded for us, and in our name,
to sign, and thereupon to make such treaty, convention,
and agreements as he shall judge conformable to the ends
we have in view; hereby promising, in good faith, that we
will accept, ratify, and execute, whatever shall be agreed,
concluded, and signed by him our said Minister.</p>

<p>In witness whereof we have caused these presents to be
signed by our President, and sealed with his seal.</p>

<p>Done at Philadelphia, this sixteenth day of August, in
the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and
eightyone; and in the sixth year of our independence, by
the United States in Congress assembled.</p>

<p class="signed">
THOMAS M'KEAN,<br />
<i>President</i>.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON,</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, November 25th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency a copy
of the fresh instructions of Congress of the 16th of August
last, which I received by the post on the 23d instant.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span>
I have also received a further commission from Congress,
with full powers to confer, treat, agree, and conclude, with
the person or persons vested, with equal powers by His
Most Christian Majesty, and their High Mightinesses, the
States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands,
of and concerning a Treaty of Alliance between His
Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands,
and the United States of America.</p>

<p>This measure was apparently concerted between the
Congress and the French Minister residing near them, and
seems to be very happily adapted to the present times and
circumstances.</p>

<p>I beg leave to assure your Excellency, that I shall be at
all times ready to attend you, at the Hague, or elsewhere,
to confer with you, in the most entire confidence, respecting
this negotiation, and shall take no material step in it,
without your approbation and advice.</p>

<p>There are three ways of proposing this business to their
High Mightinesses; 1st, your Excellency may alone propose it
in the name of His Most Christian Majesty; 2dly,
it may be proposed jointly by the Minister of his Majesty,
and the Minister of the United States; or 3dly, it may
be proposed by the Minister of the United States alone,
and as a consequence of his former proposal of a Treaty
of Commerce. I beg leave to submit these three measures,
to your Excellency's consideration, and shall very
cheerfully comply with any, which you may most approve.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span></p>

<h3>TO JOHN JAY, AMERICAN MINISTER AT MADRID.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, November 26th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>By the last post, I received from L'Orient a set of fresh
instructions from Congress, dated the 16th of August, and
with the more pleasure, as I am enjoined to open a correspondence
with your Excellency upon the subject of them.</p>

<p>I presume you have a copy by the same vessel; but as
it is possible it may have been omitted, I shall venture to
enclose a copy, and hope it may pass unopened. I have
communicated it to the French Ambassador here, who says
it is "<i>très bien vû; très bien combiné</i>." I shall take no
step in it, without his knowledge and approbation. I shall
hope for your Excellency's communications as soon as convenient.</p>

<p>The Dutch have an inclination to ally themselves to
France and America, but they have many whimsical fears,
and are much embarrassed with party quarrels. In time,
I hope, they will agree better with one another, and see
their true interests more clearly. This measure of Congress
is very well timed.</p>

<p>I congratulate you on the glorious news of the surrender
of Cornwallis. Some are of opinion it will produce a Congress
at Vienna; but I cannot be of that sentiment. The
English must have many more humiliations before they
will agree to meet us upon equal terms, or upon any
terms, that we can approve.</p>

<p>What is the true principle of the policy of Spain, in delaying
so long to declare themselves explicitly? Her delay
has a bad effect here.</p>

<p>Mr Dana has been gone northward these four months, but
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span>
I have no letters from him. Whether the post is unfaithful,
or whether he chooses to be talked about as little as
possible at present, which I rather suspect, I do not know.</p>

<p>My respects to Mr Carmichael, and to your family, if
you please.</p>

<p>With great esteem, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO B. FRANKLIN</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, November 26th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I presume you have a copy from Congress of their instructions
to me of the 16th of August; but, as it is possible
it may be otherwise, I have enclosed one. I have communicated
them to the Duc de la Vauguyon. I shall do
nothing in the business without communicating it beforehand
to him, with the most entire confidence, and receiving
his approbation and advice. He informs me, that he has
not yet received any instructions from his Court respecting
it.</p>

<p>These instructions have arrived at a very proper time to
counteract another insidious trick of the British Ministry,
in agreeing to the mediation of Russia for a separate peace
with Holland.</p>

<p>With unfeigned joy I congratulate your Excellency on
the glorious news of the surrender of Cornwallis to the
arms of the allies. How easy a thing would it be to bring
this war to a happy conclusion, if Spain and Holland would
adopt the system of France, and co-operate in it with the
same honor and sincerity. There is nothing wanting but a
constant naval superiority in the West Indies, and on the
coast of the United States, to obtain triumphs upon triumphs
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span>
over the English, in all quarters of the globe. The
allies now carry on the war in America with an infinite
advantage over the English, whose infatuation, nevertheless,
will continue to make them exhaust themselves there,
to the neglect of all their possessions in other parts of the
world.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO JOHN JAY.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, November 28th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I had the honor to write to you on the 26th instant by the
post, a conveyance which I am determined to try until I
am certainly informed of its infidelity; in which case I will
ask the favor of the French or Spanish Ambassador, to enclose
my despatches.</p>

<p>I received, by the last post, a duplicate of despatches
from Congress, the originals of which I received some time
ago. I presume you have received the same from Congress,
or from Passy; but, if otherwise, I will enclose in a
future letter a commission and instructions for assisting at
the conferences for peace, at Vienna or elsewhere, whenever
they may take place. In this commission, Congress
have added Mr Franklin, President Laurens, your Excellency,
and Mr Jefferson; a measure which has taken off
my mind a vast load, which, if I had ever at any time expected
I should be called to sustain alone, would have been
too heavy for my forces.</p>

<p>The capture of Cornwallis and his army is the most
masterly measure, both in the conception and execution,
which has been taken this war. When France and Spain
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span>
shall consider the certain triumphant success, which will
ever attend them while they maintain a naval superiority
in the West Indies and on the coast of North America,
it is to be hoped, they will never depart from that
policy. Many here are of opinion, that this event will
bring peace; but I am not of that mind, although it is very
true that there are distractions in the British Cabinet, a
formidable faction against Lord G. Germain, and, it is said,
the Bedford party are determined to move for peace.</p>

<p>Our late triumphs have had an effect here. I have received
several visits of congratulation, in consequence of
them, from persons of consequence, from whom I did not
expect them. But they are invisible fairies, who disconcert
in the night all the operations of the patriots in the
day.</p>

<p>There will, probably, be a proposal soon of a triple alliance
between France, America, and Holland. If Spain
would join, and make it quadruple, it would be so much
the better.</p>

<p>General Green's last action in South Carolina, in consequence
of which, that State and Georgia have both re-established
their governments, is quite as glorious for the
American arms as the capture of Cornwallis. The action
was supported even by the militia, with a noble constancy.
The victory on our side was complete, and the English lost
twelve hundred men.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, December 4th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have received those instructions, with which I was
honored by Congress on the 16th of August, and communicated
them forthwith to the French Ambassador, to
their High Mightinesses, and to the American Ministers at
Versailles and Madrid.<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The Duc de la Vauguyon was
of opinion, that they were very well considered and very
well timed, to counteract another trait of British policy, in
agreeing to the mediation of Russia for a separate peace
with Holland. The British Ministry mean only to aid the
stocks, and lull the Dutch.</p>

<p>There is no longer any talk of a Congress at Vienna.
The late news of General Washington's triumphs in Virginia,
and of the friendly and effectual aid of the Counts
de Rochambeau and de Grasse, have made a great impression
here, and all over Europe. I shall punctually observe
my instructions, and consult in perfect confidence
with the Duc de la Vauguyon, in the execution of my late
commission. A quadruple alliance, for the duration of the
war, would, probably, soon bring it to a conclusion; but
the Dutch are so indolent, so divided, so animated with
party spirit, and above all so entirely in the power of their
Chief, that it is very certain that they will take the proposition
<i>ad referendum</i> immediately, and then deliberate
upon it a long time.</p>

<p>This nation is not blind; it is bound and cannot get
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span>
loose. There is great reason to fear, that they will be
held inactive, until they are wholly ruined. Cornwallis'
fate, however, has somewhat emboldened them, and I have
received unexpected visits of congratulation from several
persons of note; and there are appearances of a growing
interest in favor of an alliance with France and
America. If I were now to make the proposition, I think
it would have a great effect. I must, however, wait for
the approbation of the Duke, and he, perhaps, for instructions
from Versailles, and, indeed, a little delay will perhaps
do no harm, but give opportunity to prepare the way.
The general cry at this time in pamphlets and public
papers, is for an immediate connexion with France and
America.</p>

<p>The consent of Zealand is expected immediately to the
loan of five millions for his Most Christian Majesty. My
loan rests as it was, at a few thousand guilders, which, by
the advice of Dr Franklin, I reserve for the relief of our
countrymen, who escape from prison in England in distress.
I have ordered a hundred pounds for President Laurens
in the Tower, at the earnest solicitation of his daughter,
who is in France, and of some of his friends in England;
but for further supplies have referred them to Dr Franklin.
I some time since had an intimation that the British
Ministry were endeavoring to form secret contracts with
traitorous Americans to supply the masts for the royal
navy. According to my information, the British navigation
in all parts of the world is at present distressed for
masts, especially those of the largest size. Congress will
take such measures as to their wisdom shall appear proper
to prevent Americans from this wicked and infamous commerce,
I wrote to Dr Franklin upon the subject, who
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span>
communicated my letter, as I requested, at Court, and his
Excellency supposes that the Count de Vergennes will
write to Congress, or to the Chevalier de la Luzerne upon
the subject.</p>

<p>The Continental goods left here by Commodore Gillon,
are detained for freight and damages, and very unjustly as
I conceive. I am doing all in my power to obtain
possession of them, and send them to America, or dispose of
them here, at as little loss as possible, according to the
desire and advice of Dr Franklin. It is not necessary to
trouble Congress to read a volume of letters upon the subject
of these goods. All that can be done by me, has
been and shall be done to save the public interest. This
piece of business has been managed as ill as any that has
ever been done for Congress in Europe, whether it is
owing to misfortune, want of skill, or anything more disagreeable.</p>

<p>The Court of Russia does not at present appear to be
acting that noble part, which their former conduct gave
cause to expect. Mr Dana is at Petersburg, but he prudently
avoids writing. If he sees no prospect of advantage
in staying there, he will be very silent, I believe,
and not stay very long.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="translation">Translation.</p>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, December 7th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have received the letter you did me the honor to
write me, and the copy of the resolutions of Congress, of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span>
the 16th of August last. I flatter myself, that you will not
doubt of my zeal to concert with you the ulterior measures,
which they may require, as soon as the King has authorised
me. But until his Majesty has transmitted to me his
orders on this point, I can only repeat to you the assurances
of my zeal for everything interesting to the common
cause of France and North America, and the peculiar satisfaction
I shall derive from my connexions with you in all
circumstances.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">DE LA VAUGUYON.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, December 13th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The answer of my Lord Stormont to M. Simolin is as
follows.</p>

<p>"The alliance, which has subsisted so many years between
Great Britain and the States-General, has always been
considered by his Majesty as a connexion founded on the
most natural relations, and which was not only conformable
to the interests of the two nations, but as essential to their
mutual well-being. The King has done everything on his
part to maintain these connexions and to strengthen them;
and if the conduct of their High Mightinesses had been answerable
to that of his Majesty, they would have subsisted
at this hour in all their force. But from the commencement
of the present troubles, the single return with which
the Republic has requited the constant friendship of the
King, has been the renunciation of the principles of an alliance,
the primary object of which was the mutual defence
of the two nations; an obstinate refusal to fulfil the most
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span>
sacred obligations; a daily violation of the most solemn
treaties; an assistance given to those very enemies against
whom the King had a right to demand succor; an asylum
granted to American pirates in the ports of Holland, in
public violation of the clearest stipulations; and to fill up
the measure, a denial of justice and of satisfaction for the
affront offered to the dignity of the King by a secret league
with his rebel subjects.</p>

<p>"All these accumulated grievances have not permitted
the King to act any other part, than that which he has taken
with the most sensible reluctance. When we laid before
the public the motives which had rendered this rupture inevitable,
the King attributed the conduct of the Republic
to its true cause, viz. the unfortunate influence of a faction,
which sacrificed the interest of the nation to private views;
but the King at the same time manifested the sincerest desire
to be able to draw back the Republic to a system of
strict union, efficacious alliance and reciprocal protection,
which has so greatly contributed to the well-being and to
the glory of the two nations.</p>

<p>"When the Empress of Russia offered her good offices
to effectuate a reconciliation by a particular peace, the
King testified his gratitude for this fresh proof of a friendship,
which is to him so precious, and avoided to expose
the mediation of her Majesty to the danger of a fruitless
negotiation; he explained the reasons which convinced
him, that in the then prevailing disposition of the Republic,
governed by a faction, any reconciliation during the war
with France, would be but a reconciliation in appearance,
and would give to the party which rule in the Republic, an
opportunity to re-assume the part of a secret auxiliary of
all the King's enemies, under the mask of a feigned alliance
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>
with Great Britain. But if there are certain indications
of an alteration in this disposition; if the powerful intervention
of her Imperial Majesty can accomplish this
change, and reclaim the Republic to principles, which the
wisest part of the nation has never abandoned; his Majesty
will be ready to treat of a separate peace with their High
Mightinesses; and he hopes that the Empress of all the
Russias may be the sole mediatrix of this peace. She
was the first to offer her good offices; and an intervention
so efficacious and so powerful as her's, cannot gain in
weight and influence by the accession of the most respectable
allies. The friendship of the Empress towards the
two nations, the interest which her empire has in their reciprocal
welfare, her known impartiality, and her elevated
views, are so many securities for the manner in which she
will conduct this salutary work, and in a negotiation, which
has for its end the termination of a war, caused by the
violation of treaties, and an affront offered to the Crown of
a King, his Majesty refers himself with equal satisfaction
and confidence to the mediation of a Sovereign, who holds
sacred the faith of treaties, who knows so well the value of
the dignity of Sovereigns, and who has maintained her
own, during her glorious reign, with so much firmness and
grandeur."</p>

<p>Thus the mediation of Russia is accepted, and that of
Sweden and Denmark refused. The instructions of Congress
and their new commission of last August are arrived
in most happy time, to counteract this insidious man&oelig;uvre,
and I hope the Duc de la Vauguyon will receive his instructions
on the same subject before it be too late.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, December 14th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The first public body, which has proposed a connexion
with the United States, is the Quarter of Oostergo, in the
Province of Friesland. The proposition is in these words;</p>

<p>"Every impartial patriot has a long time perceived, that
in the direction of affairs relative to this war with England,
there has been manifested an inconceivable lukewarmness
and sloth; but they discover themselves still more at this
moment, by the little inclination which in general the Regencies
of the Belgic Provinces testify to commence a
treaty of commerce and friendship with the new Republic
of the Thirteen United States of North America; and to
contract engagements, at least during the continuance of this
common war with the Crowns of France and Spain. Nevertheless,
the necessity of these measures appears clearly,
since according to our judgments, nothing was more natural,
nor more conformable to sound policy, founded upon
the laws of nature the most precise, than that this Republic
immediately after the formal declaration of war by the
English, (not being yet able to do anything by military exploits,
not being in a state of defence sufficiently respectable
to dare at sea to oppose one fleet or squadron to our
perfidious enemy,) should have commenced by acknowledging,
by a public declaration, the independence of North
America.</p>

<p>"This would have been from that time the greatest step
to the humiliation of England, and our own re-establishment,
and by this measure, the Republic would have
proved her firm resolution to act with vigor. Every one
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>
of our inhabitants, all Europe, who have their eyes fixed
upon us, the whole world expected, with just reason, this
measure from the Republic. It is true, that before the
formal declaration of war by England, one might perhaps
have alleged some plausible reasons to justify in some degree
the backwardness in this great and interesting affair.
But, as at present Great Britain is no longer our secret,
but our declared enemy, which dissolves all the connexions
between the two nations; and as it is the duty not only of
all the Regencies, but also of all the citizens of this Republic
to reduce by all imaginable annoyances this enemy, so
unjust to reason, and to force him if possible, to conclude
an honorable peace; why should we hesitate any longer
to strike, by this measure so reasonable, the most sensible
blow to the common enemy? Will not this delay occasion
a suspicion, that we prefer the interest of our enemy, to
that of our country? North America, so sensibly offended
by the refusal of her offer; France and Spain, in the midst
of a war supported with activity, must they not regard us
as the secret friends and favorers of their and our common
enemy? Have they not reason to conclude from it,
that our inaction ought to be less attributed to our weakness,
than to our affection for England? Will not this opinion
destroy all confidence in our nation heretofore so renowned
in this respect? And our allies, at this time natural,
must they not imagine, that it is better to have in us declared
enemies, than pretended friends; and shall we not
be involved in a ruinous war, which we might have rendered
advantageous, if it had been well directed?</p>

<p>"While, on the other hand, it is evident that by a new
connexion with the States of North America, by engagements
at least during this war with France and Spain,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>
we shall obtain not only the confidence of these formidable
powers instead of their distrust, but by this means we shall,
moreover, place our Colonies in safety against every insult;
we shall have a well-grounded hope of recovering with the
aid of the allied powers, our lost possessions, if the English
should make themselves masters of them, and our
commerce, at present neglected and so shamefully pillaged,
would reassume a new vigor, considering that in such case
as it is manifestly proved by solid reasons, this Republic
would derive from this commerce the most signal advantages.
But since our interest excites us forcibly to act in
concert with the enemies of our enemy; since the Thirteen
United States of North America invited us to it long ago;
since France appears inclined to concert her military operations
with ours, although this power has infinitely less interest
to ally itself with us, whose weakness manifests itself
in so palpable a manner than we are to form an alliance
the most respectable in the universe; it is indubitably the
duty of every regency to promote it with all its forces, and
with all the celerity imaginable.</p>

<p>"To this effect we have thought it our duty to lay before
your Noble Mightinesses, in the firm persuasion that the
zeal of your Noble Mightinesses will be as earnest as ours,
to concur to the accomplishment of this point, which is for
us of the greatest importance; that consequently, your
Noble Mightinesses will not delay to co-operate with us,
that upon this important object there may be made to their
High Mightinesses a proposition so vigorous, that it may have
the desired success; and that this affair, of an importance
beyond all expression for our common country,
may be resolved and decided by unanimous suffrages, and
in preference to every particular interest."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span></p>

<p>M. Van der Capellan de Marsch was the first individual
who ventured to propose in public a treaty with the United
States, and the Quarter of Oostergo the first public
body. This, indeed, is but a part of one branch of the
sovereignty. But these motions will be honored by posterity.
The whole Republic must follow. It is necessitated
to it by a mechanism, as certain as clockwork; but
its operations are and will be studiously and zealously
slow. It will be a long time before the measure can be
completed.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, December 18th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Having received an invitation to the Hague, in order to
have some conversation with some gentlemen in the government,
concerning the further steps proper for me to
take in the present conjuncture, I had determined to have
undertaken the journey today; but the arrival in town of
the Duc de la Vauguyon, determined me to postpone it
until tomorrow.</p>

<p>At noon, today, his Excellency did me the honor of a
visit, and a long conversation upon the state of affairs at my
house. He informed me, that upon the communication I
had made to him, when he was here last, in person, and
afterwards by letter, of my new commission and instructions,
he had written to the Count de Vergennes; that he
had explained to that Minister his own sentiments, and expected
an answer. His own idea is, that I should go to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span>
the Hague in some week, when there is a President whose
sentiments and disposition are favorable, and demand an
answer to my former proposition, and afterwards, that I
should go round to the cities of Holland, and apply to the
several Regencies.</p>

<p>He thinks that I may now assume a higher tone, which
the late <i>Cornwallization</i> will well warrant. I shall, however,
take care not to advance too fast, so as to be unable to
retreat. His advice is, to go to the Hague tomorrow, and
meet the gentlemen who wish to see me there; this I
shall do.</p>

<p>I have been very happy hitherto, in preserving an entire
good understanding with this Minister, and nothing shall
ever be wanting on my part, to deserve his confidence and
esteem.</p>

<p>I have transmitted by two opportunities, one by Captain
Trowbridge, from hence, another by Dr Dexter by the
way of France, despatches from Mr Dana, at Petersburg,
by which Congress will perceive that material advantages
will arise from that gentleman's residence in that place,
whether he soon communicates his mission to that Court
or not.</p>

<p>The English papers, which I forward by this opportunity,
will inform Congress of the state of things and parties
in England. The Ministry talk of a new system. Perhaps
they may attempt Rhode Island once more in exchange
for Charleston, and try their skill in intercepting
our trade.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, December 19th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>It has been insinuated to me, that the Spanish Ambassador
here has instructions from his Court to enter into a
negotiation with their High Mightinesses, concerning an
alliance between Spain and the Republic. If this fact has
come to your Excellency's knowledge, and there is no
inconvenience nor impropriety in communicating it to me,
I should be very much obliged to you for the information;
not from curiosity merely, but for my government, in the
steps I may have to take.</p>

<p>By my late instructions, of which your Excellency has
a copy, I am to inform myself concerning the progress of
American negotiations at the Court of Spain, and, if an
alliance shall have been entered into between his Catholic
Majesty and the United States, to invite his Catholic Majesty
into the alliance proposed between France, their High
Mightinesses, and the Congress. If no such alliance shall
have been formed, to receive his Catholic Majesty, should
he manifest a disposition to become a party, &amp;c.</p>

<p>Congress have wisely enjoined it upon me, to confer in
the most confidential manner with your Excellency, and I
have made it a law to myself, to take no material step in
this negotiation without your approbation; but my instructions
seem to make it necessary to take some measures, at
least, to sound the disposition of the Spanish Ambassador.
I would, therefore, beg leave to propose to your consideration,
and to request your opinion, whether you think it
advisable for me to do myself the honor of making a visit
to the Spanish Ambassador, and communicating to him
the substance of my instructions, as far as it relates to the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span>
Court of Madrid; or whether it would be better to communicate
it by letter; or whether your Excellency will be
so good as to take upon yourself this communication, and
inform me of the result of it?</p>

<p>I am advised here to wait on the President of their High
Mightinesses as soon as possible, and demand a categorical
answer to my former proposition, and then to wait on the
Grand Pensionary and Mr Secretary Fagel, and, in turn,
upon the Pensionaries of all the cities of Holland, to inform
them of the demand made to the President. But I submit
to your consideration, whether it will not be expedient to
communicate the project of a <a name="triple" id="triple"></a>triple or quadruple alliance
to some confidential members of the States; as to the Pensionary
of Dort, Haerlem, and Amsterdam, for example,
with permission to them to communicate it, where they
shall think it necessary, in order to give more weight to my
demand?</p>

<p>The Court of Great Britain are manifestly availing themselves
of the mediation of Russia, in order to amuse this
Republic, and restrain it from exerting itself in the war,
and forming connexions with the other belligerent powers,
without intending to make peace with her upon any conditions,
which would not be ruinous to her. It is, therefore,
of the last importance to Holland, as well as of much consequence
to the other belligerent powers, to draw her out
of the snare, which one should think might be now easily
done by a proposition of a triple or quadruple alliance.</p>

<p>Tomorrow morning at ten, I propose to do myself the
honor of waiting on your Excellency, if that hour is agreeable,
in order to avail myself more particularly of your
sentiments upon these points.</p>

<p>In the meantime, I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span></p>

<h3>THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="translation">Translation.</p>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, December 20th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have received the letter you did me the honor to address
me. I shall be impatient to converse with you on
the subject to which it relates, and shall expect to see you
at ten o'clock tomorrow morning, as you desire.</p>

<p>Receive, Sir, my renewed assurances of the profound
respect with which I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">DE LA VAUGUYON.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, December 25th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>There has appeared an ulterior declaration, in addition
to the ordinances of the 30th of April and the 3d of November,
concerning the navigation and the maritime commerce
of the subjects of Prussia during the present war.</p>

<p>"The ordinances, which the King has caused to be published
of the 30th of April and 3d of November of this
year, have, in truth, already prescribed to the subjects of
his Majesty, the manner in which they ought, for their
greatest safety, to direct their navigation and their commerce;
nevertheless, as several doubts have arisen in this
regard, his Majesty, in order to obviate them, and to direct
his subjects who trade by sea, has thought fit to establish,
ordain, and declare, as follows.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Article i.</span> It cannot be doubted, and it is understood,
that the Prussian vessels, which have put to sea before
the publication of the ordinance of the 3d of November,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>
and which, by consequence, could not be furnished
with passports expedited by the Minister of foreign affairs,
which are therein prescribed, cannot be taken or molested,
by reason of the want of such passports, but that the passports
heretofore in use, which they have taken at their departure,
ought to have, until their return, their force and
value, and to procure them, until that time, a sufficient security.
To remove, however, still more effectually, all
difficulties, which might exist in this regard, the obligation
to furnish themselves with immediate passports from Berlin,
is not to commence until after the 1st of January,
1782, to the end that every one may have time to take his
measures in consequence.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. ii.</span> It is repeated and ordained, that small
vessels, which do not carry more than fifty lasts, as well as
those which navigate only in the Baltic Sea, and in the
North Sea, and which do not pass the Channel, which
separates France and England, are not obliged, at least if
they do not themselves think it proper, to take passports
from Berlin; but to gain time, it is permitted to them to
take them as heretofore, at their convenience, from the
Admiralties, the Chambers of War, and of the Domains of
each Province, and from the magistrates of the cities. In
consequence of which, it is ordained to these Colleges
in the most express manner, not to grant these passports
but to the real and actual subjects of the King, with the
greatest precaution, providing carefully against all abuses
which may be made of them, and observing strictly the
ordinances published upon this object. The end which
his Majesty proposed to himself in publishing the declaration
of the 3d of November, has been, and is, singly, to
procure to Prussian vessels, which navigate beyond the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>
Channel in the ocean or the Atlantic Sea, and which carry
their commerce into these distant seas and regions, a safety
so much the greater against all prejudicial accidents, in
causing to be expedited to them passports by his Minister
of Foreign Affairs, who, by his knowledge of the state of
public affairs, is the most in a condition to take the necessary
precautions.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. iii.</span> The navigators, not being able to send to
Berlin complete bills of lading of the cargoes of their
vessels, before they are entirely loaded, there is not required
of those who have occasion for immediate passports of the
Court, any other thing, except that they produce certificates,
and general attestations from the Admiralties, the
Chambers of Domains, or the magistrates of the cities,
concerning the property of the vessel, and when the passport
should express also the cargo, concerning the quality
of the cargo, that is to say, in what it consists; which is
sufficient to judge, whether the merchandises are lawful,
and whether the passports requested can be granted. The
bills of lading, and complete and specific attestations of
the quantity of each merchandise may be expedited as
heretofore, in the usual manner, to places where the loading
is made by the Admiralties, the Chambers of Finances,
or the magistrates of the cities.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. iv.</span> In the ordinance of the 30th of April, his
Majesty has been pleased, to encourage his subjects to the
national commerce, to advise them to engage in maritime
commerce as much as possible upon their own account,
and with their own merchandises; and it has been established
in consequence, in the declaration of the 3d of
November, that to obtain passports from the Court, it was
necessary to prove, by requisite certificates, that the owners
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span>
both of the vessel and the cargo were Prussian subjects;
nevertheless, all this was done properly in the form of
advice, and to render them so much the more attentive to
the precautions which they ought to take; it is not, for
this the less free and lawful to the subjects of the King,
who have obtained requisite passports, to transport also in
their vessels, in conformity to the ordinance of the 30th of
April, to places and ports which are not besieged, nor
close blocked, merchandises and effects belonging to foreign
nations, and even to belligerent nations, provided that
these merchandises are of the nature of those, which, according
to the 2d article of the declaration of the 30th of
April, and conformably to the customs and rights of
nations, are permitted and not of contraband; his Majesty
will not fail to protect them, in such cases according to the
principles which he has adopted and established in this regard
with other powers, allies, and friends, and he has
judged necessary to declare all which goes before, for
preventing all abusive interpretation of the declaration of
the 3d of November.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. v.</span> The captains and commanders of Prussian
vessels ought, when they arrive in ports or places, where
reside consuls of the King, to present to them their passports,
and demand of them attestations, which certify that
their vessels are still furnished with passports expedited to
them.</p>

<p>"<span class="smcap">Art. vi.</span> The commanders of these vessels would do
well also, to take with them the ordinances of the 30th of
April and the 3d of November, and the present declaration,
to follow so much the better the precepts of it, and to
be able, in case of need, to show them, and justify their
conduct by them. Nevertheless, those two ordinances, as
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span>
well as this, which renews them and serves to explain
them, have not been published but for the direction of
Prussian subjects, who exercise navigation and maritime
commerce; and in cases even where they may fail in
some point of their observation, and where they may not
be furnished with passports requisite, they are not responsible
for their negligence, but to his Majesty, their lawful
sovereign, and the commanders of armed vessels of the
belligerent powers cannot think themselves authorised
thereby to stop them, or to take them, when they have not
acted openly in a manner contrary to the principles of the
maritime neutrality, adopted by his Majesty.</p>

<p>"Given at Berlin, the 8th of December, 1781, by express
order of the King.</p>

<p class="signed">DE HERTZBERG."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, December 25th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>On the 11th of September, Lord Stormont delivered to
the Baron de Noleken, Envoy of Sweden, the following
notification of the refusal of the mediation of the Court of
Stockholm, and the acceptation of that of Russia.</p>

<p>"The conservation of the public tranquillity has been the
first object of the care of his Majesty, during the whole course
of his reign. The commencement of this reign
has been signalised by the return of peace. The King has
made great sacrifices to procure this blessing to humanity,
and he had reason to flatter himself, that, by this moderation
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span>
in the midst of victory, he was establishing the public
tranquillity upon solid and durable foundations; but these
hopes have been disappointed, and these foundations have
been shaken by the ambitious policy of the Court of Versailles.
This Court, after having secretly fomented the
rebellion enkindled in America, has leagued herself openly
with the rebel subjects of his Majesty; and by this violation
of the public faith, by this direct act of hostility, she
began the war.</p>

<p>"The conduct of the Republic of Holland, during the
whole course of this war, has excited a general indignation.
This nation presents itself under an aspect very different
from that of a nation simply commercial. It is a
respectable power, connected for a long time with Great
Britain by the strictest alliance. The principal object of
this alliance was their common safety, and especially their
mutual protection against the ambitious designs of a dangerous
neighbor, which their united efforts have so often
defeated, to their mutual prosperity, and that of all Europe.</p>

<p>"The desertion of all the principles of this alliance,
which the King on his part had constantly maintained; an
obstinate refusal to fulfil the most sacred engagements; a
daily infraction of the most sacred treaties; succors furnished
to those very enemies, against whom the King had
a right to demand succor; an asylum and protection
granted in the ports of Holland to American pirates, in
direct violation of stipulations, the most clear and the most
precise; and, to fill up the measure, a denial of satisfaction
and of justice, for the affront committed to the dignity of
the King, by a clandestine league with his rebel subjects;
all these accumulated grievances have not left to the King
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>
any other part to take, than that which he has taken with
the most sensible reluctance. In laying before the public
the reasons, which have rendered this rupture inevitable,
his Majesty attributed the conduct of the Republic to its
true cause, the fatal influence of a faction, which sacrificed
the national interest to private views; but the King has
marked at the same time, the most sincere desire to draw
back the Republic to the system of strict union, of efficacious
alliance, and of mutual protection, which has so
much contributed to the prosperity and the glory of the
two States.</p>

<p>"When the Empress of all the Russias offered her good
offices to effectuate a reconciliation by a separate peace,
the King signifying his just gratitude for this new proof of
a friendship, which is so precious to him, avoided to involve
the mediation of her Imperial Majesty in a fruitless
negotiation; but at present, as there are certain indications
of an alteration of disposition in the Republic, some marks
of a desire to return to those principles, which the wisest
part of the Batavian nation has never forsaken, a negotiation
for a separate peace between the King and their
High Mightinesses, may be opened with some hopes of
success under the mediation of the Empress of all the
Russias, who was the first to offer her good offices for this
salutary work. If his Majesty did not at first take advantage
of it, it was because he had every reason to believe,
that the Republic at that time sought only to amuse, by an
insidious negotiation; but the King would think, that he
answered ill the sentiments, which dictated those first offers,
and that he was wanting to those regards so justly due
to her Imperial Majesty, and to the confidence, which she
inspires, if he associated in this mediation any other, even
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span>
that of an ally most respectable, and for whom the King
has the sincerest friendship."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, December 26th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>It is very long since we had the pleasure of hearing
from you. Before this you will probably have received
two letters of mine; a duplicate of the last goes with this.</p>

<p>Nothing material has happened since the date of that,
except the evacuation of Wilmington, which was, as you
know, a very important post, as it checked the trade of
North Carolina, and kept up a dangerous connexion with
almost the only tories on the Continent, who have shown
spirit enough to support their principles openly.</p>

<p>This new sacrifice by Britain of their partizans, conspiring
with that made by the capitulation of York, must
open their eyes, and teach them what the experience of
ages should have taught, that those friendships are weak,
which arise, from a fellowship in guilt.</p>

<p>Our army, and the French troops are in quarters. The
first in the Jerseys, and upon the Hudson river; the last in
Virginia. General Greene will be reinforced by about
eighteen hundred men, under St Clair. The enemy
are shut up in New York, Savannah, and Charleston,
though I believe they may yet have one or two posts, near
the latter, which they will keep till St Clair joins Greene.
Count de Grasse is in the West Indies, with so formidable
an armament as promises the most important successes,
during the winter; when joined by the force, that has sailed
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span>
from Brest, and so many of the Spanish fleet as are prepared
to co-operate with him, he will have about fifty sail
of the line under his command.</p>

<p>I enclose several resolutions of Congress, which will
convince you that their late successes have not rendered
them supine or negligent. The spirit which animates them
will pervade most of the States. I need not suggest to
you, the use that should be made of this information. I
am persuaded, that your own knowledge of the world, and
the particular situation of the government you are in, will
direct you to the best means of rendering them useful to
this country. I also enclose an ordinance relative to captures
and recaptures lately passed by Congress. You will
observe, that it is formed upon the plan recommended by
the armed neutrality. It does credit in that view to our
moderation. Perhaps the conduct of Britain, and the
neglect of the neutral powers to enforce their own regulations,
may render the policy of the measure doubtful.
This, however, gives new force to the deductions drawn
from it in favor of our moderation and justice.</p>

<p>You will also observe, that it uses means to put an entire
stop to all kind of commerce with Britain, or in British
manufactures. In consequence of this, new habits and new
fashions must be introduced. Wise nations will not neglect
this favorable moment to render them subservient to the
interest of their own commerce and manufactures. This
affords you a topic which need not be urged to enlarge
upon. I am very fearful that you will not fully understand
the cyphers in which my last letters are written. I had
them from the late committee of Foreign Affairs, though
they say they never received any letters from you in them.
Mr Lovell has enclosed what he thinks may serve as an
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>
explanation. I would recommend it to you to write to me
in M. Dumas's cypher, till I can send you, or you send
me one, by a safe hand. Should you be at Paris, Dr
Franklin has Dumas's cypher.</p>

<p>And now, Sir, for all this American intelligence, let me
receive from you a full return in European commodities of
the like kind. I do not hesitate to impose this task upon
you, because I know it is one that you have never neglected,
and that you are fully impressed with the idea of
its importance to us. Among other things, I am persuaded
Congress would wish to know the success of your loan,
and your prospects; the disposition of the government, and
the strength of the Marine of the United Provinces; its
objects and preparations for the ensuing campaign; the
negotiations which may be carrying on at present, either
for peace or war; the designs, finances, and Marine of
Russia. I shall also apply to Mr Dana for information on
this subject, as it will be much more practicable to correspond
with him through you, than to get letters to him at
this season of the year from here. I shall, however, attempt
both.</p>

<p>I am too well acquainted with your industry and patriotism
to think that you will repine at any trouble that this
may give you. You know that Congress have a right to
the fullest information from their Ministers, and that their
Ministers have similar demands upon them. I shall endeavor,
as far as lies in my power, to satisfy the last in future,
since that charge has devolved upon me.</p>

<p>I enclose a number of newspapers that may afford you
some information and amusement, and have the honor to
be, Sir, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, December 29th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The Minister of the Court of Vienna has announced to
their High Mightinesses, the accession of the Emperor to
the armed neutrality, in the following manner.</p>

<h4>ACCESSION OF AUSTRIA TO THE ARMED NEUTRALITY.</h4>

<p>"The Emperor having been invited by her Imperial
Majesty of all the Russias, to accede to the principles of
neutrality, which have been laid down in her declaration of
the 28th of February, 1780, transmitted to the belligerent
powers, his Majesty has accepted of this invitation, so much
the more willingly, as he is convinced of the justice and
equity of these principles. In consequence, their Imperial
Majesties have resolved between themselves, and caused to
be exchanged at St Petersburg, acts of accession on one
part, and of acceptation on the other, of which the subscriber,
Envoy Extraordinary, has the honor to transmit copies,
by order of his Court, to their High Mightinesses, requesting
them to accept of this communication, as a fresh testimony
which the Emperor is pleased to give them of his
affection, and of his most perfect confidence.</p>

<p>"His Imperial Majesty hopes that this step will be considered
as a new proof of his sincere and unalterable intentions
to observe the strictest neutrality, and the most
exact impartiality towards the belligerent powers. And as
he has not ceased to give proofs of it through the whole
course of this war, he flatters himself he shall be able to
find in it sufficient pledges of that attention and regard,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span>
which he has a right to require in return on their part for
the rights and liberties of neutral nations.</p>

<p>"Done at the Hague, this 11th day of December, 1781.</p>

<p class="signed_long">THE BARON DE KEISCHACH."</p>

<p>The act of accession, presented with the foregoing note,
is of the following tenor.</p>

<p>"Joseph the Second, by the grace of God, &amp;c. having
been invited amicably by her Majesty, the Empress of all
the Russias, to concur with her in the consolidation of the
principles of the neutrality upon the sea, tending to the
maintenance of the liberty of the maritime commerce, and
of the navigation of neutral powers, which she has laid
down in her declaration of the 28th of February, 1780,
presented on her part to the belligerent powers, which
principles imply in substance,</p>

<p>"1. That neutral vessels may navigate freely from port
to port, and upon the coasts of the nations at war;</p>

<p>"2. That effects belonging to the subjects of powers at
war be free upon neutral vessels, excepting merchandises
of contraband;</p>

<p>"3. That no merchandises be considered as such, but
those enumerated in the tenth and eleventh articles of the
Treaty of Commerce, concluded between Russia and
Great Britain the 28th of June, 1766;</p>

<p>"4. That to determine what characterises a port blocked,
this denomination is only to be given to that, where,
by the disposition of the power, which attacks it, with
vessels sufficiently near, there is an evident danger of
entering;</p>

<p>"5. Finally, that these principles serve as rules in proceedings
and judgments concerning the legality of prizes.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span></p>

<p>"And her said Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having
proposed to us, to this effect, to manifest by a formal
act of accession, not only our full adhesion to these same
principles, but also our immediate concurrence in the measures
to assure the execution of them, that we would adopt
on our part, by contracting reciprocally with her said Majesty,
the engagements and stipulations, following, viz.</p>

<p>"I. That on one part and on the other, we will continue
to observe the most exact neutrality, and will carry into the
most rigorous execution the prohibitions declared against
the commerce of contraband of their respective subjects,
with any of the powers already at war, or which may enter
into the war in the sequel;</p>

<p>"II. That if, in spite of all the cares employed to this
effect, the merchant vessels of one of the two powers
should be taken, or insulted, by any vessels whatsoever of
the belligerent powers, the complaints of the injured power
shall be supported in the most efficacious manner by the
other; and that, if they refuse to render justice upon these
complaints, they shall concert immediately upon the most
proper manner of procuring it by just reprisals;</p>

<p>"III. That if it should happen, that one or the other of
the two powers, or both together, on occasion, or in resentment
of this present agreement, should be disturbed, molested,
or attacked, in such case they shall make common
cause between themselves for their mutual defence, and
labor in concert to procure themselves a full and entire
satisfaction, both for the insult offered to their flag, and for
the losses caused to their subjects;</p>

<p>"IV. That these stipulations shall be considered on one
part, and on the other, as permanent, and as making a rule,
whenever it shall come in question to determine the rights
of neutrality;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span></p>

<p>"V. That the two powers shall communicate amicably
their present mutual concert to all the powers who are
actually at war.</p>

<p>"We, willing, by an effect of the sincere friendship,
which happily unites us to her Majesty, the Empress of all
the Russias, as well as for the well-being of Europe in
general, and of our countries and subjects in particular, to
contribute on our part to the execution of views, of principles,
and measures, as salutary as they are conformable
to the most evident notions of the law of nations, have
resolved to accede to them, as we do formally accede to
them, in virtue of the present act, promising and engaging
solemnly, as her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias engages
herself to us, to observe, execute, and warrant all
the foregoing points and stipulations. In faith of which,
we have signed these presents with our own hand, and
have hereto affixed our seal.</p>

<p>"Given at Vienna, the 9th of October, 1781.</p>

<p class="signed">JOSEPH."</p>

<p>The Prince de Gallitzin has notified the acceptation of
Russia nearly in the same words. By the fifth article
the two Imperial Courts ought to notify this to Congress,
for it is most certain that the United States are one of the
powers actually at war. Whether they will or no, time
must discover; but by the articles, to serve as a basis of
peace at the proposed Congress at Vienna, these two
Courts have certainly acknowledged the American Colonies
to be a power at war, and a power sufficiently free to
appear at Vienna, and make peace with Great Britain.</p>

<p>The confederation for the liberty of navigation of neutral
nations, is now one of the most formidable that ever was
formed in the world. The only question is, whether it is
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>
not too complicated and various to be managed to effect.
The conduct of the Empress of Russia towards this Republic,
and especially in offering her mediation for a separate
peace between England and Holland, has excited
some jealousies of her sincerity or her constancy. But I
think it will appear in the end, that she intends that Holland
shall enjoy the full benefit of this confederation, which
will effectually deprive England of that sovereignty of the
sea, which she so presumptuously claims and boasts. But
if it should appear, which I do not expect, that the Empress
should advise the Dutch to give up the right of carrying
naval stores, after the example of Denmark, her glory
will suffer no small diminution, and I presume that Holland,
humble as she is, will not submit to it, but make immediately
common cause with the enemies of her enemy.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="translation">Translation.</p>

<p class="letter_head">Versailles, December 30th, 1781.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>You desired that on my arrival at Versailles, I should
communicate to the Count de Vergennes your disposition
to adopt the measure you have been advised to pursue by
several well disposed members of the States of Holland,
and that I should at the same time make known to him
your determination not to take that step without his approbation.</p>

<p>The Minister directs me to inform you, that he sees no
objection to the visit, which you wish to make to the President
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span>
of the Assembly of the States-General, to the Ministers of
the Republic, and to the deputies of the principal
cities of the Province of Holland, provided that, without
leaving with either of them any official writing, you limit
yourself to the inquiry, whether the memorial, which you
transmitted to them several months since has been made
the subject of deliberation by their High Mightinesses, and
what answer you may communicate to the Congress of
the United States of North America.</p>

<p>I do not know the precise time of my return to the
Hague, but see no reason to suppose that my absence will
be longer than I expected.</p>

<p>Receive, Sir, my renewed assurance of the profound
respect with which I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">DE LA VAUGUYON.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, January 9th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Dear Sir,</p>

<p>I write merely to put you on your guard against any
falsehood the enemy may think it necessary to publish
about the time of opening their budget. All is well here.
There has been no action to the southward. Many of the
tories in North Carolina, enraged at being deserted, have
joined our army, and, as is said, executed some of their
leaders. The enemy have drawn all their troops into
Charleston, and our advanced parties are as low down as
Haddell's point.</p>

<p>I congratulate you upon the brilliant expedition of the
Marquis de Bouillé. It does him the highest honor, and
his subsequent conduct forms such a contrast to that of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>
English, as must, I should suppose, have great influence
upon the minds of the people with you, and forward your
negotiations. The one fighting to oppress and enslave a
free people, the other to establish their rights; the one
attempting to tyrannize over the ocean, and fetter the commerce
of the world, the other resisting that tyranny, and rendering
trade as free as nature made it; the one insulting,
plundering, and abusing an old friend, an ally, in the
midst of profound peace, the other extending in war mercy
to their bitterest enemies, and marching to conquest with
domestic peace in their train; the one burning defenceless
towns and peaceful villages, where they have been hospitably
entertained, the other guarding from violence with
scrupulous attention the firesides of their inveterate foes;
the one murdering in cold blood, or more cruelly by want
and misery in prison ships, those who speak the same language,
profess the same religion, and spring from the same
ancestors; the other forgetting difference of religion, language,
and hereditary enmity, spare the vanquished, administer
to their wants, offer consolation tn their distress, and
prove more by their conduct than by their professions, that
they are armed in the cause of humanity.</p>

<p>The one, without regard to truth or decency, boasts
of victories never gained, and ostentatiously exaggerates
the little advantages, which superior numbers have sometimes
given, while the other leaves the debility of their enemy
to express the brilliancy of their actions. The one&mdash;but
I should never have done if I were to mark the points
in which the British differ from a brave, humane, and polished
nation. The recapture of St Eustatia in all its circumstances,
and the disgraceful defence of Yorktown,
prove that they are no longer the people we once thought
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>
them; if ever they were brave and generous, they have
lost those virtues with the spirit of freedom. Adieu, my
Dear Sir, may your exertions in the cause of your country
be attended with all the success they merit.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, January 14th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Having received the advice of several gentlemen, members
of the States, and also of the opinion of the Duc de
la Vauguyon and the Count de Vergennes, I went to the
Hague on Tuesday, the 8th day of this month, and the
next morning at ten, waited on the President of their High
Mightinesses, M. Van der Sandheuvel of Dort, a city of
Holland, to whom I made a verbal requisition in the following
words.</p>

<p>"The 4th of May last I had the honor of a conference
with the President of their High Mightinesses, in which I
informed him that I had received a commission from the
United States of America, with full powers and instructions
to propose and conclude a treaty of amity and commerce
between the United States of America and the United
Province of the Netherlands. I had the honor in the
same conference to demand an audience of their High
Mightinesses, for the purpose of presenting my credentials
and full powers. The President assured me, that he would
report everything that I had told him, to their High Mightinesses,
so that the matter might be transmitted to the several
members of the sovereignty, to be submitted to their
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span>
deliberation and decision. I have not yet been honored
with an answer, and for this reason I have the honor of
addressing myself to you, Sir, to demand from you as I do
demand, a categorical answer, which I may transmit to my
sovereign."</p>

<p>The President assured me, that he would not fail to
make report to their High Mightinesses. After this, I sent
a servant to the Grand Pensionary Bleiswick, to know at
what hour I should have the honor of a conversation with
him. The answer returned to me, with the compliments
of the Grand Pensionary, was, that he was sick, unable to
attend the Assembly of the States, and to receive any
visits at home from anybody; but if my business was of a
public nature, I might communicate it to his Secretary,
which would be as well as to himself. Upon this, I requested
M. Dumas to call upon the Secretary, and communicate
my intentions to him, which he did.</p>

<p>I went next morning at ten, to the Secretary of their
High Mightinesses, M. Fagel, and communicated to him
the step I had taken the day before, who told me that
he had already been informed of it, for that the President,
according to his promise, had made his report to their
High Mightinesses; that it was true, that the Baron de
Lynden de Hemmen had made his report to their High
Mightinesses, on the 4th of last May, of my proposition to
him, and that it had been forthwith taken <i>ad referendum</i>
by all the Provinces, but that no member of the sovereignty
had yet returned any answer at all, either in the
affirmative or negative; that my proposition of yesterday
had in like manner been taken <i>ad referendum</i> by all the
Provinces, and that it was necessary to wait to see what
answer they would give.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span></p>

<p>The Secretary, who is perfectly well with the Court, as
his ancestors and family have been for a long course of
years, and who is as complaisant to England as any man
in this country, received me with perfect politeness, and,
when I took leave, insisted upon accompanying me through
all the anti-chambers and long entries quite to my chariot
door in the street, where he waited until we entered and
drove off.</p>

<p>After this, I went to the House of Dort, the Pensionary
of which city, M. Gyselaer, received me with confidence
and affection; told me, that all he could say to me in his
public character was, that he thanked me for the communication
I had made to him, and would communicate it
to the deputation and to the Regency of his city, and that he
hoped I should have as friendly an answer as I desired,
for that he personally saw me with great pleasure, and
very readily acknowledged my character, and that of my
country.</p>

<p>I went next, at the hour agreed on, to the House of
Haerlem, where I was received by the whole deputation,
consisting of two Burgomasters, two Schepins, and a Pensionary.
Here passed a scene, which really affected my
sensibility, and gave me great pleasure. The five gentlemen
were all aged and venerable magistrates, who received
me with an affection and cordiality, which discovered,
in their air and countenance, the sincerity and satisfaction
they felt in the word of their Pensionary when he told me,
that they were only Deputies; that by the constitution of
Haerlem, like all the others in the Republic, the sovereignty
resided in their constituents, the Regency; that they
thanked me for the communication I had made to them,
that they would communicate it to the Regency of their
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>
city, and that for themselves, they heartily wished it success;
for that the United States, as sufferers for, and defenders
of the great cause of liberty, might depend upon
the esteem, affection, and friendship, of the city of Haerlem,
and that they heartily wished a connexion between
the two Republics, and they congratulated us on the capture
of Lord Cornwallis, to which we returned to them a
congratulation for the recapture of St Eustatia, and took
our leave.</p>

<p>At the House of Leyden, we were received by the
Pensionary, who told us he had the orders of his Burgomasters
to receive me, to thank me for the communication,
and to promise to communicate it to their Regency.</p>

<p>At the House of Rotterdam, we were received by the
whole deputation, consisting of two Burgomasters, two
Schepins, or Judges, and the Pensionary. We received
thanks for the communication, and a promise to lay it
before the Regency.</p>

<p>At the House of Gouda and the Brille, the same reception
and the same answer. At another House, where
the Deputies of five small cities lived together, the same
answer. At the House, where the Deputies of Alcmaer
and Enkhuisen reside, we were received by the whole
deputations, obtained the same answers, with the addition
of professions of esteem and wishes, that in time there
might be a closer connexion between the two nations.</p>

<p>Thus I had been introduced to the Ministers of the Republic,
and to the Deputies of all the cities of Holland,
except Amsterdam. In my messages to the deputations,
I had followed the order of the cities, according to the
rank they held in the confederation. I had sent to the
House of Amsterdam in its course. The messenger, the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span>
first time, found only one of the Burgomasters at home,
M. Rendorp, who returned for answer, that the gentlemen
were not then together, but that they would send me word
at what time they would receive me; but no answer came
for a day or two. I sent again. The messenger found
only the same Burgomaster, who returned the same answer.
On Friday morning, having no answer, I sent a third time.
The answer from the same Burgomaster was, that the
gentlemen were then setting off for Amsterdam, being
obliged to return upon business, and could not then see me,
but would send me word. Upon this, I concluded to return
to Amsterdam too, and to make the communication
there in writing to the Regency; but reflecting that this
step would occasion much speculation and many reflections
upon Amsterdam, I desired M. Dumas to wait on M.
Vischer, the Pensionary, who remained in town, and consult
with him. The result was, that I made my visit to
the House of Amsterdam, and made the communication to
M. Vischer, who received me like a worthy Minister of
the great city.</p>

<p>It may not be amiss to conclude this letter by observing,
that every city is considered as an independent Republic.
The Burgomasters have the administration of the executive,
like little kings. There is in the great council, consisting
of the Burgomasters and Counsellors, a limited legislative
authority. The Schepins are the judges. The Deputies
are appointed by the Regency, which consists of the Burgomasters,
Counsellors, and Schepins; and in the large
cities, the Deputies consist of two Burgomasters, two
Schepins or Counsellors, and one Pensionary. The Pensionary
is the Secretary of State, or the Minister of the
city. The Pensionaries are generally the speakers upon
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>
all occasions, even in the Assembly of the States of the
Province.</p>

<p>These operations at the Hague have been received by
the public with great appearance of approbation and pleasure,
and the gazettes and pamphlets universally cry against
the mediation of Russia, and for an immediate alliance with
France and America. But the leaders of the Republic,
those of them I mean who are well intentioned, wish to
have the two negotiations, that for peace under the mediation
of Russia, and that for an alliance with France, Spain,
and America, laid before the States and the public together,
not so much with an expectation of accomplishing
speedily an alliance with Bourbon and America, as with a
hope of checking the English party, and preventing them
from accepting a peace with England, or the mediation of
Russia to that end, upon dangerous or dishonorable terms.
If it was in any other country, I should conclude from all
appearances, that an alliance with America and France, at
least would be finished in a few weeks; but I have been long
enough here to know the nation better. The constitution
of government is so complicated and whimsical a thing, and
the temper and character of the nation so peculiar, that this
is considered everywhere as the most difficult embassy in
Europe. But at present it is more so than ever; the
nation is more divided than usual, and they are afraid of
everybody, afraid of France, afraid of America, England,
Russia, and the Northern powers, and above all of the
Emperor, who is taking measures, that will infallibly ruin
the commerce of this country, if they do not soon change
their conduct.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, January 15th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The following note was presented to the Secretary Fagel
by the Prince Gallitzin, and by the Secretary to the
Assembly of their High Mightinesses, the 10th of this
month.</p>

<p>"Her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having reflected
upon the loss of time, which is occasioned by a correspondence
relative to complaints formed by the subjects
of neutral powers, her allies, concerning the vexations and
violations which they may suffer sometimes in their commercial
navigation, has perceived that it will be essential to
provide the Ministers of the allied powers with instructions
sufficient for all cases of this nature. To this effect, her
Imperial Majesty has thought fit to propose also to their
High Mightinesses, the necessity and utility of general orders
and instructions upon this object, with which they
ought to provide their Ministers residing near the belligerent
powers. Her Imperial Majesty is even of opinion that
it will be indispensably necessary to detail the instructions
in question in a manner so ample, that the Ministers may
never be reduced to wait for ulterior orders; but on the
contrary, that in all cases of this nature, they may be authorised
to sustain each other efficaciously in their complaints
and operations in making a common cause, and in
interesting themselves without hesitation in the first complaints
of the respective subjects of their Sovereigns, who
claim their assistance.</p>

<p>"Her Imperial Majesty has already exerted herself to
despatch to her Ministers residing at the belligerent Courts,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span>
the necessary instructions to this effect. Certainly none of
them will fail to contribute to the good of the common
cause, conformably to mutual engagements, and to that
which her Imperial Majesty has caused to be proposed to
her other allies."</p>

<p>I have transmitted this, as well as all other State papers,
relative to the maritime confederation, because I hope it
will be finally established, as it appears to be for the good
of mankind in general, and of the United States in particular.
The Dutch are so attached to it, that I think they
will not give it up, and if the Empress has it sincerely at
heart, she will not consent that the Dutch should relinquish
it.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, January 16th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The following verbal insinuation made by the Baron de
Noleken, Envoy of Sweden at London, to my Lord Stormont,
the 31st of August, 1781, is of importance to show
the intentions of the maritime confederacy.</p>

<p>"The King has no occasion at this time to declare the
principles, which have determined his conduct, from the
time when he ascended the throne of his ancestors. He
has been guided by the love of peace; and he would have
wished to see all the powers of Europe enjoy the same
happiness, equally constant and durable. These wishes
dictated by the sentiments of humanity, which are natural to
him, have not been satisfied. The flames of war, enkindled
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span>
in another hemisphere, have communicated themselves to
Europe, but the King still flattered himself that this conflagration,
would not pass the bounds to which it was confined,
and above all that a nation merely commercial, which
had announced a neutrality as an invariable foundation of
her conduct, would not be involved in it. Nevertheless,
the contrary has happened almost at the very moment,
when this power had contracted the most innocent engagements
with the King and his two allies in the north.</p>

<p>"If a neutrality the most exact, which was ever observed
has not been able to warrant the King from feeling at first
the inconveniences of the war, by the considerable losses,
which were sustained by his trading subjects; by a
stronger reason he was able to foresee the vexatious consequences
when these disorders should become more
extensive, when an open war, between Great Britain and
the Republic of Holland should multiply them; finally,
when the commerce of neuters was about to suffer new
shackles by the hostilities, which were to be committed
between these two powers. Accordingly the King did
not fail soon to perceive it, and sincerely to wish, that the
measures taken by the Empress of Russia, for extinguishing
in its beginning the flame of this new war, had been followed
with a perfect success. But as this salutary work
has not been carried to perfection, the King has resolved
to join himself to his allies, the Empress of Russia and
the King of Denmark, to endeavor to dispose his Britannic
Majesty to adopt those pacific sentiments, which their
High Mightinesses, the States-General, have already manifested
by their consent, to open a negotiation of peace.</p>

<p>"If such were the dispositions of this monarch, as it
ought not to be doubted, it seems that a suspension of hostilities
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span>
should be a preliminary, by so much the more
essential to their accomplishment, as military operations
necessarily influencing a negotiation of this nature, would
only serve to embarrass and to prolong it, while the
allied Courts would not wish for anything so much, as to
be able to accelerate it by all the means, which might serve
for the satisfaction and advantage of the two belligerent
parties. In the sincerity and the rectitude of the intentions,
which animate his Majesty, as well as his allies, he
cannot conceal the apprehension he is in, with regard to the
continuation of the war, from whence may arise vexatious
incidents, capable of exciting all sorts of wrangles and most
disagreeable disputes.</p>

<p>"This motive, and still more, that of preventing a still
greater effusion of blood, are proper to operate upon the
heart of the King of Great Britain; and in the entire confidence,
which his Majesty places in it, he would feel a
real satisfaction, if by his good offices and by his mediation
joined to that of his allies, he could succeed in terminating
the differences, which have arisen between his Britannic
Majesty and the States-General of the United Provinces."</p>

<p>They write from Stockholm, that the Court of London
has thought proper to make representations to that of Sweden,
concerning the rencounter which a convoy of merchant
ships, under the escort of the Swedish frigate, the
Jaramas, had with the English squadron of Commodore
Stewart, who would have visited these merchant ships.
The Court of London pretends, that he was authorised to
make such a visit, even in virtue of the articles of the convention
of the armed neutrality, concluded between the
three powers of the north; but that the Court of Stockholm,
far from blaming the refusal of the Captain of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span>
Jaramas, to permit the visit, had highly approved his conduct,
and answered, "that this officer had acted, conformably
to his duty, for that the regulation in one of the articles
of the convention of the armed neutrality in regard to
the visits of merchant ships, respected only the vessels,
which navigated without convoy, but not at all those which
should be found under convoy, and consequently under the
protection of a sovereign flag (Pavillon,) the warranty of
the nature of their cargo, and of the property."</p>

<p><i>Petersburg, December 14th, 1781.</i> "The Minister of
Sweden having communicated, by express order of the
King his master, to our Court, the complaints which that of
London had made, concerning the rencounter of the Swedish
frigate, the Jaramas, with the squadron of Commodore
Keith Stewart, as well as the answer, which had been given
to those complaints, the Vice Chancellor, the Count d'Ostermann,
declared the day before yesterday to this Minister,
'that her Imperial Majesty highly approved the answer of
the Court of Stockholm, and found it in all points conformable
to the principle, which she herself would follow in
a parallel case. In consequence, if contrary to all appearance,
the Court of London should not be satisfied with it,
and should pretend to be able to visit neutral merchant
ships, which should be found under the protection of the
King, or under that of the sovereign flag of one of the
allies, her Imperial Majesty would be always ready to concur,
and to co-operate with his Swedish Majesty and the
other allies, to oppose themselves to it, as well as to maintain
the independence and respect due to their respective
flags.' At the same time, orders have been sent to all the
Ministers of the Empress, at the belligerent powers, that
'in case there should arise just complaints or difficulties,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span>
with relation to the detention, the capture, the carrying off,
or the ill treatment, which merchant ships, navigating under
the flag of this empire, or under that of one of the allies of
the convention of neutrality, shall have suffered, from ships
of war or armed vessels, of one or another of the belligerent
powers, they should make at first, in such case, every one
in his place, the necessary representations and requisitions,
for reclaiming the said vessels, the reparation of losses, &amp;c.
and concur and concert to this effect with the other Ministers
of the contracting Courts, without asking or waiting for
further orders. The allied Courts will be requested,
moreover, to give the orders to their respective Ministers
residing near the belligerent powers.' A courier, despatched
this day to the Hague and to London, carries
these orders to the Ministers of the Empress, as well as the
acts of accession of the Emperor to the principles of the
convention of neutrality. The day before yesterday, the
usual day of the conferences with the Vice Chancellor, he
communicated the same acts to the foreign Ministers."</p>

<p>With great respect, I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN
AFFAIRS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, February 14th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Dear Sir,</p>

<p>Yesterday the duplicate of your letter of the 23d of October
was brought to me, the original is not yet arrived. It
is with great pleasure I learn, that a Minister is appointed
for foreign affairs, who is so capable of introducing into that
department an order, a constancy, and an activity, which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span>
could never be expected from a committee of Congress, so
often changing, and so much engaged in other great affairs,
however excellent their qualifications or dispositions. Indeed,
Sir, it is of infinite importance to me to know the
sentiments of Congress; yet I have never known them in
any detail or with any regularity, since I have been in Europe.
I fear Congress have heard as little from me since
I have been in Holland. My despatches by the way of
St Eustatia, and by several private vessels, and by the
South Carolina, have been vastly unfortunate.</p>

<p>My situation, Sir, has been very delicate; but as my
whole life from my infancy has been passed through an
uninterrupted series of delicate situations, when I find myself
suddenly translated into a new one, the view of it neither
confounds nor dismays me. I am very sensible, however,
that such a habit of mind borders very nearly upon
presumption, and deserves very serious reflections. My
health is still precarious. My person has been thought by
some to have been in danger; but at present I apprehend
nothing to myself or the public.</p>

<p>This nation will have peace with England, if they can
obtain it upon honorable terms; but upon no other. They
cannot obtain it upon any other, without giving offence to
France, and England will not make peace upon such conditions.
I shall, therefore, probably remain here in a very
insipid and insignificant state a long time, without any
affront or answer. In the parties, which divide the nation,
I have never taken any share. I have treated all men of
all parties whom I saw alike, and have been used quite as
well by the Court party as their antagonists. Both parties
have been in bodily fear of popular commotions, and the
politics of both appear to me to be too much influenced by
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span>
alternate fears, and I must add, hopes of popular commotions.
Both parties agree in their determinations to obtain
peace with England, if they can; but Great Britain will
not cease to be the tyrant of the ocean until she ceases to
be the tyrant of America. She will only give up her claims
of empire over both together.</p>

<p>The Dutch have an undoubted right to judge for themselves,
whether it is for their interest to connect themselves
with us or not. At present I have no reason to be dissatisfied.
I have, in pursuance of the advice of the Count de
Vergennes and the Duc de la Vauguyon, added to that of
several members of the States, demanded an answer. I
was received politely by all parties, though you will hear
great complaints from others that I am not received well.
They have their views in this; they know that this is a good
string for them to touch. I stand now in an honorable
light, openly and candidly demanding an answer in my
public character. But it is the Republic that stands in a
less respectable situation, not one member of the Sovereignty
having yet ventured to give an answer in the negative.
The dignity of the United States is, therefore, perfectly
safe, and if that of this Republic is questionable,
this is their own fault, not ours. Your advice, to be well
with the government, and to take no measures which may
bring upon me a public affront, is perfectly just. All appearance
of intrigue, and all the refinements of politics,
have been as distant from my conduct as you know them
to be from my natural and habitual character.</p>

<p>Your advice to spend much of my time at the Hague,
I shall in future pursue, though I have had reasons for a
different conduct hitherto. As to connexions with the
Ministers of other powers, it is a matter of great delicacy.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span>
There is no power but what is interested directly or indirectly
in our affairs at present. Every Minister has at his
own Court a competitor, who keeps correspondences and
spies, to be informed of every step; and open visits to or
from any American Minister are too dangerous for them to
venture on. It must be managed with so much art, and
be contrived in third places, and with so much unmeaning
intrigue, that it should not be too much indulged, and after
all, nothing can come of it. There is not a Minister of
them all, that is intrusted with anything, but from time to
time to execute positive instructions from his Court.</p>

<p>A loan of money has given me vast anxiety. I have
tried every experiment and failed in all; and am fully of
opinion, that we never shall obtain a credit here until we
have a treaty. When this will be, I know not. If France
has not other objects in view of more importance, in my
opinion she may accomplish it in a short time. Whether
she has or not, time must discover.</p>

<p>Mr Barclay is here doing his utmost to despatch the
public effects here; but these will turn out the dearest
goods that Congress ever purchased if they ever arrive
safe. It has been insinuated, I perceive, that I was
privy to the purchase of a parcel of English manufactures
among these goods. This is a mistake. It was carefully
concealed from me, who certainly should not have countenanced
it, if I had known it. Mr Barclay will exchange
them all for the manufactures of Germany or Holland, or
sell them here. The ordinance of Congress against British
manufactures, is universally approved as far as I know,
as a hostility against their enemies of more importance
than the exertions of an army of twenty thousand men.</p>

<p>With great esteem, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span></p>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, February 19th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>On the 14th instant, I had the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your duplicate of the 23d of October.
Today Major Porter brought me your favor of the 20th of
November, and the original of that of the 23d of October.</p>

<p>I congratulate you, Sir, on the glorious news contained
in these despatches; but I cannot be of your opinion, that,
great as it is, it will defeat every hope that Britain
entertains of conquering a country so defended. Vanity, Sir,
is a passion capable of inspiring illusions, which astonish
all other men; and the Britons are, without exception, the
vainest people upon earth. By examining such a witness
as Arnold, the Ministry can draw from him evidence,
which will fully satisfy the people of England, that the
conquest of America is still practicable. Sensible men
see the error; but they have seen it these twenty years,
and lamented it till their hearts are broken. The intention
of government seems to be to break the spirit of the
nation, and to bring affairs into so wretched a situation,
that all men shall see that they cannot be made better by
new Ministers, or by the punishment of the old ones.</p>

<p>It is suggested, that some plan of conciliation will be
brought into Parliament; but it will be only as deceitful as
all the former ones. They begin to talk big, and threaten
to send Arnold with seventeen thousand men to burn and
destroy in the northern States; but this will prove but an
annual vapor. I rejoice the more in Colonel Willet's glorious
services, for a personal knowledge and esteem I have
for that officer. Zoutman's battle on Doggerbank shows
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span>
what the nation could do. But ... It is somewhat dangerous
to write with perfect freedom concerning the views
and principles of each party, as you desire. Indeed, the
views of all parties are enveloped in clouds and darkness.
There are unerring indications, that all parties agree
secretly in this principle, that the Americans are right if
they have power. There is here and there an individual
who says the Americans are wrong; but these are
very few. The English party are suspected to have it
in view to engage the Republic to join the English in
the war against France, Spain, and America.</p>

<p>The Prince is supposed to wish that this were practicable,
but to despair of it. Some of the great proprietors
of English stocks, several great mercantile houses in
the service of the British Ministry, are thought to wish it
too; but if they are guilty of wishes so injurious to their
country and humanity, none of them dares openly avow
them. The Stadtholder is of opinion, that his house has
been supported by England; that his office was created,
and is preserved by her. But I do not see why his office
would not be as safe in an alliance with France as with
England, unless he apprehends that the republican party
would in that case change sides, connect itself with
England, and by her means overthrow him. There are
jealousies that the Stadtholder aspires to be a sovereign;
but these are the ordinary jealousies of liberty, and I
should think, in this case, groundless. The opposite,
which is called the republican party, is suspected of desires
and designs of introducing innovations. Some are supposed
to aim at the demolition of the Stadtholdership;
others, of introducing the people to the right of choosing
the Regencies; but I think these are very few in number,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span>
and very inconsiderable in power, though some of them
may have wit and genius.</p>

<p>There is another party, at the head of which is Amsterdam,
who think the Stadtholdership necessary, but wish to
have some further restraints or check upon it. Hence the
proposition for a committee to assist his Highness. But
there is no appearance that the project will succeed. All
the divisions of the Republican party are thought to think
well of America, and to wish a connexion with her and
France. The opposite party do not openly declare themselves
against this; but peace is the only thing in which all
sides agree. No party dares say anything against peace;
yet there are individuals very respectable, who think that it
is not for the public interest to make peace.</p>

<p>As to Congress' adapting measures to the views and interest
of both parties, they have already done it in the most
admirable manner. They could not have done better if
they had been all present here, and I know of nothing to
be added. They have a Plenipotentiary here, with
instructions; they have given power to invite the Republic
to accede to the alliance between France and America,
with a power to admit Spain. All this is communicated to
the Count de Vergennes and the Duc de la Vauguyon,
and I wait only their advice for the time of making the
proposition. I have endeavored to have the good graces of
the leaders, and I have no reason to suspect that I do not
enjoy their esteem, and I have received from the Prince
repeatedly, and in strong terms by his Secretary the Baron
de Larray, assurances of his personal esteem.</p>

<p>I wrote, Sir, on the 3d and 7th of May, as full an account
of my presenting my credentials, as it was proper to
write, and am astonished that neither duplicates nor triplicates
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span>
have arrived. I will venture a secret. I had the
secret advice of our best friends in the Republic to take
the step I did, though the French Ambassador thought the
time a little too early. My situation would have been
ridiculous and deplorable indeed, if I had not done it, and
the success of the measure, as far as universal applause
could be called success, has justified it. Those who
detested the measure, Sir, were obliged to applaud it in
words. I am surprised, to see you think it places us in a
humiliating light. I am sure it raised me out of a very
humiliating position, such as I never felt before, and shall
never feel again, I believe. I have lately by the express
advice of all our best friends, added to that of the Duc de
la Vauguyon and the Count de Vergennes, demanded a
categorical answer. I knew very well I should not have
it; but it has placed the United States and their Minister
in a glorious light, demanding candidly an answer, and the
Republic has not yet equal dignity to give it.</p>

<p>In this manner we may remain with perfect safety to the
dignity of the United States, and the reputation of her
Minister, until their High Mightinesses shall think fit to
answer, or until we shall think it necessary to repeat the
demand, or make a new one, which I shall not do without
the advice of the French Ambassador, with whom I shall
consult with perfect confidence.</p>

<p>My motives for printing the Memorial were, that I had
no other way to communicate my proposition to the Sovereign
of the country. The gentlemen at the Hague, who
are called their High Mightinesses, are not the Sovereign,
they are only Deputies of the States-General, who compose
the Sovereignty. These joint Deputies form only a
diplomatic body, not a legislative nor an executive one.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span>
The States-General are the Regencies of cities and bodies
of nobles. The Regencies of cities are the Burgomasters
and Schepins, or Judges and Counsellors, composing in
the whole a number of four or five thousand men, scattered
all over the Republic. I had no way to come at them but
by the press, because the President refused to receive my
memorial. If he had received it, it would have been transmitted
of course to all the Regencies; but in that case it
would have been printed; for there is no memorial of a
public Minister in this Republic, but what is printed.</p>

<p>When the President said, "Sir, we have no authority to
receive your memorial until your title and character are
acknowledged by our constituents and sovereigns; we are
not the sovereign;" I answered, "In that case, Sir, it will
be my duty to make the memorial public in print, because
I have no other possible way of addressing myself to the
sovereign, your constituents."</p>

<p>The President made no objection, and there has been
no objection to this day. Those who dreaded the consequence
to the cause of Anglomany, have never ventured to
hint a word against it. The Anglomanes would have had
a triumph if it had not been printed, and I should before
this day have met with many disagreeable scenes, if not
public affronts. This openness has protected me. To
conciliate the affections of the people, to place our cause in
an advantageous light, to remove the prejudices that Great
Britain and her votaries excite, to discover the views of the
different parties, to watch the motives that lead to peace
between England and Holland, have been my constant aim
since I have resided here. The secret aid of government
in obtaining a loan, I have endeavored to procure, but it
can never be obtained until there is a treaty. I have
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>
hitherto kept a friendly connexion with the French Ambassador,
and that without interruption. The new commission
for peace, and the revocation of that for a treaty of
commerce with Great Britain I have received.</p>

<p>My language and conduct are those of a private gentleman;
but those members of Congress who think this proper,
know that I have held public places in Europe, too
public and conspicuous for me to be able to remain incognito
in this country, nor is it for the interest of the public
that I should attempt it.</p>

<p>I should be extremely obliged to you, Sir, if you would
let me know the dates of all the letters that have been received
from me, since I have been in Holland, that I may
send further copies of such as have miscarried. The
States of Holland have accepted the mediation of Russia,
on condition of saving the rights of the armed neutrality.
There has been a balancing between a treaty with France,
and the acceptance of this mediation. Amsterdam said
nothing. The mediation was accepted; but several provinces
have declared for a treaty with France. People of
the best intentions are jealous of a peace with England
upon dishonorable terms; but France will prevent this,
though she does not choose to prevent the acceptance of
the mediation, as she might have done by consenting to my
making the proposition of a triple or quadruple alliance.
Her Ambassador says, the King must not oppose the Empress
of Russia, who will be of importance in the final settlement
of peace.</p>

<p>France has never discovered much inclination to a treaty
with the Republic. The demolition of the barrier towns
may explain this, as well as the Ambassador's opinion
against presenting my memorial at the time it was done.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span>
I believe that France too can explain the reason of the delay
of Spain, where we make a less respectable appearance
than in this Republic. The delay of Spain is fatal to our
affairs. Yet I know the American Minister there to be
equal to any service, which makes me regret the more the
delay of that kingdom. The constant cry is, why is Spain
silent? We must wait for Spain. Nothing gives greater
advantage to the English party.</p>

<p>The nature of the government in an absolute monarchy,
would render it improper to make any application or memorial
public. The nature of this government rendered it
indispensably necessary. The business must begin in the
public, that is in all the Regencies. De Witt and Temple
it is true, made a treaty in five days; but De Witt risked his
head by it, upon the pardon and confirmation of the Regencies.
But it was a time and a measure, which he knew
to be universally wished for. The case at present is different.
M. Van Bleiswick, though he told me he thought
favorably of my first application, would not have dared to
take a single step without the previous orders of his masters,
as he told me.</p>

<p>It is the United States of America, which must save this
Republic from ruin. It is the only power that is externally
respected by all parties, although no party dares as yet
declare openly for it. One half the Republic nearly declares
every day very indecently against France, the other
against England; but neither one nor the other declares
against America, which is more beloved and esteemed than
any other nation of the world.</p>

<p>We must wait, however, with patience. After oscillating
a little longer, and grasping at peace, finding it unattainable,
I think they will seek an alliance with America, if not with
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>
France. I had a week ago a visit from one of the first
personages in Friesland, who promised me that in three
weeks I should have an answer from that Province.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, February 21st, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I know very well the name of the family where I spent
the evening with my worthy friend Mr &mdash;&mdash; before we set
off, and have made my alphabet accordingly; but I am,
on this occasion, as on all others hitherto, utterly unable to
comprehend the sense of the passages in cypher. The
cypher is certainly not taken regularly under the two first
letters of that name. I have been able sometimes to decypher
words enough to show that I have the letters right;
but, upon the whole, I can make nothing of it, which I
regret very much upon this occasion, as I suppose the
cyphers are a very material part of the letter.</p>

<p>The friendly and patriotic anxiety with which you inquire
after my motives and reasons for making the proposition
of the 4th of May, and for printing the memorial, has
put me upon recollecting the circumstances. If the series of
my letters had arrived, I think the reasons would have appeared,
but not with that force in which they existed at the
time. I have never expressed in writing those reasons so
strongly as I felt them. The hopes have never been
strong in anybody of inducing the Republic to a sudden
alliance with France and America. The utmost expectation,
that many of the well intentioned have entertained
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span>
has been to prevent the government from joining England.
I am sorry to be obliged to say it, and if it ever should be
made public, it might be ill taken. But there is no manner
of doubt, that the most earnest wish of the cabinet has
been to induce the nation to furnish the ships and troops
to the English according to their interpretation of the
treaty. Amsterdam distinguished itself, and its ancient
and venerable Burgomaster, Temmink, and its eldest
Pensionary, Van Berckel, have distinguished themselves in
Amsterdam.</p>

<p>When Mr Laurens's papers were discovered, they were
sent forthwith to the Hague. The Prince, in person, laid
them before the States. Sir Joseph Yorke thundered with
his memorials against Amsterdam, her Burgomasters, and
Pensionary. The nation was seized with amazement,
and flew to the armed neutrality for shelter against the
fierce wrath of the King. Instantly Sir Joseph Yorke is
recalled, and a declaration of war appears, levelled against
the city, against the Burgomasters, and M. Van Berckel.
Sir George Rodney, in his despatches pursues the same
partiality and personality against Amsterdam. What was
the drift of all this? Manifestly to excite seditions against
Temmink and Van Berckel. Here then, is a base and
scandalous system of policy, in which the King of Great
Britain, and his Ministry and Admiral, all condescended to
engage, manifestly concerted by Sir Joseph Yorke, at the
Hague; and I am sorry to add, too much favored by the
cabinet, and even openly by the Prince, by his presenting
Laurens's papers to the States, to sacrifice Temmink and
Van Berckel to the fury of an enraged populace.</p>

<p>This plan was so daringly supported by writers of the
first fame on the side of the Court, that multitudes of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span>
writings appeared, attempting to show that what Temmink
and Van Berckel had done was high treason. All this
had such an effect, that all the best men seemed to shudder
with fear. I should scarcely find credit in America, if
I were to relate anecdotes. It would be ungenerous to
mention names, as well as unnecessary. I need only say,
that I was avoided like a pestilence by every man in government.
Those gentlemen of the rank of Burgomasters,
Schepins, Pensionaries, and even lawyers, who had treated
me with great kindness and sociability, and even familiarity
before, dared not see me, dared not be at home when I
visited at their houses; dared not return my visit; dared not
answer in writing, even a card that I wrote them. I had
several messages in a roundabout way, and in confidence,
that they were extremely sorry they could not answer my
cards and letters in writing, because "<i>on fait tout son possible
pour me sacrifier aux Anglomanes</i>."</p>

<p>"Not long after, arrived the news of the capture of St
Eustatia, &amp;c. This filled up the measure. You can have
no idea, Sir; no man, who was not upon the spot, can
have any idea of the gloom and terror that was spread by
this event. The creatures of the Court openly rejoiced in
this, and threatened some of them in the most impudent
terms. I had certain information, that some of them
talked high of their expectations of popular insurrections
against the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, and M. Van
Berckel, and did Mr Adams the honor to mention him as
one, that was to be hanged by the mob in such company.</p>

<p>In the midst of this confusion and terror, my credentials
arrived from Paris, through a hundred accidents and
chances of being finally lost. As soon as I read my despatches,
and heard the history of their escape by post, diligence
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>
and treck-schoots, it seemed to me as if the hand
of Providence had sent them on purpose to dissipate all
these vapors.</p>

<p>With my despatches, arrived from Paris intimations of
their contents, for there are no secrets kept at Paris. The
people, who are generally eager for a connexion with
America, began to talk, and paragraphs appeared in all the
gazettes in Dutch, and French, and German, containing
a thousand ridiculous conjectures about the American Ambassador
and his errand. One of my children could
scarcely go to school without some pompous account of it
in the Dutch papers. I had been long enough in this country
to see tolerably well where the balance lay, and to know
that America was so much respected by all parties, that no
one would dare to offer any insult to her Minister, as soon
as he should be known. I wrote my memorial and presented
it, and printed it in English, Dutch, and French.
There was immediately the most universal and unanimous
approbation of it expressed in all companies, pamphlets
and newspapers, and no criticism ever appeared against it.
Six or seven months afterwards a pamphlet appeared in
Dutch, which was afterwards translated into French, called
<i>Considerations on the Memorial</i>; but it has been read by
very few, and is indeed not worth reading.</p>

<p>The proposition to the President being taken <i>ad referendum</i>,
it became a subject of the deliberation of the sovereignty.
The Prince, therefore, and the whole Court, are
legally bound to treat it with respect, and me with decency,
at least it would be criminal in them to treat me or the
subject with indecency. If it had not been presented and
printed, I am very sure I could not long have resided in
the Republic, and what would have been the consequence
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span>
to the friends of liberty, I know not. They were so disheartened
and intimidated, and the Anglomanes were so
insolent, that no man can say, that a sudden frenzy might
not have been excited among the soldiery and people, to
demand a junction with England, as there was in the year
1748. Such a revolution would have injured America and
her allies, have prolonged the war, and have been the total
loss and ruin of the Republic.</p>

<p>Immediately upon the presentation of my memorial, M.
Van Berckel ventured to present his <i>requête</i> and demand
for a trial. This contributed still further to raise the spirits
of the good people, and soon after the Burgomasters of
Amsterdam appeared with their proposition for giving the
Prince a committee for a council, and in course their
attack upon the Duke; all which together excited such an
enthusiasm in the nation, and among the officers of the
navy, as produced the battle of the Doggerbank, which
never would have happened, in all probability, but would
have been eluded by secret orders and various artifices, if
the spirit raised in the nation by the chain of proceedings,
of which the American memorial was the first and an
essential link, had not rendered a display of the national
bravery indispensable for the honor of the navy, and perhaps
for the safety of the Court.</p>

<p>The memorial as a composition, has very little merit;
yet almost every gazette in Europe has inserted it, and
most of them with a compliment, none without any criticism.
When I was in Paris and Versailles afterwards, no
man ever expressed to me the smallest disapprobation of
it, or the least apprehension that it could do any harm.
On the contrary, several gentlemen of letters expressed
higher compliments upon it than it deserved. The King
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span>
of Sweden has done it a most illustrious honor, by quoting
one of the most material sentiments in it, in a public answer
to the King of Great Britain; and the Emperor of
Germany has since done the author of it the honor to desire
in the character of Count Falkenstein to see him, and
what is more remarkable, has adopted the sentiments of it
concerning religious liberty into a code of laws for his dominions;
the greatest effort in favor of humanity, next to
the American revolution, which has been produced in the
eighteenth century.</p>

<p>As my mission to this Republic was wisely communicated
to the Court of Versailles, who can say that this
transaction of Congress had not some influence in bringing
De Grasse into the Chesapeake Bay? Another thing
I ought to mention; I have a letter from Mr Jay, informing
me that in the month of June last M. Del Campo was
appointed by the Court of Madrid to treat with him; the
exact time when my memorial appeared at Madrid. You
may possibly say, that my imagination and self-love carry
me extraordinary lengths; but when one is called upon to
justify an action, one should look all round. All I contend
for is, that the memorial has certainly done no harm; that
it is probable it has done some good, and that it is possible
it has done much more than can be proved. A man always
makes an awkward figure when he is justifying himself and
his own actions, and I hope I shall be pardoned. It is
easy to say, "<i>il abonde trop dans son sens; il est vain et
glorieux; il est plein de lui-même; il ne voit que lui</i>;"
and other modest things of that sort, with which even your
Malesherbes, your Turgots, and Neckers, are sometimes
sacrificed to very small intrigues.</p>

<p>Your veterans in diplomacy and in affairs of State, consider
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>
us as a kind of militia, and hold us, perhaps, as is
natural, in some degree of contempt; but wise men know
that militia sometimes gain victories over regular troops,
even by departing from the rules. Soon after I had presented
the memorial, I wrote to the Duc de la Vauguyon
upon the subject of inviting or admitting in concert, the
Republic to accede to the alliance between France and
America. The Duke transmitted that letter to the Count
de Vergennes, which produced the offer to Congress from
the King, to assist us in forming a connexion with the Republic,
and the instructions upon the subject, which I shall
execute as soon as the French Ambassador thinks proper.
With him it now lies, and with him, thank God, I have
hitherto preserved a perfectly good understanding, although
I differed from him in opinion concerning the point of time
to make the former proposition.</p>

<p>The evacuation of the barrier towns has produced an
important commentary upon the conversation I had with
the Duke, and his opinion upon that occasion. How few
weeks was it, after the publication of my memorial, that the
Roman Emperor made that memorable visit to Brussels,
Ostend, Bruges, Antwerp, and all the considerable maritime
towns in his Provinces of Brabant and Flanders? How
soon afterwards his memorable journies to Holland and to
Paris? Was not the American memorial full of matter
for the Emperor's contemplation, when he was at Ostend,
Antwerp, and Bruges? Was it not full of matter, calculated
to stimulate him to hasten his negotiations with
France concerning the abolition of the barrier towns?
Was not the same matter equally calculated to stimulate
France to finish such an agreement with him, as we have
seen the evidence of in the actual evacuation of those
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>
towns? If this evacuation is an advantage to France
and to America, as it undoubtedly is, by putting this Republic
more in the power of France, and more out of a
possibility of pursuing the system of Orange by joining
England, and my memorial is supposed to have contributed
anything towards it, surely it was worth the while.</p>

<p>The period since the 4th of May, 1781, has been
thick sown with good events, all springing out of the American
revolution, and connected with the matter contained
in my memorial. The memorial of M. Van Berckel,
the proposition of the Burgomasters of Amsterdam, their
attack upon the Duke of Brunswick, and the battle of
Doggerbank, the appointment of Señor del Campo, to
treat with Mr Jay; the success of Colonel Laurens, in
obtaining orders for the French fleet to go upon the coast of
America; their victory over Graves, and the capture of
Cornwallis; the Emperor's journey to his maritime towns,
to Holland, and to Paris; his new regulations for encouraging
the trade of his maritime towns; his demolition of the
barrier fortifications; and his most liberal and sublime
ecclesiastical reformation; and the King of Sweden's reproach
to the King of England for continuing the war, in
the very words of my memorial; these traits are all subsequent
to that memorial, and they are too sublime and
decisive proofs of the prosperity and glory of the American
cause, to admit the belief, that the memorial has done
it any material harm.</p>

<p>By comparing facts and events, and dates, it is impossible
not to believe, that the memorial had some influence in
producing some of them. When Courts, Princes, and
nations, have been long contemplating a great system of
affairs, and their judgments begin to ripen, and they begin
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>
to see how things ought to go, and are going, a small publication,
holding up these objects in a clear point of view,
sometimes sets a vast machine in motion at once like the
springing of a mine. What a dust we raise, said the fly
upon the chariot wheel? It is impossible to prove, that
this whole letter is not a similar delusion to that of the fly.
The Councils of Princes are enveloped in impenetrable
secrecy. The true motives and causes, which govern their
actions, little or great, are carefully concealed. But I
desire only that these events may be all combined together,
and then, that an impartial judge may say, if he can, that
he believes that that homely, harmless memorial had no
share in producing any part of this great complication of
good.</p>

<p>But be all these speculations and conjectures as they
will, the foresight of which could not have been sufficiently
clear to have justified the measure, it is sufficient for me to
say, that the measure was absolutely necessary and unavoidable.
I should have been contemptible and ridiculous
without it. By it I have secured to myself and my mission
universal decency and respect, though no open acknowledgment
or avowal. I write this to you in confidence.
You may entirely suppress it, or communicate it
in confidence, as you judge, for the public good.</p>

<p>I might have added, that many gentlemen of letters, of
various nations, have expressed their approbation of this
measure, I will mention only two. M. d'Alembert and M.
Raynal, I am well informed, have expressed their sense of
it in terms too flattering for me to repeat. I might add
the opinion of many men of letters in this Republic.</p>

<p>The charge of vanity is the last resource of little wits
and mercenary quacks, the vainest men alive, against men
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span>
and measures, that they can find no other objection to.
I doubt not but letters have gone to America, containing
their weighty charge against me; but this charge, if supported
only by the opinion of those who make it, may be
brought against any man or thing. It may be said, that
this memorial did not reach the Court of Versailles, until
after Colonel Laurens had procured the promise of men
and ships. But let it be considered, Colonel Laurens
brought with him my credentials to their High Mightinesses,
and instructions to Dr Franklin, to acquaint the
Court of Versailles with it, and request their countenance
and aid to me. Colonel Laurens arrived in March. On
the 16th of April, I acquainted the Duc de la Vauguyon
at the Hague, that I had received such credentials, and
the next day waited on him in person, and had that day
and the next two hours' conversation with him each day
upon the subject, in which I informed him of my intention
to go to their High Mightinesses. All this he transmitted to
the Count de Vergennes; and though it might procure me
the reputation of vanity and obstinacy, I shall forever believe,
that it contributed to second and accelerate Colonel
Laurens's negotiations, who succeeded to a marvel, though
Dr Franklin says he gave great offence.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>

<p>The earnest opposition made by the Duc de la Vauguyon,
only served to give me a more full and ample
persuasion and assurance of the utility and necessity of the
measure. His zeal convinced me, that he had a stronger
apprehension, that I should make a great impression somewhere,
than I had myself. "Sir," says he, "the King and
the United Slates are upon very intimate terms of friendship.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span>
Had not you better wait until we can make the proposition
in concert?" "God grant they may ever continue
in perfect friendship," said I; "but this friendship does not
prevent your Excellency from conducting your negotiations
without consulting me. Why then am I obliged, in
proposing a simple treaty of commerce, which the United
States have reserved the entire right of proposing, to consult
your Excellency? If I were about to propose an
alliance, or to invite or admit the Dutch to accede to the
alliance between the King and the States, I should think
myself obliged to consult your Excellency." "But," said
he, "there is a loan talked of, to be opened by the United
States here, under the warranty of the King. How will it
look for you to go to the States without my concurrence?"
"Of this I know nothing," said I, "but one thing I know,
that if such a loan should be proposed, the proposition I
design to make to the States, instead of obstructing, will
facilitate it, and your proposal of a loan will rather countenance
me."</p>

<p>"Is there not danger," said he, "that the Empress of
Russia, and the other northern powers, will take offence at
your going to the States-General before them?" "Impossible,"
said I; "they all know, that the Dutch have
been our old friends and allies, that we shall have more
immediate connexions of commerce with Holland than
with them. But what is decisive in this matter is, America
and Holland have now a common enemy in England
at open war, which is not the case with the northern
powers."</p>

<p>"Had you not better wait, until I can write to the Count
de Vergennes, and have his opinion?" "I know already
beforehand," said I, "what his opinion will be." "Aye,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span>
what?" "Why, directly against it." "For what reason?"
"Because the Count de Vergennes will not commit the
dignity of the King, or his own regulation, by advising me
to apply until he is sure of success; and in this he may
be right; but the United States stand in a different predicament.
They have nothing to lose by such a measure,
and may gain a great deal."</p>

<p>"But," said he, "if Holland should join England in the war,
it will be unfortunate." "If there was danger of
this," said I, "a proposition from the United States would
be one of the surest means of preventing it; but the situation
of Holland is such, that I am persuaded they dare
not join England. It is against their consciences, and they
are in bodily fear of a hundred thousand men from
France." "True," said he, "you have used an argument
now, that you ought to speak out boldly, and repeat,
peremptorily in all companies, for this people are governed
very much by fear." "I have, however, spoken upon this
subject with delicacy, upon all occasions, and shall continue
to do so," said I, "but shall make no secret, that I am
sensible of it."</p>

<p>After turning the subject in all the lights it could bear
I told him, that I believed he had urged every objection
against the measure, that could be thought of, but that I
was still clear in my former opinion. "Are you decided
to go to the States?" "Yes, Sir. I must think it my
duty." "Very well; in that case," said he, "you may
depend upon it, I will do all in my power, as a man, to
countenance and promote your application."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span></p>
<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, February 27th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Friesland has at last taken the provincial resolution to
acknowledge the independence, of which United America
is in full possession. It is thought that several cities of
Holland will soon follow this example, and some say it will
be followed forthwith by the whole Republic. The first
Burgomaster of this city has said, within a few days past,
that in six weeks at farthest the independence of America
would be acknowledged by all seven of the United Provinces;
but I have no expectation of such haste. This government
does nothing with such celerity.</p>

<p>By what I hear and read of their speculations, it seems
to me, that the general sense is at present not to shackle
themselves with any treaties either with France or Spain,
nor to make any treaty of alliance with America, nor to
make even a treaty of commerce with America, as yet for
a considerable time, but for the several members of the
Sovereignty, one after another, to acknowledge the Independence
of America in the manner that Friesland has
done; and for the States, the Prince and the Admiralties
to exert themselves in preparing a fleet to command the
North Sea, and wash out some of the stains in their character,
which the English have so unjustly thrown upon it in
their blood. There is a loud cry for vengeance, a stern
demand of a fleet and battle with the English; and if the
Court contrive to elude it, the Stadtholder will run a great
risk of his power.</p>

<p>Sensible and candid men tell me, "we wait for Spain,
and we wait for Russia. We will not make any treaty
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span>
with you. It is of no great importance to us or to you. We
see there is a tremendous power arising in the West. We
cannot meddle much; but we will at all events be your
good friends. Whoever quarrels with you, we will not."</p>

<p>In short I expect no treaty. I do not expect that our
independence will be acknowledged by all the Provinces for
a long time. Nevertheless, it appears to me of indispensable
importance that a Minister should reside constantly
here, vested with the same powers from Congress, with
which they have honored me; for which reason, having
the offer of a large and elegant house in a fine situation, on
a noble spot of ground at the Hague, at a very reasonable
rate, I have, in pursuance of the advice of Mr Barclay, M.
Dumas, and other friends, purchased it and shall remove
into it on or before the first of May. In case I should be
recalled, or obliged to go away upon other services, any
Minister that Congress may appoint here in my room, will
find a house furnished at the Hague ready for him.</p>

<p>The negotiation for the purchase was conducted secretly,
but when it came to be known, I am informed, it gave a
great deal of satisfaction in general.</p>

<p>To pay for it, I have applied all the money I had of M.
de Neufville's loan, and some cash of my own, which I
brought with me from America; and for the second payment,
I must borrow of a friend, if Dr Franklin cannot
furnish the money, for which indeed I do not love to ask
him, he has so many demands upon him from every quarter.
The house, including purchase charges, &amp;c. will
amount to about sixteen thousand guilders, ten thousand of
which I paid yesterday. I have been obliged to take the
title in my own name, but shall transfer it to the United
States as soon as they are acknowledged and the account
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span>
settled, provided Congress approve of the transaction; otherwise
I shall take the risk upon myself, and sell it again. I
shall live hereafter at a smaller rent than I ever did before,
though in a house much superior.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="translation">Translation.</p>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, March 4th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have received the letter you did me the honor to address
to me from Amsterdam, the 1st instant. I cannot
answer it officially, in the capacity of King's Minister, not
having any ulterior instructions on the subject to which it
relates; but as you request my private opinion, I will give
it to you with the greatest sincerity.</p>

<p>"After having seriously reflected on the views, which you
have communicated to me, whatever inclination I may have
to adopt your opinions, I cannot conceal from myself the
inconveniences attending the plan, which you appear disposed
to follow. I think and I believe, that I have sufficient
reason to lead me to the conclusion, that it will retard
rather than accelerate the ultimate success. I shall have
the honor of explaining myself more fully by word of
mouth, if, as M. Dumas gives me to hope, you visit the
Hague in the course of a few days.</p>

<p>
Receive, Sir, my renewed assurances of inviolable
attachment, and profound respect, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">DE LA VAUGUYON.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span></p>
<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, March 6th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Dear Sir,</p>

<p>I have now before me your letters of the 15th, 17th,
and 18th of October last. I am sorry to find that your
health has suffered by the climate, but hope that the setting
in of the winter has ere this re-established it. I am
not directed to return any answer to your request to come
home. Should I obtain the sense of Congress upon it before
this is closed, it will be transmitted by this conveyance.</p>

<p>The success of the allied arms in America, the recovery
of the Dutch Islands, and the avowed superiority of the
French in the West Indies, have so changed the face of
affairs, that there is strong reason to believe negotiations
will be set on foot this winter. Whether Britain is yet
sufficiently humbled to desire peace is still doubtful; but
whether she is or is not, she will probably negotiate, in
which case your presence in Europe will be necessary; so
that I believe you cannot at the most flatter yourself with
anything more than a conditional leave to return.</p>

<p>Your statement of the decline of commerce in the United
Provinces, agrees exactly with that which we have received
from other hands. I lament that a nation, which has such
important reasons for exertion, and such means in their
power, should want vigor to call them forth. They must
and will, however, sooner or later, be brought to it. A
separate peace with England is now impossible, without
degrading the character of the nation, and exposing it to
greater evils than they are threatened with from England.
Besides, what advantages are to be derived from such a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span>
peace? Can Britain restore her conquests, now in the
hands of the French? Can she give back the plunder of
St Eustatia, or the cargoes of the Indiamen divided among
the captors? Can she afford them a compensation for the
loss of last year's commerce? Or can she draw from her
exhausted purse sufficient sums to defend the barrier
against the troops of France, who would certainly avenge
herself for such ingratitude?</p>

<p>The distress of the nation, then, must in the end force
them to exertions, and however reluctantly they may go
into the war, they must still go into it with vigor. But,
Sir, though your letters detail the politics of the country,
though they very ably explain the nature and general principles
of the government, they leave us in the dark with
respect to more important facts. They have not led us
into the dock yards or arsenals; they have not told us what
ships are prepared for sea, what are preparing, what the
naval force will be this spring, or how it is to be applied.
You have not yet introduced us to any of the leading members
of the great council; you have not repeated your
private conversations with them from which infinitely more
is to be collected, than from all the pamphlets scattered
about the streets of Amsterdam.</p>

<p>If they avoid your company and conversation, it is a
more unfavorable symptom than any you have mentioned;
and shows clearly that your public character should have
been concealed till your address had paved the way for its
being acknowledged. If you have formed connexions with
any of these people, and I cannot but presume that you
have attended to so important a point, it will be very interesting
to us to have their most striking features delineated,
their sentiments with respect to us and to our opponents
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>
detailed, and the influence of each in the Assembly of the
States. This will best acquaint us with the principles of
the government, and direct our course towards them.</p>

<p>Among other things, I wish to know in what light they
view our cause, as just or unjust? What influence they
imagine our independence will have upon the general system
of Europe, or their own States? What expectations
they form from our commerce; whether the apprehension
of its being altogether thrown into another channel, if infused
with address, would not awaken them into action?
What are their ideas of the comparative power of France
and Britain, so far as it may affect them? Whether they
have entered into any treaty with France since the war; if
they have, what are its objects? If they have not, whether
any such thing is in contemplation?</p>

<p>None of your letters takes the least notice of the French
Ambassador at the Hague; is there no intercourse between
you? If not, to what is it to be attributed? It appears
to me, that our interests in Holland are similar to
those of France. They are interested with us in forwarding
our loans; in procuring a public acknowledgment of
our independence; in urging the States to exertion. They
have considerable influence on the government, as appears
from the success that the loan, opened under their guarantee
met with.</p>

<p>I must again, therefore, request you to spend much of
your time at the Hague, that great centre of politics, to
cultivate the acquaintance and friendship of the French
Ambassador, to confer with him freely and candidly upon
the state of our affairs; and by his means, to extend your
acquaintance to the other representatives of crowned heads
at the Hague. Your having no public character, together
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>
with our avowed contempt for rank and idle ceremony,
will greatly facilitate your intercourse with them, and enable
you to efface the ill impressions they daily receive of
us from our enemies.</p>

<p>You see, Sir, I rely so much upon your good sense, as
to write with freedom to you, and to mark out that line,
which I conceive will best tend to render your mission useful.
Should I suggest anything, which you may not approve,
I should be happy to be informed of it, and the
reasons upon which you act; so that I may be able fully
to justify your measures, if, at any time, they should not be
entirely approved on this side of the water. I communicated
to Congress the letter of Dr Franklin, relative to
your salary, in consequence of which, they have directed
the superintendent of the finances to make provision for it
in future.</p>

<p>We have no intelligence of importance at this time, but
have our eyes fixed with anxious expectation on the
West Indies, whence we hourly expect to hear the particulars
of the engagement between the Count de Grasse and
Hood; and the issue of the attack upon St Christopher's.</p>

<p>To the southward, things remain in the state they were,
though we have some reason to believe the enemy entertain
serious thoughts of withdrawing their troops from
Charleston. Thirty empty transports have sailed from
New York, with a view, as is said, to fetch them to that
place, which will be the last they quit on the Continent.
This we ought not to lament, since there is no situation
better adapted to concentre our force, and no part of
America so easily defended with inferior force, as the
ridge of hills which shut it in, at the same time that it is
totally indefensible against a combined attack by land and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>
water. So that we may reasonably hope, that York will
again be fatal to the British arms. Every preparation
is making to render it so.</p>

<p>I write nothing to you on the subject of a negotiation,
conveyances to Dr Franklin being more easily obtained,
as well as more secure. Every instruction on that head
is sent to him, and will, of course, be communicated to
you by the time you need it.</p>

<p>Nothing can be more pleasing, after the chaos into
which our affairs were plunged, than the order which
begins now to be established in every department. Paper
ceases to be a medium, except the bank paper, which is
in equal credit with specie; gold and silver have found
their passage into the country; restrictions on commerce
are removed; it flows in a thousand new channels, and has
introduced the greatest plenty of every necessary, and even
every luxury of life. Our harvests have been so abundant,
that provisions are in the utmost plenty. All the supplies
of the army are procured by contracts, and the heavy load
of purchasing and issuing commissaries is discharged. In
short, our affairs wear such a face here, at present, that if
we are only supported this year by foreign loans, we shall
not be under the necessity of calling for them again.
Would to heaven, that the present aspect of affairs might
render your endeavors on this head successful. The use
it would be of to the community, would amply compensate
you for all the pain and distress, which your fruitless endeavors
have occasioned you.</p>

<p>Among other articles of intelligence, I ought to inform
you, that Burgoyne is exchanged, and that an exchange
is now on foot for Cornwallis, in which it is
designed that Mr Laurens shall be included. The British
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>
seem extremely anxious to have him, and to give him
the command of their army in America. We, who know
him best, have no objection to the measure. If they wish
to carry on an active war, his precipitation will lead them
into new difficulties. If to defend particular posts, they
cannot put them into the hands of a man who knows less
about the matter. His defence of York was a most
contemptible series of blunders. We shall, besides these,
derive two decisive advantages from his command; while
a detestation of his cruelty has united the whigs, the tenth
article of the capitulation at York has destroyed the
confidence of the tories.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, March 10th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>By the address of the House of Commons to the King,
his Majesty's answer, and the resolution of the House in
consequence of it, "that he would be highly criminal and an
enemy to his country, who should attempt to carry on an
offensive war in America against the sense of the House;"
by the surrender of Minorca, and the disastrous face of
British affairs in Ireland, as well as in the East and West
Indies, and by the uncommon difficulties which my Lord
North finds in raising the loan, I think we may fairly
conclude that the United States are not to expect those horrid
scenes of fire and sword in future, which they have so often
seen heretofore.</p>

<p>Among the causes, which have operated to this effect,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span>
may be reckoned the late ordinance of Congress against
British manufactures, and the prospect which has been
opened to them, in Holland, of a sudden revival of the
Dutch manufactures of Delft, Leyden, Utrecht, and
indeed all the other cities of the Republic. The English
have found all their artifices to raise mobs in their favor,
in the Republic, to be vain; they found that there began
to be an appearance of danger of popular tumults against
them; they have seen their friends in this country driven
out of all their strong holds, and forced to combat on the
retreat; they have found that the American cause gained
ground upon them every day, and that serious indications
were given of a disposition to acknowledge our independence,
for the sake of reviving their manufactures and
extending their commerce, all which together has raised a
kind of panic in the nation, and such a fermentation in
Parliament, as has produced a formal renunciation of the
principles of the American war.</p>

<p>The question now arises, what measures will the
Cabinet of St James pursue? Will they agree to the Congress
at Vienna? I believe not. Will they treat with the American
peace Ministers now in Europe? I fancy not. They
will more probably send agents to America, to propose
some bad plan of American viceroys, and American
nobility, and what not, except common sense and common
utility.</p>

<p>I presume, with submission, however, that Congress will
enter into no treaty or conference with them, but refer
them to their Ministers in Europe.</p>

<p>France and Spain, I think, cannot mistake their interest
and duty upon this occasion, which is, to strike the most
decided strokes, to take the British armies in New York
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span>
and Charleston prisoners. Without this, in all probability,
before another revolution of the seasons, all the United
States will be evacuated, the British forces sent to Quebec,
Halifax and the West India Islands, where it will cost
France and Spain more time, blood, and treasure to dispose
of them than it will this campaign to capture them in
New York and Charleston.</p>

<p>With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honor
to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, March 11th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The promise, which was made me by M. Bergsma, that
I should have an answer from the Province of Friesland in
three weeks, has been literally fulfilled. This gentleman,
who, as well as his Province, deserves to be remembered
in America, sent me a copy of the resolution in Dutch as
soon as it passed. It is now public in all the gazettes, and
is conceived in these terms;</p>

<p>"The requisition of Mr Adams, for presenting his letters
of credence from the United States of North America to
their High Mightinesses, having been brought into the Assembly
and put into deliberation, as also the ulterior Address
to the same purpose, with a demand of a categorical
answer made by him, as is more amply mentioned in the
minutes of their High Mightinesses of the 4th of May,
1781, and the 9th of January, 1782, whereupon, it having
been taken into consideration, that the said Mr Adams
would probably have some propositions to make to their
High Mightinesses, and to present to them the principal
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span>
articles and foundations upon which the Congress, on their
part, would enter into a treaty of commerce and friendship,
or other affairs to propose, in regard to which despatch
would be requisite;</p>

<p>"It has been thought fit and resolved, to authorise the
gentlemen, the Deputies of this Province at the generality,
and to instruct them to direct things at the table of their
High Mightinesses in such a manner, that the said Mr
Adams be admitted forthwith as Minister of the Congress
of North America, with further order to the said Deputies,
that if there should be made, moreover, any similar propositions
by the same, to inform immediately their Noble
Mightinesses of them. And an extract of the present resolution
shall be sent them for their information, that they
may conduct themselves conformably.</p>

<p>"Thus resolved at the Province House, the 26th of February,
1782.</p>

<p class="signed">A. I. V. SMINIA."</p>

<p>This resolution has, by the Deputies of Friesland, been
laid before their High Mightinesses at the Hague, and after
deliberation, the Deputies of the Provinces of Guelderland,
Zealand, Utrecht, and Groningen, have taken copies of it,
to be communicated more amply to their constituents. In
the States of the Province of Holland and West Friesland,
the requisition of the 9th of January had been committed
to the Committee of Grand Affairs, and taken into deliberation
by the body of Nobles, and <i>ad referendum</i> by all the
eighteen cities.</p>

<p>The sovereignty of the United States of America would
undoubtedly be acknowledged by the Seven United Provinces,
and their Minister received to an audience in state
in the course of a few weeks, if the Regency of the city
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>
of Amsterdam had not visibly altered its sentiments, but all
things are embroiled. The opposition to M. Van Berckel,
and the glittering charms of an embassy to Petersburg or
Vienna, which have been artfully displayed, as it is said,
before the eyes of one man, and many secret reasonings of
similar kind with others, have placed the last hopes of the
English and Dutch Courts in a city, which had long been
firm in opposition to the desires of both. The public in
general, however, expect that the example of the Friesians
will be followed. Wherever I go, everybody, almost, congratulates
me upon the prospect of my being soon received
at the Hague. The French gazettes all give their opinions
very decidedly that it will be done, and the Dutch gazettes
all breathe out, God grant that it may be so. I confess,
however, that I doubt it, at least I am sure that a very little
thing may prevent it. It is certain, that the Court will
oppose it in secret with all their engines, although they are
already too unpopular to venture to increase the odium, by
an open opposition.</p>

<p>Friesland is said to be a sure index of the national
sense. The people of that Province have been ever
famous for the spirit of liberty. The feudal system never
was admitted among them; they never would submit to it,
and they have preserved those privileges, which all others
have long since surrendered. The Regencies are chosen
by the people, and on all critical occasions the Friesians
have displayed a resolution and an activity beyond the
other members of the State. I am told that the Friesians
never undertake anything but they carry it through, and,
therefore, that I may depend upon it, they will force their
way to a connexion with America. This may be the
case if the war continues, and the enemies of Great Britain
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>
continue to be successful; but I have no expectations of
anything very soon, because I have much better information
than the public, of the secret intrigues both at the
Hague and Amsterdam. Patience, however. We have
nothing to fear. Courtiers and aristocrats, as well as the
people, all say, "you know very well we love the Americans,
and will ever be their good friends." This love and
friendship consists, however, rather too much in mere
words, "Be ye warmed," &amp;c.; and a strong desire of
gain by your commerce.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, March 19th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have before transmitted to you the resolution of Friesland
of the 26th of February, 1782, by which that Province
acknowledged the independence of the United States, and
directed their Minister to be received; but some proceedings
in Guelderland deserve to follow. In an extraordinary
assembly of the county of Zutphen, held at Nimeguen the
23d of February, the following measures were taken.</p>

<p>"After the report of the committees of this Province to
the generality, laid this day upon the table, relative to what
passed in the precedent assembly, and after an examination
of an extract of the register of the Resolutions of
their High Mightinesses the States-General of the Low
Countries, of the 9th of last month, in relation to the ulterior
address of Mr Adams to the President of their High
Mightinesses, concerning the presentation of his letters of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span>
credence to their High Mightinesses, in behalf of the
United States of North America, for, and demanding a
categorical answer, whereof the gentlemen, the Deputies
of the respective Provinces, have taken copies, the Baron
Robert Jasper Van der Capellan de Marsch, first by word
of mouth, and afterwards in writing, proposed and insisted
at the Assembly of this Quarter, that at present and without
delay, we should make a point of deliberation, and that
we should make upon the table the necessary overture,
conceived more at length in the advice of this nobleman,
inserted in these terms;</p>

<p class="letter_open">
"Noble and Mighty Lords,</p>

<p>"The subscriber judges, upon good grounds, and without
fear of being contradicted, that he is able to affirm, that it
is more than time that we should give a serious attention
to the offer and invitation, in every sense honorable and
advantageous for the Republic, of friendship and reciprocal
connexions with the Thirteen American Provinces, now
become free at the point of the sword; in such sort that
the categorical answer demanded by their Minister, Mr
Adams, may become a subject of the deliberations of your
High Mightinesses, and that they may decide as soon as
possible concerning their respective interests. He judges
that he ought not to have any further scruple in this regard,
and the uncertain consequences of the mediation offered by
Russia cannot, when certain advantages for this Republic
are in question, hinder that out of regard for an enemy,
with whom we (however salutary the views of her Imperial
Majesty are represented) cannot make any peace at the
expense of a negligence so irreparable; that the longer
delay to unite ourselves to a nation already so powerful,
will have for its consequence, that our inhabitants will
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span>
lose the means of extending, in a manner the most advantageous,
their commerce and their prosperity; that by the
rigorous prohibition to import English manufactures into
America, our manufactures, by means of precautions taken
in time, will rise out of their state of languor; and that,
by delaying longer to satisfy the wishes of the nation, her
leaders will draw upon them the reproach of having neglected
and rejected the favorable offers of Providence;
that, on the contrary, by adopting these measures, the
essential interests of this unfortunate people will be taken
to heart.</p>

<p>"The subscriber declaring, moreover, that he will abandon
this unpardonable negligence of an opportunity favorable
to the Republic, to the account of those whom it may
concern; protesting against all the fatal consequences, that
a longer refusal of these necessary measures will certainly
occasion. Whereupon he demanded that for his discharge,
this note should be inserted in the registers of the
Quarter.</p>

<p class="signed_long">
R. I. VAN DER CAPELLAN."</p>

<p>"This advice having been read, Jacob Adolf de Heeckeren
d'Enghuisen, Counsellor, and First Master of Accounts
in Guelderland, President at this time of the Assembly of
the Quarter, represented to the said Robert Jasper Van
der Capellan de Marsch, 'that although he must agree to
the justice of all that he had laid down, besides several
other reasons equally strong, which occurred to his mind,
the deliberation upon the point in question appeared to him
premature; considering that the Lords, the States of Holland,
of West Friesland, and Zealand, as the principal
commercial Provinces, who are directly interested, had
not, nevertheless, as yet explained themselves in this regard;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>
consequently, that it would not be so convenient for
the States of this Dutchy and County, who are not interested
in it, but in a consequential and indirect manner, to
form the first their resolutions in this respect. For this
reason he proposed to consideration, whether it would not
be more proper to postpone the deliberations upon this
matter to a future opportunity?</p>

<p>"Nevertheless, the beforementioned Robert Jasper Van
der Capellan de Marsch, insisting that the voices should
be collected upon the proposition and advice in question,
and thereupon having deliberated, their Noble Mightinesses
have thought fit to resolve, that although the motives alleged
by this nobleman in his advice, appear to merit a
serious consideration, nevertheless, for the reasons before
alleged, they judge that they ought to suspend the decision
of it, until the commercial Provinces have formed their
resolutions concerning it, and that upon the requisition of
Robert Jasper Van der Capellan de Marsch, there be delivered
to him an extract of the present, upon one as well
as the other.</p>

<p class="signed">HERM. SCHOMAKER."</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h4>LEYDEN.</h4>

<p class="letter_open">
"To the Noble, Great, and Venerable Lords of the
Grand Council of the city of Leyden.</p>

<p>"The undersigned, all manufacturers, merchants, and
other traders, interested in the manufactures of this city,
most respectfully give to understand, that it is a truth as
melancholy as it is universally known, that the declension
of the said manufactures, which all the well disposed citizens
have remarked with the most lively grief, from the beginning
of this century, has increased more and more for
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span>
several years; and that this principal branch of the subsistence
of the good citizens has fallen into such a state of
languor, that our city, once so flourishing, so populous, so
celebrated on account of its commerce, and of its traders,
appears to be threatened with total ruin; that the diminution
of its merchant houses, on one hand, and, on the other,
the total loss or the sensible decrease of several branches
of commerce, furnish an evident proof of it; which the
petitioners could demonstrate by several examples, if there
were need of them to convince your Noble and Grand
Lordships, to whom the increase of the multitude of the
poor; the deplorable situation of several families, heretofore
in easy circumstances; the depopulation of the city,
which we cannot observe without emotion, in the ruins of
several streets, once neat and well inhabited, are fully
known, will recollect no doubt upon this occasion, with
grief, that this state of languor must appear so much the
more desperate, if your Noble and Grand Lordships will
take into consideration, that in this decay of trades and
manufactures, we find a new reason of their further fall,
considering, that from the time, that there is not continual
employment, and an uninterrupted sale, the workmen
desert in such a manner, that when considerable commissions
arrive, we cannot find capable hands, and we see
ourselves entirely out of a condition to execute these
orders.</p>

<p>"That the petitioners, with all the true friends of their
country, extremely affected with this alarming situation of
so rich a source of the public prosperity, have, indeed,
sought the means of a remedy, in amending some defects
from which it seemed to arise, at least in part; but that
the measures taken in this view, as is well known to your
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span>
Noble and Grand Lordships, have not had the desired
effect; at least, that they have not produced a re-establishment
so effectual, that we have been able to observe a
sensible influence in the increase of the sales of the manufactures
of Leyden, as appears most evidently by a comparison
of the pieces fabricated here, which have been
heretofore carried to the divers markets of this city, with
those, which are carried there at this day; a comparison
which a true citizen cannot consider without regret.</p>

<p>"That experience has also taught the petitioners, that
the principal cause of the decay of the manufactures of
Holland, particularly those of Leyden, is not to be found
in any internal vice, either in the capacity or the economy
of the inhabitants, but in circumstances, which have happened
abroad, and to which it is, consequently, beyond
the power of the petitioners, or of any citizen whatever, to
provide a remedy; that we might cite, for example, the
commerce of our manufactures with Dantzick, and, through
that commercial city, with all Poland; a commerce which
was carried on with success and advantage heretofore in
our city, but is absolutely interrupted at this day, and vanished
by the revolution, which has happened in that kingdom,
and by the burthensome duties, to which the navigation
of the Vistula has been subjected, but that, without
entering into a detail of similar particular shackles, of
which we might reckon a great number, the principal cause
of the languishing state of our manufactures, consists in the
jealous emulation of the neighboring nations, or rather of
all the people of Europe, considering that in this age, the
several Princes and governments, enlightened in the real
sources of the public prosperity and the true interests of
their subjects, attach themselves with emulation, to revive
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span>
in their kingdoms and states, the national industry, commerce,
and navigation; to encourage them and promote
them, even by exclusive privileges, or by heavy impositions
upon foreign merchandises, which lend equally to the prejudice
of the commerce and manufactures of our country,
as your Noble and Grand Lordships will easily recollect
the examples in the Austrian States and elsewhere; that
in the midst of these powers and nations, emulous, or
jealous, it is impossible for the citizens of our Republic,
however superior their manufactures may be in quality and
fineness, to resist a rivalry so universal, especially considering
the dearness of labor, caused by that of the means
of subsistence, which, in its turn, is a necessary consequence
of the taxes and imposts, which the inhabitants of
this State pay in a greater number and a higher rate, than
in any other country, by reason of her natural situation,
and of its means to support itself; so that, by the continual
operation of this principal, but irreparable cause of decline,
it is to be feared, that the impoverishment and the diminution
of the good citizens increasing with want of employment,
the Dutch nation, heretofore the purveyor of all Europe,
will be obliged to content itself with the sale of its
own productions in the interior of the country; (and how
much does not even this resource suffer by the importation
of foreign manufactures?) and that Leyden, lately so rich
and flourishing, will furnish in its declining streets, desolated
quarters, and its multitude disgraced with want and
misery, an affecting proof of the sudden fall of countries
formerly overflowing with prosperity.</p>

<p>"That, if we duly consider these motives, no citizen,
whose heart is upright, (as the petitioners assure themselves)
much less your Noble and Great Mightinesses,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span>
whose good dispositions they acknowledge with gratitude,
will take it amiss, that we have fixed our eyes, in the present
conjuncture of affairs, to inquire, whether these times
might not furnish them some means of reviving the languishing
manufactures of Leyden; and that, after a consideration
well matured, they flatter themselves with a
hope, (a hope, which unprejudiced men will not regard as
a vain chimera) that in fact, by the present circumstances,
there opens in their favor an issue for arriving at the re-establishment
desired.</p>

<p>"That from the time, when the rupture between Great
Britain and the Colonies upon the Continent of North
America, appeared to be irreparable, every attentive spectator
of this event perceived, or at least was convinced,
that this rupture, by which there was born a Republic, as
powerful as industrious, in the new world, would have the
most important consequences for commerce and navigation,
and that the other commercial nations of Europe would
soon share in a very considerable commerce, whereof the
kingdom of England had reserved to itself, until that time,
the exclusive possession by its act of navigation, and by
the other acts of Parliament prescribed to the colonies;
that, in the time of it, this reflection did not escape your
petitioners, and that they foresaw from that time the advantage,
which might arise in the sequel from a revolution
so important for the United Provinces in general, and for
their native city in particular; but they should have been
afraid to place this favorable occasion before the eyes of
your Noble and Grand Lordships at an epoch, when the
relations, which connected our Republic with Great Britain,
her neighbors seemed to forbid all measures of this
nature, or at least ought to make them be considered as out
of season.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span></p>

<p>"That, in the meantime, this reason of silence has entirely
ceased, by the hostilities, which the said kingdom
has commenced against our Republic, under pretences,
and in a manner, the injustice of which has been demonstrated
by the supreme government of the State, with an
irrefragable evidence in the eyes of impartial Europe;
whilst the petitioners themselves, by the illegal capture of
so large a number of Dutch ships, and afterwards by the
absolute stagnation of navigation, and of voyages to foreign
countries, have experienced in the most grievous manner,
the consequences of this hostile and unforeseen attack, and
feel them still every day, as is abundantly known to your
Noble and Grand Lordships; that, since that epoch, a
still more considerable number of workmen must have remained
without employment, and that several fathers of
families have quitted the city; abandoning to the further
expense of the treasury of the poor, their wives and their
children, plunged in misery.</p>

<p>"That during this rupture which has subsisted now for
fifteen months, there has occurred another circumstance,
which has encouraged the petitioners still more, and which
to them appears to be of such a nature, that they would be
guilty of an excessive indifference, and an unpardonable
negligence towards the city, towards the lower class of
inhabitants, towards their own families, and towards themselves,
if they should delay any longer to lay open their
interests to your Noble and Grand Lordships, in a manner
the most respectful, but the most energetic, to wit, that
the United States of America have very rigorously forbid,
by a resolution of Congress, agreed to in all the Thirteen
States, the importation of all English manufactures, and,
in general all the merchandises fabricated in the dominions,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span>
which yet remain to Great Britain; that the effect of this
prohibition must necessarily be a spirit of emulation between
all the commercial nations, to take place of the
British merchants and manufacturers in this important
branch of exportation, which is entirely cut off from them
at this day; that, nevertheless, among all the nations, there
is none which can entertain a hope better founded, and more
sure in this respect, than the citizens of this free Republic,
whether on account of the identity of religion, the
fashion of living, the manners, whether because of the
extent of its commerce, and the convenience of its navigation,
but above all, by the reason of the activity and the
good faith, which still at this day distinguishes (without
boasting too much) the Dutch nation, above all other people;
qualities, in consideration of which the citizens of United
America are inclined, even, at present, to prefer, in
equal circumstances, the citizens of our free States to
every other nation.</p>

<p>"That, nevertheless, all relations and connexions of
commerce between the two people cannot but be uncertain
and fluctuating, as long as their offers and reciprocal engagements
are not fixed and regulated by a Treaty of
Commerce, that, at this day, if ever, (according to the
respectful opinion of the petitioners) there exists a necessity
the most absolute for the conclusion of a similar Treaty
of Commerce, there, where we may say with truth, that
there arises for the Republic, for our Leyden, especially, a
moment, which, once escaped, perhaps never will return;
since the National Assembly of Great Britain, convinced
by a terrible and fatal experience, of the absolute impossibility
of re-attaching United America to the British Crown,
has laid before the Throne its desire to conclude a necessary
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span>
peace with a people, free at this day at the price of
their blood, so that, if this peace should be once concluded,
the Dutch nation would see itself perhaps excluded
from all advantages of commerce with this new
Republic; or, at least would be treated by her with an indifference,
which the small value, which we should have
put upon its friendship in former times, would seem to
merit.</p>

<p>"That, supposing for a moment a peace between England
and United America were not so near as we have
reason to presume not without probability, there would be
found, in that case, nations enough, who will be jealous of
acquiring, after the example of France, the earliest right
to commerce with a country, which, already peopled by
several millions of inhabitants, augments every day in
population, in a manner incredible; but, as a new people,
unprovided as yet with several necessary articles, will procure
a rich, even an immense outlet for the fabrics and
manufactures of Europe. That, however manifest the
interest, which the petitioners and all the citizens of Leyden
would have in the conclusion of such a treaty of commerce,
they would, however, have made a scruple to lay
before the paternal eyes of your Noble and Grand Lordships
the utility, or rather the necessity of such a measure
in respect to them, if they could believe, that their
particular advantage would be in anywise contrary to the
more universal interests of all the Republic; but, as far as
the petitioners may judge, as citizens, of the situation and
the political existence of their country, they are ignorant of
any reasons of this kind; but, on the contrary, they dare
appeal to the unanimous voice of their fellow-citizens, well
intentioned in the other cities and provinces, even of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span>
Regents of the most distinguished, since it is universally
known, that the Province of Friesland has already preceded
the other confederates, by a resolution for opening
negotiations with America; and that in other provinces,
which have an interest less direct in commerce and manufactures,
celebrated Regents appear to wait merely for the
example of the commercial Provinces for taking a similar
resolution.</p>

<p>"That the petitioners will not detain the attention of your
Noble and Grand Mightinesses, by a more ample detail of
the reasons and motives, since on one hand, they assure
themselves that these reasons and motives will not escape
the enlightened and attentive judgment of your Noble and
Grand Lordships; and on the other, they know by experience
that your Noble and Grand Lordships are disposed
not to suffer any occasion to pass for promoting the well-being
of their city, for advancing the prosperity of the citizens,
to render their names dear to their contemporaries,
and make them blessed by posterity.</p>

<p>"In which firm expectation the petitioners address themselves
to this Grand Council, with the respectful, but serious
request, that it may please your Noble and Grand Lordships
to direct by their powerful influence, things in such
sort, that in the Assembly highly respected of their Noble
and Grand Mightinesses, the Lords the States of Holland
and West Friesland, there be opened deliberations, or if
already opened, carried as speedily as possible to an effectual
conclusion, such as they shall find the most proper for
obtaining the lawful end, and fulfilling the desires of the
petitioners, or as they shall judge conformable to the general
interest."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span></p>

<h4>AMSTERDAM.</h4>

<p class="letter_open">
"To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the
United Provinces,</p>

<p>"The undersigned, merchants, manufacturers, and other
inhabitants living by commerce in this country, give respectfully
to understand;</p>

<p>"That although the petitioners have always relied with
entire confidence upon the administration and the resolutions,
of your High Mightinesses, and it is against their inclinations
to interrupt your important deliberations, they
think, however, that they ought at this time to take the liberty
and believe, as well-intentioned inhabitants, that it is
their indispensable duty in the present moment, which is
most critical for the Republic, to lay humbly before your
High Mightinesses their interests.</p>

<p>"What good citizen in the Republic, having at heart the
interest of his dear country, can dissemble, or represent to
himself without dismay, the sad situation to which we are
reduced by the attack, equally sudden, unjust, and perfidious
of the English? Who would have dared two years ago
to foretell, and, notwithstanding the dark clouds, which even
then began to form themselves, could even have imagined
that our commerce and our navigation, with the immense
affairs which depend upon it, the support and the prosperity
of this Republic, could have fallen and remained in
such a terrible decay? That in 1780 more than two thousand
of Dutch vessels having passed the Sound, not one
was found upon the list in 1781? That the ocean, heretofore
covered with our vessels, shall see at present scarcely
any, and that we may be reduced to see our navigation,
formerly so much respected, and preferred by all the
nations, pass entirely into the hands of other powers?
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span></p>

<p>"It would be superfluous to endeavor to explain at
length, the damages, the enormous losses, which our inhabitants
experienced by the sudden invasion and pillage of
the Colonies, and of their ships; disasters, which not only
fall directly upon the merchant, but which have also a general
influence, and make themselves felt in the most melancholy
manner, even upon the lowest artisans and laborers,
by the languor which they occasion in commerce. But
how great soever they may be, it might perhaps be possible,
by the aid of the paternal cares of your High Mightinesses,
and by opposing a vigorous resistance to the enemy,
already enervated, to repair in time all the losses,
(without mentioning indemnifications,) if this stagnation of
commerce was only momentary, and if the industrious
merchant did not see beforehand the sources of his future
felicity dried up. It is this gloomy foresight, which in this
moment afflicts in the highest degree the petitioners; for it
would be the height of folly and inconsideration to desire
still to flatter ourselves, and to remain quiet in the expectation
that after the conclusion of the peace, the business at
present, turned out of its direction, should return entirely
into this country, for experience shows the contrary, in a
manner the most convincing, and it is most probable that
the same nations, who are actually in possession of it, will
preserve at that time the greatest part of it. The petitioners,
terrified, throw their eyes round everywhere to discover
new sources, capable of procuring them more success
in future; they even flatter themselves, that they have
found them upon the new theatre of commerce, which the
United States of America offer them, a commerce of which
in this moment, but in this moment only, they believe themselves
to be in a condition, to be able to assure to themselves
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span>
a good share, and the great importance of which,
joined to the fear of seeing escape from their hands this
only and last resource, has induced them to take the resolution
to lay open respectfully their observations concerning
this important object, to your High Mightinesses, with
the earnest prayer, that you would consider them with a
serious attention, and not interpret in ill part this measure
of the petitioners, especially, as their future well-being,
perhaps even that of the whole Republic, depends on the
decision of this affair.</p>

<p>"No man can call in question, that England has derived
her greatest forces from her commerce with America.
Those immense treasures, which that commerce has thrown
into the coffers of the State, the uncommon prosperity of
several of her commercial houses, the extreme reputation
of her manufactures, the consumption of which, in quantities
beyond all bounds, contributes efficaciously to their
perfection, are convincing proofs of it. However it may
be, and notwithstanding the supposition too lightly adopted,
that we cannot imitate the British manufactures, the manufacture
of painted linens of Rouen, those of wool of Amiens,
of Germany, of Overyssel, the pins of Zwoll, prove visibly,
that all things need not be drawn from England; that,
moreover, we are as well in condition, or shall be soon,
to equal them in several respects.</p>

<p>"Permit us, High and Mighty Lords, to the end to
avoid all further digression, to request, in this regard, the
attention of your High Mightinesses to the situation of
commerce in France at the beginning of the war. Continual
losses had almost ruined it altogether, like ours;
several of her merchants failed of capitals, and others
wanted courage to continue their commerce; her manufactures
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span>
languished; the people groaned; in one word,
everything marked out the horrors of war; but, at present,
her maritime towns overpeopled, have occasion to be enlarged;
her manufactures, having arrived at a degree of
exportation unknown before, begin to perfect themselves
more and more; in such a degree, that the melancholy
consequences of the war are scarcely felt in that kingdom.
But since it is incontestible, that this favorable alteration
results almost entirely from its commerce with America;
that even this has taken place in time of war, which, moreover,
is ever prejudicial, we leave it to the enlightened
judgment of your High Mightinesses to decide, what it is
we may expect from a commerce of this nature, even at
present, but especially in time of peace.</p>

<p>"In the meantime, we have had the happiness to make
a trial of short duration, it is true, but very strong in
proportion to its continuance, in our Colony of St Eustatia,
of the importance of the commerce, though not direct,
with North America. The registers of the West India
Company may furnish proofs of it very convincing to your
High Mightinesses. In fact, their productions are infinitely
beneficial to our markets; whilst, on our side, we have
to send them several articles of convenience and of necessity,
whether from our country, or from the neighboring
States of Germany. Moreover, several of our languishing
manufactures, scattered in the Seven United Provinces,
may perhaps be restored to their former vigor, by
the means of bounties, or the diminution of imposts. The
importance of manufactures for a country is sufficiently
proved, by the considerable gratifications promised and
paid by British policy for the encouragement of manufactures,
which that kingdom has procured to itself, beyond
even what had been expected.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span></p>

<p>"The petitioners know perfectly well the obstacles almost
insurmountable, which always oppose themselves to
the habitual use of new manufactures, although certainly
better in quality; and they dare advance, without hesitation,
that several of our manufactures are superior to those
of the English. And for this end, a moment more favorable
can never offer itself than the present, when, by a resolution
of Congress, the importation of all the effects of the
produce of Great Britain, and of her Colonies, is forbidden,
which reduces the merchant and purchaser to the necessity
of recurring to other merchandises, the use of which will
serve to dissipate the prejudice conceived against them. It
is not only the manufactures, High and Mighty Lords,
which promise a permanent advantage to our Republic;
the navigation will derive also great advantages; for it is
very far from being true, (as several would maintain,) that
the Americans, being once in the tranquil possession of
their independence, would exercise themselves with vigor
in these two branches, and that in the sequel, we shall be
wholly frustrated of them. Whoever has the least knowledge
of the country of America, and of its vast extent,
knows that the number of inhabitants is not there in proportion;
that the two banks of the Mississippi, even the
most beautiful tract of this country, otherwise so fertile,
remain still uncultivated; and as there are wanted so many
hands, it is not at all probable to presume, that they will,
or can occupy themselves to establish new manufactures,
both in consequence of the new charges, which are thereto
attached, and because of the shackles, which they would
put upon the augmentation and exportation of their productions.</p>

<p>"It is then for this same reason, (the want of population,)
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span>
that they will scarcely find the hands necessary to
take advantage of the fisheries, which are the property of
their own country; which will certainly oblige them to
abandon to us the navigation of freight. There is not,
therefore, any one of our Provinces, much less any one of
our cities, which cannot enjoy the advantage of this commerce.
No, High and Mighty Lords, the petitioners are
persuaded, that the utility and the benefit of it will spread
itself over all the Provinces and countries of the Generality.
Guelderland and Overyssel cannot too much extend
their manufactures of wool, of mouleton, and other
things; even the shoemakers of La Maire and of Lang
Straat, will find a considerable opening; almost all the
manufactures of Utrecht, and those of Leyden, will flourish
anew; Haerlem will see revive its manufactures of stuffs,
of laces, of ribbands, of twist (<i>de cordons</i>), at present in
the lowest state of decay; Delft will see vastly augmented
the sale of its (<i>porcelaine</i>) earthen ware, and Gouda, that
of its tobacco pipes.</p>

<p>"However great may be the advantages foreseen by the
petitioners from a legal commerce duly protected with America,
their fear is not less, lest we should suffer to escape
the happy moment of assuring to themselves, and to all the
Republic, these advantages. The present moment would
determine the whole. The English nation is weary of the
war; and, as that people run easily into extremes, the petitioners
are afraid, with strong probable appearances, that
a complete acknowledgment of Independence will soon
take place; above all, if the English see an opportunity of
being able still to draw from America some conditions favorable
for them, or, at least, something to our disadvantage.
Ah! what is it which should instigate the Americans,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span>
in making peace and renewing friendship with Great
Britain, to have any regard for the interests of our Republic?
If England could only obtain for a condition, that we
should be obliged to pay duties more burthensome for our
vessels, this would be not only a continual and permanent
prejudice, this would be sufficient to transmit to posterity,
a lamentable proof of our excessive deference for unbridled
enemies.</p>

<p>"The petitioners dare flatter themselves, that a measure,
so frank in this Republic, may powerfully serve, for the
acceleration of a general peace. A general ardor to extinguish
the flames of war reigns in England; an upright
and vigorous conduct, on the part of this Republic, will
contribute to accelerate the accomplishment of the wishes
for peace.</p>

<p>"We flatter ourselves, High and Mighty Lords, that we
have in this regard alleged sufficient reasons for immediate
decision, and that we have so visibly proved the danger of
delay, that we dare to hope, from the paternal equity of
your High Mightinesses, a reasonable attention to the respectful
proposition which we have made. It proceeds
from no other motive than a sincere affection for the precious
interests of our dear country, since we consider it as
certain, that as soon as the step taken by us shall be known
by the English, and that they shall have the least hope of
preventing us, they will not fail, as soon as possible, to acknowledge
American Independence. Supported by all
these reasons, the petitioners address themselves to your
High Mightinesses, humbly requesting that it may please
your High Mightinesses, after the occurrences and affairs
abovementioned, to take for the greatest advantage of this
country, as soon as possible, such resolution as your High
Mightinesses shall judge most convenient."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span></p>

<h4>PETITION TO THE BURGOMASTERS AND REGENTS OF
AMSTERDAM.</h4>

<p>"The subscribers, all merchants and manufacturers of
this city, with all due respect, give to understand, that the
difference arisen between the kingdom of Great Britain
and the United States of America, has not only given
occasion for a long and violent war, but that the arms of
America have covered themselves with a success so happy,
that the Congress, assisted by the Courts of France and
Spain, have so well established their liberty and independence,
and reduced Great Britain to extremities so critical,
that the House of Commons in England, notwithstanding
all the opposition of the British Ministry, have
lately formed the important resolution to turn the King
from an offensive war against America, with no other design
than to accelerate, if it is possible, a reconciliation with
America.</p>

<p>"That, to this happy revolution in the dispositions of the
English in favor of the liberty and independence of America,
according to all appearances, the resolution taken by
Congress towards the end of the last year, to wit, to forbid
in all America the importation of British manufactures and
productions, has greatly contributed; a resolution, of which
they perceive in England, too visibly, the consequences
ruinous to their manufactures, trades, commerce, and navigation,
to be able to remain indifferent in this regard; for
all other commercial nations, who take to heart ever so
little of their own prosperity, will apply themselves ardently
to collect from it all the fruit possible. To this effect, it
would be unpardonable for the business and commerce of
this Republic in general, and for those of this city in particular,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span>
to suffer to escape this occasion, so favorable for
the encouragement of our manufactures, so declined and
languishing in the interior cities, as well as that of the commerce
and of navigation in the maritime cities; or to suffer
that other commercial nations, even with a total exclusion
of the mercantile interests of this Republic, should profit
of it, and this upon an occasion, when by reason of the
war equally unjust and ruinous, in which the kingdom of
Great Britain has involved this Republic, we cannot and
ought not to have the least regard or condescension for
that jealous State, being able to oblige this arrogant neighbor
in the just fear of the consequences, which a more intimate
connexion between this Republic and North America
would undoubtedly have, to lay down the sooner her
arms, and restore tranquillity to all Europe.</p>

<p>"That the petitioners, notwithstanding the inclination
they have for it, ought not, nevertheless, to explain themselves
further upon this object, nor make a demonstration
in detail of the important advantages, which this Republic
may procure itself by a connexion and a relation more intimate
with North America, both because no well informed
man can easily call the thing in question, but also because
the States of Friesland themselves have very lately explained
themselves in a manner so remarkable in this respect;
and which is still more remarkable, because in very
different circumstances, with a foresight, which posterity
will celebrate by so much the more, as it is attacked in
our time by ill designing citizens, the gentlemen, your predecessors,
thought four years ago upon the means of hindering
this Republic from being excluded from the business
of the new world, and falling into the disagreeable situation
in which the kingdom of Portugal is at present; considering,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span>
that, according to the information of your petitioners,
the Congress has excluded that kingdom from all commerce
and business with North America, solely because it
had perceived that it suffered itself to be too strongly
directed by the influence of the British Court. But this
example makes us fear with reason, that if the propositions
made in the name of America by Mr Adams to this Republic,
should remain as they still are, without an answer,
or if, contrary to all expectation, they should be rejected,
in that case, the Republic ought not to expect a better
treatment.</p>

<p>"That, for these reasons and many others, the petitioners
had flattered themselves, that we should long ago have
opened negotiations, and a closer correspondence with the
United States of America; but that this important work
appeared to meet with difficulties with some, as incompatible
with the accession of this Republic to the armed neutrality,
and in course with the accepted mediation; whilst
others cannot be persuaded to make this, so necessary
step, in the opinion that we cannot draw any advantage, or,
at least, of much importance, from a more strict connexion
with America; reasons, according to the petitioners, the
frivolty of which is apparent to every one, who is not filled
with prejudice, without having occasion to employ many
words to point it out; for as to the first point, supposing
for a moment that it might be made a question, whether
the Republic, after her accession to the armed neutrality
before the war with England, could take a step of this nature
without renouncing at the same time, the advantages
of the armed neutrality, which it had embraced, it is, at
least, very certain that every difficulty concerning the competency
of the Republic to take a similar step, vanishes
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span>
and disappears of itself at present, when it finds itself
involved in a war with Great Britain, since from that
moment she could not only demand the assistance and
succor of all the confederates in the armed neutrality, but
that thereby she finds herself authorised, for her own defence,
to employ all sorts of means, violent and others,
which she could not before adopt and put in use, while she
was in the position of a neutral power, which would profit
of the advantages of the armed neutrality.</p>

<p>"This reasoning, then, proves evidently that in the present
situation of affairs, the Republic might acknowledge
the independence of North America, and notwithstanding
this, claim of full right the assistance of her neutral
allies, at least, if we would not maintain one of the following
absurdities; that, notwithstanding the violent aggression
of England, in resentment of our accession to the armed
neutrality, we dare not defend ourselves, until our confederates
should think proper to come to our assistance; or,
otherwise, that being attacked by the English, it should be
permitted us, conformably to the rights of the armed neutrality,
to resist them in arms, either on the Doggerbank or
elsewhere, but not by contracting alliances; which certainly
do no injury or harm to the convention of the armed
neutrality, notwithstanding even the small hope we have of
being succored by the allies of the armed confederation.</p>

<p>"The argument of the mediation is still more contrary to
common sense in this, that it supposes the Republic, by
accepting the mediation, to have also renounced the employment
of all the means, by way of arms, of alliances, or otherwise,
which it must judge useful or necessary to annoy her
enemy; a supposition, which certainly is destitute of all
foundation, and which would reduce itself simply to a real
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>
suspension of hostilities on the part of the Republic only;
to which the Republic can never have consented, neither
directly, nor indirectly. Besides this last argument, the
petitioners must still observe, in the first place, that by
means of a good harmony and friendship with the United
States of America, there will spring up, not only different
sources of business for this Republic, founded solely on
commerce and navigation, but, in particular, the manufactures
and trade will assume a new activity in the interior
cities, for they may consume the amount of millions of our
manufactures, in that new country of so vast extent. In
the second place, abstracted from all interests of commerce,
the friendship or the enmity of a nation, which,
after having made prisoners of two English armies, has
known how to render herself respectable and formidable,
if it were only in relation to the western possessions of this
State, is not, and cannot be, in any manner indifferent for
our Republic.</p>

<p>"In the last place, it is necessary, that the petitioners
remark further in this respect, that several inhabitants of
this Republic, in the present situation of affairs, suffer very
considerable losses and damages, which might be wholly
prevented, or in part, at least, hereafter, in case we should
make with the United States of America, in relation to
vessels and effects recaptured, a convention similar to that,
which has been made with the Crown of France the last
year; for, Venerable Regents, if a convention of this nature
had been contracted in the beginning of this war, the
inhabitants of the Republic would have already derived
important advantages from it, considering, that several
ships and cargoes, taken by the English from the inhabitants
of this State, have fallen into the hands of the Americans,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span>
among others, two vessels from the West Indies, richly
loaded, and making sail for the ports of the Republic, and
both estimated at more than a million of florins of Holland;
which, captured by the English at the commencement of
the year past, were carried into North America, where,
after the capitulation of General Cornwallis, they passed
from the hands of the English into others. That, although
the petitioners are fully convinced, that the interests of
the commerce of this common country, and of this city,
have constantly, but especially in these last years, attracted,
and still attract every day, a great part of the cares of the
Venerable Regency; nevertheless, having regard to the
importance of the affair, the petitioners have thought, that
they could, and that they ought to take the liberty to address
themselves with this petition to you, Venerable Regents,
and to inform you, according to truth, that the
moments are precious; that we cannot lose any time, how
little soever it may be, without running the greatest risk of
losing all; since, by hesitating longer, the Republic, according
to all appearances, would not derive any advantage,
not even more than it has derived from its accession
to the armed neutrality, because in the fear of British
menaces, we did not determine to accede to it, until the
opportunity of improving the advantage of it was passed.</p>

<p>"For these causes, the petitioners address themselves to
you, Venerable Regents, respectfully soliciting, that your
efficacious influence may condescend, at the Assembly of
their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the States of this
Province, to direct affairs in such a manner, that upon this
important object there may be taken, as soon as possible,
and, if possible, even during the continuance of this Assembly,
a final and decisive resolution, such as you, Venerable
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span>
Regents, and their Noble and Grand Mightinesses,
according to their high wisdom shall judge the most convenient;
and if, contrary to all expectation, this important
operation may meet with any obstacle on the part of one
or more of the confederates, that, in that case, you, Venerable
Regents, in concert with the Province of Friesland,
and those of the other Provinces, who make no difficulty
to open a negotiation with America, will condescend to
consider the means, which shall be found proper and convenient,
to effectuate, that the commerce of this Province,
as well as that of Friesland, and the other members adopting
the same opinion, may not be prejudiced by any dilatory
deliberations, nor too late resolved for the conclusion
of a measure, as important as necessary."</p>

<h4>ROTTERDAM.</h4>

<p>"The petition of the merchants, ensurers, and freighters
of Rotterdam to the Regency of that city, gives to understand,
in the most respectful manner; that it is sufficiently
notorious, that the inhabitants of this Republic have, as well
as any other nation, an interest, that they give us an opportunity
to open a free correspondence with the inhabitants
of America, by making a Treaty of Commerce, as Mr
Adams has represented in his Memorial; to which they
add, that the advantages, which must result from it, are
absolutely the only means of reviving the fallen commerce
of this country, for re-establishing the navigation, and for
repairing the great damages, which the perfidious proceedings
of the English have, for so many years, caused to the
commercial part of this country.</p>

<p>"That, with all due respect, they represent to the Venerable
Regency the danger we run in prolonging further
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span>
the deliberations concerning the article of an alliance of
commerce with North America; being, moreover, certain,
that the interposition of this State cannot add anything
more to the solidity of its independence; and that the
English Ministry have even made to the Deputies of the
American Congress propositions to what point they would
establish a correspondence there to our prejudice, and
thereby deprive the inhabitants of this country of the certain
advantages, which might result from this reciprocal
commerce; and that thus we ought not to delay one day,
nor even one hour, to try all efforts, that we may pursue
the negotiation offered by Mr Adams, and that we may
decide finally upon it.</p>

<p>"Whereupon, the petitioners represent, with all the respect
possible, but at the same time with the strongest
confidence, to the venerable Regency of this city, that they
would authorise and qualify the gentlemen, their Deputies
at the Assembly of their Noble and Great Mightinesses,
to the end, that in the name of this city they insist, in a
manner the most energetic, at the Assembly of their Noble
and Great Mightinesses, that the resolution demanded may
be taken without the least delay, to the end, that on the
part of this Province, it be effected at the Assembly of the
States-General, that the American Minister, Mr Adams,
be, as soon as possible, admitted to the audience, which he
has demanded, and that they take, with him, the determinations
necessary to render free and open to the reciprocal
inhabitants, the correspondence demanded."</p>

<p>The petitions of the merchants and manufacturers of
Haerlem, Leyden and Amsterdam, which have been presented,
on the 20th of March, to their High Mightinesses,
were accompanied by another for the States of Holland
and West Friesland, conceived in these terms;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span></p>

<p>"The subscribers, inhabitants of this country, merchants,
manufacturers, and others, living by commerce, give, with
all respect, to understand, that they, the petitioners, have
the honor to annex hereto a copy of a petition presented
by them to their High Mightinesses, the States-General
of the United Low Countries. The importance of the
thing which it contains, the considerable commerce, which
these countries might establish in North America; the
profits, which we might draw from it, and the importance
of industry and manufactures, in the relation which they
have with commerce in general, as well as the commerce
of that extensive country; all these objects have made
them take the liberty to represent, in the most respectful
manner, this great affair for them, and for the connexions,
which the petitioners may have in quality of manufacturers
with the merchants; most humbly praying your Noble and
Grand Mightinesses, for the acquisition of those important
branches of commerce, and for the advantage of all the
manufactures and other works of labor and traffic, to be so
good as to take this petition, and the reasons which it contains,
into your high consideration, and to favor it with
your powerful support and protection, and by a favorable
resolution, which may be taken at the Assembly of their
High Mightinesses, to direct, on the part of this Province,
things in such a manner, that, for obtaining this commerce,
so desired and so necessary for this Republic, there
be concerted such efficacious measures, as the high wisdom
and patriotic sentiments of your Noble and Grand
Mightinesses may find convenient for the well-being of so
great a number of inhabitants, and for the prejudice of their
enemies."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span></p>

<h4>DORT.</h4>

<p>At Dort, there has not been presented any petition;
but in a letter written from that city, on the 20th of March,
it is observed, "that the merchants, convinced by redoubled
proofs of the zeal and of the efforts of their Regency for
the true interests of commerce, had judged it necessary to
present a petition, after the example of the merchants of
other cities; that they had contented themselves with testifying
verbally their desire, that there might be contracted
connexions of commerce with the United States of America;
that this step had been crowned with such happy
success, that the same day, the 20th of March, it was resolved
by the ancient council, to authorise their Deputies
at the Assembly of Holland, to concur in every manner
possible, that without delay, Mr Adams be acknowledged
in his quality of Minister Plenipotentiary; that his letters
of credence be accepted, and conferences opened upon
this object."</p>

<p>Resolution of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the
Lords the States of Holland and West Friesland, March
29th, 1782.</p>

<p>"It has been judged fit and resolved, that the affair be
directed, on the part of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses
at the Generality, to such an end, and that they there insist
in the strongest manner, that Mr Adams be admitted and
acknowledged, as soon as possible, by their High Mightinesses,
as the Ambassador of the United States of America;
and the Counsellor Pensionary is charged to give
knowledge, under hand, to the said Mr Adams, of this
resolution of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span></p>

<h4>ZWOLL, IN OVERYSSEL.</h4>

<p>"The subscribers, all merchants, manufacturers, and
factors of the city of Zwoll, give respectfully to understand;
that every one of them in his private concerns, finds by
experience, as well as the inhabitants of the Republic in
general, the grievous effects of the decay into which the
commerce and the manufactures of this country are fallen
by little and little, and, above all, since the hostile attack of
the kingdom of England against this State; that it being
their duty to their country, as well as to themselves, to
make use of all the circumstances, which might contribute
to their re-establishment, the requisition made not long
since, by Mr Adams to the Republic, to wit, to conclude a
Treaty of Commerce with the United States of North
America, could not escape their attention; an affair, whose
utility, advantage, and necessity, for these Provinces are
so evident, and so often proved in an incontestible manner,
that the petitioners will not fatigue your Noble Lordships,
by placing them before you, nor the general interests of
this city, nor the particular relations of the petitioners, considering
that they are convinced in the first place, that
England, making against the Republic the most ruinous
war, and having broken every treaty with her, all kind of
complaisance for that kingdom is unreasonable.</p>

<p>"In the second place, that America, which ought to be
considered as become free at the point of the sword, being
willing, by the prohibition of all the productions and
manufactures of England, to break absolutely with that
kingdom; it is precisely the time, and perhaps the only
time, in which we may have a favorable opportunity to enter
into connexion with this new and powerful Republic; a
time which we cannot neglect, without running the greatest
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span>
risk of being irrevocably prevented by the other powers,
and even by England. Thus we take the liberty respectfully
to supplicate your Noble Lordships, that having
shown, for a long time, that you set a value upon the
formation of alliances with powerful States, you may have
the goodness, at the approaching Assembly of the Nobility,
and of the cities forming the States of this Province, to redouble
your efforts; to the end, that in the name of this
country, it may be decided at the Generality, that Mr
Adams be acknowledged, and the proposed negotiations
opened as soon as possible."</p>

<h4>AMSTERDAM.</h4>

<p class="center"><i>Request of the Merchants, &amp;c. to their Regency.</i></p>

<p class="letter_open">
"Noble, Great, and Venerable Lords,</p>

<p>"It is for us a particular satisfaction to be able to offer
to your Noble and Great Lordships, as heads of the Regency
of this city, this well-intentioned request, that a multitude
of our most respectable fellow-citizens have signed.
It was already ready and signed by many, when we learnt,
as well by the public papers, as otherwise, the propositions
of a particular peace, with an offer of an immediate suspension
of hostilities on the part of Great Britain, made
to this State by the mediation of the Russian Ambassador.
This is the only reason why no immediate mention was
made of it in the address itself; it is by no means the idea,
that these offers would have made any impression upon
the merchants, since we can, on the contrary, in truth,
assure your Noble and Great Lordships, that the unanimous
sentiment, nearly, of the exchange of Amsterdam, at
least, as much as that interests it, is entirely conformable to
that, which the merchants of Rotterdam have made known
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span>
in so energetic a manner. That we have, consequently,
the greatest aversion to like offers, as artful as dangerous,
which being adopted, would very probably throw this Republic
into other situations very embarrassing, the immediate
consequences of which would be to ruin it utterly;
whereas, on the other hand, these offers show, that we
have only to deal with an enemy exhausted, that we could
force to a general and durable peace in the end, by following
only the example of France, Spain, and North
America, and by using the means, which are in our own
hands.</p>

<p>"It is improper for us, however, to enlarge further upon
this project, important as it may be, being well assured,
that your Noble and Grand Lordships see those grievous
consequences more clearly than we can trace them.</p>

<p>"The merchants continue to recommend the commerce
and the navigation to the constant care and protection of
your Noble and Great Lordships, and to insist only, that in
case, that these offers of the Court of England should be
at any time the cause, that the affair of the admission of
Mr Adams, in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary of the
United States of North America, met with any difficulty
or delay, on the part of the other confederates, that your
Noble and Great Lordships, according to the second article
of our requisition inserted in this request, would have
the goodness to think upon measures, which would warrant
this Province from the ruinous consequences of such a
proceeding."</p>

<p>To this request was joined the address presented to the
Burgomasters, and to the Council, which is of the following
tenor.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span></p>

<p class="letter_open">
"Noble, Great, Venerable, and Noble and Venerable
Lords,</p>

<p>"The undersigned, merchants, citizens, and inhabitants
of the city of Amsterdam, have learnt, with an inexpressible
joy, the news of the resolution taken the 28th of March
last, by their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the Lords,
the States of Holland and West Friesland. Their Noble
and Grand Mightinesses have, thereby, not only satisfied the
general wishes of the greatest and best part of the inhabitants
of this Province, but they have laid the foundations of
ulterior alliances and correspondences of friendship and of
good understanding with the United States of North America,
which promise new life to the languishing state of
our commerce, of our navigation, and of our manufactures.</p>

<p>"The unanimity, with which the resolution was decided
in the Assembly of Holland, gives us a well founded hope,
that the States of the other Provinces will not delay
to take a similar resolution; whilst that the same unanimity
fills with the most lively satisfaction the well-intentioned
inhabitants of this city, and, without doubt, those of the
whole country, in convincing them fully, that the union
among the sage and venerable fathers of the country increases
more and more; whilst that the promptness and
activity, with which it has been concluded, make us hope,
with reason, that we shall reap in time, from a step so important
and so necessary for this Republic, the desired
fruits. Who then can call in question or disavow, that the
moment seems to approach nearer and nearer, when this
Republic shall enter into new relations with a people,
which finds itself in circumstances, which differ but little
from those in which our ancestors found themselves two
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span>
centuries ago, with a people, which conciliates, more and more,
general affection and esteem?</p>

<p>"The conformity of religion and government, which is
found between us and America, joined to the indubitable
marks, that she has already long since given, of the preference,
that she feels for our friendship, makes the undersigned
not only suppose, but inspires them with a confidence
even, that our connexions with her will be as solid as
advantageous, and salutary to the interests of the two nations.
The well-being and the prosperity, which will very
probably result from them, the part which you, Noble,
Great, Venerable, and Noble and Venerable Lords, have
had in the conclusion of a resolution so remarkable; the
conviction, that the Venerable Council of this city already
had of it, upon the proposition of the Noble, Great, and
Venerable Lords, almost consented to, before the request
relative to this project, presented not long since to you,
Noble, Great, and Venerable Lords, had come to the
knowledge of the Council; finally, the remembrance of
that, which was done upon this matter in the year 1778,
with the best intentions and most laudable views, finding
itself at present crowned with an approbation as public as
general, indispensably oblige the undersigned to approach
you, Noble, Great, Venerable, and Noble and Venerable
Lords, with this address, not only to congratulate them
upon so remarkable an event, but to thank them at the
same time, with as much zeal as solemnity, for all those
well intentioned cares, and those well concerted measures,
for that inflexible attachment, and that faithful adherence
to the true interests of the country in general, and of this
city in particular, which manifest themselves in so striking
a manner in all the proceedings and resolutions of your
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span>
Noble, Great, and Venerable Lordships, and of the Venerable
Council of this city, and which certainly will attract
the esteem and veneration of the latest posterity, when,
comparing the annals and events of the present, with those
of former times, it shall discover, that Amsterdam might
still boast itself of possessing patriots, who dare sacrifice
generously all views of private interest, of grandeur, and
of consideration, to the sacred obligations, that their country
requires of them.</p>

<p>"We flatter ourselves, Noble, Great, and Venerable, Noble
and Venerable Lords, that the present public demonstration
of our esteem and attachment will be so much the
more agreeable, as it is more rare in our Republic, and
perhaps even it is without example, and as it is more proper
to efface all the odious impressions that the calumny
and malignity of the English Ministry, not long ago so servilely
adored by many, but whose downfall is at present
consummated, had endeavored to spread, particularly a
little before, and at the beginning of this war, insinuations,
which have since found partizans in the United Provinces,
among those who have not been ashamed to paint the Exchange
of Amsterdam, (that is to say, the most respectable
and the most useful part of the citizens of this city, and at
the same time the principal support of the well-being of
the United Provinces,) as if it consisted, in a great part, of
a contemptible herd of vile interested souls, having no
other object than to give loose to their avidity and to their
desire of amassing treasures, in defrauding the public
revenues, and in transporting contraband articles against
the faith of treaties; calumniators, who have had at the
same time, and have still, the audacity to affront the most
upright Regency of the most, considerable city of the Republic,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span>
and to expose it to public contempt, as if it participated
by connivance and other ways, in so shameful a commerce;
insinuations and accusations, which have been
spread with as much falsehood as wickedness, and which
ought to excite so much the more the indignation of every
sensible heart, when one considers with all this, that not
only the merchants of this city, but also those of the whole
Republic, have so inviolably respected the faith of treaties,
that, to the astonishment of every impartial man, one cannot
produce any proofs, at least no sufficient proofs, that there
has ever been transported from this country contraband
merchandises; whilst that the conjuncture, in which imputations
of this kind have been spread, rendered a like proceeding
still more odious, seeing that one has done it at
an epoch, when the commerce and navigation of Amsterdam,
and of the whole Republic, would have experienced
the first and almost the only attack of an unjust and perfidious
ally, for want of necessary protection, upon which
you, Noble, Great, Venerable, and Noble and Venerable
Lords, have so often and so seriously insisted, even before
the commencement of the troubles between Great Britain
and the United States of North America; at an epoch,
when the merchant, formed for enterprises, was obliged to
see the fruit of his labor and of his cares, the recompense
of his indefatigable industry, and the patrimony destined to
his posterity, ravished from his hands by foreign violence,
and unbounded rapacity; at an epoch, finally, when the
wise and prudent politicians, who had exhausted themselves,
and spared no pains for the public good, saw their
patriotic views dissipate, and their projects vanish.</p>

<p>"Receive, then, Noble, Great, and Venerable, Noble and
Venerable Lords, this solemn testimony of our lively gratitude,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span>
as graciously as it is sincere on our part; receive it
as a proof of our attachment to your persons; an attachment
which is not founded upon fear, nor an exterior representation
of authority and grandeur, but which is founded
upon more noble and immovable principles, those of
esteem and respect, arising from a sentiment of true greatness
and of generosity. Be assured, that when contemptible
discord, with its odious attendants, artifice and imposture,
could effectuate nothing, absolutely nothing, at the
moment when the present war broke out, to prejudice in
the least the fidelity of the citizens of the Amstel, or to
shake them in the observation of their duties, the inconveniences
and the evils that a war naturally and necessarily
draws after it, will not produce the effect neither; yes, we
will submit more willingly to them, according as we shall
perceive, that the means that God and nature have put into
our hands, are more and more employed to reduce and
humble a haughty enemy. Continue, then, Noble, Great,
and Venerable, Noble and Venerable Lords, to proceed
with safety in the road you follow, the only one, which in
our opinion, can, under divine benediction, tend to save the
country from its present situation. Let nothing divert or
intimidate you from it; you have already surmounted the
greatest difficulties and most poignant cares. A more
pleasing perspective already opens.</p>

<p>"Great Britain, not long since so proud of its forces, that
she feared not to declare war against an ancient and faithful
ally, already repents of that unjust and rash proceeding;
and succumbing under the weight of a war, which
becomes more and more burdensome, she sighs after
peace, whilst the harmony among the members of the
supreme government of this country increases with our
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>
arms, according as your political system, whose necessity
and salutary influence were heretofore less acknowledged,
gains every day more numerous imitators. The resolution
lately taken by the States of Friesland, and so
unanimously adopted by our Province, furnishes, among many
others, one incontestable proof of it, whilst that the naval
combat, delivered last year on the Doggerbank, has shown
to astonished Europe that so long a peace has not made
the Republic forget the management of arms, but that on
the contrary, it nourishes in its bosom warriors, who tread
in the footsteps of the Tromps and Ruiters, from whose
prudence and intrepidity, after a beginning so glorious, we
may promise ourselves the most heroic actions; that their
invincible courage, little affected with an evident superiority,
will procure one day to our country an honorable and
permanent peace, which, in eternizing their military glory,
will cause the wise policy of your Noble, Great, and Venerable,
Noble and Venerable Lordships to be blessed by the
latest posterity."</p>

<h4>LEYDEN.</h4>

<p class="letter_open">"To the Noble, Great and Venerable Lords, the Great
Council of the city of Leyden.</p>

<p>"The undersigned, manufacturers, merchants, and other
traders, interested in the manufactures and fabrics of this
city, give respectfully to understand; that a number of
the undersigned, having taken on the 18th of March, the
liberty to present to your Noble and Great Lordships a respectful
request, 'to obtain the conclusion of connexions
of commerce with United America,' the petitioners judge,
that they ought to hold it for a duty, as agreeable as indispensable,
to testify their sincere gratitude, not only for the
gracious manner in which your Noble and Great Lordships
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span>
have been pleased to accept that request, but also for the
patriotic resolution, that your Noble and Great Lordships
have taken upon its object; a resolution in virtue of which
the city of Leyden (as the petitioners have the best reasons
to suppose) has been one of the first cities of this province,
from whose unanimous co-operation has originated
the resolution of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, of
the date of the 28th of March last, 'to direct things on the
part of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses in the Assembly
of the States-General, and to make there the strongest
instances, to the end that Mr Adams may be admitted and
acknowledged, as soon as possible, by their High Mightinesses,
as Minister of the United States of America.'</p>

<p>"That the petitioners regard, with all honest hearted citizens,
the present epoch as one of the most glorious in the
annals of our dear country, seeing that there has been
manifested in a most signal manner, on one hand, a confidence
the most cordial of the good citizens towards their
Regents; on the other, a paternal attention and deference
of the Regents to the respectful, but well founded prayers
of their faithful citizens, and, in general, the most exemplary
unanimity throughout the whole nation, to the confusion
of those, who, having endeavored to sow the seeds of
discord, would have rejoiced if they could say with truth,
that a dissension so fatal had rooted itself to the ruin of the
country and of the people.</p>

<p>"That the petitioners, feeling themselves penetrated with
the most pleasing emotions by a harmony so universal,
cannot pass over in silence the reflection, that your Noble
and Great Lordships, taking a resolution the most favorable
upon the said request, have discovered thereby, that
they would not abandon the footsteps of their ancestors,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span>
who found in the united sentiments of magistrates and citizens,
the resources necessary to resist a powerful oppressor,
who even would not have undertaken that difficult,
but glorious task, if they had not been supported by the
voice of the most respectable part of the nation.</p>

<p>"That, encouraged by this reflection, the petitioners
assure themselves, that your Noble and Great Lordships
will honor with the same approbation the step, which they
take to day, to recommend to your Noble and Great Lordships,
in a manner the most respectful, but at the same
time the most pressing, the prompt and efficacious execution
of the aforesaid resolution of their Noble and Grand
Mightinesses, of the 28th of March last, with everything
which depends thereon, a proceeding, which does not spring
from a desire, on the part of the petitioners, to raise themselves
above the sphere of their duties and vocations, or to
interfere indiscreetly in the affairs of government; but only
from a conviction, that it cannot but be agreeable to well-intentioned
Regents (such as your Noble and Grand Lordships
have shown yourselves by deeds to the good citizens)
to see themselves applauded in their salutary efforts
and patriotic designs, and supported against the perverse
views and secret machinations of the ill disposed, who,
however small their number, are always found in a nation.</p>

<p>"That, although the petitioners may be convinced, that
their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, having taken a resolution
so agreeable to all true patriots, will not neglect to
employ means to carry it to an efficacious conclusion
among the other confederates, and to procure to the good
citizens the real enjoyment of the commerce with United
America, they cannot, nevertheless, dissemble, that lately
some new reasons have arisen, which make them conceive
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span>
some fears respecting the prompt consummation of this desirable
affair.</p>

<p>"That the probability of an offer of peace, on the part of
Great Britain, to United America, whereof the petitioners
made mention in their former request, having at present
become a full certainty, by the revolution arrived since in
the British Ministry, they have not learnt without uneasiness,
the attempt made at the same time by the new Ministers
of the Court of London, to involve this State in a
negotiation for a separate peace, the immediate consequence
of which would be (as the petitioners fear) a cessation of
all connexions with the American Republic; whilst, that
in the meantime, our Republic, deprived on the one hand
of the advantages, which it reasonably promises itself from
those connexions, might, on the other, be detained by negotiations,
spun out to a great length, and not effect till late,
perhaps after the other belligerent powers, a separate
peace with England.</p>

<p>"That, in effect, the difficulties which oppose themselves
to a like partial pacification, are too multiplied for one to
promise himself to see them suddenly removed; such as
the restitution of the possessions taken from the State, and
retaken from the English by France, a restitution, which
thereby is become impracticable; the indemnification of
the immense losses, that the unexpected and perfidious
attack of England has caused to the Dutch nation in general,
to the petitioners in particular; the assurance of a
free navigation for the future, upon the principles of the
armed neutrality, and conformably to the law of nations,
the dissolution of the bonds, which, without being productive
of any utility to the two nations, have been a source of
contestations always springing up, and which in every war
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span>
between Great Britain and any other power, have threatened
to involve our Republic in it, or have, in effect, done it;
the annihilation (if possible) of the act of navigation, an act,
which carries too evident marks of the supremacy affected
by England over all other maritime people, not to attract
attention at the approaching negotiation of peace; finally,
the necessity of breaking the yoke, that Great Britain would
impose upon our flag, to make hers respected in the Northern
Ocean, as the seat of her maritime empire; and other
objects of this nature, which, as the petulant proceedings
of the Court of London even have given rise to them, with
certainty furnish matter for claims and negotiations.</p>

<p>"That, as by these considerations, even a speedy consummation
of a separate peace with England is out of all
probability, especially when one compares with them the
dubious and limited manner in which it is offered; on the
other hand, a general peace appears not to be so far distant,
as that to obtain a more prompt reconciliation with
England, the Republic has occasion to abandon its interests
relative to North America, seeing that the British government
has resolved, upon the request of the National
Assembly, even to discontinue offensive hostilities against
the new Republic, and that even under the present administration
of the Ministers, it appears ready to acknowledge
positively its independence; an acknowledgment,
which, in removing the principal stumbling block of a negotiation
of a general peace, will pave the way to a prompt
explication of all the difficulties between the belligerent
powers.</p>

<p>"That the petitioners should exceed much the bounds
of their plan, if they entered into a more ample detail of
the reasons, which might be alleged upon this subject, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span>
which certainly will not escape the political penetration of
your Noble and Great Lordships; among others, the engagements
recently entered into with the Court of France,
and which will not be violated by our Republic, which acknowledges
the sanctity of its engagements and respects
them, but which will serve much rather to convince the
Empress of Russia of the impossibility of entering, in the
present juncture of affairs, into such a negotiation as the
Court of London proposes, when it will not be permitted
to presume, but that sovereign will feel herself the change
of circumstances, which have happened with regard to
America, since the offer of her mediation, by the revolution
of the British Ministry; and that she ought even to regard
a separate peace between our States and England, as the
most proper mean to retard the general tranquillity, that
she has endeavored to procure to all the commercial
nations now at war.</p>

<p>"That, from these motives, the petitioners respectfully
hope, that the aforesaid offer of England will occasion no
obstacle, which may prevent, that the resolution of their
Noble and Grand Mightinesses, to acknowledge the independence
of North America, and to conclude with that
power a treaty of commerce, may not have a prompt execution,
nor that even one only of the other confederates
will suffer itself to be diverted thereby, from the design of
opening unanimously with this Province and the others,
which have declared themselves conformably to Holland,
negotiations with the United States, and of terminating
them as soon as may be.</p>

<p>"That the favorable resolutions already taken for this
effect in Zealand, Utrecht, Overyssel, and at present (as
the petitioners learn) in the Province of Groningen, after
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span>
the example of Holland and Friesland, confirm them in
that hope, and seem to render entirely superfluous a request,
that in every other case the petitioners would have
found themselves obliged to make with the commercial
citizens of the other cities, to the end, that by the resistance
of one Province, not immediately interested in commerce
and navigation, they might not be deprived of the
advantages and of the protection, that the Sovereign Assembly
of their proper Province had been disposed to procure
them without that; but that to the end to provide for
it, their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, and the States of
the other Provinces, in this respect unanimous with them,
should make use of the power, which belongs to each
free State of our Federative Republic, at least in regard
to treaties of commerce, of which there exists an example
in 1649, not only in a treaty of redemption of the toll of
the Sound, but also in a defensive treaty, concluded with
the Crown of Denmark by the three Provinces of Guelderland,
Holland, and Friesland.</p>

<p>"But as every apprehension of a similar dissension
among the members of the confederation appears at present
absolutely unseasonable, the petitioners will confine
themselves rather to another request, to wit, that after the
formation of connexions of commerce with North America,
the effectual enjoyment of it may be assured to the
commercial citizens of this country by a sufficient protection
of the navigation, seeing, that without the protection of
the navigation, the conclusion even of such a treaty of
commerce would be absolutely illusory; that since a long
time, especially last year, the petitioners have tasted the
bitter fruits of the defenceless state in which the Dutch
flag has been incessantly found, as they have already said,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span>
conformably to the truth, in their first request, 'that by the
total stagnation of the navigation and of expeditions, they
have felt in the most painful manner the effects of the hostile
and unforeseen attack of Great Britain, and that they
feel them still every day;' that in the meantime this stagnation
of commerce, absolutely abandoned to the rapacity
of an enemy, greedy of pillage, and destitute of all protection
whatsoever, has appeared to the petitioners, as well
as to all the other commercial inhabitants, yes, even to all
true citizens, so much the more hard and afflicting, as they
not only have constantly contributed with a good heart all
the public imposts, but that, at the time even that commerce
was absolutely abandoned to itself, and deprived of
all safeguard, it supported a double charge to obtain that
protection, which it has never enjoyed, seeing that the
hope of such a protection, (the Republic not being entirely
without maritime force) has appeared indeed more than
once, but has always vanished in the most unexpected
manner, by accidents and impediments, which if they have
given rise, perhaps wrongfully, to discontent and to distrust
among the good citizens, will not, nevertheless, be read
and meditated by posterity, without surprise.</p>

<p>"That, without intention to legitimate in any fashion the
suspicions arising from this failure of protection, the petitioners
believe themselves, nevertheless, with all proper
respect, warranted in addressing their complaints on this
head to the bosoms of your Great and Noble Lordships,
and (seeing the commerce with North America cannot
subsist without navigation, no more than navigation without
a safeguard) of reckoning upon the active direction, the
useful employment, and prompt augmentation of our naval
forces, in proportion to the means, which shall be the most
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span>
proper effectually to secure, to the commerce of this Republic,
the fruits of its connexions with United North
America.</p>

<p>"For which reasons, the petitioners, returning to your
Noble and Great Lordships their solemn thanks for the
favorable resolution taken upon their request, the 18th of
March last, address themselves anew to them on this occasion,
with the respectful prayer, that it may graciously
please your Noble and Great Lordships to be willing to
effectuate, by your powerful influence, whether in the illustrious
Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses,
whether among the other confederates, or elsewhere, there,
and in such manner as your Noble and Great Lordships
shall judge the most proper, that the resolution of their
Noble and Grand Mightinesses, of the date of the 28th of
March last, for the admission of Mr Adams in quality of
Minister of the United States of America, be promptly
executed, and that the petitioners, with the other commercial
citizens, obtain the effectual enjoyment of a treaty of
commerce with the said Republic, as well by the activity
of the marine of the State, and the protection of the commerce
and of the navigation, as well as by all other measures,
that your Noble and Great Lordships, with the other
members of the sovereign government of the Republic, shall
judge to tend to the public good, and to serve to the prosperity
of the dear country, as well as to the maintenance
of its precious liberty."</p>

<h4>UTRECHT, APRIL 28TH, 1782.</h4>

<p>Wednesday last, was presented to their Noble Mightinesses,
the Lords the States of this Province, the following
address of thanks, signed by a considerable number of
merchants, &amp;c. of this city.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span></p>

<p class="letter_open">"To their Noble Mightinesses, the Lords the States of
the country of Utrecht.</p>

<p>"The undersigned, manufacturers, merchants, and other
traders of this city give, with due respect, to understand,
that the petitioners, placing their confidence in the interest
that your Noble Mightinesses have always appeared to
take in the advancement of manufactures and commerce,
have not been at all scrupulous to recommend to the vigilant
attention of your Noble Mightinesses, the favorable
occasion that offers itself in this moment, to revive the
manufactures, the commerce, and the trade, fallen into
decay in this city and Province, in case that your Noble
Mightinesses acknowledged, in the name of this city, Mr
Adams as Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of
North America, to the end that there might be formed
with them a treaty of commerce for this Republic. As
the petitioners founded themselves thus upon the intimate
sentiment of the execution of that, which your Noble
Mightinesses judged proper to the advancement of the
well-being of the petitioners and of their interests, the petitioners
have further the satisfaction of feeling the most
agreeable proofs of it, when your Noble Mightinesses, in
your last Assembly, resolved unanimously to consent, not
only to the admission of the said Mr Adams, in quality of
Minister of the Congress of North America, but to authorise
the gentlemen, the Deputies of this Province at the
Generality, to conform themselves, in the name of this
Province, to the resolutions of the Lords, the States of
Holland and West Friesland, and of Friesland, and
doing this, to consent to the acknowledgment and admission
of Mr Adams as Minister of the United States of
North America; or, as that resolution furnishes the proofs
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span>
the best intentioned, the most patriotic for the advancement
of that, which may serve to the well-being, to the
encouragement of manufactures, of commerce, and of decayed
trades, as well in general, as of this city and Province
in particular, and which had been so ardently desired;
the petitioners think themselves indispensably
obliged to testify, in the most respectful manner, their gratitude
for it, to your Noble Mightinesses.</p>

<p>"The petitioners find themselves absolutely unable to
express in words, the general satisfaction that this event
has caused, not only to them, but also to the great and
small of this Province; joined to the confirmation of the
perfect conviction, in which they repose themselves also
for the future upon the paternal care of your Noble
Mightinesses, that the consummation of the desired treaty of
commerce with the Americans may be soon effected. The
petitioners attest by the present before your Noble Mightinesses,
their solemn and well meant gratitude, that they
address also at the same time to your Noble Mightinesses,
as the most sincere marks of veneration and respect for
the persons and the direction of public affairs of your
Noble Mightinesses; wishing that Almighty God may deign
to bless the efforts and the councils of your Noble Mightinesses,
as well as those of the other confederates; that,
moreover, this Province, and our dear country, by the
propositions of an armistice and that which depends upon
it, should not be involved in any negotiations for a particular
peace with our perfidious enemy, but that we obtain no
other peace than a general peace, which (as your Noble
Mightinesses express yourselves in your resolution) may
be compatible with our honor and dignity; and serve, not
only for this generation, but also for the latest posterity, as
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span>
a monument of glory, of eternal gratitude to, and esteem
for, the persons and public administration of the present
time."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO PETER VAN BLEISWICK, GRAND PENSIONARY OF
HOLLAND.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, March 31st, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write me on the 30th, enclosing the resolution of the
States of Holland and West Friesland, taken on the 28th
of this month, upon the subject of my admission to the
audience demanded on the 4th of May, and 9th of January
last.</p>

<p>I am very sensible of the honor that is done me, by this
instance of personal attention to me in their Noble and
Grand Mightinesses, and I beg of you, Sir, to accept of
my acknowledgments for the obliging manner, in which
you have communicated to me their resolution.</p>

<p>But my sensibility is above all affected by those unequivocal
demonstrations, which appear everywhere, of national
harmony and unanimity in this important measure; which
cannot fail to have the happiest effects in America, and in
all Europe; even in England itself, as well as in this Republic,
and which there is great reason to hope, will forcibly
operate towards the accomplishment of a general
peace.</p>

<p>In the pleasing hope, that all the other Provinces will
soon follow the examples of Holland and Friesland, I have
the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">
JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span></p>

<h3>TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, April 10th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have this moment received the letter, which you did
me the honor to write me yesterday, with a letter enclosed
from Dr Franklin.</p>

<p>The approbation of the Count de Vergennes is a great
satisfaction to me, and I shall be very happy to learn from
you, Sir, at Amsterdam, the details you allude to.</p>

<p>I have a letter from Digges, at London, 2d of April,
informing me, that he had communicated what had passed
between him and me, to the Earl of Shelburne, who did
not like the circumstance, that everything must be communicated
to our allies. He says, that Lord Carmaerthen is
to be sent to the Hague, to negotiate a separate peace with
Holland. But, according to all appearances, Holland, as
well as America, will have too much discretion to enter
into any separate negotiations.</p>

<p>I have the pleasure to inform you, that Gillon has arrived
at the Havana, with five rich Jamaica ships as prizes. M.
Le Roy writes, that the English have evacuated Charleston.</p>

<p>The enclosed fresh <i>requête</i> of Amsterdam will show
your Excellency, that there is little probability of the
Dutchmen being deceived into separate conferences.</p>

<p>With the most profound respect and esteem, I have the
honor to be, Sir, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">
JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam. April 19th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have the honor to transmit you the following Resolutions
of the respective Provinces, relative to my admission
in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary, together with two
Resolutions of their High Mightinesses, upon the same subject,
all in the order in which they were taken.</p>

<h4>FRIESLAND.</h4>

<p>Extract from the Register Book of the Lords, the States
of Friesland.</p>

<p>"The requisition of Mr Adams, for presenting his letter
of credence from the United States of North America
to their High Mightinesses, having been brought into the
assembly and put into deliberation, as also the ulterior address
to the same purpose, with a demand of a categorical
answer, made by him, as is more amply mentioned in the
minutes of their High Mightinesses, of the 4th of May,
1781, and the 9th of January, 1782, whereupon, it having
been taken into consideration, that the said Mr Adams
would have, probably, some propositions to make to their
High Mightinesses, and to present to them the principal
articles and foundations, upon which the Congress, on their
part, would enter into a treaty of commerce and friendship,
or other affairs to propose, in regard to which, despatch
would be requisite,</p>

<p>"It has been thought fit and resolved, to authorise the
gentlemen, the Deputies of this Province at the Generality,
and to instruct them to direct things, at the table of their
High Mightinesses, in such a manner that the said Mr
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span>
Adams be admitted forthwith, as Minister of the Congress
of North America, with further order to the said Deputies,
that if there should be made, moreover, any similar propositions
by the same, to inform immediately their Noble
Mightinesses of them. And an extract of the present
Resolution shall be sent them for their information, that
they may conduct themselves conformably.</p>

<p>"Thus resolved, at the Province House, the 26th of
February, 1782.</p>

<p>
"Compared with the aforesaid book, to my knowledge.</p>

<p class="signed">A. J. V. SMINIA."</p>

<h4>HOLLAND AND WEST FRIESLAND.</h4>

<p>Extract of the Resolutions of the Lords, the States of
Holland and West Friesland, taken in the assembly of
their Noble and Grand Mightinesses. Thursday, March
28th, 1782.</p>

<p>"Deliberated by resumption upon the address and the
ulterior address of Mr Adams, made the 4th of May, 1781,
and the 9th of January, 1782, to the President of the
States-General, communicated to the assembly, the 9th of
May, 1781, and the 22d of last month, to present his letters
of credence, in the name of the United States of America,
to their High Mightinesses, by which ulterior address
the said Mr Adams has demanded a categorical answer,
that he may acquaint his constituents thereof; deliberated
also upon the petitions of a great number of merchants,
manufacturers, and others, inhabitants of this Province interested
in commerce, to support their request presented
to the States-General the 20th current, to the end that efficacious
measures might be taken to establish a commerce
between this country and North America, copies of which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span>
petitions have been given to the members the 21st; it has
been thought fit, and resolved, that the affairs shall be
directed, on the part of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses,
at the Assembly of the States-General, and that
there shall be there made the strongest instances that Mr
Adams be admitted and acknowledged, as soon as possible,
by their High Mightinesses, in quality of Envoy of the
United States of America. And the Counsellor Pensionary
has been charged to inform under his hand the said Mr
Adams of this Resolution of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses."</p>

<h4>ZEALAND.</h4>

<p>Extract of the Resolutions of their High Mightinesses
the States-General of the United Provinces. Monday,
April 8th, 1782.</p>

<p>"The Deputies of the Province of Zealand have brought
to the Assembly and caused to be read there the Resolution
of the States of the said Province, their principals, to
cause to be admitted as soon as possible, Mr Adams, in
quality of Envoy of the Congress of North America in the
following terms.</p>

<p>"Extract from the Register of the Resolutions of the
Lords the States of Zealand. April 4th, 1782.</p>

<p>"It has been thought fit and ordered, that the gentlemen,
the ordinary Deputies of this Province at the Generality,
shall be convoked and authorised, as it is done by the
present, to assist in the direction of affairs at the Assembly
of their High Mightinesses, in such a manner, that Mr
Adams may be acknowledged as soon as possible, as Envoy
of the Congress of North America; that his letters of
credence be accepted, and that he be admitted in that
quality according to the ordinary form, enjoining further
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span>
upon the said Lords, the ordinary Deputies, to take such
propositions as should be made to this Republic, by the said
Mr Adams, for the information and the deliberation of their
High Mightinesses, to the end to transmit them here as
soon as possible. And an extract of this Resolution of
their Noble Mightinesses shall be sent to the gentlemen,
their ordinary Deputies, to serve them as an instruction.</p>

<p class="signed">
J. M. CHALMERS."</p>

<p>"Upon which, having deliberated, it has been thought fit
and resolved to pray, by the present, the gentlemen, the
Deputies of the Provinces of Guelderland, Utrecht, and
Groningen, and Ommelanden, who have not as yet explained
themselves upon this subject, to be pleased to do it, as
soon as possible."</p>

<h4>OVERYSSEL.</h4>

<p>Extract from the Register of the Resolutions of the
Equestrian order, and of the cities composing the States
of Overyssel. Zwoll, 5th of April, 1782.</p>

<p>"The Grand Bailiff de Sallande, and the other commissions
of their Noble Mightinesses for the affairs of
finance, having examined, conformably to their commissorial
resolution of the 3d of this month, the addresses of Mr
Adams, communicated to the Assembly the 4th of May,
1781, and the 22d of February, 1782, to present his letters
of credence to their High Mightinesses, in the name
of the United States of North America; as well as the
resolution of the Lords, the States of Holland and West
Friesland, dated the 28th of March, 1782, carried the
29th of the same month, to the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses, for the admission and acknowledgment of
Mr Adams, have reported to the Assembly, that they
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span>
should be of opinion, that the gentlemen, the Deputies of
this Province in the States-General, ought to be authorised
and charged to declare in the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses, that the Equestrian Order and the cities
judge, that it is proper to acknowledge, as soon as possible,
Mr Adams, in quality of Minister of the United States of
North America, to their High Mightinesses. Upon which,
having deliberated, the Equestrian Order and the cities
have conformed themselves to the said report.</p>

<p>
"Compared with the aforesaid Register.</p>

<p class="signed">DERK DUMBAR."</p>

<h4>GRONINGEN.</h4>

<p>Extract from the Register of the Resolutions of their
Noble Mightinesses, the States of Groningen and Ommelanden.
Tuesday, 9th of April, 1782.</p>

<p>"The Lords, the States of Groningen and Ommelanden,
having heard the report of the Gentlemen, the Commissioners
for the Petitions of the Council of State, and
the Finances of the Province, and having carefully examined
the demand of Mr Adams, to present his letters of
credence from the United States of North America, to
their High Mightinesses, have, after deliberation upon the
subject, declared themselves of opinion, that in the critical
circumstances, in which the Republic finds itself at present,
it is proper to take, without loss of time, such efficacious
measures as may not only repair the losses and damages,
that the kingdom of Great Britain has caused, in a manner,
so unjust, and against every shadow of right, to the
commerce of the Republic, as well before as after the war,
but particularly such as may establish the free navigation
and the commerce of the Republic, for the future, upon
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span>
the most solid foundations, as may confirm and re-assure
it by the strongest bonds of reciprocal interest, and that, in
consequence, the Gentlemen, the Deputies at the Assembly
of their High Mightinesses, ought to be authorised on the
part of the Province, as they are by the present, to admit
Mr Adams to present his letters of credence from the
United States of North America, and to receive the propositions,
which he shall make, to make report of them to
the Lords, the States of this Province.</p>

<p class="signed">
E. LEWE, <i>Secretary</i>."</p>

<p>The States-General, having deliberated the same day
upon this Resolution, have resolved, "that the Deputies of
the Province of Guelderland, which has not yet declared
itself upon the same subject, should be requested to be
pleased to do it as soon as possible."</p>

<h4>UTRECHT.</h4>

<p>Extract of the Resolutions of their Noble Mightinesses
the States of the Province of Utrecht. 10th of April,
1782.</p>

<p>"Heard the report of M. de Westerveld, and other
Deputies of their Noble Mightinesses for the Department
of War, who, in virtue of the commissorial resolutions, of
the 9th of May, 1781, the 16th of January, and the 20th
of March, of the present year, 1782, have examined the
resolution of their High Mightinesses of the 4th of May,
1781, containing an overture, that the President of the
Assembly of their High Mightinesses had made, 'that
a person, styling himself J. Adams, had been with him, and
had given him to understand, that he had received letters
of credence for their High Mightinesses from the United
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span>
States of North America, with a request, that he would be
pleased to communicate them to their High Mightinesses,'
as well as the resolution of their High Mightinesses, of
the 9th of January, containing an ulterior overture of the
President, 'that the said Mr Adams had been with him,
and had insisted upon a categorical answer, whether his
said letters of credence would be accepted, or not;' finally,
the resolution of their High Mightinesses, of the 5th of
March last, with the insertion of the resolution of Friesland,
containing a proposition 'to admit Mr Adams in quality
of Minister of the Congress of North America.'</p>

<p>"Upon which, having deliberated, and remarked, that
the Lords, the States of Holland and West Friesland, by
their resolution, carried the 29th of March to the States-General,
have also consented to the admission of the said
Mr Adams, in quality of Minister of the Congress of North
America, it has been thought fit, and resolved, that the
Gentlemen, the Deputies of this Province in the States-General,
should be authorised, as their Noble Highnesses
authorise them by the present, to conform themselves, in the
name of this Province, to the resolution of the Lords, the
States of Holland and West Friesland, and of Friesland, and
to consent, by consequence, that Mr Adams be acknowledged
and admitted as Minister of the United States of
North America, their Noble Mightinesses being at the same
time of opinion, that it would be necessary to acquaint her
Majesty, the Empress of Russia, and the other neutral
powers, with the resolution to be taken by their High
Mightinesses, upon this subject, in communicating to them
(as much as shall be necessary) the reasons, which have
induced their High Mightinesses to it, and in giving them
the strongest assurances, that the intention of their High
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span>
Mightinesses is by no means to prolong thereby the war,
which they would have willingly prevented and terminated
long since; but that, on the contrary, their High Mightinesses
wish nothing with more ardor, than a prompt re-establishment
of peace, and that they shall be always
ready, on their part, to co-operate in it, in all possible
ways, and with a suitable readiness, so far as that shall be
any way compatible with their honor and their dignity.
And to this end, an extract of this shall be carried by missive
to the Gentlemen, the Deputies at the Generality."</p>

<h4>GUELDERLAND.</h4>

<p>Extract from the <i>Précis</i> of the ordinary Diet, held in the
city of Nimeguen in the month of April, 1782. Wednesday,
17th of April, 1782.</p>

<p>"The requisition of Mr Adams to present his letters of
credence to their High Mightinesses, in the name of the
United States of North America having been brought to
the Assembly and read, as well as an ulterior address
made upon this subject, with the demand of a categorical
answer by the said Mr Adams, more amply mentioned in
the registers of their High Mightinesses, of the date of
the 4th of May, 1781, and the 9th of January, 1782,
moreover, the resolutions of the Lords, the States of the
six other Provinces, carried successively to the Assembly
of their High Mightinesses, and all tending to admit Mr
Adams, in quality of Envoy of the United States of North
America, to this Republic; upon which their Noble Mightinesses,
after deliberation, have resolved to authorise the
Deputies of this Province, as they authorise them by the
present, to conform themselves in the name of this Province,
to the resolution of the Lords, the States of Holland
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span>
and West Friesland, and to consent, by consequence, that
Mr Adams may be acknowledged and admitted, in quality
of Envoy of the United States of North America, to this
Republic. In consequence, an extract of the present shall
be sent to the said Deputies, to make, as soon as possible,
the requisite overture of it to the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses.</p>

<p class="signed">
J. INDE BETOUW."</p>

<p>This resolution of Guelderland was no sooner remitted,
on the 19th, to their High Mightinesses, than they took immediately
a resolution conformable to the unanimous wish of
the Seven Provinces, conceived in the following terms;</p>

<p>"Extract from the register of the resolutions of their
High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces.
Friday, April 19th, 1782.</p>

<p>"Deliberated by resumption upon the address and the
ulterior address, made by Mr Adams, the 4th of May,
1781, and the 9th of January of the current year, to
the President of the Assembly of their High Mightinesses,
to present to their High Mightinesses his letters of credence,
in the name of the United States of North America,
and by which ulterior address the said Mr Adams has
demanded a categorical answer, to the end to be able to
acquaint his constituents thereof; it has been thought fit
and resolved, that Mr Adams shall be admitted and acknowledged
in quality of Envoy of the United States of
North America to their High Mightinesses, as he is admitted
and acknowledged by the present."</p>

<p class="signed">
W. BOREEL.</p>

<p>"Compared with the aforesaid register.</p>

<p class="signed">
H. FAGEL."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span></p>

<h4>THE FORMAL RESOLUTION OF THEIR HIGH MIGHTINESSES.</h4>

<p>Extract from the register of the resolutions of their
High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United
Provinces. Monday, April 22d, 1782.</p>

<p>"M. Boreel, who presided in the Assembly the last
week, has reported to their High Mightinesses and notified
them, that Mr John Adams, Envoy of the United
States of America, had been with him last Saturday, and
had presented to him a letter from the Assembly of Congress,
written at Philadelphia, the 1st of January, 1781,
containing a credence for the said Mr Adams, to the end
to reside in quality of its Minister Plenipotentiary near
their High Mightinesses. Upon which having deliberated,
it has been thought fit and resolved, to declare by the
present, that the said Mr Adams is agreeable to their High
Mightinesses; that he shall be acknowledged in quality of
Minister Plenipotentiary, and that there shall be granted
to him an audience, or assigned Commissioners, when he
shall demand it. Information of the above shall be given
to the said Mr Adams by the agent, Van der Burch de
Spieringshoek.</p>

<p class="signed">
W. VAN CITTERS.</p>

<p>"Compared with the aforesaid register.</p>

<p class="signed">
H. FAGEL."</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, April 22d, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>On the 22d day of April I was introduced, by the
Chamberlain, to His Most Serene Highness, the Prince
of Orange.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span></p>

<p>Knowing that his Highness spoke English, I asked his
permission to speak to him in that language, to which he
answered, smiling, "if you please, Sir." Although French
is the language of the Court, he seemed to be pleased, and
to receive as a compliment my request to speak to him in
English.</p>

<p>I told him I was happy to have the honor of presenting
the respects of the United States of America, and a letter
of credence from them to his Most Serene Highness, and
to assure him of the profound veneration in which the
House of Orange had been held in America, even from its
first settlement, and that I should be happier still to be the
instrument of further cementing the new connexions between
two nations, professing the same religion, animated
by the same spirit of liberty, and having reciprocal interests
both political and commercial, so extensive and important;
and that in the faithful and diligent discharge of the duties
of my mission, I flattered myself with hopes of the approbation
of His Most Serene Highness.</p>

<p>His Highness received the letter of credence, which he
opened and read. The answer that he made to me was in
a voice so low and so indistinctly pronounced, that I comprehended
only the conclusion of it, which was, that "he
had made no difficulty against my reception." He then
fell into familiar conversation with me, and asked me many
questions about indifferent things, as is the custom of
Princes and Princesses upon such occasions. How long I
had been in Europe? How long I had been in this country?
Whether I had purchased a house at the Hague?
Whether I had not lived some time at Leyden? How long
I had lived at Amsterdam? How I liked this country? &amp;c.</p>

<p>This conference passed in the Prince's chamber of audience
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span>
with his Highness alone. I had waited some time
in the antichamber, as the Duc de la Vauguyon was in
conference with the Prince. The Duke, on his return
through the antichamber, meeting me unexpectedly, presented
me his hand with an air of cordiality, which was
remarked by every courtier, and had a very good effect.</p>

<p>The Prince has since said to the Duc de la Vauguyon,
that he was obliged to me for not having pressed him upon
the affair of my reception in the beginning. He had reason;
for if I had, and he had said or done anything offensive
to the United States or disagreeable to me, it would
now be remembered much to the disadvantage of the
Court.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, April 23d, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>On the 23d of April I had the honor of a conference
with M. Van Citters, President of their High Mightinesses,
to whom I presented the following Memorial.</p>

<p>"High and Mighty Lords;&mdash;The underwritten, Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has the
honor to inform your High Mightinesses, that he is charged
by the instructions of his sovereign to propose to the States-General
of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, a
treaty of amity and commerce between the two Republics,
founded upon the principle of equal and reciprocal advantage,
and compatible with the engagements already entered
into by the United States with their allies, as also with
such other treaties, which they design to form with other
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span>
powers. The undersigned has therefore the honor to propose,
that your High Mightinesses would nominate some
person or persons with full power, to confer and treat with
him on this important subject.</p>

<p class="signed">
JOHN ADAMS."</p>

<p>Their High Mightinesses, on the same day, appointed a
grand committee to treat, to whom I was introduced with
great formality by two noblemen, and before whom I laid
a project of a treaty,<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> which I had drawn up conformable
to the instructions of Congress. I prayed the gentlemen
to examine it, and propose to me their objections, if they
should have any, and to propose any further articles, which
they should think proper. It has been examined, translated,
printed, and sent to the members of the sovereignty.</p>

<p>The greatest part of my time, for several days, has been
taken up in receiving and paying of visits, from all the
members and officers of government, and of the Court,
to the amount of one hundred and fifty or more.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, April 23d, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I ought not to omit to inform Congress, that on the 23d
of April, the French Ambassador made an entertainment
for the whole Corps Diplomatique, in honor of the United
States, at which he introduced their Minister to all the
foreign Ministers at this Court.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span></p>

<p>There is nothing, I suppose, in the whole voluminous
ceremonial, nor in all the idle farce of etiquette, which
should hinder a Minister from making a good dinner in
good company, and therefore I believe they were all present,
and I assure you I was myself as happy as I should
have been, if I had been publicly acknowledged a Minister
by every one of them; and the Duc de la Vauguyon more
than compensated for all the stiffness of some others, by
paying more attention to the new brother than to all the old
fraternity.</p>

<p>Etiquette, when it becomes too glaring by affectation,
imposes no longer either upon the populace or upon the
courtiers, but becomes ridiculous to all. This will soon
be the case everywhere with respect to American Ministers.
To see a Minister of such a State as &mdash;&mdash; and &mdash;&mdash; assume
a distant mysterious air towards a Minister of the
United States, because his Court has not yet acknowledged
their independence, when his nation is not half equal to
America in any one attribute of sovereignty, is a spectacle
of ridicule to any man who sees it.</p>

<p>I have had the honor of making and receiving visits in a
private character from the Spanish Minister here, whose
behavior has been polite enough. He was pleased to
make me some very high compliments upon our success
here, which he considers as the most important and decisive
stroke which could have been struck in Europe.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">344</a></span></p>

<h3>TO B. FRANKLIN</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and
Mr Laurens's son proposes to carry the letter to his father
forthwith. The instructions by the courier from Versailles
came safe, as all other despatches by that channel no
doubt will do. The correspondence by Mr Hartley I received
by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good
opportunity by a private hand to return it, as well as that
with the Earl of Shelburne.</p>

<p>Mr Laurens and Mr Jay will, I hope, be able to meet at
Paris, but when it will be in my power to go, I know
not. Your present negotiation about peace falls in very
well to aid a proposition, which I am instructed to make,
as soon as the Court of Versailles shall judge proper, of a
triple or quadruple alliance. This matter, the treaty of
commerce, which is now under deliberation, and the loan,
will render it improper for me to quit this station, unless in
case of necessity. If there is a real disposition to permit
Canada to accede to the American association, I should
think there could be no great difficulty in adjusting all
things between England and America, provided our allies
also are contented. In a former letter, I hinted that I
thought an express acknowledgment of our independence
might now be insisted on; but I did not mean, that we
should insist upon such an article in the treaty. If they
make a treaty of peace with the United States of America,
this is acknowledgment enough for me.</p>

<p>The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and fatigue.
It is true, I may open a loan for five millions, but I confess
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span>
I have no hopes of obtaining so much. The money is not
to be had. Cash is not infinite in this country. Their
profits by trade have been ruined for two or three years;
and there are loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia,
Sweden, Denmark, and several other powers as well
as their own national, provincial, and collegiate loans. The
undertakers are already loaded with burthens greater than
they can bear, and all the brokers in the Republic are so
engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat to be lent, but what
is promised. This is the true cause why we shall not succeed;
yet they will seek a hundred other pretences. It
is considered such an honor and such an introduction to
American trade to be the house, that the eagerness to
obtain the title of American banker, is prodigious. Various houses
have pretensions, which they set up very
high; and let me choose which I will, I am sure of a cry
and clamor. I have taken some measures to endeavor to
calm the heat, and give general satisfaction, but have as
yet small hopes of success. I would strike with any house
that would ensure the money, but none will undertake it,
now it is offered, although several were very ready to
affirm that they could, when it began to be talked of.
Upon inquiry, they do not find the money easy to obtain,
which I could have told them before. It is to me, personally,
indifferent which is the house, and the only question
is, which will be able to do best for the interests of the
United States. This question, however simple, is not easy
to answer. But I think it clear, after very painful and
laborious inquiries for a year and a half, that no house
whatever will be able to do much. Enthusiasm, at some
time and in some countries, may do a great deal; but
there has as yet been no enthusiasm in this country for
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">346</a></span>
America, strong enough to untie many purses. Another
year if the war should continue, perhaps we may do
better.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, May 16th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>On the 12th of this month, I removed into the <i>Hôtel
des Etats-Unis de l'Amérique</i>, situated upon the canal,
called the Fleweele Burgwal, at the Hague, where I hope
the air will relieve my health in some degree from that
weak state, to which the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam
has reduced it.</p>

<p>The American cause has gained a signal triumph in this
country. It has not persuaded an ancient rival and an
avowed natural hereditary enemy to take a part against
Great Britain; but it has torn from her bosom an intimate
affectionate friend, and a faithful ally, of a hundred years
continuance. It has not persuaded an absolute monarchy
to follow the dictates of its own glory and interest, and the
unanimous wish of the people, by favoring it; but, availing
itself only of the still small voice of reason, urging general
motives and national interests, without money, without intrigue,
without imposing pomp, or more imposing fame, it
has prevailed against the utmost efforts of intrigue and corruption,
against the almost universal inclination of persons
in government, against a formidable band of capitalists and
the most powerful mercantile houses in the Republic, interested
in English funds, and too deeply leagued in English
affairs.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">347</a></span></p>

<p>Although these obstacles are overcome so far, as to
have obtained an acknowledgment of our independence,
yet it is easy to see, that they are not annihilated, and,
therefore, we cannot expect to receive such cordial and
zealous assistance, as we might receive, if the government
and the people had but one heart.</p>

<p>I wish it were in my power to give Congress, upon this
occasion, assurances of a loan of money, but I cannot. I
have taken every measure in my power to accomplish it,
but I have met with so many difficulties, that I almost
despair of obtaining anything. I have found the avidity of
friends as great an obstacle as the ill will of enemies, I can
represent my situation in this affair of a loan, by no other
figure than that of a man in the midst of the ocean
negotiating for his life among a shoal of sharks. I am
sorry to use expressions, which must appear severe to you;
but the truth demands them.</p>

<p>The title of American banker, for the sake of the distinction
of it, the profit of it, and the introduction to American
trade, is solicited with an eagerness beyond description.
In order to obtain it, a house will give out great
words, and boast of what it can do; but not one will contract
to furnish any considerable sum of money; and I
certainly know, let them deceive themselves as they will,
and deceive as many others as they may by their confident
affirmations, that none of them can obtain any considerable
sum. The factions that are raised here about it between
the French interest, the Republican interest, the Stadtholderian
interests, and the Anglomane interest, have been
conducted with an indecent ardor, thwarting, contradicting,
calumniating each other, until it is easy to foresee the
effect will be to prevent us from obtaining even the small
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">348</a></span>
sums, that otherwise might have been found. But the true
and decisive secret is, there is very little money to be had.
The profits of their trade have been annihilated by the
English for several years. There is, therefore, no money
but the interest of their capitalists, and all this is promised
for months and years beforehand, to book-keepers, brokers,
and undertakers, who have in hand loans open for France,
Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, for the States-General,
the States of Holland, the States of Friesland,
the East and West India Companies, &amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

<p>But the circumstance, which will be fatal to my hopes
at this time, is this; there is just now unexpectedly
opened a loan of nine millions for the India Company,
under the warranty of the States, in which they have
raised the interest one per cent above the ordinary rate.
I had obtained an agreement of the undertakers for two
millions; but before it was completed, this loan appeared,
which frightened the undertakers, so as to induce them to
fly off. I must, therefore, entreat Congress to make no dependence
upon me for money.</p>

<p>There is one subject more, upon which I beg leave to
submit a few hints to Congress. It is that of M. Dumas,
whose character is so well known to Congress, that I need
say nothing of it. He is a man of letters, and of good
character; but he is not rich, and his allowance is too
small at present for him to live with decency. He has
been so long known here to have been in American affairs,
although in no public character, that I know of, but that of
an agent or correspondent appointed by Dr Franklin, or
perhaps by a committee of Congress, that, now our
character is acknowledged, it will have an ill effect, if M.
Dumas remains in the situation he has been in. To prevent
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">349</a></span>
it, in some measure, I have taken him and his family
into this house; but I think it is the interest and duty of
America, to send him a commission as Secretary to this
Legation, and Chargé des Affaires, with a salary of five
hundred a year sterling, while a Minister is here, and at
the rate of a thousand a year, while there is none.</p>

<p>There is another gentleman, whose indefatigable application
to the affairs of the United States, and whose faithful
friendship for me in sickness and in health, demand of me,
by the strongest claims of justice and of gratitude, that I
should mention him to Congress, and recommend him to
their favor. This gentleman is Mr Thaxter, whose merit,
in my opinion, is greater than I dare express.</p>

<p>Edmund Jennings, of Brussels, has honored me with his
correspondence, and been often serviceable to the United
States, as well as friendly to me. His manners and disposition
are very amiable, and his talents equal to any service,
and I cannot but wish that it might be agreeable to the
views of Congress to give him some mark of their esteem.</p>

<p>How shall I mention another gentleman, whose name,
perhaps, Congress never heard, but who, in my opinion,
has done more decided and essential service to the American
cause and reputation within these last eighteen months,
than any other man in Europe.</p>

<p>It is M. A. M. Cerisier, beyond all contradiction one of
the greatest historians and political characters in Europe,
author of the <i>Tableau de l'Histoire des Provinces Unies
des Pays Bas</i>, of the <i>Politique Hollandois</i>, and many other
writings in high esteem. By birth a Frenchman, educated
in the University of Paris, but possessed of the most
genuine principles and sentiments of liberty, and exceedingly
devoted by principle and affection to the American
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">350</a></span>
cause. Having read some of his writings, and heard
much of his fame, I sought and obtained an acquaintance
with him, and have furnished him with intelligence and information
in American affairs, and have introduced him to
the acquaintance of all the Americans who have come to
this country, from whom he has picked up a great deal of
true information about our affairs, and, perhaps, some mistakes.
His pen has erected a monument to the American
cause, more glorious and more durable than brass or marble.
His writings have been read like oracles, and his
sentiments weekly echoed and re-echoed in gazettes and
pamphlets, both in French and Dutch, for fifteen months.
The greatest fault I know in him, is his too zealous friendship
for me, which has led him to flatter me with expressions
which will do him no honor, however sincerely and
disinterestedly they might flow from his heart.</p>

<p>Congress must be very sensible, that I have had no
money to lay out in secret services, to pay pensions, to put
into the hands of Continental agents, or in any other way,
to make friends. I have had no money but my salary,
and that has never been paid me without grudging. If I
have friends in Europe, they have not most certainly been
made by power, nor money, nor any species of corruption,
nor have they been made by making promises, or holding
out alluring hopes. I have made no promises, nor am
under any obligation, but that of private friendship and
simple civility to any man, having mentioned such as have
been my friends, because they have been friends to the
United States, and I have no other in Europe at least, and
recommended them to the attention of Congress, as having
rendered important services to our country, and able to
render still greater. I have done my duty, whatever effect
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">351</a></span>
it may have. If some small part of those many millions,
which have been wasted by the most worthless of men,
could have been applied to the support and encouragement
of men of such great value, it would have been
much better. It is high time; it is more than time, that
a proper discernment of spirits and distinction of characters
were made; that virtue should be more clearly
distinguished from vice, wisdom from folly, ability from
imbecility, and real merit from proud imposing impudence,
which, while it pretends to do everything, does nothing
but mischief.</p>

<p>The treaty of commerce is under consideration, and
will not, that I foresee, meet with any obstacle.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, May 22d, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Dear Sir,</p>

<p>It is so important to let you know that the late change in
the British Ministry, and the conciliatory measures they
propose, have occasioned no alteration in the sentiments
of the people here; that though I am too much hurried
(this conveyance going sooner than was intended) to take
particular notice of the letters we have received from you,
and which remain unanswered, yet I cannot but avail myself
of it to inform you, that it will not have the least effect
upon the sentiments or wishes of our people, who remain
invariably attached to their independence, and to the alliance,
as the best means to obtain it.</p>

<p>Sir Guy Carleton has written to General Washington a
very polite letter, complaining of the manner in which the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">352</a></span>
war has been carried on, proposing to conduct it in future
upon more liberal principles, and observing, that "they were
both equally concerned to preserve the character of Englishmen;"
and concluding with the request of a passport
for Mr Morgan, his Secretary, to carry a similar letter of
compliment to Congress. Congress have directed that no
such passport be given. The State of Maryland, whose
legislature happened to be sitting, have come to resolutions,
which show their determination not to permit any negotiation
except through Congress; and their sense of the importance
of the alliance.</p>

<p>No military operations are carrying on at present. The
enemy, having received no reinforcements, and growing
weaker every day, of course afford us a fine opportunity of
striking to advantage, if we are not disappointed in our expectations
of a naval armament, or even without such armament,
if we have sufficient vigor of mind to rely on our
own strength.</p>

<p>I commit the enclosed for Mr Dana to your care; I
wish it could get to him, if possible, without inspection.</p>

<p>Congress have determined in future to pay your salaries
here quarterly. I shall consider myself as your agent, unless
you should choose to appoint some other, and make
out your account quarterly, and vest the money in bills
upon Dr Franklin, to whom I will remit them, giving you
advice thereof, so that you may draw on him. By the
next vessel I shall send bills for one quarter, commencing
the 1st of January last. I wish to have a statement of your
account previous to that, so that I may get it settled, and
remit the balance.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON

<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">353</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, May 29th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Dear Sir,</p>

<p>It is with equal surprise and concern that I find not the
least attention paid to the several letters I have written you,
since I have had the honor to be in office. I attribute this
to their not having reached you, till I saw an extract of a
letter written to M. Dumas, that went by the same conveyance
with one to you, published in the <i>Courier de l'Europe</i>,
from which circumstance I conclude it must have
been received. It would give me pleasure to learn that I
had been deceived in this particular, because the punctuality,
with which your correspondence with Congress had
hitherto been maintained, would otherwise lead me to conclude,
that you were not satisfied with the present arrangement
of the Department of Foreign Affairs, a reflection
which would be painful to me in proportion to the value I
put upon your esteem.</p>

<p>I have seen your letter of the 26th of March to Dr
Franklin, in which you speak of the application you have
had on the score of your power to treat of a truce; this,
together with similar applications to Dr Franklin, and the
proposals made at the Court of Versailles, convinces me
that it is their wish to endeavor to detach us from each
other. What an insult it is to our intellect to suppose, that
we can be catched by this cabinet system of politics. I
entertain hopes that your answer, together with that of the
Count de Vergennes, will teach them to think more honorably
of us. Our expectations with respect to the success
of your mission are considerably raised, as well by your
letter as by other circumstances, that we have learned
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">354</a></span>
through different channels; by this time I hope you are in
full possession of your diplomatic rights.</p>

<p>I wrote to you three days ago; since which we have
nothing that deserves your attention, except what you will
learn by reading the enclosed to Mr Dana, sent you under
a flying seal. It may be well to take notice of this affair
in the Leyden Gazette, as I doubt not if Asgill is executed,
that it will make some noise in Europe. We are distracted
here by various relations of a battle fought between
the fleets in the West Indies, on the 12th of April. The
Antigua and New York account is, that the British have
been victorious, that the Ville de Paris, and six other ships,
were taken or destroyed; the French account is, that
Rodney was defeated, and that Count de Grasse had gone
to leeward with his transports. Though it is six weeks
since the action, we have nothing that can be depended
upon.</p>

<p>I am, Sir, with great respect, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, May 30th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>After I had written the letter of yesterday, and sent it off,
I received your favors of the 4th, 21st, and 27th of February;
and the 10th and 11th of March. The three last
I laid before Congress this morning, that of the 21st I have
kept by me, for further consideration; though I think, upon
the whole, as you have submitted this to my discretion,
that I shall lay it also before Congress.</p>

<p>I know they have been solicitous to have some explanations
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">355</a></span>
of the reasons, which induced you to take the step
you did. Those you assign in your letter are very full,
and I see nothing in it, which it will not be proper for you
to state to them; and it may remove some objections, that
have been raised to the measure.</p>

<p>I frankly confess to you, that the style of that letter
pleases me better than any other you have written, so far
as it goes into minutiæ, which we ought to exact from all
our Ministers, since nothing short of this can give us a just
idea of our foreign politics. As for a general state of
them, it may be got through various channels. But every
word or look of a foreign Minister, or popular leader, may
serve to explain matters, which are otherwise inexplicable.</p>

<p>I am sorry for the difficulty the cypher occasions you.
It was one found in the office, and is very incomplete. I
enclose one, that you will find easy in the practice, and
will therefore write with freedom, directing that your letter
be <i>not</i> sunk in case of danger, as many are lost by that
means. Want of time induces me to send you a set of
blanks for Mr Dana, which you will oblige me by having
filled up from yours with some cyphers, and transmitted by
a careful hand to him. This will make one cypher common
to all three, which I think will, on many occasions, be
of use to you and Mr Dana.</p>

<p>I am very glad to hear of your proposed removal to the
Hague, as it is the proper stage on which to display your
abilities and address. I cannot hope to get any determination
of Congress on the subject of your purchase, in time
to be transmitted by this conveyance. When another
offers, you shall hear from me. Can nothing be done
towards procuring a loan from Holland on account of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">356</a></span>
public. Ten millions of livres would set our affairs here
on the most respectable footing.</p>

<p>We have received an account from Charleston, of the
victory obtained by Rodney. This is a severe blow, but I
hope will come too late to affect the politics of the United
Provinces.</p>

<p>In the United States, it will, I hope, have no other
effect than to urge us to greater exertions, and a reliance
upon our own strength, rather than on foreign aid. You
will be pleased to furnish me with the most minute details
of every step, that Britain may take towards a negotiation
for a general or partial peace.</p>

<p>I am, Sir, with great respect,</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">
Amsterdam, June 9th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The Admiralty have reported to their High Mightinesses
their remarks upon the plan of a treaty of commerce,
which I had the honor to lay before them, together with
such additions and alterations as they propose. This report
has been taken <i>ad referendum</i> by all the Provinces,
except Overyssel, which has determined to vote as Holland
shall vote, this being the principal maritime Province, and
the other inland.</p>

<p>The forms of proceeding according to this constitution,
are so circuitous, that I do not expect this treaty will be
finished and signed in less than three months, though some
of the most active members of the government tell me,
they think it may be signed in six weeks. I have not
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">357</a></span>
yet proposed the Treaty of Alliance, because I wait for the
advice of the Duc de la Vauguyon. His advice will not
be wanting in the season for it, for his Excellency is extremely
well disposed.</p>

<p>I have, after innumerable vexations, agreed with three
houses, which are well esteemed here, to open a loan.
The extreme scarcity of money will render it impossible to
succeed to any large amount. I dare not promise anything,
and cannot advise Congress to draw. I shall transmit
the contract, for the ratification of Congress, as soon
as it is finished, and then I hope to be able to say at what
time, and for how much Congress may draw.</p>

<p>The nation is now very well fixed in its system, and
will not make a separate peace. England is so giddy with
Rodney's late success in the West Indies, that I think she
will renounce the idea of peace for the present. The
conduct of Spain is not at all changed. This is much to
be lamented on public account, and indeed on account of
the feelings of my friend, Mr Jay; for I perfectly well
know the cruel torment of such a situation, by experience,
and I know too, that he has done as much, and as well as
any man could have done in that situation.</p>

<p>The late President Laurens made me a visit at the
Hague last week, in his way to his family in France. He
informed me, that he had written from Ostend to Dr
Franklin, declining to serve in the commission for peace.
I had great pleasure in seeing my old friend perfectly at
liberty, and perfectly just in his political opinions. Neither
the air of England, nor the seducing address of her inhabitants,
nor the terrors of the Tower, have made any change
in him.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">358</a></span></p>

<p><i>P. S.</i> I hope Congress will receive a collection of all
the resolutions of the Provinces, and the petitions of the
merchants, manufacturers, &amp;c. respecting the acknowledgment
of American independence, and my reception as
Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, by their
High Mightinesses. I shall transmit duplicates and triplicates
of them as soon as health will permit. But Mr
Thaxter has been ill of a fever, and myself with the influenza,
ever since our removal from Amsterdam to the
Hague. This collection of resolutions and petitions, is
well worth printing together in America. It is a complete
refutation of all the speculations of the small half-toryfied
politicians among the Americans, &amp;c. of the malevolent insinuations
of Anglomanes through the world, against the
American cause. The partisans of England, sensible of
this, have taken great pains to prevent an extensive circulation
of them.</p>

<p class="signed">
J. A.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, June 14th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The Court of Petersburg, is very industrious in its endeavors
to accomplish a separate peace between England
and Holland. Her Minister at Versailles has made an insinuation
to the French Court, that her Majesty would be
much obliged to the King, if he would not make any further
opposition to such a separate peace. To this insinuation,
the following wise and firm answer has been given
by the Court of France.</p>

<p>"The King is sensibly impressed with the fresh proof of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">359</a></span>
confidence, which the Empress has given in communicating
to him her measures and ideas respecting a separate
peace between England and the States-General. His
Majesty perceives therein the sentiments of humanity,
which actuate her Imperial Majesty, and he takes the
earliest opportunity to answer, with the same degree of
freedom, what particularly concerns him in the verbal insinuations
communicated by Prince Baratinski.</p>

<p>"Faithful to the rule he has established, of never <a name="controlling" id="controlling"></a>controlling
the conduct of any power, the King has not sought
to direct the deliberations of the States-General, either to
incline them to war, or to prevent them from making a
separate peace; England having unexpectedly attacked
the Provinces of the United Netherlands, his Majesty hastened
to prevent the ill consequences by every means in
his power; his services have been gratuitous, his Majesty
has never exacted any acknowledgment on their part.
Should the States-General think that the obligations they
owe to his Majesty, as well as the interest of the Republic,
impose it on them as a duty, not to separate their cause
from the King's and his allies, the Empress of Russia is
too wise and too just not to acknowledge, that it is not for
his Majesty to divert them from such a resolution, and that
all that he can do, is to refer to their wisdom, to conclude
on what best suits with their situation.</p>

<p>"The Empress is not ignorant, that circumstances have
induced the States-General to concert operations with the
King. His Majesty flatters himself, that this Princess has
no views of prevailing on them to desist from this arrangement,
which necessarily results from the position of the two
powers with respect to England, and which must naturally
contribute to the re-establishment of the general tranquillity,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">360</a></span>
the object both of her Imperial Majesty's and the King's
wishes."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, June 15th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>This morning I made a visit to the Grand Pensionary,
M. Van Bleiswick, and had a long conference with him
concerning the plan of a treaty of commerce, which is now
under consideration, and endeavored to remove some of
his objections, and to explain to him the grounds and
reasons of certain articles, which have been objected to by
others; particularly the article which respects France, and
that which respects Spain. He made light of most of the
objections, which had been started to the plan, and thought
it would be easy to agree upon it; but there must be time
for the cities to deliberate.</p>

<p>I asked him, if they did not intend to do us the honor
soon, of sending an Ambassador to Congress, and consuls,
at least, to Boston and Philadelphia? He thought it would
be very proper, but said they had some difficulty in finding
a man who was suitable, and, at the same time, willing to
undertake so long a voyage. I asked him, if it would not
be convenient to send a frigate to America to carry the
treaty, their Ambassador, and consuls, all together, when
all should be ready? He said, he could not say whether a
frigate could be spared.</p>

<p>"Very well," said I, smiling, and pointing to the Prince's
picture, "I will go and make my Court to his Highness,
and pray him to send a frigate to Philadelphia, with a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">361</a></span>
treaty, an Ambassador, and two consuls, and to take under
her convoy all merchant vessels ready to go." "Excellent,"
said he, smiling, "I wish you good luck."</p>

<p>We had a great deal of conversation, too, concerning
peace, but as I regard all this as idle, it is not worth while
to repeat it. When a Minister shall appear at Paris, or
elsewhere, with full powers from the King of England, to
treat with the United States of America, I shall think there
is something more than artifice to raise the stocks, and lay
snares for sailors to be caught by press gangs.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, July 4th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Dear Sir,</p>

<p>By every late advice from Holland, we learn their disposition
to enter into a treaty with us; and though we have
no intelligence from you since the 11th of March, we still
presume, that you have, ere this been received in your
public character. No wise government, constituted as
that of the United Provinces is, will venture long to oppose
the wishes of the people. I am very solicitous to know
how you have availed yourself of the opening this has
afforded.</p>

<p>If you have been unconditionally received, it will give
you more leisure, to mature the plan of a subsequent
treaty, which is too important in all its consequences to be
hurried. If possible, it were to be wished, that the heads
of it, as proposed on either side, could be sent here and
submitted to the judgment of Congress, before anything
was absolutely agreed. The independency, to which each
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">362</a></span>
of the States is entitled, renders great caution in all commercial
engagements, not provided for particularly by the
confederation, absolutely necessary, for which reason, I
should prefer definite articles, to loose expressions of
standing on the same ground with the most favored nations.</p>

<p>Our connexion with the West Indies, renders it proper
to lay that trade as open to us as possible. Great benefit
would result both to us and the Dutch from giving us one
or two free ports in such of their Colonies as raise sugars,
where we could exchange the produce of both countries,
and check that monopoly, which other nations will endeavor
to create at our expense. Nothing will encourage the
growth of such colony, or enable it to raise sugars to more
advantage than the cheap and easy rates, at which they
would thereby receive the produce of this country.</p>

<p>I need not urge the propriety of availing yourself of your
present situation to procure a loan. You may easily convince the
government of the validity of the security, which
it is in the power of a growing country, as yet very little
incumbered with debt to give. That security will derive
new force from our being a commercial people, with whom
public credit is almost invariably preserved with the most
scrupulous attention. And such is our present situation,
that a twentieth part of what Great Britain expends annually
in her attempt to enslave us, would be more than sufficient
to enable us to defeat all her attempts, and to place
our affairs on the most respectable footing.</p>

<p>I see the people of the United Provinces are struck
with the importance of forming a commercial connexion
with us, when ours with Great Britain is dissolved. Not
only Congress, as appears by their public acts, but the
whole body of the people, are strongly opposed to the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">363</a></span>
least intercourse with Britain. This opposition would
effectually prevent it, if in addition thereto three or four
large frigates, or two fifties, could be stationed in the Delaware,
or Chesapeake, so as to protect our commerce
against the British frigates from New York. In such a
case, a voyage to this country, and from thence to the
Islands, where our flour and lumber command the highest
price, either in money or produce, affords the fairest prospect
to the European merchants of the most profitable
returns. Tobacco and bills offer a more direct return to
those, whose capitals will not permit them to engage in the
circuitous commerce I have mentioned.</p>

<p>This letter is hastily written, as the express that carries
it is to go off this evening, and I have several others to
write. I mention this, that you may not consider anything
it contains as an instruction from Congress, to whom it has
not been submitted.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, July 5th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have the honor to enclose copies in Dutch and English
of the negotiation, which I have entered into for a loan of
money. My commission for borrowing money, promises
to ratify what I should do; and the money lenders require
such a ratification, which Messrs Willinks, Van Staphorsts
and De la Lande and Fynjè, have engaged shall be transmitted.
Authentic copies of the original contracts, in
Dutch and English, are enclosed for the ratification of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">364</a></span>
Congress, which I must entreat them to transmit forthwith
by various opportunities, that we may be sure of receiving
it in time, for I suppose the gentlemen will not think it safe
for them to pay out any considerable sum of the money,
until it arrives.</p>

<p>Although I was obliged to engage with them to open the
loan for five millions of guilders, I do not expect we shall
obtain that sum for a long time. If we get a million and
a half by Christmas, it will be more than I expect. I
shall not venture to dispose of any of this money, except
for relief of escaped prisoners, the payment of the bills
heretofore drawn on Mr Laurens, which are every day
arriving, and a few other small and unavoidable demands,
but leave it entire to the disposition of Congress, whom I
must entreat not to draw, until they receive information
from the directors of the loan, how much money they are
sure of; and then to draw immediately upon them.
These directors, are three houses, well esteemed in this
Republic, Messrs Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and
Jacob Van Staphorsts, and De la Lande and Fynjè.</p>

<p>I have made the contract, upon as good terms as I could
obtain. Five per cent interest. Two per cent to the
House, or rather to the Society of Houses. Two per cent
to the undertakers; and half per cent for brokerage and
other charges. This four and a half per cent, together
with one per cent for receiving and paying off the annual
interest, is to include all the expenses of the loan of every
sort. These are as moderate terms as any loan is done
for. France gives at least as much, and other powers
much more.</p>

<p>I must beg that the ratifications of the obligations may
be transmitted immediately by the way of France, as well
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span>
as Holland, by several opportunities. The form of ratification
must be submitted to Congress; but would it not be
sufficient to certify by the Secretary in Congress, upon
each of the copies enclosed in English and Dutch, that they
had been received and read in Congress, and thereupon
resolved that the original instruments, executed by me
before the said notary, be and hereby are ratified and
confirmed?</p>

<p>The form of the obligation is such as was advised by
the ablest lawyers and most experienced notaries, and is
conformable to the usage when loans are made here, for
the Seven Provinces. It is adapted to the taste of this
country, and therefore lengthy and formal, but it signifies
no more in substance, than, "that the money being borrowed
must be paid."</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, July 5th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Soon after my public reception by their High Mightinesses,
the body of merchants of the city of Schiedam,
were pleased to send a very respectable deputation from
among their members, to the Hague, to pay their respects
to Congress, and to me, as their representative, with a very
polite invitation to a public entertainment in their city, to
be made upon the occasion. As I had several other invitations
from various places and Provinces about the same
time, and had too many affairs upon my hands to be able
to accept of them, I prevailed upon all to excuse me, for
such reasons as ought to be, and, I suppose, were satisfactory.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">366</a></span></p>

<p>The Deputies from Schiedam requested me to transmit
from them to Congress, the enclosed compliment, which,
with many other things of a similar kind, convinced me that
there is in this nation a strong affection for America, and a
kind of religious veneration for her just cause.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<h4>ADDRESS,</h4>

<p>Of the merchants of the town of Schiedam in Holland, to
his Excellency John Adams, after their High Mightinesses
the Lords, the States-General of the United Provinces
of the Netherlands, had acknowledged the freedom and
Independency of the United States of North America, and
admitted the said John Adams, as Minister Plenipotentiary
and Envoy of the Congress of the said United States.</p>

<p>"If ever any circumstances were capable of recalling to
the minds of the people of these Provinces, the most lively
remembrance of the cruel situation to which their forefathers
found themselves once reduced, under the oppressive yoke
of Spanish tyranny, it was, no doubt, that terrible and
critical moment, when the Colonies of North America,
groaning under the intolerable weight of the chains, with
which the boundless ambition of Great Britain had loaded
them, were forced into a just and lawful war, to recover
the use and enjoyment of that liberty, to which they were
entitled by the sacred and unalienable laws of nature.</p>

<p>"If ever the citizens of this Republic have had an occasion
to remember, with sentiments of the liveliest gratitude,
the visible assistance and protection of a Being, who, after
having constantly supported them during the course of a
long, bloody war, which cost their ancestors eighty years'
hard struggles and painful labors, deigned by the strength
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">367</a></span>
of his powerful arm to break the odious fetters under
which we had so long groaned, and who, from that happy
era to the present time, has constantly maintained us in the
possession of our precious liberties; if ever the citizens of
these Provinces have been bound to remember those unspeakable
favors of the Almighty, it was no doubt at that
moment when haughty Britain began to feel the effects of
divine indignation, and when the vengeance of heaven defeated
her sanguinary schemes; it was, when, treading
under foot the sacred ties of blood and nature, and meditating
the destruction of her own offspring, her arms were
everywhere baffled in the most terrible and exemplary
manner, her troops defeated, and her armies led into captivity,
and at last, that haughty power, humbled by that
heaven, which she had provoked, saw the sceptre, which
she had usurped, fall from her enfeebled hands; and America,
shaking off the cruel yoke, which an unnatural stepmother
had endeavored to impose forever upon her,
thanked bounteous heaven for her happy deliverance.</p>

<p>"If ever the inhabitants of this country, and those of
this city in particular, have had a just cause for joy, and
good grounds to conceive the highest hopes of prosperity
and happiness, it was undoubtedly at that so much wished-for
moment, when, with a unanimous voice, the fathers of
the country declared the United States of America to be
free and independent, and acknowledged your Excellency
as Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy of the illustrious
Congress.</p>

<p>"Impressed with the various sentiments of respect, joy,
and gratitude, with which the unspeakable favors of the
Almighty towards both countries must inspire every feeling
and sensible mind; encouraged besides, by so many happy
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">368</a></span>
omens, the subscribers, in behalf of the merchants and inhabitants
of this city, have the honor to congratulate your
Excellency as the Representative of the illustrious American
Congress, and to assure you in the strongest terms,
that if any event, recorded in the annals of our country, is
capable of impressing us with the liveliest joy, and of opening
to our minds the happiest prospect, it is that glorious
and ever memorable day, when our august sovereigns, the
Lords States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands,
solemnly acknowledged the independence of the
United States of America; a step which, under the pleasure
of God, must become the foundation of an unalterable
friendship, and the source of mutual prosperity to the two
Republics, whose union being cemented by interests henceforth
common and inseparable, must forever subsist, and be
constantly and religiously preserved by our latest posterity.</p>

<p>"Allow us then, ye deliverers of America, ye generous
defenders of her infant liberties, to congratulate your illustrious
Envoy, and to express to him the liveliest satisfaction
that we feel for an event, which crowns the wishes of
the nation. Accept also of the fervent prayers, which we
address to heaven, beseeching the Almighty to shower
down his blessings on your Republic and her allies.</p>

<p>"Permit us also to recommend to you, in the strongest
manner, the interests of our country, and of this city in particular.
Let those of our citizens who have been the most
zealous in promoting the acknowledgment of your independence,
enjoy always a particular share of your affection.</p>

<p>"That among those who may follow our example, no one
may ever succeed in detracting from the good faith and
integrity of Holland, or causing the sincerity of our efforts
to advance our mutual interests to be suspected, which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">369</a></span>
are founded on the unalterable principles of pure virtue,
and a religion common to both of us.</p>

<p>"Permit us, in fine, that faithful to ourselves, and attentive
to whatever can interest our commerce, the only
source of our prosperity, we may flatter ourselves, that the
produce of this flourishing city, our distilled liquors and
other merchandise, may be freely imported to your States
without any hinderance, or without being subjected to heavy
duties; and may the protection, with which you shall honor
us and the privileges that you shall grant us, rivet the
bonds of our mutual friendship, and be to both nations the
source of an unceasing prosperity."</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO JOHN JAY.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, August 10th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>It was with very great pleasure that I received, this
morning, your kind favor of the 2d. I am surprised to
learn, that yours and Mr Jay's health have been disordered
in France, where the air is so fine.</p>

<p>That your anxieties have been very great, I doubt not.
That most of them were such as you ought not to have
met with, I can easily conceive. I can sincerely say, that
all mine, but my fever, were such as I ought not to have
had. Thank God they are passed, and never shall return,
for nothing that can happen shall ever make me so anxious
again. I have assumed the <i>felicis animi immota tranquilitas</i>.</p>

<p>Nothing would give me more satisfaction, than a free
conversation between you and me upon the subjects you
mention, and all others directly or indirectly connected
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">370</a></span>
with it, or with any of our affairs; but I do not see a possibility
of taking such a journey. The march of this people
is so slow, that it will be some time before the treaty
of commerce can be finished, and after that I have other
orders to execute, and must be here in person to attend
every step. But besides this, I think I ought not to go to
Paris, while there is any messenger there from England,
unless he has full powers to treat with the Ministers of
the United States of America. If the three American
Ministers should appear at Paris, at the same time, with a
real or pretended Minister from London, all the world
would instantly conclude a peace certain, and would fill at
once another year's loan for the English. In Lord Shelburne's
sincerity, I have not the smallest confidence, and I
think that we ought to take up Fox's idea, and insist upon
full powers to treat with us in character, before we have a
word more to say upon the subject. They are only amusing
us. I would rather invite you to come here. This
country is worth seeing, and you would lay me under great
obligations to take your residence, during your stay, in the
<i>Hôtel des Etats-Unis</i>. Many people would be glad to see
you. I should be very glad, however, to be informed,
from step to step, how things proceed.</p>

<p>As you justly observe, further accessions of power to the
House of Bourbon may excite jealousies in some powers
of Europe, but who is to blame but themselves? Why
are they so short sighted or so indolent, as to neglect to
acknowledge the United States, and make treaties with
them? Why do they leave the House of Bourbon to content
so long and spend so much? Why do they leave
America and Holland under so great obligations? France
has, and ought to have, a great weight with America and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">371</a></span>
Holland, but other powers might have proportionable
weight if they would have proportional merit.</p>

<p>If the powers of the neutral maritime confederation,
would admit the United States to accede to that treaty,
and declare America independent, they would contribute
to prevent America at least from being too much under
the direction of France. But if any powers should take
the part of England, they will compel America and Holland
too, to unite themselves ten times more firmly than
ever to the House of Bourbon.</p>

<p>I do not know, however, that America and Holland are
too much under the direction of France, and I do not believe
they will be, but they must be dead to every generous
feeling as men, and to every wise view as statesmen,
if they were not much attached to France, in the circumstances
of the times.</p>

<p>I received two letters from you in the spring, one I
answered, but have not the dates at present; the other
kindly informed me of the arrival of my son in America,
for which I thank you.</p>

<p>With great regard and esteem, I am, dear Sir, your
most obedient, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">
JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, August 18th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>I have the honor to enclose, for the information of Congress,
a copy of Mr Fitzherbert's commission.</p>

<p>The States-General have appointed M. Brantzen their
Minister Plenipotentiary to treat concerning peace, and he
will set off for Paris in about three weeks. His instructions
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">372</a></span>
are such as we should wish. The States of Holland
and West Friesland have determined the last week upon
our project of a treaty of commerce, and I expect to enter
into conferences with the States-General this week, in
order to bring it to a conclusion. I hope for the ratification
of the contract for a loan, which has been sent five
different ways. Upon the receipt of this ratification, there
will be thirteen or fourteen hundred thousand guilders
ready to be paid to the orders of Congress by Messrs Wilhem
and Jean Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst,
and De la Lande and Fynjè.</p>

<p>The States and the Regencies are taking such measures
with the Stadtholder, by demanding his orders and correspondence
about naval affairs, and by re-assuming their
own constitutional rights in the appointment of officers, &amp;c.
as will bring all things right in this Republic, which we
shall find an affectionate and a useful friend. The communication
of the following instructions to me is such a
piece of friendship and such a mark of confidence, as
makes it my duty to request of Congress that it may be
kept secret.</p>

<h4>INSTRUCTIONS,</h4>

<p class="center"><i>Projected and passed for the Ambassador Lestevenon de
Berkenrode, and M. de Brantzen.</i></p>

<p>"1. His Most Christian Majesty, having manifested in
the most obliging manner by his Ambassador Extraordinary,
the Duc de la Vauguyon, who resides here, his
favorable intention to have an eye to the interests of the
Republic in the negotiation for a general peace, the aforesaid
Ministers will neglect nothing, but, on the contrary,
will employ all their diligence and all their zeal to preserve
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">373</a></span>
and fortify more and more this favorable disposition of his
Majesty towards this State.</p>

<p>"2. To this end those gentlemen, in all which concerns
the objects of their commission, or which may have any
relation to them, will act in a communicative manner, and
in concert with the Ministry of his said Majesty, and will
make confidential communications of all things with them.</p>

<p>"3. They will not enter into any negotiation of peace
between the British Court and the Republic, nor have any
conferences thereupon with the Ministers of the said Court,
before they are assured beforehand, in the clearest manner,
and without any equivocation, that his British Majesty has
in fact, and continues to have, a real intention to acquiesce,
without reserve, that the Republic be in full possession and
indisputable, enjoyment of the rights of the neutral flag,
and of a free navigation, in conformity to, and according to
the tenor of, the points enumerated in the declaration of
her Imperial Majesty of Russia, dated the 28th of February,
1780.</p>

<p>"4. When these gentlemen shall be certain of this, and
shall have received the requisite assurances of it, they shall
conduct in such a manner in the conferences, which shall
then be held thereupon with the Ministers of his Britannic
Majesty, as to direct things to such an end, that, in projecting
the treaty of peace and friendship between his said
Majesty and the Republic, all the points concerning the
free navigation be adopted word for word, and literally
from the said declaration of her Imperial Majesty, and
inserted in the said treaty; and, moreover, in regard to
contraband, (upon the subject of which the said declaration
refers to the treaties of commerce then subsisting
between the respective powers) that they establish henceforward
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">374</a></span>
a limitation, so precise and so distinct, that it may
appear most clearly in future, that all naval stores, (<i>les
munitions ou matières navales</i>) be held free merchandises,
and may not by any means be comprehended under the
denomination of contraband; as also, that with regard to
the visitation of merchant vessels, they establish the two
following rules as perpetual and immutable, viz; first, that
the masters (<i>patrons</i>) of merchant ships shall be discharged
upon exhibiting their documents, from whence their
cargoes may be known, and to which faith ought to be
given, without pretending to molest them by any visitation;
secondly, that when merchant ships shall be convoyed by
vessels of war, all faith shall be yielded to the commanding
officers, who shall escort the convoy, when they shall declare
and affirm, upon their word of honor, the nature of
their cargoes, without being able to require of vessels convoyed,
any exhibition of papers, and still less to visit them.</p>

<p>"5. These gentlemen shall insist also, in the strongest
manner, and as upon a condition <i>sine qua non</i>, upon this,
that all the possessions conquered from the Republic by
the ships of war or privateers of his British Majesty, or by
the arms of the English East India Company during the
course of this war, or which may be further conquered
from it before the conclusion of the peace, be restored to
it, under the eventual obligation of reciprocity; and this,
as far as possible, in the same state in which they were at
the time of the invasion. And, whereas the greatest part
of these possessions have been retaken from the common
enemy, by the arms of His Most Christian Majesty, these
gentlemen will insist in the strongest manner, with his
Majesty and his Ministry, that, by the promise of restitution
of these possessions to the State, immediately after the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">375</a></span>
conclusion of the peace, the Republic may receive real
proofs of the benevolence and of the affection, which his
Majesty has so often testified for it.</p>

<p>"6. These gentlemen will insist also, in the strongest
manner, upon the just indemnification for all the losses unjustly
caused by Great Britain, to the State and to its inhabitants,
both in Europe and elsewhere.</p>

<p>"7. In the affairs concerning the interest of the Company
of the East Indies of this country, these gentlemen
ought to demand and receive the considerations of the
commissaries, who are now at Paris on the part of the
Company, and act in concert with them in relation to these
affairs.</p>

<p>"8. In all respects, these gentlemen will hold a good
correspondence with the Ministers of the other belligerent
powers; and it is very specially enjoined upon them, and
recommended, to direct things to this, that in the said negotiations,
there be given no room to be able to conclude or
resolve either treaty or cessation of hostilities, if it be not
with the common and simultaneous concurrence of all the
belligerent powers.</p>

<p>"9. Finally, and in general, these gentlemen, during
the course of all this negotiation, will have always before
their eyes, that the conferences at Paris, at least for the
present, ought to be looked upon but as preparatory and
preliminary; and that the decision of points, which may
remain in litigation, ought to be reserved to a general
Congress, together with the final adjustment of the definitive
treaty of peace; the whole, at least, until their High
Mightinesses, further informed of the success of these negotiations,
and of the inclination of the belligerent powers,
shall find good to qualify these gentlemen for the final and
peremptory conclusion of a treaty."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">376</a></span></p>

<p>These instructions will show Congress, in a clear light,
the disposition of this Republic to be as favorable for us
and our allies as we could wish it.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, August 22d, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Their High Mightinesses have at length received their
instructions from all the Provinces, and I have this day
been in conference with the Grand Committee, who communicated
to me the remarks and propositions on their
part. To this, I shall very soon give my replication, and I
hope the affair will be soon ended.</p>

<p>I was received in State by two of the Lords at the head
of the stairs, and by them conducted into the committee
room, where the business is transacted. The committee
consisted of one or more Deputies from each Province, together
with the Grand Pensionary, Bleiswick, and the
Secretary Fagel.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, August 29th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Dear Sir,</p>

<p>Near five months have elapsed, since I have been
favored with a line from you. Your letter of the 4th of
March, is the last that has as yet found its way to America.</p>

<p>Let me entreat you, Sir, to reflect on the disgrace and
discredit it brings upon this department, to be kept thus in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">377</a></span>
the dark relative to matters of the utmost moment, and
how impossible it is, without better information, to declare
the designs or wishes of Congress, since they must be in
some measure directed by the state of their affairs in Europe;
and, yet, Sir, they have hitherto been left, in a great
measure, to collect that state from private letters, common
newspapers, or the communications of the Minister of
France.</p>

<p>There is another circumstance, in which the reputation
of our Ministers themselves, is materially concerned. Letters,
announcing a fact, that is well known before their
arrival, lose half their force and beauty. They cease to
be interesting, and are read with indifference. You have
done yourself great injustice frequently in this way, for
though your letters have generally been particular, yet,
from not being sufficiently attentive to the means of conveyance,
we frequently have had the facts they related,
published in the newspapers a month before their arrival.
As one instance out of many, we received with your letter
of the 11th of March, Amsterdam papers of the 30th,
which informed us of the determination of Holland relative
to your reception. We are told that you were received
in your public character the 19th of April, and yet, Sir,
we have not to this hour had any official information on
that head. I am ready to make every allowance for the
miscarriage of letters; but this should only urge our Ministers
to multiply the number of their copies, particularly
where the subject of them is important. I feel myself so
hurt at this neglect, Congress are so justly dissatisfied at
seeing vessels arrive every day from France without public
letters at this very critical period, from any of our
Ministers, that I fear I have pressed the subject further
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">378</a></span>
than I ought to have done. If so, be pleased to pardon
my earnestness, and to impute it to my wish, as well to
render this office more useful to the public, as to enable
you to give Congress more ample satisfaction.</p>

<p>The advantages, which will be derived to these States
from the acknowledgment of their political existence, as an
independent nation, are too many and too obvious, not to
be immediately and sensibly felt by them. I sincerely
congratulate you on having been the happy means of
effecting this beneficial connexion. We may reasonably
hope, that your official letters will detail the progress of so
interesting an event, and thereby enable us to form some
judgment of the nature and principles of the government
of the United Provinces. From the zeal they manifest to
us, I should hope, that you would find no great difficulty
in the accomplishing of one great object of your mission,
the procuring a loan, which neither the probability or the
conclusion of a peace will render unnecessary. On the
contrary, I am inclined to believe, that our wants will be more
pressing at the close of the war, when our troops
are to be paid and disbanded, than at any other period;
and as it seems to have been your sentiment hitherto, that
money could be procured when our political character was
fully known, I venture to hope, that you have availed
yourself of your present situation to obtain it.</p>

<p>General Carleton and Admiral Digby, presuming, I
suppose, that our Ministers were not the most punctual
correspondents, have been pleased to inform us, through the
commander-in-chief, that negotiations for a general peace
are on foot. If so, I presume this will find you in France.
In addition to the great objects, which will become the
subjects of discussion, and on which you are fully instructed,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">379</a></span>
I could wish again to repeat one, that I have
mentioned in my last to you, which materially interests us.
I mean the procuring a market for lumber and provisions
of every kind in the West Indies. Should France pursue
her usual system with respect to her Colonies, and England
follow her example, the shock will be severely felt
here, particularly in the States, whose staples are flour,
beef and pork. But should either of them be so fully
apprised of their true interest as to set open this market,
at least for these articles, the advantage, they will derive
from it must compel the others to adopt the same
system.</p>

<p>I need only mention this matter to you. The arguments
to show the mutual advantage of this commerce to
this country, the Colonies and the parent States will suggest
themselves readily to you, and be suggested by you
to those we are interested in convincing. The turtle and
fruit of the Bahama Islands have formed powerful connexions
among the good eaters and drinkers of this country.
I recommend their interests to your care. They
flatter themselves their friends, the Spaniards, will not interrupt
their ancient alliance, if these islands should remain
in their hands.</p>

<p>I have already transmitted you an account of the evacuation
of Savannah. The enclosed papers contain a proclamation
of General Scott, announcing that of Charleston,
and generously offering to provide for the transportation
of the royalists to East Florida, where the climate will
doubtless aid administration, in the proposed reduction of
the list of pensioners. The fleet under the Marquis de
Vaudreuil has unfortunately lost a seventy four, by striking
a rock in the harbor of Boston. Congress have endeavored
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">380</a></span>
to compensate this loss, by presenting His Most
Christian Majesty with the America.</p>

<p>I have caused two quarters' salary to be remitted to Dr
Franklin on your account, for which you will be so obliging
as to send me your receipt. I must again press you
to appoint an agent to receive your money here, as I act
without any authority at present, which I must decline the
hazard of doing in future.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, September 4th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Your triplicate of the 5th of March, No 5, triplicate of
the 22d of May, No. 6, duplicate of the 29th of May,
No. 7, and duplicate of May the 30th, No. 8, together
with the despatches for Mr Dana, came to hand yesterday.</p>

<p>The judicious inquiries in that of the 5th of March, are
chiefly answered by the enclosed pamphlet, which I have
caused to be printed, in order to be sent into England,
Scotland, and Ireland, as well as America. You will find
most of your questions answered by great bodies of merchants,
manufacturers, and others, in the first instance, and
by the States of the several separate Provinces in the
next place, and lastly by their High Mightinesses.</p>

<p>I wish the truth would warrant a more satisfactory
account of the ships prepared, and preparing for sea.
Those prepared are employed by concert with France, in
the North Sea, where they make a useful diversion, having
lately obliged Lord Howe to detach a considerable number
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">381</a></span>
of ships, and the last accounts say, to go himself with fourteen
ships of the line, in order to protect their trade from
the Baltic, which has certainly retarded, possibly wholly
prevented, the relief of Gibraltar. This, however, is not
certain. I cannot assure Congress of more than twelve
Dutch ships of the line, ready for sea. Some of that
number are not in a good condition; not more than two
or three can be depended on to be added, in the course of
this season.</p>

<p>As to the leading members of the Great Council, we
must distinguish between the Assembly of the Deputies of
the States-General, and the Assembly of the Deputies of
Holland and West Friesland. The Grand Pensionary of
Holland, who is always a member of the Assembly of
their High Mightinesses, is constitutionally the most leading
member. M. Van Bleiswick is the present Grand
Pensionary. With him I have frequent conferences, and
they have always been agreeable; but the situation of this
Minister is at present extremely critical and embarrassing.
In former times, when there was no Stadtholder, or at
least when his authority was less extensive, the Grand
Pensionaries of Holland have been in effect Stadtholders.
They have been a centre of union for all the Provinces;
but being more immediately connected with, and dependent
on, the Province of Holland, they have been suspected
by the other Provinces to give too much weight to that,
which has caused them to attach themselves to the Stadtholders,
as a more impartial support to the whole States.</p>

<p>To speak candidly, a competition between these two
great interests and these two high offices, seems to have
been the cause of the violent storms in this country; but
as the Stadtholders have had the military power by sea
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">382</a></span>
and land at their disposal, and by the pomp and splendor
of a Court, have had the means of imposing more upon
the nation, they have by decrees prevailed. At critical,
dangerous times, tragical scenes have been exhibited, and
Barnevelt's head was struck off at one time, Grotius escaped
by a kind of miracle, and the De Witts were torn in
pieces, it is scarcely too bold to say by the open or secret
commands, or connivance of the Stadtholders. The
Stadtholder's power, since 1758, until this year, has been
so augmented, and the Grand Pensionary's so diminished,
that M. Van Bleiswick is to be pitied. More is expected
of him than he can perform. He is between two fires.
The Stadtholderian party on the one side, and the Republican
on the other. The consequence is, that he manages
both as well as he can; is extremely cautious and reserved,
never explains himself, but in cases of absolute
necessity, and never attempts to assume the lead. If
he were to attempt to act the part of some former Grand
Pensionaries, the consequence would be, either he would
not be supported, and would perish like Barnevelt, or De
Witt, or being supported, the Stadtholdership must give
way, and the Prince fly to his estates, in Germany. M.
Van Bleiswick is a great scholar, linguist, natural philosopher,
mathematician, and even physician; has great experience
in public affairs, and is able and adroit enough in
the conduct of them; but not having a temper bold and
firm enough, or perhaps loving his ease too much, or not
having ambition, or patriotism, or zeal, or health enough,
to assume a great and decided conduct, he is fallen in his
reputation. They suspect him of duplicity, and in short,
measures are prepared and brought into the States of
Holland without his consent, or previous knowledge, and
there carried; a thing unknown until these days.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">383</a></span></p>

<p>Another great officer of state, who constitutionally has
influence in the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, is
the Secretary M. Fagel. This gentleman is of a family,
which has ever been zealously attached to the Stadtholder,
and consequently to England, and strongly
prejudiced against France. His ancestor was made Grand
Pensionary, in place of the murdered and immortal De
Witt; and from that time to this, the family have been
invariably friends to the Princes of Orange, and to England,
and enemies to France. The present Secretary does not
belie his lineage. He is supposed to be the least satisfied
with the new conventions with us and with France, of any
man. I have had several conferences with him. He is a
venerable man of seventy, is polite, and has always been
complaisant enough to me; but Congress will easily see,
from this sketch of his character, that he is not the man
for me to be intimate with. There is a new President of
their High Mightinesses every week. I have had conferences
with several, M. Ijassens, M. Van Citters, M. Boreel,
M. Van den Sandheuvel, and the Baron Lynden de
Hemmen; but this continual variation prevents any one
from acquiring esteem and weight from the office; so
that they are to be considered only as common members of
the Assembly.</p>

<p>There is a nobleman, the Baron de Lynden, who belongs
to the Province of Zealand, and who was formerly
Ambassador in Sweden, and afterwards appointed to
Vienna, but refused to go. I have had the pleasure of a
great deal of conversation with him, and his advice has
been useful to me. He is a sensible and worthy man, and
his sentiments are very just. He has been now for some
months in Zealand, and the world has seen several striking
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">384</a></span>
effects of his presence in that Province. He is much in
opposition to the Duke of Brunswick, and consequently
to the Court, to whose cause this nobleman's rank, former
offices, and connexions, have done much damage. There
are several other members of the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses, that I have some acquaintance with, the
Baron Van Schwartenbourg, M. Kuffeler of Friesland,
M. Brantzen of Guelderland, and others, whom it is not
necessary to name at present. But Holland, being full
half the nation, the Assembly of that Province gives always,
sooner or later, the tone to the whole. The Pensionaries
of the cities are the principal speakers, and most
active members of this Assembly, for which reason I have
cultivated the acquaintance of these gentlemen, and will
continue to do so more and more. There are three among
them, with whom I have been the most conversant, M.
Gyzelaer of Dort, M. Visscher of Amsterdam, and M.
Van Zeeberg, of Haerlem.</p>

<p>M. Gyzelaer is a young gentleman of about thirty; but
of a genius and activity, a candor and prudence, which, if
his health is not too delicate, must make him the man of
the first consideration in this Republic. I am happy in a
friendly and familiar acquaintance with him, and shall certainly
continue it, because his abilities and integrity, his industry,
his great and growing popularity, and his influence
in the Assembly of the States of Holland, as well as in all
the provinces and cities, will render him an important
man, in spite of all the opposition of the Court.</p>

<p>Nevertheless, although I cultivate the friendship of the
patriots, I shall not give offence to the Court. The friendship of
this Court we never had, and never shall have,
until we have that of England. This gentleman's friendship
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">385</a></span>
has already been of vast service to the cause of Congress
as well as to me, and will continue to be so. There
is no intelligence in a political line, which I ought to know,
but what I can easily obtain in this way. To detail the
conversations, would be to relate all the measures taken or
proposed, relative to the negotiations for a separate peace,
to the concert with France, the general peace, &amp;c. as well
as from step to step, the advancement to the acknowledgment
of our independence. There are some of these
conversations, which ought never to be put on paper,
until the measures and events, which are the fruit of them,
have taken place.</p>

<p>M. Visscher is a respectable character, an amiable
man, and steady in the good system. With him also, I
have been invariably upon good terms; but I cannot but
lament the absence of M. Van Berckel, an excellent
character, of solid judgment, sound learning, great experience,
delicate honor, untainted virtue, and steady firmness,
sacrificed to the most frivolous whimsies, and miserable
intrigues of private pique, the jealousy and envy of
weak, I cannot here add wicked old age, and individual
ambition. Van Berckel and Visscher together would be
noble Ministers for Amsterdam; but the elder of the "<i>Par
nobile fratrum</i>" is wanting.</p>

<p>M. Van Zeeberg is another excellent character; of
great reputation as a lawyer, a man of integrity, and a
patriot, with whom I have been, and am, upon the best
terms. It is odd enough, that most of these Pensionaries
have been deacons of the English church in this place,
Dr Mc Lane's. <i>En passant</i>, young lawyers seek an election
to be deacons in the churches, as a first step to advancement
in their profession, as well as in the State. M.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">386</a></span>
Van Berckel, M. Van Zeeberg and others, have been deacons
of this church, yet neither speaks English; nor is any
of them less an enemy to England for having passed
through this stage in their career of life, and I shall be
the more so, for hearing once a week, an admirable <i>moral</i>
lecture in the English language, from one of the best
preachers in Europe.</p>

<p>I hope this will be sufficient at present as a sample of
sketches of characters that you demand of me, among the
leading members of the Assembly. I might mention several
Burgomasters, as M. Hooft, of Amsterdam, Van
Berckel, of Rotterdam, &amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.; but I must not give
too much at once.</p>

<p>You inquire whether there is no intercourse between the
French Ambassador and me? I answer, there is a constant,
uninterrupted harmony and familiarity between the
Duc de la Vauguyon and his family, and me. I visit him,
and he visits me. I dine with him, and he and his family
dine with me as often as you can wish; and he is ever
ready to enter into conversation and consultation with me
upon public affairs. He is an amiable man, whom I esteem
very much. He is able, attentive, and vigilant, as a
Minister; but he has been under infinite obligations to
the United States of America and her Minister, for the
success he has had in this country. Nothing on this earth
but the American cause, could ever have prevented this
Republic from joining England in the war, and nothing but
the memorial of the 19th of April, 1781, and the other innumerable
measures taken in consequence of it by the
same hand, could ever have prevented this Republic from
making a separate peace with England. The American
cause and Minister have done more to introduce a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">387</a></span>
familiarity between the French Ambassador and some
leading men here, than any other thing could; and if anybody
denies it, it must be owing to ignorance or ingratitude.
It is at the same time true, and I acknowledge it with
pleasure and gratitude, that our cause could not have succeeded
here without the aid of France. Her aid in the
East Indies, West Indies, and upon the barrier frontiers,
her general benevolence, and concert of operations, as
well as the favorable and friendly exertions of her Ambassador,
after the decisive steps taken by me, contributed
essentially to the accomplishment of the work. I have an
opportunity of meeting at his house, too, almost as often as
I desire, the other foreign Ministers; but of this more
hereafter.</p>

<p>You desire also to know the popular leaders I have
formed acquaintance with. The two noblemen, the Baron
Van der Capellan de Pall, of Overyssel, and the Baron
Van der Capellan de Marsch, of Guelderland, I have
formed an acquaintance with; the former, very early after
my first arrival. I have had frequent and intimate conversations
with him, and he has been of the utmost service to
our cause. His unhappy situation, and unjust expulsion
from his seat in government, the opposition of the Court,
and of his colleagues in the Regency, make it delicate to
write freely concerning this nobleman. He has an independent
fortune, though not called rich in this country.
His parts and learning are equal to any, his zeal and activity
superior. I dare not say in what a multitude of ways
he has served us; posterity will, perhaps, know them all.</p>

<p>Two years ago, upon my first arrival at Amsterdam, I
fell acquainted, at M. Van Staphorst's, with M. Calkoen, the
first gentleman of the bar, at Amsterdam; a man of letters,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">388</a></span>
well read in law and history, and an elegant writer. He
desired to be informed of American affairs. I gave him a
collection of our constitutions, and a number of pamphlets
and papers, and desired him to commit to writing his questions.
In a few days, he sent me thirty questions in
Dutch, which show him to be a man of profound reflection
and sagacity. I got them translated, and determined to
seize the opportunity to turn his attention to our affairs,
and gain his confidence. I wrote him a distinct letter
upon each question, and endeavored to give him as comprehensive
an insight into our affairs as I could.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> He was
much pleased with the answers, and composed out of them
a comparison between the American and Batavian Revolutions,
which he read with applause to a society of forty
gentlemen of letters, who meet in a club at Amsterdam.
I lent him Burgoyne's and Howe's pamphlets in vindication
of themselves, which he communicated also. By this
means, this society, whose influence must be very extensive,
were made hearty converts to the opinion of the impracticability
of a British conquest, and the certainty of
American success; points very dubious in the minds of
this nation in general, when I first came here, as I can
easily prove. With this gentleman, I have ever preserved
an agreeable acquaintance. It was he who drew up the
petition of the merchants of Amsterdam in favor of American
independence.</p>

<p>About the time of presenting my memorial, I became
acquainted with another lawyer at the Hague, M. Van
Zoon, who has been also from time to time active in our
favor, and drew up the petitions of Rotterdam.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">389</a></span></p>

<p>The gazetteers of this country are not mere printers,
they are men of letters; and as these vehicles have a vast
influence in forming the public opinion, they were not to
be neglected by me, whose only hopes lay in the public
opinion, to resist the torrent of a court and government. I
therefore became naturally acquainted with the family of
the Luzacs, in Leyden, whose gazette has been very useful
to our cause, and who are excellent people. M. John
Luzac, drew up the two petitions of Leyden to their Regency.</p>

<p>At Amsterdam, my acquaintance with M. Cerisier enabled
me to render the <i>Politique Hollandais</i>, and the
French Gazette of Amsterdam, useful on many occasions;
and by means of one friend and another, particularly M.
Dumas, I have been able to communicate anything that
was proper to the public, by means of the Dutch gazettes
of Amsterdam, Haerlem, and Delft. By means of these
secret connexions with printers and writers, I have had an
opportunity to cause to be translated and printed, many
English pamphlets tending to elucidate our affairs, particularly
those valuable documents of Howe and Burgoyne,
than which nothing has contributed more to fortify our
cause. They are considered as the decisive testimonies
of unwilling witnesses and cruel enemies. With these persons,
and others whom I could not have conversations
with, I have had correspondence as frequent as my time
would allow.</p>

<p>At Amsterdam, I was acquainted with several mercantile
houses, M. de Neufville &amp; Son, M. Crommelin &amp; Sons,
Messieurs Van Staphorsts, De la Lande &amp; Fynjè, Madame
Chabanel &amp; Son &amp; Nephew, M. Hodshon, M. Van Arp,
M. Teagler, and several others, who, in their several ways,
were useful to our affairs.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">390</a></span></p>

<p>I come now to the most difficult task of all, the description
of the foreign Ministers. The Minister of the Emperor
is ninety years of age, and never appears at Court, or
anywhere else. I have never seen him or his secretary.
The Ministers from Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Portugal,
Sardinia, and Liege, I see every week at Court, where I
sup regularly when the others do, though it is very visible
that I am not the guest the most favored by the Prince.
I dine with them all, sometimes at the French Ambassador's
and Spanish Minister's, but have not dined at any of
their houses, nor they at mine. Not one of them would
dare to give or receive an invitation, except France,
Spain, and Liege. The Minister from Sweden, the Baron
d'Ehrenswerd, is lately removed to Berlin, to my great
regret, as he appeared to me a very good character, and
behaved very civilly to me several times when I met him
at Court and at the French Ambassador's. The Secretary
of Legation does the business, now M. Van Arp,
who appears to be a worthy man, and is not afraid to
converse with me. The Minister from Prussia, M. de
Thulemeyer, is very civil, attacks me, (as he expresses
it) in English, and wishes to meet me on horseback, being
both great riders; will converse freely with me upon astronomy,
or natural history, or any mere common affairs;
will talk of news, battles, sieges, &amp;c.; but these personages
are very reserved in politics and negotiations. They
must wait for instructions.</p>

<p>M. de St Saphorin, the Envoy from Denmark, is a personage
of very odd behavior; a Swiss by birth, but an
open and not very discreet advocate for England. It
should be observed, that the Queen Dowager of Denmark,
is sister to the Duc Louis de Brunswick; and as
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">391</a></span>
the King is not a distinguished character among crowned
heads, she is supposed to have much influence at Court,
and the Minister here may be complaisant to her. But
neither that power nor its Minister is able to do more than
influence a gazette or two, to publish some very injudicious
speculations. I am not the only foreign Minister that
converses or corresponds with gazetteers; though it at
least is certain, that I never give them money. I hope
I am not singular in this. This gentleman has been
much with another since his arrival, M. Markow, the
adjoint Minister from Russia, another advocate for the
English, without being able to do them any service. He
was never more than a Secretary of Legation before. He
has been here formerly in that character, and in the partition
of Poland. He was preceded here, by reports of
his great talents at negotiations and intrigue, and it was
said, that he had never failed of success; but his residence
here has made no sensation or impression at all.
He talks in some companies indiscreetly in favor of England,
but is not much attended to. His behavior to me,
is a distant bow, an affected smile sometimes, and now
and then, a "<i>Comment vous portez-vous?</i>" One evening
at Court, when the Northern Epidemy was here, he put
me this question after supper, in great apparent good humor;
"<i>terriblement affligé de l'influença</i>," said I; "<i>C'est
en Angleterre</i>." says he, laughing, "<i>qu'on a donné ce nom,
et il ne feroit point du mal, si vous voudriez vous laisser
gagner un peu par l'influence de l'Angleterre</i>." I had at
my tongue's end to answer, "<i>C'est assez d'être tourmenté
de l'influence qui vient de Russie!!</i> but I reflected very
suddenly, if he is indiscreet, I will not be; so I contented
myself to answer, very gravely, "<i>jamais, Monsieur, jamais</i>."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">392</a></span></p>

<p>The Prince de Gallitzin, his colleague, is of a different
character; a good man, and thinks justly; but his place
is too important to his family to be hazarded; so he keeps
a great reserve, and behaves with great prudence. Knowing
his situation, I have avoided all advances to him, lest
I should embarrass him. The Sardinian Minister is very
ready to enter into conversation at all times; but his Court
and system are wholly out of the present question. The
Portuguese Envoy Extraordinary, D. Joas Theolonico
d'Almeida, is a young nobleman glittering with stars, and,
as they say, very rich. He has twice, once at Court, and
once at the Spanish Minister's, entered familiarly into conversation
with me, upon the climates of America and Portugal,
and the commerce that has been, and will be between
our countries, and upon indifferent subjects; but
there is no appearance that he is profoundly versed in political
subjects, nor any probability that he could explain
himself, until all the neutral powers do, of whom Portugal
is one.</p>

<p>The Spanish Minister, D. Llano, Count de Sanafée, has
at last got over all his punctilios, and I had the honor to
dine with him, in company with all the foreign Ministers
and four or five officers of rank in the Russian service, on
Tuesday last. He and his Secretary had dined with me
some time ago. I shall, therefore, be upon a more free,
if not familiar, footing with him in future. He has indeed
been always very complaisant and friendly, though embarrassed
with his punctilios of etiquette. There is one anecdote,
that in justice to myself and my country I ought not
to omit. The first time I ever saw him was at his house,
a day or two after my reception by the States. He sent
for me. I went, and had an hour's conversation with him.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">393</a></span>
He said to me, "Sir, you have struck the greatest blow of
all Europe. It is the greatest blow that has been struck in
the American Cause, and the most decisive. It is you
who have filled this nation with enthusiasm; it is you who
have turned all their heads." Next morning he returned
my visit at my lodgings, for it was before my removal to
this house. In the course of conversation upon the subject
of my success here, he turned to a gentlemen in company,
and said to him, "this event is infinitely honorable to
Mr. Adams. It is the greatest blow (<i>le plus grand coup</i>)
which could have been struck in all Europe. It is he,
who has filled this nation with enthusiasm; it is he, who
has disconcerted the admirers of England (<i>Anglomanes</i>);
it is he, who has turned the heads of the Hollanders. It
is not for a compliment to Mr Adams that I say this, but
because I believe it to be his due."</p>

<p>I wish for some other historiographer, but I will not, for
fear of the charge of vanity, omit to record things, which
were certainly said with deliberation, and which prove the
sense, which the Ministers of the House of Bourbon had of
the stream of prejudice here against them, and of the
influence of America and her Minister, in turning the tide.</p>

<p>I hope, Sir, that these sketches will satisfy you for the
present; if not, another time I will give you portraits at
full length. In the meantime, I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">
JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">394</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, September 6th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>In your letter of the 5th of March, you ask "whether
this power has entered into any treaty with France since
the war, and whether any such thing is in contemplation?"</p>

<p>They have made no treaty, but a convention concerning
recaptures, which you must have seen in the papers.
The East India Company have concerted operations with
France in the East Indies, and the Prince, by the resolution
of the States, has concerted operations in these European
seas for this campaign, and the city of Amsterdam
has lately proposed in the States of Holland, to renew the
concert for next year, and to revive an old treaty of commerce
with France. In my letter of the 18th of August,
I have sent you a copy of the instructions to their Ministers
for peace, "not to make peace, truce, or armistice,
but with the simultaneous concurrence of all the belligerent
powers," among whom the United States of America are
certainly one in the sense and meaning of their High
Mightinesses.</p>

<p>You observe, Sir, "that France is interested with us, in
procuring a public acknowledgment of our independence."
You desire me to write freely, and my own disposition
inclines me to do so. This is a delicate subject, and
requires to be cautiously handled. Political jealousy is
very different from a suspicious temper. We should contemplate
the vices naturally allied to the greatest virtues.
We should consider the fevers that lie near a high state of
health. We should consider the maxim that is laid down
by all the political writers in the world, and the fact that is
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">395</a></span>
found in all histories, "that in cases of alliance between
unequal powers, almost all the advantages ever did and
ever will accrue to the greatest." We should observe in
the Abbé Raynal's history of this revolution, that there is a
party in France that blames the Ministry for putting themselves
into the chains (<i>fers</i>) of Congress, and for not keeping
us dependent enough upon them. Is it not natural for
them to wish to keep us dependent upon them, that we
might be obliged to accept such terms of peace as they
should think would do for us? If the House of Bourbon
should be suspected by any neutral power to grow too fast
in wealth and force, and be disposed to form a league
against it, is it not natural for it to wish that we may be
kept from any connexions with such powers, and wholly
connected with it, so as to be obliged to engage with it in
all its wars.</p>

<p>It is impossible for me to prove, that the delay of Spain
to acknowledge our independence, has been concerted between
the French and Spanish Ministry; but I candidly
ask any man, who has attended to the circumstances of
this war, if he has not seen cause to suspect it! For my
own part, I have no doubt of it, and I do not know that
we can justly censure it. I have ten thousand reasons,
which convince me that one Minister at least has not
wished that we should form connexions with Holland, even
so soon as we did, or with any power; although he had
no right, and therefore would not appear openly to oppose
it. When I took leave of that Minister to return to America,
in the spring of 1779, he desired me expressly to
advise Congress to attend to the affairs of the war, and
leave the politics of Europe to them, (<i>et laisser la politique
à nous</i>). In 1778 or 1779, when Mr Lee and I proposed
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">396</a></span>
to Dr Franklin to go to Holland, or to consent that
one of us should go, the Doctor would not, but wrote to
that Minister upon it, and received an answer, which he
showed me, advising against it; and when I received my
letter of credence here, the Minister here, who follows
the instructions communicated by that Minister, took all
possible pains to persuade me against communicating it;
and Dr Franklin, without reserve in word or writing, has
constantly declared, that Congress were wrong in sending
a Minister to Berlin, Vienna, Tuscany, Spain, Holland,
and Petersburg, and Dr Franklin is as good an index of
that Minister's sentiments as I know.</p>

<p>Now I avow myself of a totally opposite system, and
think it our indispensable duty, as it is our undoubted
right, to send Ministers to other Courts, and endeavor to
extend our acquaintance, commerce, and political connexions
with all the world, and have pursued this system,
which I took to be also the wish of Congress and the sense
of America, with patience and perseverance against all
dangers, reproaches, misrepresentations, and oppositions,
until, I thank God, he has enabled me to plant the standard
of the United States at the Hague, where it will wave
forever.</p>

<p>I am now satisfied, and dread nothing. The connexion
with Holland is a sure stay. Connected with Holland and
the House of Bourbon, we have nothing to fear.</p>

<p>I have entered into this detail, in answer to your inquiry,
and the only use of it I would wish to make is this, to
insist upon seeing with our own eyes, using our own judgment,
and acting an independent part; and it is of the last
importance we should do it now thus early, otherwise we
should find it very difficult to do it hereafter. I hope I
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">397</a></span>
have given you my sentiments, as you desired, with freedom,
and that freedom, I hope, will give no offence, either
in America or France, for certainly none is intended.</p>

<p>In your favor of the 22d of May, you direct me to draw
upon Dr Franklin for my salary, and to send my accounts
to you. My accounts, Sir, are very short, and shall be
sent as soon as the perplexity of the treaty is over. As to
drawing on Dr Franklin, I presume this was upon supposition,
that we had no money here. There is now near
a million and a half of florins, so that I beg I may be permitted
to receive my salary here.</p>

<p>I have transmitted to Mr Dana your despatches, as
desired in yours of the 29th of May, reserving an extract
for publication in the gazettes, which the French Ambassador
is of opinion, as well as others, will have a great
effect in Europe. Your letter is extremely well written,
and M. Dumas has well translated it, so that it will appear
to advantage. Yours of the 30th of May affords me the
pleasure of knowing, that you have received some letters
from me this year, and I am glad you are inclined to lay
that of the 21st of February before Congress. By this
time I hope that all objections are removed to the memorial;
but in order to judge of the full effect of that memorial,
three volumes of the <i>Politique Hollandais</i>, several volumes
of <i>De Post Van Neder Rhin</i>, all the Dutch gazettes for a
whole year, and the petitions of all the cities should be
read, for there is not one of them but what clearly shows
the propriety of presenting that memorial, whose influence
and effect, though not sudden, has been amazingly extensive.
Indeed the French Ambassador has often signified
to me lately, and more than once in express words, <i>Monsieur
votre fermeté a fait un très bon effet ici</i>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">398</a></span></p>

<p>The cypher was not put up in this duplicate, and I suppose
the original is gone on to Mr Dana in a letter I transmitted
him from you sometime ago, so that I should be
obliged to you for another of the same part.</p>

<p>Rodney's victory came, as you hoped it would, too late
to obstruct me. I was well settled at the Hague, and publicly
received by the States and Prince before we received
that melancholy news. If it had arrived sooner, it might
have deranged all our systems, and this nation possibly
might have been now separately at peace, which shows the
importance of watching the time and tide, which there is
in the affairs of men.</p>

<p>You require, Sir, to be furnished with the most minute
detail of every step, that Britain may take towards a negotiation
for a general or partial peace. All the details
towards a partial peace, are already public in the newspapers,
and have all been ineffectual. The States-General
are firm against it, as appears by their instructions to
their Ministers. Since the conversations between me and
Digges first, and Mr Laurens afterwards, there has never
been any message, directly or indirectly, by word or
writing, from the British Ministry to me. It was my decided
advice, and earnest request by both, that all messages
might be sent to Paris to Dr Franklin and the
Count de Vergennes, and this has been done. Dr Franklin
wrote me, that he should keep me informed of everything
that passed by expresses; but I have had no advice
from him since the 2d of June. Your despatches have all
gone the same way, and I have never had a hint of any of
them. I hope that Dr Franklin and Mr Jay have had
positive instructions to consent to no truce or armistice,
and to enter into no conferences with any British Minister,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">399</a></span>
who is not authorised to treat with the United States of
America.</p>

<p>Some weeks ago I agreed with the Duc de la Vauguyon
to draw up a project of a memorial to their High Mightinesses,
proposing a triple or quadruple alliance, according
to my instructions to that purpose. The Duke, in his private
capacity, has declared to me often that he is of opinion,
that it would be advisable to make this proposition as
soon as the treaty of commerce is signed; but could not
give me any ministerial advice without consulting the
Count de Vergennes. We agreed that he should transmit
the project to the Count. Two days ago, the Duke called
upon me, and informed me, that he had the Count's answer,
which was, that he did not think this the time, because it
would tend to throw obscurity upon the instructions lately
given by the States-General to M. Brantzen, not to make
any treaty or armistice, but simultaneously with all the
belligerent powers.</p>

<p>By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance, the invitation
or admission is to be made by concert. From my
instructions, I supposed, and suppose still, that the concert
was made at Philadelphia, between Congress and the
Chevalier de la Luzerne, by the order of the King, his
master; and my instructions being positive and unconditional
to make the proposition, I shall be somewhat embarrassed.
On the one hand, I would preserve not only a
real harmony, but the appearance of it, between all steps
of mine, and the Councils of the French Ministers. On
the other, I would obey my instructions, especially when
they are so fully agreeable to me, at all events. The proposition
would have a good effect in England, in Holland,
in France, America, and in all the neutral countries, as I
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">400</a></span>
think, and it could do no harm, that I can foresee. Nay,
further, I am persuaded, that the French Ministry themselves,
if they were to give me their private opinions, as
the Duc de la Vauguyon does, would be glad if I should
make the proposition against their advice.</p>

<p>It is possible, however, that they may secretly choose
(notwithstanding the offer made at Philadelphia) not to be
bound in an alliance with America and Holland. They
may think they shall have more influence with their hands
unbound, even to a system that they approve and mean
to pursue. It is amidst all these doublings and windings of
European politics, that American Ministers have to decide
and act. The result is clear in my mind, that although it
is proper to be upon good terms, and be communicative
and confidential with the French Ministers, yet we ought to
have opinions, principles, and systems of our own, and that
our Ministers should not be bound to follow their advice,
but when it is consonant to our own; and that Congress
should firmly support their own Ministers against all secret
insinuations. They must see, that a Minister of theirs,
who is determined, as he is bound in honor, to be free and
independent, is not in a very delectable or enviable situation
in Europe, as yet.</p>

<p>There is but one alternative. Either Congress should
recall all their Ministers from Europe, and leave all negotiations
to the French Ministry, or they must support their
Ministers against all insinuations. If Congress will see with
their own eyes, I can assure them, without fear of being
contradicted, that neither the color, figure, nor magnitude of
objects will always appear to them exactly as they do to
their allies. To send Ministers to Europe, who are supposed
by the people of America to see for themselves,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">401</a></span>
while in effect they see, or pretend to see nothing, but
what appears through the glass of a French Minister, is
to betray the just expectations of that people.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">
JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, September 7th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>In answer to your letters, demanding my accounts, I
have the honor to enclose the three numbers, 1, 2, 3.</p>

<p>No 1, is the account of my salary for two years and a
half, and the payment of it by Dr Franklin, in obedience
to the orders of Congress, the whole amounting to £6,250
sterling.<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>

<p>No 2, is the account for the purchase of the <i>Hôtel des
Etats-Unis de l'Amérique</i>, which amounts to fifteen thousand
two hundred and seven florins, seven stivers, and
eight duits. Over against it I have given credit for the
cash I received of Messrs de Neufvilles' loan, six thousand
six hundred and fifty florins. I have also given credit for
twelve thousand four hundred and twentyeight French
livres and five sols, which I received of M. Lagoanère in
Spain. I have been informed, it was the intention of Congress,
that the expenses of their Ministers to the places of
their destination should be borne in addition to their salaries.
The expenses, made by the Continental Navy
Board, for the accommodations of the voyage, were, no
doubt, intended to be so, for which reason I have taken no
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">402</a></span>
notice of them in my accounts, either of the first or second
voyage. But whether the expenses of our horrid journey
through Spain come within the intention of Congress or
not, I cannot tell. It was our misfortune to be cast, in a
leaky ship, on the Spanish coast, and to make a very distressing,
and very expensive journey by land to Paris; but
whether it is the design of Congress to allow us this expense
or not, I know not, and very cheerfully submit to
their decision. If they should allow it, they will erase it
from this account, No. 2. But in that case they should
erase another article from No. 3.</p>

<p>No. 3. That article is the first; four hundred dollars
stolen out of my chest at Dr Franklin's. After I received
my commission from Congress to borrow money in Holland,
Mr Thaxter was obliged to come to assist me; but
as it was not certain I should stay in Holland, it was not
proper to remove my baggage from Paris. Accordingly,
I wrote to Dr Franklin, requesting him to give house-room
to my chests, which he was kind enough to agree to. They
were all accordingly carried there; but while there, some
thief broke out the bottom of one of my chests and carried
off four hundred dollars, which I could never hear of. Mr
Dana and Mr Thaxter knew, that the money was there,
and Dr Franklin knows it was stolen; and as this misfortune
has happened from my having two commissions, that
called my attention different ways, and from no fault of
mine, I think it is but reasonable I should be allowed it,
provided Congress shall charge me with the whole sum of
money received of M. Lagoanère. If they allow me that
sum, I do not desire to be allowed this four hundred
dollars.</p>

<p>The second article in No. 3, is my journey to Paris.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">403</a></span>
As this was an additional and double expense, arising
necessarily from my having two departments, one for
peace, and one for Holland; and as it was a heavy expense,
I submit to Congress the propriety of allowing it.</p>

<p>The other articles in No. 3, are deductions from my
salary, which Dr Franklin wrote me ought to be allowed
me by Congress, but he did not think himself authorised
to pay any more than my net salary; so that all charges
must fall upon me; whereas I apprehended the intention
of Congress was, that the net salary should be paid me,
and all necessary charges attending the payment of it, to
be borne by the public. I submit it, however, to their
decision.</p>

<p>The other articles, of house rent, stationary, salaries of
clerks, postage of letters, and extra entertainments, are
articles, which Dr Franklin wrote me he had charged to
Congress, and since told me, that Mr Jay was of the same
opinion with him and me, that they ought to be. I
have not sent any particular account of these things, and
shall not, until I know the determination of Congress;
because it is extremely difficult for me to make out an
account of them. My life has been such a wandering
pilgrimage, that I have not been able to keep any distinct
account of them. They are scattered about in thousands
of receipts, with other things, which will require more time
to bring together than I will spend upon it, until I know
the pleasure of Congress. My house rent has, on an
average, cost me more than one hundred and fifty pounds
sterling a year, although mostly I have lived in furnished
lodgings. I have had but one clerk, Mr Thaxter, to
whom I hope Congress will make some compensation for
his faithful and industrious services, in addition to what I
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">404</a></span>
have paid him, which has been only one hundred pounds
sterling a year. If Congress will allow this to me, it may
be easily added by them to the account.</p>

<p>The purchase of the house is a very good bargain. If
Congress should pay the house rent of their Ministers, it
will be cheaper here than anywhere, by reason of this purchase;
if not, their Minister here may pay interest of the
purchase money for rent, to Congress, as well as another.
But in that case he will live at a cheaper rate than any
other Minister. I have been at a small additional expense
for repairs, which has put the house in order; but as the
accounts are not yet brought in, I cannot exactly tell the
sum. When they come in, I shall draw on the Messrs.
Willinks, Van Staphorsts, and de la Lande and Fynjè, for
the money, unless I shall have contrary orders from Congress.</p>

<p>I have ever made a large expense for newspapers, for
the sake of public intelligence, and have sent them as
often as I could, and in great numbers, to America. As I
ever have, I ever shall send them all there, and if Congress
shall think this a proper charge to the public, it may be
added hereafter.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.,</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, September 15th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Dear Sir,</p>

<p>I have been favored with your letters from the 19th of
April to the 5th of July, by the <i>Heer Adams</i>. How impatiently
they have been expected, you will be able to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">405</a></span>
judge, by mine of the 29th ult. which you will receive
with this. The events they announce, are considered of
the utmost importance here, and have been directed to be
officially communicated to the different States.</p>

<p>Your loan is approved, and the ratification herewith
transmitted. The resolution, which will accompany this,
will be a sufficient spur to induce you to extend every
nerve to get it filled; for if the war continues, it will be
essential to our exertions; if it should terminate, it will not
be less necessary to enable us to discharge our army; in
every view it is necessary. In the present situation of the
States, money can be raised but slowly by taxation. New
systems must be introduced, which cannot without difficulty
be adopted in the hurry, confusion, and distress of a war.
They will, however, be adopted. Congress are constantly
employed in discussing the means for a regular payment of
the interest, and the gradual discharge of the principal
of their debt.</p>

<p>The other resolution arises from the difficulty of ascertaining
what are really the funds of the United States in
Europe, when more than one person can dispose of them.
I am satisfied this resolution will meet your approbation,
from the rule which you say you have prescribed to yourself.
It will, I dare say, be equally agreeable to our Ministers
to be released from the troublesome task of bankers
to the United States.</p>

<p>You mention the negotiations on the tapis in Paris, but
so slightly, as to leave us in the dark concerning their progress,
presuming, (as, indeed, you might have done, on
probable grounds) that we should receive information on
that subject from Dr Franklin, but, unfortunately, we have
learnt nothing from him. I must beg, therefore, in order
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">406</a></span>
to open as many channels of information as possible, that
you would give me, not only the state of your own affairs,
but every other information, which you may receive from
our other Ministers, or through any other authentic channel.</p>

<p>I observe your last memorial, or note, is in French.
Would it not be expedient, and more for our honor, if
all our Ministers at every Court were to speak the language
of our own country, which would at least preserve
them from errors, which an equivocal term might lead
them into. I mention this, merely as a hint, which is submitted
to your judgment.</p>

<p>We are informed that the <i>Aigle</i> and <i>Gloire</i>, two frigates
from France, have just entered the Capes, closely pursued
by a British ship of the line, and three frigates. It
is strongly apprehended from the situation in which they
were left, that they must either be destroyed, or fall into
the enemy's hands.</p>

<p>Pigot is arrived at New York, with twentysix sail of the
line. The late changes in administration seem to have
made such a change here, that I much doubt whether they
will quit us this fall, at least, till they hear again from England,
though they certainly were making every disposition
for it before. I will keep this letter open till I hear the
fate of the frigates, and know whether our despatches by
them can be preserved.</p>

<p>M. Dumas's application is before Congress. They may
possibly appoint him Secretary to the Legation, which I
heartily wish they may, as he certainly has been an assiduous
and faithful servant. But there is no probability of
their going further, as they would not choose to appoint
any but an American to so important an office, as that of
<i>Chargé des Affaires</i>. Nor will their present system of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">407</a></span>
economy permit them to make so great an addition to his
salary as you mention, which is much greater than is
usually allowed to secretaries, as their circumstances require
it to be less.</p>

<p><i>September 18th.</i> The Aigle, Captain La Fouche, has
been driven on shore, and is lost within the Capes; her
despatches, money, and passengers, have, however, happily
been saved. The Gloire, the other frigate, has arrived
at Chester. I find no despatches from you among the
letters that have come to hand; nor anything from Holland,
but duplicates of letters from M. Dumas. Congress
yesterday passed the annexed resolution, which needs no
comment.</p>

<p>
I am, Sir, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, September 17th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>This morning, I was in conference with M. Fagel, in
order to make the last corrections in the language of the
treaty, which is to be executed in English and Dutch, as
that with the Crown of France, was in English and French.
We have now, I hope, agreed upon every word, if not
every point, and nothing remains, but to make five fair
copies of it for signature, which, however, is no little labor.
The Secretary thinks he shall accomplish them in the
course of this week, and part of the next, so that they
may be signed by the latter end of next week, or perhaps
the middle. The Secretary, who has always been complaisant,
was more so than ever today. He congratulated
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">408</a></span>
me, upon the prospect of a speedy conclusion of this
matter; hoped it would be highly beneficial to both
nations; and that our posterity might have cause to rejoice
in it even more than we. He says the usage is, for two
Deputies to sign it, on the part of Holland, and one on the
part of each other Province, so that there will be eight
signers in behalf of the Republic.</p>

<p>It is now nearly five months since I was publicly received,
and proposed a project of a treaty. All this time
it has taken the several Provinces and cities to examine,
make their remarks, and fresh propositions, and bring
the matter to a conclusion. It would not have been so
long, however, if the Court had been delighted with the
business. But, in a case where unanimity was requisite,
and the Court not pleased, it was necessary to proceed
with all the softness, caution, and prudence, possible, that
no ill humors might be stirred. Yet, in a case, where the
nation's heart is so engaged, in which its commerce and
love of money is so interested, what wretched policy is it
in this Court, to show even a lukewarmness, much more
an aversion. Yet, such is the policy, and such it will be.
The Prince of Orange is, to all appearance, as incurable
as George the Third, his cousin.</p>

<p>I was afterwards an hour with the French Ambassador,
at his house. He tells me, his last letters from the Count
de Vergennes say, that he has yet seen no appearance of
sincerity on the part of the British Ministry, in the negotiations
for peace. Of this, Congress will be easily convinced
by the copies I have transmitted of the commissions
of Mr Fitzherbert and Oswald.</p>

<p>The subject of our conversation was the means of getting
out the Dutch fleet, which is now in the Texel,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">409</a></span>
although the British fleet, under Milbank, is returned to
Portsmouth, and probably sailed with Lord Howe for Gibraltar.
I asked the Duke, where was the combined fleet?
His last accounts were, that they were off Cape Ortegal,
endeavoring to get round Cape Finisterre to Cadiz. He
speaks of it, as doubtful, whether they will give battle to
Lord Howe, because the Spanish ships, with an equal
number of guns, are of a smaller caliber than the English;
but hopes that the blow will be struck before Howe arrives.
The means of getting the fleet out of the Texel to intercept
a fleet of English ships from the Baltic, came next
under consideration. But the wind is not fair. It might
have gone out, but they had not intelligence.</p>

<p>I asked, who it was that governed naval matters? He
answered, the Prince. But surely the Prince must have
some assistance, some confidential minister, officer, clerk,
secretary, or servant. If he were a Solomon, he could
not manage the fleet, and the whole system of intelligence,
and orders concerning it, without aid. He said, it is the
College of the Admiralty, and sometimes M. Bisdom, who
is a good man, and sometimes M. Van der Hope, who
may be a good man, he has sense and art, but is suspected.
Very well, said I, M. Bisdom and M. Van der
Hope ought to be held responsible, and the eyes of the
public ought to be turned towards them, and they ought to
satisfy the public. The Duke said the Prince is afraid of
the consequences. He knows that the sensations of the
people are very lively at present, and nobody knows what
may be the consequence of their getting an opinion, that
there has been negligence, or anything worse, which may
have prevented them from striking a blow. I asked, if
they had any plan for obtaining intelligence, the soul of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">410</a></span>
war, from England? And he said the Grand Pensionary
told him, he paid very dear for intelligence.</p>

<p>However, I cannot learn, and do not believe that they
have any rational plan for obtaining intelligence necessary
from every quarter, as they ought. They should have intelligence
from every seaport in France, England, Scotland,
Germany, and all round the Baltic, and they should
have light frigates and small vessels out. But when war
is unwillingly made, everything is not done. The next
subject was the proposition from Amsterdam, for renewing
the concert of operations for the next campaign.</p>

<p>Congress may hear of some further plans for a separate
peace between Holland and England, but they will not
succeed. The Republic will stand firm, though it will
not be so active as we could wish, and the concert of operations
will be renewed.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>
<i>Extract from the Records of the Resolutions of their
High Mightinesses the States-General of the United
Netherlands.</i></h3>

<p><i>Tuesday, September 17th, 1782.</i> "The Lord Van Randwyk
and others, Deputies of their High Mightinesses for
the Department of Foreign Affairs, in obedience to, and in
compliance with their resolution of the 23d of April of the
present year, having conferred with Mr Adams, Minister
Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, respecting
the entering into a treaty of amity and commerce
with the said States, reported to this Assembly, that the
said Mr Adams, on the 26th of April thereafter, did deliver
to them a plan of such a treaty, requesting the same
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">411</a></span>
might be examined, and that such articles might be added,
as might be deemed most serviceable. That the said gentlemen,
Deputies, after having consulted and advised with
the committees of the respective colleges of the Admiralty
upon the said plan or sketch of a treaty, made sundry observations
thereon, and also sundry separate propositions,
all which on the 26th of August last they communicated
to the said Mr Adams, who, on the 27th following, returned
his answer thereto; which having compared with
the said propositions, and finding the same in substance
conformable thereto, and all difficulties that had occurred
entirely removed, they drew up a new treaty, and also a
new convention on the subject of retaken prizes, in conformity
to the determination that has been previously
adopted and resolved on, and the treaties so prepared, they
handed to Mr Adams, on the 6th of this current month,
who, since, has declared himself perfectly satisfied therewith.</p>

<p>"Wherefore, the said gentlemen, Deputies for Foreign
Affairs, submit it to the consideration of their High Mightinesses
to determine, whether it would not be proper and
necessary to authorise them to conclude and sign with Mr
Adams, the treaty and convention aforesaid.</p>

<p>"Whereupon having deliberated, it is found and judged
right, that the said treaty and convention be drawn out
afresh, and fair copies thereof made, in order that the
finishing hand may be put thereto; and the said Lord Van
Randwyk, and others, their High Mightinesses' Deputies
for Foreign Affairs, are hereby requested and authorised to
conclude and sign the said treaty and convention with the
aforesaid Mr Adams.</p>

<p class="signed">
W. Z. VAN BORSSELE.</p>

<p>Compared with the record.</p>

<p class="signed">
H. FAGEL."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">412</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, September 17th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>You will naturally inquire, whether the neutral powers
will continue their neutrality, or whether the neutral confederacy
will be broken?</p>

<p>No certain answer can be given to these questions. We
must content ourselves with probabilities, which are strong
for the continuance of the neutrality. Who indeed should
break it? The Emperor was thought to be the most
unlikely potentate to accede to it; but he has acceded and
has taken several steps, which prove that he will not break
it, at least by leaning towards England. Sweden is the
steady friend to France. The King of Prussia, whose
affections and inclinations are certainly towards France and
Holland, and alienated from England, would certainly at
this age of life be too cautious a politician to wage war for
England, against the Houses of Bourbon and Austria,
Holland and America.</p>

<p>There remains only Russia and Denmark. What can
Russia do? This is a maritime war. She cannot assist
the English with land forces; a hundred thousand men
would do no good to England, on land. Her boasted
fleet, added to that of England, would only weaken it for
several reasons. Among the rest, because England must
maintain it with money, if not with officers and men, for
cash is wanting in Russia. Denmark remains, but what
can she do? Her Islands in the West Indies, and her
trade are at our mercy, and she would not have force
enough to defend her own, much less to assist England, if
she should declare war.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">413</a></span></p>

<p>A doctrine prevails that the acknowledgment of the
independence of America, is a hostility against England,
and consequently a breach of the neutrality. Our friends
have sometimes favored this idea. The Duc de la Vauguyon
has often expressed this sentiment to me; and if I
am not mistaken, the Marquis de Verac has said the same
to Mr Dana. If this opinion is not clear, it is very impolitic
to favor it. The Court of France, in their public
memorials, have denied it, and it would be difficult to
prove it, either by the law or practice of nations. Sending
or receiving Ambassadors, entering into peaceful commercial
treaties, or at least negotiating at Philadelphia, the
rights of neutral nations, is not taking arms against Great
Britain.</p>

<p>But if an acknowledgment of our independence is a
hostility, a denial of it is so too, and if the maritime confederation
forbids the one, it forbids both. None of the
neutral nations can take the part of Great Britain, therefore,
without breaking to pieces that great system, which
has cost so much negotiation, and embraces so great a part
of mankind.</p>

<p>The neutral powers set so high a value upon it, and
indeed make so great profit by it, that I think none of them
will take the part of Great Britain. The connexions of
the Duke Louis of Brunswick in Denmark and Russia,
have set some little machines in motion, partly to favor him,
and partly to hold out an appearance of something fermenting
for the benefit of Great Britain. But these will never
succeed so far as to draw any nation into the war, or to
incline this Republic to make a separate peace.</p>

<p>It is to this source that I attribute certain observations
that are circulated in pamphlets and in conversation, "that
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">414</a></span>
there is at present an incoherence in the general system of
Europe. That the Emperor has deranged the whole system
of the equilibrium of Europe, so that if ever the Northern
Powers should think of stopping by a confederation
the preponderance of the Southern Powers, Holland will
be unable, on account of the demolition of the barriers, to
accede to that confederation."</p>

<p>M. Magis, who has been eight and twenty years Envoy
at the Hague from the Bishop of Liege, and who converses
more with all the foreign Ministers here, than any other,
has said to me, not long since, "Sir, the wheel rolls on too
long and too rapidly one way; it must roll back again,
somewhat, to come to its proper centre. The power of
the House of Bourbon rises, and that of Great Britain sinks
too fast, and I believe, the Emperor, although he seems
perfectly still at present, will come out at length, and take
the greatest part of any power in the final adjustment of
affairs."</p>

<p>The Count de Mirabel, the Sardinian Minister, said to
me, upon another occasion, "your country, Sir, will be
obliged in the vicisitudes of things, to wheel round, and
take part with England, and such allies, as she may obtain,
in order to form a proper balance in the world." My
answer to both was, "these sentiments betray a jealousy
of a too sudden growth of the power of the House of Bourbon;
but whose fault is it, if it is a fact, (which it does not
appear to be as yet) and whose fault will it be, if it should
hereafter become a fact? Why do the neutral powers
stand still and see it, or imagine they see it, when it is so
easy to put a stop to it? They have only to acknowledge
American independence, and then, neither the House of
Bourbon nor England will have a colorable pretence for
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">415</a></span>
continuing the war, from which alone the jealousy can
arise."</p>

<p>The Prince de Gallitzin said, not long since, that the
conduct of this Republic, in refusing a separate peace, &amp;c.
he feared would throw all Europe into a war, there were
so many pretensions against England. I quote these sayings
of foreign Ministers, because you express a desire to
hear them, and because they show all the color of argument
in favor of England that anybody has advanced. All
these Ministers allow that American independence is decided,
even the Ministers from Portugal, within a few
days said it to me expressly. It is therefore very unreasonable
in them to grumble at what happens, merely in
consequence of their neutrality.</p>

<p>It is the miserable policy of the Prince of Orange's
counsellors, as I suppose, which has set a few springs in
motion here. M. Markow, one of the Ministers of Russia,
and M. St Saphorin, the Minister from Denmark, are
the most openly and busily in favor of England. But if,
instead of endeavoring to excite jealousies and foment prejudices
against the House of Bourbon, or compassion towards
England, they would endeavor to convince her of
the necessity of acknowledging American independence,
or to persuade the neutral powers to decide the point, by
setting the example, they would really serve England, and
the general cause of mankind. As it goes at present, their
negotiations serve no cause whatever, that I can conceive
of, unless it be that of the Duke of Brunswick, and, in the
end, it will appear that even he is not served by it.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">
JOHN ADAMS.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">416</a></span></p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, September 23d, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>As this is a moment of great expectation, news of the
greatest importance from the East Indies, from the West
Indies and North America, from Gibraltar, from Lord
Howe's fleet, and the combined fleet, being hourly looked
for, I took this opportunity to return to the Spanish Minister
a visit, which I owed him.</p>

<p>He told me, that he trembled for the news we should
have from Gibraltar. I asked him if he thought there
would be a battle at sea. He answered, yes. He believed
the combined fleet would meet Lord Howe, and
give him battle. I said, in this case it will probably be but
a running fight. His Lordship's object was to protect his
convoy and get into the port, and he would not stop to
fight more than should be unavoidable. D. Llano, however,
said, that he believed the fate of Gibraltar would be
decided before Howe could arrive, either the place taken,
or the assault given over. By his advices, the attack was
to begin the 4th or 5th of September. Howe sailed the
12th, and would be probably twenty days at least on his
way, which would leave a space of twentyseven or twentyeight
days for the attack, which would decide it one way
or the other.</p>

<p>I did not think proper to tell him my own apprehensions,
and I wish I may be mistaken, but I have no expectation
at all, in my own mind, that the combined fleet will
meet Howe; that there will be any naval engagement; or
that Gibraltar will surrender. They will make a horrid
noise with their artillery against the place; but this noise
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">417</a></span>
will not terrify Elliot, and Gibraltar will remain to the English
another year, and Lord Howe return to England,
and all Europe will laugh. England, however, if she were
wise, would say, what is sport to you, is death to us, who
are ruined by these expenses. The earnest zeal of Spain
to obtain that impenetrable rock, what has it not cost the
House of Bourbon this war? And what is the importance
of it? A mere point of honor! a trophy of insolence to
England, and of humiliation to Spain! It is of no utility,
unless as an asylum for privateers in time of war; for it is
not to be supposed, that the powers of Europe, now that
the freedom of commerce is so much esteemed, will permit
either England or Spain to make use of this fortress
and asylum as an instrument to exclude any nation from
the navigation of the Mediterranean.</p>

<p>From the <i>Hôtel d'Espagne</i>, I went to that of France,
and the Duc de la Vauguyon informed me that he had a
letter from the Count de Vergennes, informing him that he
had received, in an indirect manner, a set of preliminary
propositions, as from the British Ministry, which they were
said to be ready to sign, that he had sent M. de Rayneval
to London, to know with certainty whether those
preliminaries came from proper authority or not.</p>

<p>Thus we see, that two Ministers from England, and
another from Holland, are at Paris to make peace. The
Count d'Aranda is said to have powers to treat on the part
of Spain. Mr Franklin and Mr Jay are present on the part
of the United States, and M. Gerard de Rayneval is at
London. Yet, with all this, the British Ministry have never
yet given any proof of their sincerity, nor any authority
to any one to treat with the United States. I believe the
British Ministry, even my Lord Shelburne would give such
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">418</a></span>
powers if he dared. But they dare not. They are afraid
of the King, of the old Ministry, and a great party in the
nation, irritated every moment by the refugees, who spare
no pains, and hesitate at no impostures, to revive offensive
hostilities in America. If Gibraltar should be relieved,
and their fleets should arrive from the West Indies and the
Baltic, and they should not have any very bad news from
the East Indies, the nation will recover from its fright,
occasioned by the loss of Cornwallis, Minorca, and St
Kitts, and the Ministry will not yet dare to acknowledge
American independence. In this case, Mr Fox and Mr
Burke will lay their foundation of opposition, and the state
of the finances will give them great weight. But the Ministry
will find means to provide for another campaign.</p>

<p>But to return to the Duc de la Vauguyon, who informed
me further, that he had received instructions to propose
to the Prince of Orange a new plan of concert of operations,
viz; that the Dutch fleet, or at least a detachment
of it, should now, in the absence of Lord Howe, sail from
the Texel to Brest, and join the French ships there, in a
cruise to intercept the British West India fleet. The
Prince does not appear pleased with the plan. He has
not yet accepted it. The Grand Pensionary appears to
approve it, and support it with warmth. There is now a
fine opportunity for the Dutch fleet to strike a blow, either
alone, upon the Baltic fleet, or in conjunction with the
French, or even alone upon the West India fleet. But
the main spring of the machine is broken or unbent.
There is neither capacity nor good will among those that
direct the navy.</p>

<p>At dinner, in the course of the day, with M. Gyzelaar,
M. Visscher, and a number of the co-patriots, at the <i>Hôtel</i>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">419</a></span>
<i>de Dort</i>, they lamented this incurable misfortune. Some
of them told me, that the sums of money, granted and expended
upon their marine, ought to have produced them
a hundred and twenty vessels of war of all sizes; whereas
they have not one quarter of the number. They have no
more than twelve of the line in the Texel, reckoning in the
number two fifties; and they have not more than six or
seven in all the docks of Amsterdam, Zealand, the Meuse
and Friesland, which can be ready next year.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>A MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE BANK OF AMSTERDAM.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></h3>

<p>The Bank of Amsterdam is much more simple than the
denomination implies, in general, in the ideas of foreigners.</p>

<p>It differs widely from those of Venice, London, and
others, which have a capital, formed by proprietors (actionaries)
to whose profit these banks operate. That of
Amsterdam makes neither commerce nor loan, but upon
real specie, upon their intrinsic value, and upon matters in
bars (ingots) of gold and silver.</p>

<p>This bank was erected in 1609. The magistrates of
the city opened the project of the bank for the convenience
of the merchants; but it is probable it was
invented by the merchants themselves, as a remedy for the
difficulty of payments, which became more and more considerable
and embarrassing.</p>

<p>1. Because there was a great deal of foreign money in
the city, with which they made payments reciprocally,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">420</a></span>
amidst eternal disputes, concerning the value to be given
or received.</p>

<p>2. Because, in the great number of coins struck by the
States, diversely altered, and singularly divided, they had
not all a constant circulation, notwithstanding the orders of
the sovereign. Some were declined, even below the fixed
value, and others were worth more.</p>

<p>3. The external cashiers, which the merchants employed
in those times, as they do at present to receive the
money, which is due to them in the city, and to pay in
their turn what they owe, profited, of the two inconveniences
beforementioned to make to themselves gain,
which augmented the disorder and the vexation of payments,
as well as in writings.</p>

<p>The merchants contrived then to make reciprocal payments,
by a simple transposition of debit from one, to the
credit of the other; but to this end, it was necessary to
assure the validity of payments made in this manner, by a
known and real value, and solidly placed under the
authority and warranty of the city. The magistracy lent
themselves to arrangements, which answered to all these
conditions, so that a number of merchants and cashiers
deposited at first at their pleasure, a sum in specie, more
or less considerable, which was then designated by the
commissaries of the bank, as ducats, or rix dollars and
others, which money was placed in one of the vaults of the
State-House, under the departments assigned for the carrying
on of this bank. Those, who carried there their
money, were credited for it, upon a leaf of the great book,
which was shown to them, and from that time they might
make reciprocal payments, as is practised at this day,
without handling any cash, with this simple formula, viz.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">421</a></span></p>

<p>"Gentlemen, the commissioners of the bank; please to
pay N. N. five thousand florins.</p>

<p class="signed">P. G.</p>

<p>Amsterdam, this &mdash;&mdash;."</p>

<p>By means of which, the book-keepers had not, and
have not still, anything to do, but to debit P. G. with five
thousand florins, and credit N. N. for the same sum; so
that, if they had deposited each one ten thousand florins in
cash, there would remain of it, to the credit of P. G. only
five thousand florins, and N. N. would have fifteen thousand
florins to his, whereof he might dispose, in his turn,
the next day, in favor of one or more others having accounts
open in the bank. This manner of making payments
was found so convenient, and they took such a confidence
in it, that all the bankers and merchants, even down to the
petty traders, made haste to open an account, and to carry
there money, more or less, relatively to approaching payments,
which they had to make in bank; so that there was
soon a sufficiency of specie deposited for a foundation of
all the payments, which were from that time designed to
be made in bank, viz. all the bills of exchange of above
three hundred florins, drawn by foreigners upon Amsterdam,
and in Amsterdam upon foreigners, all the merchandises
of the East Indies, the wools of Spain, and some
other articles.</p>

<p>It happened then, that they ceased to carry thither the
monies of Holland, because the merchants, having occasion
alternately, some of the money in bank for current
money, and others, of current money for money in bank,
they found a great facility in selling one for the other.
From thence arose a commerce of agiotage, (<i>pour l'agio</i>)
which had been already prepared, because it had been
resolved, for good reasons without doubt, as in case of a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">422</a></span>
flood of specie, &amp;c. that the bank would not receive the
monies, which they would deposit, but at five per cent
below the current value; so that to have one thousand
florins in bank to one's credit, it was necessary to deposit
one thousand and fifty florins in current cash. Behold
thus this agio establishment, and the money of the bank,
worth five per cent more than the current money. This
value of five per cent soon varied, because some one, who
found that he had too much money in bank, and was in
want of current, sought to sell the first for the second,
found a purchaser, who would not give him more than four
seveneighths per cent; that is to say, one thousand and
fortyeight florins and fifteen stivers, for one thousand in
bank. Thus of the rest in such sort, that at all times,
when one would buy or sell the money in bank, there is no
question but to agree upon the price of the agio, which is
subject to a perpetual variation, and which is more or less
high, according to the wants of epochs; as for example,
when the company makes its sales, the merchants have
greater want of money in bank to pay their purchases,
which raises the agio, which falls again, when the company
would sell that, which is come into them for current
money, in which all payments are made for fitting out of
vessels.</p>

<p>The payments of bills of exchange, being to be made,
as it has been said, in bank money, the price of all exchanges
of current money, which were heretofore fixed in
bank money, for example, a crown tournois, of sixty sols,
the intrinsic value of which, founded upon the price of the
money mark, amounted to fiftyseven sols and threefourths,
current money of Holland, was placed at fiftyfive sols of
bank money; and thus of all the exchanges with all
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">423</a></span>
foreign countries; from whence it results, that having sold
merchandises of a man of Bordeaux, the amount of
which produces net one thousand and fifty florins current,
or the credit of one thousand bank, the agio at one
hundred and five, when they make him a remittance, or
when he draws, they purchase so many crowns as are
necessary for the one thousand florins bank, at fiftyfive sols
fifteen derniers, which comes to the same thing as if they
bought crowns for one thousand and fifty florins current, at
fiftyseven and threefourths sols current. When any one
would open himself an account in the bank, he goes there
himself, and puts his signature upon a book to make it
known, and they give him the page upon which his account
shall be opened, which he ought always to place at the
head of the billet, by which he pays.</p>

<p>They begin with debiting him with ten florins, once for
all, after which he pays no more to the bank, but two sols
for each bill that he writes, with which they debit him
twice a year, when they make the balance of the books,
viz. in January and July, at which epochs, each one is
obliged to settle accounts with the bank, and to go and demand
his pay, to see if they accord with the bank, under
the penalty, after six weeks, if they fail or neglect, of paying
a fine of twentyfive florins. The bank is shut at these
epochs, and continues shut during fourteen or fifteen
days, during which time, the bills of exchange sleep, and
although they fall due the first day of the shutting, or any
day following, they cannot be protested until the second or
third day after the opening. There are other little shuttings
of the bank, at the feasts, Christmas, Lent, Pentacost;
and at the fair, which continue but a few days. One cannot
dispose, till the next day, of the money, which enters
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">424</a></span>
by the bank, except the second days of the openings, and
that of Pentacost. They call these days, the "returns of
bills" (<i>revirement de parties</i>) or the "recounting," because
they pay with that which they receive. One ought to
take care, not to dispose beyond one's credit, for not only
all the drafts whereof one has disposed are that day stopped,
that is to say they are invalid, but one is condemned
and obliged to pay a fine of triple of the whole,
which one has disposed of more than that which one has
in bank.</p>

<p>The person who writes, ought himself to carry his draft
to the bank, or at least his attorney, between eight and
eleven o'clock in the morning; those who come after until
three o'clock, pay six sols fine for each draft. The merchants
ordinarily pass a procuration, which it is necessary
to renew once a year, to one of their clerks to carry their
drafts and demand their payments, which no other person
can do.</p>

<p>They transfer every day in the week, except Sunday,
and during the shuttings, which are announced some weeks
beforehand.</p>

<p>For arranging the merchants, and also for maintaining
and favoring the price of matters, and specie of gold and
silver, both foreign and that of the country, which are in
strictness only of mere commerce, as our ducats and rix
dollars, the bank receives them at a value determined and
relative to the weight and the title known by the pay-master
of the bank, but the sum which they there receive
ought not to be below two thousand five hundred florins.
The bank gives receipts for the specie, &amp;c. which they
deposit there for six months, which are to the bearer; so
that, within the time, if the specie or matters exceed, the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">425</a></span>
proprietor may sell his receipt to another, who pays him
the surplus of what they are worth of the price at which
the bank has received them, and this receipt may thus
pass through several hands, as often happens by the idea
which they form of the excess or of the deficiency. He
who is the bearer of this receipt, may go and take away
these matters or specie when he will, in paying at the
bank, the value which it has advanced to him who has deposited
them, and, moreover, half of a florin for the keeping
of them the six months, both upon gold and upon bars of
silver, and quarter of a florin upon Mexican dollars, rix
dollars, and some other species of money. When this
term is expired, one may cause to be renewed the receipts,
in paying at the bank the half or quarter florin due thus
from six months to six months; but if one let pass that
time without taking away his deposit, or without renewing
it, it is devolved to the bank, which keeps it to its profit.</p>

<p>The bank is governed under the inspection of the Burgomasters,
by six commissaries, chosen and named by the
Burgomasters from among the magistrates and principal
merchants, under the care of whom is the deposited treasure.
They furnish every year in the month of February,
a balance of the bank to the Burgomasters, the youngest of
whom goes down with them into the vaults, to verify and
take account of the number of sacks, and of the specie
contained in said balance, and forming the real and effective
fund that each one has in the bank; and whatever
may have been said or suspected upon this subject, it is
very certain, that the fund rolling through the bank, is
really there deposited in specie, ingots, and bars of gold
and silver. This treasure is not, moreover, so immense as
many people imagine. Some authors have written, (without
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">426</a></span>
doubt by estimation) that it went as far as three hundred
millions of florins, which is not credible, when we consider
the returns of the bills (<i>revirements de parties</i>) which
are continually made, between those who have reciprocal
payments to make among themselves. We know very
nearly, that there are scarcely more than two thousand
accounts open upon the books of this bank; so that in
order to make three hundred millions of florins, it is necessary
that these two thousand persons should have, one with
another, one hundred and fifty thousand florins each in
bank, which is beyond all probability, especially, if we
consider that A and B having there each one, ten thousand
florins, might reciprocally pay themselves sixty thousand
florins per week, and thus make a circulation of transposition
of one hundred and twenty thousand per week, with
twenty thousand of <i>sign effective</i>. So that reducing the
year to forty weeks of payment, with regard to the intervals
which take place in the times of the shuttings, which
is too large an allowance, it would result, that with fifty millions,
there might be made twelve thousand millions of florins
of payments per annum. According to this, and considering
that the money in bank brings in no benefit, it is easy
to imagine, that there is not much more than is necessary
for the circulation of payments in bank, and that its treasure
cannot be so considerable as many people imagine.</p>

<p>The bank never lends upon any species of merchandise,
nor discounts any paper, nor makes any other profit than
the half or quarter of a florin upon the gold and silver
there deposited, and which, added to the ten florins for the
opening of accounts, and two stivers for each draft of
which I have spoken, serves to pay all the expenses of
clerks and others, which is occasioned by the bank. The
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">427</a></span>
overplus, which is not very considerable, goes to the profit
of the city.</p>

<p>No arrest or attachment can be made of any moneys
which are in bank, under any pretext; the commissaries,
book keepers, and others, who are in the service of the
bank, are bound by oath to say nothing of what passes
there. No man has a right to require of the bank, the reimbursement
in specie of the sum with which he is credited;
(<i>a</i>) each one having his account only in the receipts
of the commissaries, which are in the term of six months.
It is certain, that the primitive fund, the receipts for which
they have suffered to be extinguished, is no longer demandable,
and that one cannot force the commissioners to
give specie, but it is not, therefore, the less true, that this
fund exists really, and one ought not, and cannot doubt,
that if the city was threatened with an inevitable invasion,
and if the merchants should require their money, to place
it elsewhere in safety, that the Burgomasters would cause
it to be paid, by giving so many florins in current money,
or value in bars or ingots, with which one should be
credited.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<p>(<i>a</i>) The author is here mistaken. All those who have
an account in bank, may demand to be paid in ready
money, but they cannot require the agio. By consequence,
while the bank shall have credit, and there shall
be commerce at Amsterdam, which cannot be carried on
without the money of the bank, and while there shall be,
consequently, an agio, no man will go and demand in
ready money, a sum which is worth five per cent more.
The author has not well distinguished between the sum of
money, or rather the specie, which one may redemand in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">428</a></span>
the term of six months, by means of a receipt, and the
money for which one is credited in bank. Behold the
difference.</p>

<p>When they have received at the bank a certain quality
of gold or silver, whether in money or in bars, for the
value of which the bank has credited upon its books the
proprietor, (not according to the value which this money
has in commerce, but according to its weight and denomination,)
in this case, the depositor, or he who holds the
receipt, has the right, by means of this receipt, and in restoring
to the bank the sum for which the first depositor
had been credited, to withdraw this gold or silver, paying
one half per cent for the keeping. But, the six months
elapsed, the receipt becomes useless, the gold or silver remains
in propriety to the bank, and the depositor must
content himself to have received in its place, the sum
which this gold or silver has been valued at, by which sum
he has been credited upon the books, and whereof he
might have disposed as he saw good. It is this sum that
he has the faculty of redemanding in ready money, when,
and as often as he judges proper, and as he is acknowledged
upon the books to be a creditor for that sum; but
they are not bound to restore him more than the net sum
without agio.</p>

<p>No man will be, by consequence, mad enough to cause
himself to be paid four or five per cent less than the money
of the bank is worth in commerce. But if the money of
the bank should be so discredited, that there should be no
longer an agio, in that case, all the world would have a right
to come and demand at the bank, the amount of the sums
for which they are credited; and the bank, whose credit
would be ruined, would be obliged, without controversy
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">429</a></span>
to make this payment, or to commit bankruptcy. It can
never acquire a right of propriety in the capitals for which
it has credit upon its books; but in case of restitution, it is
not obliged to restore the same matters, or the same
money for which it originally gave these credits. Over
these the right is lost, with the expiration of the time established
for the duration of the receipts, but it is held to
the restitution of the amounts of the credits, such as they
appear upon the books.</p>

<p>September 26th, 1782.</p>

<p>
For the use of Congress, from</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>
TO M. DE LAFAYETTE.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, September 29th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">My Dear General,</p>

<p>I should have written you since the 29th of May, when
I wrote you a letter, that I hope you received, if it had not
been reported sometimes that you were gone, and at other
times, that you were upon the point of going to America.</p>

<p>This people must be indulged in their ordinary march,
which you know is with the slow step. We have at length,
however, the consent of all the cities and Provinces, and
have adjusted and agreed upon every article, word, syllable,
letter, and point, and clerks are employed in making
out five fair copies for the signature, which will be done
this week.</p>

<p>Amidst the innumerable crowd of loans, which are open
in this country, many of which have little success, I was
much afraid that ours would have failed. I have, however,
the pleasure to inform you, that I am at least one
million and a half in cash, about three millions of livres,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">430</a></span>
which will be a considerable aid to the operations of our
financier at Philadelphia, and I hope your Court, with
their usual goodness, will make up the rest that may be
wanting.</p>

<p>I am now as well situated as I ever can be in Europe. I
have the honor to live upon agreeable terms of civility with
the Ambassadors of France and Spain; and the Ministers
of all the other powers of Europe, whom I meet at the
houses of the French and Spanish Ministers, as well as at
Court, are complaisant and sociable. Those from Russia
and Denmark are the most reserved. Those from Sardinia
and Portugal are very civil. The Ministers of all
the neutral powers consider our independence as decided.
One of those even from Russia, said so not long ago, and
that from Portugal said it to me within a few days. You
and I have known this point to have been decided a long
time; but it is but lately, that the Ministers of neutral
powers, however they might think, have frankly expressed
their opinions; and it is now an indication, that it begins
to be the sentiment of their Courts, for they do not often
advance faster than their masters, in expressing their sentiments
upon political points of this magnitude.</p>

<p>Pray what are the sentiments of the <i>Corps Diplomatique</i>,
at Versailles? What progress is made in the negotiation for
peace? Can anything be done before the British Parliament,
or at least the Court of St James, acknowledge the
sovereignty of the United States, absolute and unlimited?</p>

<p>It would give me great pleasure to receive a line from
you, as often as your leisure will admit.</p>

<p>
With great esteem, I have the honor to be, Sir, your
most obedient servant,</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">431</a></span></p>

<h3>TO JOHN JAY.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, October 7th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Dear Sir,</p>

<p>Your favor of the 28th ultimo, was brought me last
night. On Friday last I was notified, by the messenger of
their High Mightinesses, that the treaties would be ready
for signature on Monday, this day. I am, accordingly, at
noon, to go to the Assembly, and finish the business. But
when this is done, some time will be indispensable, to prepare
my despatches for Congress, and look out for the
most favorable conveyances for them. I must also sign
another thousand of obligations at least, that the loan may
not stand still. All this shall be despatched with all the
diligence in my power, but it will necessarily take up some
time, and my health is so far from being robust, that it will
be impossible for me to ride with as much rapidity as I
could formerly, although never remarkable for a quick
traveller. If anything in the meantime should be in agitation,
concerning peace, in which there should be any difference
of opinion between you and your colleague, you
have a right to insist upon informing me by express, or
waiting till I come.</p>

<p><i>8th.</i> The signature was put off yesterday until today,
by the Prince being in conference with their High Mightinesses,
and laying his orders to the navy before them.</p>

<p>
With great regard, your humble servant,</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">432</a></span></p>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, October 8th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>At twelve o'clock today I proceeded, according to
appointment, to the State-House, where I was received
with the usual formalities, at the head of the stairs, by M.
Van Santheuvel, a Deputy from the Province of Holland,
and M. Van Lynden, the first noble of Zealand, and a Deputy
from that Province, and by them conducted into the
Chamber of Business, (<i>chambre de besogne</i>) an apartment
belonging to the Truce Chamber, (<i>chambre de trêve</i>) where
were executed the Treaty of Commerce and the convention
concerning recaptures, after an exchange of full
powers.</p>

<p>The Treaty and Convention are both closed, or at least
an authentic copy of each. If the copy should arrive
before the original, which I shall reserve to be sent by the
safest opportunity I can find, it will be a sufficient foundation
for the ratification of Congress. I hope the treaty
will be satisfactory to Congress. It has taken up much
time to obtain the remarks and the consent of all the members
of this complicated sovereignty. Very little of this
time has been taken up by me, as Congress will see by the
resolution of their High Mightinesses, containing the power
to the Deputies to conclude the treaty; for although all
communications were made to me in Dutch, a language in
which I was not sufficiently skilled to depend upon my own
knowledge, M. Dumas was ever at hand, and ever ready
to interpret to me everything in French, by which means
I was always able to give my answers without loss of time.
The papers, in which the whole progress of this negotiation
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">433</a></span>
is contained in Dutch, French, and English, make a
large bundle, and after all, they contain nothing worth
transmitting to Congress. To copy them would be an
immense labor, to no purpose, and to send the originals, at
once would expose them to loss.</p>

<p>Several propositions were made to me, which I could
not agree to, and several were made on my part, which
could not be admitted by the States. The final result
contained in the treaty, is as near the spirit of my instructions
as I could obtain, and I think it is nothing materially
variant from them. The Lords, the Deputies, proposed
to me to make the convention a part of the treaty. My
answer was, that I thought the convention, which is nearly
conformable with that lately made with France, would be
advantageous on both sides; but as I had no special
instructions concerning it, and as Congress might have objections,
that I could not foresee, it would be more agreeable
to have the convention separate; so that Congress, if
they should find any difficulty, might ratify the treaty without
it. This was accordingly agreed to. It seemed at
first to be insisted on, that we should be confined to the
Dutch ports in Europe, but my friend, M. Van Berckel,
and the merchants of Amsterdam, came in aid of me, in
convincing all, that it was their interest to treat us upon
the footing <i>gentis-amicissimæ</i>, in all parts of the world.</p>

<p>Friesland proposed, that a right should be stipulated for
the subjects of this Republic to purchase lands in any of
our States; but such reasons were urged as convinced
them, that this was too extensive an object for me to agree
to; 1st. It was not even stipulated for France. 2dly. If
it should be now introduced into this treaty, all other
nations would expect the same, and although at present it
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">434</a></span>
might not be impolitic to admit of this, yet nobody would
think it wise to bind ourselves to it forever. 3dly. What
rendered all other considerations unnecessary, was, that
Congress had not authority to do this, it being a matter of
the interior policy of the separate States. This was given
up. A more extensive liberty of engaging seamen in this
country was a favorite object; but it could not be obtained.
The <i>refraction</i>, as they call it, upon tobacco, in the weigh-houses,
is a thing, that enters so deeply into their commercial
policy, that I could not obtain anything, more particular
or more explicit, than what is found in the treaty.
Upon the whole, I think the treaty is conformable to the
principles of perfect reciprocity, and contains nothing, that
can possibly be hurtful to America, or offensive to our
allies, or to any other nation, except Great Britain, to
whom it is indeed, without a speedy peace, a mortal
blow.</p>

<p>The rights of France and Spain are sufficiently secured
by the twentysecond article; although it is not in the very
words of the project, transmitted me by Congress, it is
the same in substance and effect. The Duc de la Vauguyon
was very well contented with it, and the States were
so jealous of unforeseen consequences from the words
of the article as sent me by Congress, and as first proposed
by me, that I saw it would delay the conclusion without
end. After several conferences, and many proposals, we
finally agreed upon the article as it stands, to the satisfaction
of all parties.</p>

<p>The clause reserving to the Dutch their rights in the
East and West Indies, is unnecessary, and I was averse
to it, as implying a jealousy of us. But as it implies too
a compliment to our power and importance, was much
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">435</a></span>
insisted on, and amounted to no more than we should have
been bound to without it, I withdrew my objection.</p>

<p>The proviso of conforming to the laws of the country,
respecting the external show of public worship, I wished
to have excluded; because I am an enemy to every appearance
of restraint in a matter so delicate and sacred as
the liberty of conscience; but the laws here do not permit
Roman Catholics to have steeples to their churches, and
these laws could not be altered. I shall be impatient to
receive the ratification of Congress, which I hope may be
transmitted within the time limited.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">The Hague, October 12th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Yesterday afternoon M. Van der Burg Van Spieringshock,
the Agent of their High Mightinesses, brought me
the enclosed resolution, relative to a vessel of M. Dubbledemuts.
I promised to enclose it to Congress. I would
have it translated here, but I have not time. I presume
Congress has, or will have, an interpreter for the Low
Dutch.</p>

<p>It is much to be desired, that Congress would take some
measures to inquire into this matter. The cause for my
being so pressed for time, is, that I am preparing to set
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">436</a></span>
off for Paris, and have not only all my despatches to make
up, to send the treaty, but have obligations to sign respecting
the loan, that so essential a business may not stand
still in my absence.</p>

<p>Mr Jay writes me, that Mr Oswald has received a commission
to treat of peace with the Commissioners of the
United States of America. I shall set off for Paris next
week.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, October 31st, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Having executed the treaty of commerce at the Hague,
and despatched four copies of it, by four different vessels
bound to America from the Texel, and having signed a
sufficient number of obligations to leave in the hands of
Messrs Willinks, Van Staphorsts, and de la Lande and
Fynjè, and having received information from Mr Jay, that
Mr Oswald had received a commission from the King his
master, under the Great Seal of Great Britain, to treat
with the Commissioners of the United States of America,
I set off for Paris, where I arrived on Saturday, the 26th
of this month, after a tedious journey; the roads being, on
account of long continued rains, in the worst condition I
ever knew them.</p>

<p>I waited forthwith on Mr Jay, and from him learned the
state of the conferences. It is not possible, at present, to
enter into details. All I can say is in general, that I had
the utmost satisfaction in finding, that he had been all along
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">437</a></span>
acting here upon the same principles upon which I had
ventured to act in Holland, and that we were perfectly
agreed in our sentiments and systems. I cannot express
it better than in his own words; "to be honest and grateful
to our allies, but to think for ourselves." I find a construction
put upon one article of our instructions by some
persons, which I confess I never put upon it myself. It
is represented by some, as subjecting us to the French
Ministry, as taking away from us all right of judging for
ourselves, and obliging us to agree to whatever the French
Ministers shall advise us to, and to do nothing without
their consent. I never supposed this to be the intention
of Congress; if I had, I never would have accepted the
commission, and if I now thought it their intention, I
could not continue in it. I cannot think it possible to be
the design of Congress; if it is, I hereby resign my place
in the commission, and request that another person may
be immediately appointed in my stead.</p>

<p>Yesterday we met Mr Oswald at his lodgings; Mr Jay,
Dr Franklin, and myself, on one side, and Mr Oswald, assisted
by Mr Strachey, a gentleman whom I had the honor
to meet in company with Lord Howe upon Staten Island
in the year 1776, and assisted also by a Mr Roberts, a
clerk in some of the public offices, with books, maps, and
papers, relative to the boundaries.</p>

<p>I arrived in a lucky moment for the boundary of the
Massachusetts, because I brought with me all the essential
documents relative to that object, which are this day to be
laid before my colleagues in conference at my house, and
afterwards before Mr Oswald.</p>

<p>It is now apparent, at least to Mr Jay and myself, that,
in order to obtain the western lands, the navigation of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">438</a></span>
Mississippi, and the fisheries, or any of them, we must act
with firmness and independence, as well as prudence and
delicacy. With these, there is little doubt we may obtain
them all.</p>

<p>Yesterday I visited M. Brantzen, the Dutch Minister,
and was by him very frankly and candidly informed of the
whole progress of the negotiation on their part. It is very
shortly told. They have exchanged full powers with Mr
Fitzherbert, and communicated to him their preliminaries,
according to their instructions, which I have heretofore
transmitted to Congress. Mr Fitzherbert has sent them
to London and received an answer, but has communicated
to them no more of this answer than this, that those preliminaries
are not relished at St James'. He excused his
not having seen them for six or seven days, by pretence of
indisposition, but they are informed that he has made frequent
visits to Versailles during these days, and sent off
and received several couriers.</p>

<p>How the negotiation advances between Mr Fitzherbert,
and the Count de Vergennes, and the Count d'Aranda, we
know not.</p>

<p>The object of M. de Rayneval's journey to London, is
not yet discovered by any of us. It is given out, that he
was sent to see whether the British Ministry were in
earnest.<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> But this is too general. It is suspected that he
went to insinuate something relative to the fisheries and
the boundaries, but it is probable he did not succeed respecting
the former, and perhaps not entirely, with respect
to the latter.</p>

<p>
With great respect, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">439</a></span></p>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, November 6th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Two days ago arrived by Captain Barney, the letters
you did me the honor to write me, the 22d, 29th, 30th,
triplicate of May, 4th of July, 29th of August, and 15th of
September.</p>

<p>I was unconditionally received in Holland, and promised
upon record conferences and audiences, whenever I should
demand them, before I entered into any treaty, and without
this I should never have entered into any; and full
powers were given to the Committee of Foreign Affairs,
before I entered into any conferences with them. I have
ventured upon the same principle in the affair of peace, and
uniformly refused to come to Paris, until our independence
was unconditionally acknowledged by the King of Great
Britain. Mr Jay has acted on the same principle with
Spain, and with Great Britain. The dignity of the United
States, being thus supported, has prevailed in Holland and
Great Britain; not indeed as yet in Spain, but we are in a
better situation in relation to her, than we should have been
if the principle had been departed from. The advice of
the Count de Vergennes has been contrary; but however
great a Minister he may be in his own department, his
knowledge is insufficient and his judgment too often erroneous
in our affairs, to be an American Minister.</p>

<p>Intelligence from Holland is impossible through France.
Events in Holland can seldom be foreseen one day. When
they happen, they are inserted in the gazettes, transferred
to the <i>Courier de l'Europe</i>, the English and French gazettes,
and get to America before it is possible for me to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">440</a></span>
transmit them directly. Besides, Sir, I have sometimes
thought, that my time was better employed in doing business,
that might produce other events, than in multiplying
copies and conveyances of despatches, which would contain
nothing, but what I knew the newspapers would announce
as soon; my reputation may not be so well husbanded by
this method, but the cause of my country is served. I am
not insensible to reputation; but I hope it has not been a
principal object. Perhaps it has not been enough an
object. I see so much of the omnipotence of reputation,
that I begin to think so. I know very well, however, that
if mine cannot be supported by facts, it will not be by
trumpeters.</p>

<p>If it were in my power to do anything for the honor of
the department or Minister of Foreign Affairs, I would
cheerfully do it, because I am a friend to both; and to this
end, you will, I am sure, not take it amiss if I say, that it is
indispensably necessary for the service of Congress, and
the honor of the office, that it be kept impenetrably secret
from the French Minister in many things. The office will
be an engine for the ruin of the reputation of your Ministers
abroad, and for injuring our cause in material points, the
fishery, the western lands, and the Mississippi, &amp;c. if it is
not.</p>

<p>I thank you, Sir, for the hint about the English language.
I think with you, that we ought to make a point
of it, and after some time, I hope it will be an instruction
from Congress to all their Ministers.</p>

<p>As to the negotiations for peace, we have been night and
day employed in them ever since my arrival on the 26th
of October. Doctor Franklin, without saying anything to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">441</a></span>
me, obtained of Mr Jay a promise of his vote<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> for Mr W.
T. Franklin, to be Secretary to the commission for peace;
and as the Doctor and his Secretary are in the same house,
and there are other clerks enough, I suppose he will transmit
to Congress details of the negotiations. I shall be
ready to lend them any assistance in my power; and I will
endeavor as soon as I can to transmit them myself; but
after spending forenoon, afternoon, and evening, in discussions,
it is impossible to transmit all the particulars. No
man's constitution is equal to it.</p>

<p>The English have sent Mr Oswald, who is a wise and
good man, and, if untrammelled, would soon settle all, and
Mr Strachey, who is a keen and subtle one, although not
deeply versed in such things; and a Mr Roberts, who is a
clerk in the Board of Trade, and Mr Whithead, who is private
Secretary to Mr Oswald. These gentlemen are very
profuse in their professions of national friendship; of earnest
desires to obliterate the remembrance of all unkindnesses,
and to restore peace, harmony, friendship, and make them
perpetual, by removing every seed of future discord. All
this, on the part of Mr Oswald personally, is very sincere.
On the part of the nation, it may be so in some sense at
present; but I have my doubts, whether it is a national
disposition, upon which we can have much dependence,
and still more, whether it is the sincere intention of the
Earl of Shelburne.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">442</a></span></p>

<p>He has been compelled to acknowledge American independence,
because the Rockingham Administration had
resolved upon it, and Carleton and Digby's letter to General
Washington, had made known that resolution to the
world; because the nation demanded that negotiations
should be opened with the American Ministers, and they
refused to speak or hear, until their independence was acknowledged
unequivocally and without conditions, because
Messrs Fox and Burke had resigned their offices, pointedly,
on account of the refusal of the King, and my Lord
Shelburne, to make such an acknowledgment; and these
eloquent senators were waiting only for the session of Parliament
to attack his Lordship on this point; it was, therefore,
inevitable to acknowledge our independence, and no
Minister could have stood his ground without it. But still
I doubt, whether his Lordship means to make a general
peace. To express myself more clearly, I fully believe he
intends to try another campaign, and that he will finally
refuse to come to any definitive agreement with us, upon
articles to be inserted in the general peace.</p>

<p>We have gone the utmost lengths to favor the peace.
We have at last agreed to boundaries with the greatest moderation.
We have offered them the choice of a line through
the middle of all the great lakes, or the line of 45 degrees
of latitude, the Mississippi, with a free navigation of it at
one end, and the river St Croix at the other. We have
agreed, that the courts of justice be opened for the recovery
of British debts due before the war, to a general amnesty
for all the royalists, against whom there is no judgment
rendered, or prosecution commenced. We have agreed,
that all the royalists, who may remain at the evacuation of
the States, shall have six months to sell their estates, and to
remove with them.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">443</a></span></p>

<p>These are such immense advantages to the Minister,
that one would think he could not refuse them. The
agreement to pay British debts, will silence the clamors of
all the body of creditors, and separate them from the
tories, with whom they have hitherto made common cause.
The amnesty and the term of six months will silence all
the tories, except those who have been condemned, banished,
and whose property has been confiscated; yet I do
not believe they will be accepted.</p>

<p>I fear they will insist a little longer upon a complete indemnification
to all the refugees, a point, which, without
express instructions from all the States, neither we nor
Congress can give up; and how the States can ever agree
to it, I know not, as it seems an implicit concession of all
the religion and morality of the war. They will also insist
upon Penobscot as the eastern boundary. I am not
sure that the tories, and the Ministry, and the nation, are
not secretly stimulated by French emisaries, to insist upon
Penobscot, and a full indemnification to the tories. It is
easy to see, that the French Minister, the Spanish and the
Dutch Ministers would not be very fond of having it
known through the world, that all points for a general
peace were settled between Great Britain and America,
before all parties are ready. It is easy to comprehend,
how French, Spanish, and Dutch emisaries, in London,
in Paris, and Versailles, may insinuate, that the support of
the tories is a point of national and royal honor, and propagate
so many popular arguments in favor of it, as to embarrass
the British Minister. It is easy to see, that the
French may naturally revive their old assertions, that Penobscot
and Kennebec are the boundary of Nova Scotia,
although against the whole stream of British authorities,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">444</a></span>
and the most authentic acts of the Governors, Shirley,
Pownal, Bernard, and Hutchinson. Mr Fitzherbert, who
is constantly at Versailles, is very sanguine for the refugees.
Nevertheless, if my Lord Shelburne should not
agree with us, these will be only ostensible points. He
cares little for either. It will be to avoid giving any certain
weapons against himself, to the friends of Lord North,
and the old Ministry.</p>

<p>The negotiations at Versailles between the Count de
Vergennes and Mr Fitzherbert, are kept secret, not only
from us, but from the Dutch Ministers, and we hear nothing
about Spain. In general, I learn, that the French
insist upon a great many fish. I dined yesterday with M.
Berkenrode, the Dutch Ambassador, and M. Brantzen,
his colleague. They were both very frank and familiar,
and confessed to me, that nothing had been said to them,
and that they could learn nothing as yet of the progress of
the negotiation. Berkenrode told me, as an honest man,
that he had no faith in the sincerity of the English for
peace as yet; on the contrary, he thought that a part of
Lord Howe's fleet had gone to America, and that there
was something meditated against the French West India
Islands. I doubt this, however; but we shall soon know
where my Lord Howe is. That something is meditating
against the French or Spaniards, and that they think of
evacuating New York for that end, I believe. Berkenrode
seemed to fear the English, and said, like a good
man, that in case any severe stroke should be struck
against France, it would be necessary for Holland and
America to discover a firmness. This observation had my
heart on its side; but without an evacuation of New York,
they can strike no blow at all, nor any very great one
with it.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">445</a></span></p>

<p>Mr Oswald has made very striking overtures to us; to
agree to the evacuation of New York, to write a letter to
General Washington, and another to Congress, advising
them to permit this evacuation, to agree, that neither the
people nor the army should oppose this evacuation, or
molest the British army in attempting it; nay, further, that
we should agree, that the Americans should afford them all
sorts of aid, and even supplies of provisions. These propositions
he made to us, in obedience to an instruction from
the Minister, and he told us their army were going against
West Florida, to reconquer that from the Spaniards.
Our answer was, that we could agree to no such things;
that General Washington could enter into a convention
with them, for the terms upon which they should surrender
the city of New York, and all its dependencies, as Long
Island, Staten Island, &amp;c. to the arms of the United States.
All that we could agree to was, that the effects and persons
of those, who should stay behind, should have six months
to go off, nor could we agree to this, unless as an article
to be inserted in the general peace.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, November 6th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The scene of action is so entirely transferred to your
side of the Atlantic, that scarce any occurrence among us
at present is sufficiently interesting to furnish matter for a
public letter.</p>

<p>The resolutions, which have from time to time evinced
the steady determination of Congress, in no event to relinquish
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">446</a></span>
the great object of the war, or think of peace but
in connexion with their allies, have been already transmitted
to you. The military force on both sides is perfectly
inactive. By the enclosed extracts from General Carleton's,
and General Washington's letters, you will see that
the first is so bent on peace, that, notwithstanding the opinion
of his superiors, he does not see that the war has any
longer an object. It is high time that he disavows them,
for their conduct is a direct disavowal of him.</p>

<p>The clauses of the commission to Mr Fitzherbert, which
are designed to include us, are strong indications of the
extreme reluctance of the British to give up their supposed
dominion over this country. You have great credit
with me for the judgment you have formed, from time to
time, of the Court of Great Britain; though your opinions
sometimes run counter to those generally received.</p>

<p>Nothing can be more conformable to our wishes, than
the instructions you have transmitted; keep up that spirit
in &mdash;&mdash; and we have nothing to fear from that quarter, but
lengthy negotiations, even after they shall commence in
earnest.</p>

<p>We have yet no accounts of the evacuation of Charleston,
and that event begins daily to grow more uncertain.
Such is the inconstancy of the enemy, that one may as
well predict what appearances a cloud will put on two
hours hence, by our knowledge of the wind, as reduce
their conduct to any settled shape, by knowing their professions.
Our troops have gone into winter quarters at
West Point.</p>

<p>The French have marched to the eastward to be nearer
their fleet, which lies at Boston. Part of the British fleet,
consisting of fourteen sail of the line, and eight frigates,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">447</a></span>
including a ship of forty guns, sailed from New York the
26th ultimo. They have such a decided superiority in
the American seas, that if they had correspondent land
forces, or even knew how to apply those they keep cooped
up in America, they might render themselves very formidable
in the West Indies. This however is, I hope, an
evil, which will be ere long remedied.</p>

<p>Bills for the amount of your salary from January last
have been regularly transmitted to Dr Franklin. You will
receive with this the amount of the last quarter, ending the
first of October. Mr Morris, my Secretary, will enclose
you a state of your accounts. I should be glad if you
would acknowledge the receipt of these moneys, as they
come to hand, since I stand charged with them in the
Treasury books.</p>

<p>The enclosed resolution will show you, that Mr Boudinott
has succeeded Mr Hanson, as President of Congress.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, November 8th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>In one of your letters you suppose, that I have an open
avowed contempt of all rank. Give me leave to say, you
are much mistaken in my sentiments. There are times,
and I have often seen such, when a man's duty to his
country demands of him the sacrifice of his rank, as well
as his fortune and life, but this must be an epoch, and
for an object worthy of the sacrifice. In ordinary times,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">448</a></span>
the same duty to his country obliges him to contend for his
rank, as the only means indeed, sometimes, by which he
can do service, and the sacrifice would injure his country
more than himself. When the world sees a man reduced
to the necessity of giving up his rank, merely to serve the
public, they will respect him, and his opinions will have the
more weight for it; but when the same world sees a man
yield his rank for the sake of holding a place, he becomes
ridiculous. This, you may depend upon it, will not be my
case.</p>

<p>Ranks, titles, and etiquettes, and every species of punctilios,
even down to the visits of cards, are of infinitely
more importance in Europe, than in America, and therefore
Congress cannot be too tender of disgracing their
Ministers abroad in any of these things, nor too determined
not to disgrace themselves. Congress will, sooner
or later, find it necessary to adjust the ranks of all their
servants, with relation to another, as well as to the magistrates
and officers of the separate governments.</p>

<p>For example, if, when Congress abolished my commission
to the king of Great Britain, and my commission for
peace, and issued a new commission for peace, in which
they associated four other gentlemen with me, they had
placed any other at the head of the commission, they
would have thrown a disgrace and ridicule upon me in
Europe, that I could not have withstood. It would have
injured me in the minds of friends and enemies, the French
and Dutch, as well as the English.</p>

<p>It is the same thing with the States. If Mr Jay and I
had yielded the punctilio of rank, and taken the advice of
the Count de Vergennes and Dr Franklin, by treating
with the English or Spaniards, before we were put upon
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">449</a></span>
the equal footing, that our rank demanded, we should have
sunk in the minds of the English, French, Spaniards,
Dutch, and all the neutral powers. The Count de Vergennes
certainly knows this; if he does not, he is not even
an European statesman; if he does know it, what inference
can we draw, but that he means to keep us down if
he can; to keep his hand under our chin to prevent us
from drowning, but not to lift our heads out of water?</p>

<p>The injunctions upon us to communicate, and to follow
the advice that is given us, seem to be too strong, and too
universal. Understood with reasonable limitations and
restrictions, they may do very well. For example, I
wrote a speculation, and caused it to be printed in the
<i>Courier du Bas Rhine</i>, showing the interest, policy, and
humanity of the neutral confederation's acknowledging
American independence, and admitting the United States
to subscribe to the principles of their Marine Treaty.
This was reprinted in the Gazette of Leyden, the <i>Politique
Hollandais</i>, the <i>Courier de l'Europe</i>, and all the Dutch
gazettes. At the same time I caused to be transmitted to
England some pieces on the same subject, and further
showing the probability, that the neutral powers might
adopt this measure, and the impolicy of Great Britain, in
permitting all the powers of Europe to get the start of her,
and having more merit with America than she, by acknowledging
her independence first. These pieces were
printed in the English papers, in the form of letters to the
Earl of Shelburne, and can never be controverted, because
they are in writing, and in print, with their dates. These
fears thus excited, added to our refusal to treat on an
unequal footing, probably produced his Lordship's resolution,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">450</a></span>
to advise the King to issue the commission, under the
great seal, to Mr Oswald; by which Great Britain has got
the start, and gone to the windward of the other European
powers. No man living, but myself, knew, that all these
speculations, in various parts of Europe, came from me.
Would it do for me to communicate all this to the French
Ministers? Is it possible for me to communicate all these
things to Congress? Believe me it is not, and give me
leave to say it will not do to communicate them to my
friend, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, nor my friend, M.
Marbois. If they should be, long letters will lay all open
to the Count de Vergennes, who, I assure you, I do not
believe will assist me, or anybody else, in such measures
of serving our country. When the French Ministers in
America, or Europe, communicate everything to us, we
may venture to be equally communicative with them. But
when everything is concealed from us, more cautiously
than it is from England, we shall do ourselves injustice, if
we are not upon our guard.</p>

<p>If we conduct ourselves with caution, prudence, moderation,
and firmness, we shall succeed in every great point;
but if Congress, or their Ministers abroad suffer themselves
to be intimidated by threats, slanders, or insinuations,
we shall be duped out of the fishery, the Mississippi, much
of the western lands, compensation to the tories, and
Penobscot at least, if not Kennebec. This is my solemn
opinion, and I will never be answerable to my country,
posterity, or my own mind, for the consequences, that might
happen from concealing it.</p>

<p>It is for the determinate purpose of carrying these
points, that one man, who is submission itself, is puffed up
to the top of Jacob's ladder in the clouds, and every other
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">451</a></span>
man depressed to the bottom of it in the dust. This is
my opinion, let me be punished for it, for assuredly I am
guilty.</p>

<p>
With great respect, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, November 11th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>On my first arrival at Paris, I found my colleagues engaged
in conferences with Mr Oswald. They had been
before chiefly conducted by Mr Jay, Dr Franklin having
been mostly confined for three months, by a long and
painful illness. At this time, however, he was so much
better, although still weak and lame, as to join us in most
of our subsequent conferences, and we were so constantly
engaged forenoon, afternoon, and evening, that I had not
been out to Versailles, nor anywhere else.</p>

<p>On Saturday last, the Marquis de Lafayette called upon
me, and told me he had been to Versailles, and the Count
de Vergennes had said to him, that he had been informed
by the returns of the Police, that I was in Paris, but not
officially, and he should take it well if I would come to
see him.</p>

<p>I went out to dine with Dr Franklin the same day, who
had just returned from delivering his memorial, and repeated
to me the same message. I said to both, I would
go the next morning, and, accordingly, on Sunday, the
9th, I went to make my court to his Excellency. He received
me politely, and asked me questions about our progress.
I answered him, that the English Minister appeared
to me to divide with us upon ostensible points; that I still
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">452</a></span>
doubted his intentions to make a universal peace; that the
cry of the nation was for something to be done or said
with the American Ministers; and to satisfy this, the King
of Great Britain had been advised to be the third power
in Europe to acknowledge our independence. As this
was a royal act, and under the great seal of his kingdom,
it would never be denied or revoked; but still it did not
render the nation unanimous, and to avoid, finally, disgusting
any great party, the Minister would still pursue his
usual studied obscurity of policy. Points must be conceded
to the Americans, before a complete agreement
could be made with them, even on terms to be inserted in
the universal peace, which would open the full cry of a
powerful party upon him, among which were the refugees.
It could not be supposed, that the refugees and Penobscot
were such points with the nation or Minister, that they
would continue the war for them only, if they were ready
to strike with France, Spain, and Holland.</p>

<p>The Count then asked me some questions respecting
Sagadehock, which I answered, by showing him the
records, which I had in my pocket, particularly that of
Governor Pownal's solemn act of possession in 1759; the
grants and settlements of Mount Desert, Machias, and all
the other townships east of Penobscot river; the original
grant of James the First, to Sir William Alexander of
Nova Scotia, in which it is bounded on St Croix river;
(this grant I had in Latin, French, and English) the dissertations
of Governor Shirley, and Governor Hutchinson,
and the authority of Governor Bernard, all showing the
right of Massachusetts to this tract to be incontestable. I
added, that I did not think any British Minister would
ever put his hand to a written claim of that tract of land,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">453</a></span>
their own national acts were so numerous, and so clear
against them. The Count said, Mr Fitzherbert had told
him, that it was for the masts, that a point was made of
that tract. But the Count said, Canada was an immense
resource for masts. I said, there were few masts there;
that this could not be the motive; that the refugees were
still at the bottom of this; several of them had pretensions
to lands in Sagadehock, and the rest hoped for grants
there.</p>

<p>The Count said, it was not at all surprising, that the
British Ministry should insist upon compensation to the
tories, for that all the precedents were in their favor; in
the case of the United Provinces with Spain, all were restored
to their possessions, and that there never had been an
example of such an affair terminated by treaty, but all
were restored. He said, it was a point well settled by
precedents. I begged his Excellency's pardon for this,
and thought there was no precedent in point. A restitution
of an estate not alienated, although confiscated to a
Crown or State, could not be a precedent in point, because,
in our case, these estates had not only been confiscated,
but alienated by the State, so that it was no
longer in the power of the State to restore them. And
when you come to the question of compensation, there
is every argument of national honor, dignity of the State,
public and private justice and humanity, for us to insist
upon a compensation for all the plate, negroes, rice, and tobacco
stolen, and houses and substance consumed, as there
is for them to demand compensation to the tories; and
this was so much the stronger in our favor, as our sufferers
were innocent people, and theirs guilty ones.</p>

<p>M. Rayneval, who was present, said something about
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">454</a></span>
the King and nation being bound to support their adherents.
I answered, that I could not comprehend this
doctrine. Here was a set of people, whose bad faith and
misrepresentations had deceived the King and deluded the
nation, to follow their all-devouring ambition, until they had
totally failed of their object; had brought an indelible reproach
on the British name, and almost irretrievable ruin
on the nation, and yet that nation is bound to support their
deceivers and ruiners. If the national honor was bound at
all, it was bound still to follow their ambition, to conquer
America, and plant the refugees there in pomp and power,
and in such case, we all know whose estates would be
confiscated, and what compensation would be obtained.
All this M. Rayneval said was very true.</p>

<p>The Count asked me to dine, which I accepted, and
was treated with more attention and complaisance than
ever, both by him and the Countess. As it is our duty to
penetrate, if we can, the motives and views of our allies, as
well as our enemies, it is worth while for Congress to consider
what may be the true motives of these intimations
in favor of the tories. History shows, that nations have
generally had as much difficulty to arrange their affairs
with their allies as with their enemies. France has had as
much this war with Spain as with England. Holland and
England, whenever they have been allies, have always
found many difficulties, and from the nature of things, it
must ever be an intricate task, to reconcile the notions,
prejudices, principles, &amp;c. of two nations in one concert of
councils and operations.</p>

<p>We may well think, that the French would be very glad
to have the Americans join with them in a future war.
Suppose, for example, they should think the tories men of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">455</a></span>
monarchical principles, or men of more ambition than principle,
or men corrupted and of no principle, and should,
therefore, think them more easily seduced to their purposes
than virtuous Republicans, is it not easy to see the
policy of a French Minister in wishing them amnesty and
compensation? Suppose that a French Minister foresees,
that the presence of the tories in America will keep up
perpetually two parties, a French and an English party,
and that this will compel the patriotic and independent
men to join the French side, is it not natural for him to
wish them restored? Is it not easy too to see, that a
French Minister cannot wish to have the English and
Americans perfectly agreed upon all points, before they
themselves, the Spanish and the Dutch are agreed too?
Can they be sorry then to see us split upon such a point as
the tories? What can be their motives to become the advocates
of the tories? It seems the French Minister, at Philadelphia,
has made some representations to Congress, in
favor of a compensation to the royalists, and that the Count
de Vergennes' conversation with me was much in favor of
it. The Count probably knows, that we are instructed
against it, or rather, have not a constitutional authority to
make it; that we can only write about it to Congress, and
they to the States, who may, and probably will, deliberate
upon it a year or eighteen months before they all decide,
and then every one of them will determine against it. In
this way, there is an insuperable obstacle to any agreement
between the English and Americans, even upon
terms to be inserted in the general peace, before all are
ready, and, indeed, after. It has been upon former occasions
the constant practice of the French, to have some of
their subjects in London, and the English some of theirs in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">456</a></span>
Paris, during conferences for peace, in order to propagate
such sentiments as they wished to prevail. I doubt not
there are such there now. M. Rayneval has certainly been
there. It is reported, I know not how truly, that M. Gerard
has been there, and probably others are there, who can
easily prompt the tories to clamor, and to cry that the
King's dignity and nation's honor are compromised, to
support their demands.</p>

<p>America has been long enough involved in the wars of
Europe. She has been a football between contending
nations from the beginning, and it is easy to foresee, that
France and England both will endeavor to involve us in
their future wars. It is our interest and duty to avoid them
as much as possible, and to be completely independent, and
to have nothing to do with either of them, but in commerce.
My poor thoughts and feeble efforts, have been
from the beginning constantly employed to arrange all our
European connexions to this end, and will continue to be
so employed, whether they succeed or not. My hopes of
success are stronger now than they ever have been, because
I find Mr Jay precisely in the same sentiments, after all the
observations and reflections he has made in Europe, and
Dr Franklin at last, at least appears to coincide with us.
We are all three perfectly united in the affair of the tories,
and of the Sagadehock, the only points in which the British
Minister pretends to differ from us.</p>

<p>The enclosed papers will show Congress the substance
of the negotiation. The treaty, as first projected between
Mr Oswald on one side, and Dr Franklin and Mr Jay on
the other before my arrival; the treaty as projected after
my arrival, between Mr Oswald and the three American
Ministers, my Lord Shelburne having disagreed to the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">457</a></span>
first; Mr Oswald's letter and our answer; Mr Strachey's
letter and our answer.<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Mr Strachey has gone to London
with the whole, and we are waiting his return, or the arrival
of some other, with further instructions.</p>

<p>If Congress should wish to know my conjecture, it is,
that the Ministry will still insist upon compensation to the
tories, and thus involve the nation every month of the war
in an expense sufficient to make a full compensation to all
the tories in question. They would not do this, however,
if they were ready with France and Spain.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Philadelphia, November 18th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>Since my letter of the 6th, Congress have been pleased
to appoint Mr Jefferson one of their Ministers Plenipotentiary
for negotiating peace. I have not yet received an
answer to my letter informing him of this event, though I
have some reason to believe he will accept the appointment.</p>

<p>I believe I mentioned to you, that Congress had refused
to accept Mr Laurens' resignation. Many members have
since seen with great pain, the petition published in the
Parliamentary debates as his. I sincerely wish, that it
may prove to be a forgery, since the language it speaks does
not consist with the dignified character he holds. He has
since informed Congress, that he purposes to return to
England, and come out to this country by the way of New
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">458</a></span>
York. I hope the determination of Congress will reach
him before he leaves France, as it will have an awkward
appearance to send to England for an American Minister.</p>

<p>All the contracts we have received from you, have been
sent back with the ratification endorsed. Some of them
have, I hope, reached you before this. So that the last
hand may be put to the important business of the loan.</p>

<p>So much has been said of Captain Asgill, upon whom,
as you have been informed, the lot fell, when it was determined
to avenge the death of Captain Huddy, that I should
let you know the issue of this business, which you may in
part collect, from the enclosed resolve, though you may be
ignorant of the reasons which induced Congress to pass it,
and again render abortive their determination to punish the
unexampled cruelty of the enemy. Mrs Asgill, the mother
of this unfortunate young man, had sufficient influence at
the Court of France to obtain its interposition in his favor;
a letter was written on the subject by Count de Vergennes
to General Washington, enclosing one from Mrs Asgill to
the Count, which was extremely pathetic. The Minister
of France had orders from his master to support this application.
It was thought advisable, that this should not be
formally done, but that the discharge of Asgill, should be
grounded upon the reasons expressed in the preamble of the
resolution. Congress the more readily acquiesced in this
measure, as there is ground to hope, from the late conduct
of the enemy, that they have determined to adopt a more
civilized mode of carrying on the war in future. They
have called off the savages, and a large number of prisoners
have returned on parole from Canada.</p>

<p>We have yet no certain account of the evacuation of
Charleston, though we know that the first division of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">459</a></span>
troops, and a considerable number of the inhabitants sailed
on the 19th ultimo, as is said, for Augustine; it is probably
evacuated by this time.</p>

<p>It would give me pleasure to receive from you an accurate
account of the differences, which have arisen between
the Court of Denmark and the United Provinces, and the
effects they may probably produce. We are imperfectly
acquainted with facts here, and still less with the politics of
the Northern Courts; you will sometimes extend your
observations to them.</p>

<p>I confide too much in the wisdom of the States-General
to believe, that they will omit any honorable means
to prevent an accession of strength to Great Britain, at this
critical moment.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed_long">ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, November 18th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>The instructions from Congress, which direct us to pay
so strict an attention to the French Ministry, and to follow
their advice, are conceived in terms so universal and unlimited,
as to give a great deal of anxiety to my mind.</p>

<p>There is no man more impressed with the obligation of
obedience to instructions; but, in ordinary cases, the principal
is so near the Deputy, as to be able to attend to the
whole progress of the business, and to be informed of
every new fact, and every sudden thought. Ambassadors
in Europe can send expresses to their Courts, and give
and receive intelligence in a few days, with the utmost
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">460</a></span>
certainty. In such cases there is no room for mistake,
misunderstanding, or surprise. But, in our case, it is very
different. We are at an immense distance. Despatches
are liable to foul play, and vessels are subject to accidents.
New scenes open, the time presses, various nations are in
suspense, and necessity forces us to act.</p>

<p>What can we do? If a French Minister advises us to
cede to the Spaniards the whole river of the Mississippi,
and five hundred miles of territory to the eastward of it,
are we bound by our instructions to put our signature to
the cession, when the English themselves are willing we
should extend to the river, and enjoy our natural right to
its navigation? If we should be counselled to relinquish
our right to the fishery on the Grand Bank of Newfoundland,
when the British Ministry are ready, by treaty, to
acknowledge our right to it, are we obliged to relinquish it?
If we are advised to restore and compensate the tories, are
we to comply? If we know, or have reasons to believe,
that things, which will have weight upon the minds of the
British Ministry against us upon some points, will be communicated
to them in some way or other, secret or open,
if we communicate it to this Court, are we bound to
do it?</p>

<p>I cannot think, that a construction, so literal and severe,
was ever intended to be put upon it; and, therefore, I see
no way of doing my duty to Congress, but to interpret the
instruction, as we do all general precepts and maxims, by
such restrictions and limitations, as reason, necessity, and
the nature of things demand.</p>

<p>It may sometimes be known to a deputy, that an instruction
from his principal was given upon information of mistaken
facts, what is he to do? When he knows, that if
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">461</a></span>
the truth had been known, his principal would have given
a directly contrary order, is he to follow that, which issued
upon mistake? When he knows, or has only good reason
to believe, that, if his principal were on the spot, and fully
informed of the present state of facts, he would give contrary
directions, is he bound by such as were given before?
It cannot be denied, that instructions are binding, that it is
a duty to obey them, and that a departure from them cannot
be justified; but I think it cannot be denied on the
other hand, that in our peculiar situation, cases may happen,
in which it might become our duty to depend upon
being excused, (or, if you will, pardoned) for presuming,
that if Congress were upon the spot, they would judge as
we do.</p>

<p>I presume not to dictate, nor to advise, but I may venture
to give my opinion, as I do freely, and with much real
concern for the public, that it would be better, if every
instruction in being were totally repealed, which enjoins
upon any American Minister to follow, or ask the advice,
or even to communicate with any French, or other Minister,
or Ambassador in the world. It is an inextricable
embarrassment everywhere. Advice would not be more
seldom asked, nor communication less frequent. It would
be more freely given. A communication of information,
or a request of council would then be received as a compliment,
and a mark of respect; it is now considered as
a duty and a right. Your Ministers would have more
weight, and be the more respected through the world.
Congress cannot do too much to give weight to their own
Ministers, for, they may depend upon it, great and unjustifiable
pains are taken to prevent them from acquiring
reputation, and even to prevent an idea taking root in any
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">462</a></span>
part of Europe, that anything has been, or can be done
by them. And there is nothing, that humbles and depresses,
nothing that shackles and confines, in short, nothing
that renders totally useless all your Ministers in
Europe, so much as these positive instructions, to consult
and communicate with French Ministers, upon all occasions,
and follow their advice. And I really think it would
be better to constitute the Count de Vergennes, our sole
Minister, and give him full powers to make peace and
treat with all Europe, than to continue any of us in the
service, under the instructions in being, if they are to be
understood in that unlimited sense, which some persons
contend for.</p>

<p>I hope, that nothing indecent has escaped me upon this
occasion. If any expressions appear too strong, the great
importance of the subject, and the deep impression it has
made on my mind and heart, must be my apology.</p>

<p>
I am, Sir, your humble servant,</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, November 24th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>We live in critical moments. Parliament is to meet, and
the King's speech will be delivered on the 26th. If the
speech announces Mr Oswald's commission, and the two
Houses in their answers thank him for issuing it, and there
should be no change in the Ministry, the prospect of peace
will be flattering. Or if there should be a change in the
Ministry, and the Duke of Portland, with Mr Fox and Mr
Burke, should come in, it will be still more so. But if
Richmond, Cambden, Keppel, and Townshend should retire,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">463</a></span>
and my Lord North and company come in, with or
without the Earl of Shelburne, the appearances of peace
will be very unpromising. My Lord North, indeed, cannot
revoke the acknowledgment of our independence, and
would not probably renounce the negotiations for peace, but
ill will to us is so habitual to him and his master, that he
would fall in earnestly with the wing-clipping system; join
in attempts to deprive us of the fisheries and the Mississippi,
and to fasten upon us the tories, and in every other
measure to cramp, stint, impoverish and enfeeble us.
Shelburne is not so orthodox as he should be, but North is
a much greater heretic in American politics.</p>

<p>It deserves much consideration what course we should
take, in case the old Ministry should come in wholly, or in
part. It is certain, at present, that to be obnoxious to the
Americans, and their Ministers, is a very formidable popular
cry against any Minister or candidate for the Ministry
in England, for the nation is more generally for recovering
the good will of the Americans than they ever have been.
Nothing would strike such a blow to any Ministry, as to
break off the negotiations for peace; if the old Ministry
come in, they will demand terms of us, at first, probably,
that we can never agree to.</p>

<p>It is now eleven or twelve days, since the last result of
our conferences were laid before the Ministry in London.
Mr Vaughan went off on Sunday noon, the 17th. So
that he is, no doubt, before this time with my Lord Shelburne.
He is possessed of an ample budget of arguments
to convince his Lordship, that he ought to give up all the
remaining points between us. Mr Oswald's letters will
suggest the same arguments in a different light, and Mr
Strachey, if he is disposed to do it, is able to enlarge upon
them all in conversation.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">464</a></span></p>

<p>The fundamental point of the sovereignty of the United
States being settled in England, the only question now is,
whether they shall pursue a contracted, or a liberal, a
good natured, or an ill natured plan towards us. If they
are generous, and allow us all we ask, it will be the better
for them; if stingy, the worse. That France does not wish
them to be very noble to us, may be true. But we should
be dupes indeed, if we did not make use of every argument
with them, to show them that it is their interest to
be so. And they will be the greatest bubbles of all, if
they should suffer themselves to be deceived by their passions,
or by any arts, to adopt an opposite tenor of conduct.</p>

<p>I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.</h3>

<p class="letter_head">Paris, December 4th, 1782.</p>

<p class="letter_open">Sir,</p>

<p>It is with much pleasure, that I transmit you the preliminary
treaty between the King of Great Britain and the
United States of America. The Mississippi, the western
lands, Sagadehock, and the fisheries, are secured as
well as we could, and I hope what is done for the refugees
will be pardoned.</p>

<p>As the objects, for which I ever consented to leave my
family and country, are thus far accomplished, I now beg
leave to resign all my employments in Europe. They are
soon enumerated; the first, is my commission to borrow
money in Holland, and the second, is my credence to their
High Mightinesses. These two should be filled up immediately,
and as Mr Laurens was originally designed to that
country, and my mission there was merely owing to his
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">465</a></span>
misfortune, I hope that Congress will send him a full
power for that Court.</p>

<p>The commission for peace I hope will be fully executed
before this reaches you. But, if it should not, as the
terms are fixed, I should not choose to stay in Europe,
merely for the honor of affixing my signature to the definitive
treaty, and I see no necessity of filling up my place;
but if Congress should think otherwise, I hope they will
think Mr Dana the best entitled to it.</p>

<p>With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="signed">JOHN ADAMS.</p>

<div class="thought_break"></div>

<h3>EXTRACTS FROM A JOURNAL.</h3>

<p><i>Saturday, November 2d, 1782.</i>&mdash;Almost every moment
of this week has been employed in negotiation with the
English gentlemen, concerning peace. We have two
propositions, one, the line of fortyfive degrees, the other, a
line through the middle of the Lakes. And for the boundary
between Massachusetts and Nova Scotia, a line from
the mouth of St Croix to its source, and from its source
to the Highlands.</p>

<p><i>Sunday, November 3d.</i>&mdash;In my first conversation with
Dr Franklin, on Tuesday last, he told me of Mr Oswald's
demand of the payment of debts, and compensation to the
tories; he said their answer had been, that we had not
power, nor had Congress. I told him, I had no notion of
cheating anybody. The question of paying debts, and
compensating tories, were two. I had made the same observation
that forenoon to Mr Oswald and Mr Strachey, in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">466</a></span>
company with Mr Jay, at his house. I saw it struck Mr
Strachey with peculiar pleasure; I saw it instantly smiling
in every line of his face. Mr Oswald was apparently
pleased with it too. In a subsequent conversation with my
colleagues, I proposed to them, that we should agree that
Congress should recommend it to the States, to open their
courts of justice for the recovery of all just debts. They
gradually fell into this opinion, and we all expressed these
sentiments to the English gentlemen, who were much
pleased with it, and with reason; because it silences the
clamors of all the British creditors against the peace, and
prevents them from making common cause with the refugees.
Mr Jay came in and spent two hours in conversation
upon our affairs, and we attempted an answer to Mr
Oswald's letter. He is perfectly of my opinion, or I am
of his, respecting Mr Dana's true line of conduct, as well
as his with Spain, and ours with France, Spain, and England.</p>

<p>Vergennes has endeavored to persuade him to treat
with d'Aranda, without exchanging powers. He refuses.
Vergennes also pronounced Oswald's first commission sufficient,
and was for making the acknowledgment of American
independence, the first article of the treaty. Jay
would not treat; the consequence was, a complete acknowledgment
of our independence by Oswald's new commission,
under the great seal of Great Britain, to treat
with the Commissioners of the United States of America.
Thus a temperate firmness has succeeded everywhere, but
the base system nowhere.</p>

<p>D'Estaing has set off for Madrid and Cadiz; <i>reste à
savoir</i> what his object is, whether to take the command
of a squadron, and in that case, where to go, whether to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">467</a></span>
Rhode Island, to join Vaudreuil, and go against New
York, or to the West Indies. Will they take New York,
or only prevent the English from evacuating it? Oswald
proposed solemnly to all three of us yesterday, at his
house, to agree not to molest the British troops in the
evacuation; but we did not. This, however, shows they
have it in contemplation. Suppose they are going against
West Florida. How far are we bound to favor the Spaniards?
Our treaty with France must, and shall be sacredly
fulfilled, and we must admit Spain to accede when she
will; but until she does, our treaty does not bind us to
France to assist Spain.</p>

<p>The present conduct of England and America, resembles
that of the eagle and cat. An eagle, scaling over a
farmer's yard, espied a creature that he thought a hare.
He pounced upon and took him up in the air, the cat
seized him by the neck with her teeth, and round the body
with her fore and hind claws. The eagle, finding himself
scratched and pressed, bids the cat let go, and fall down.
No, says the cat, I will not let go and fall, you shall stoop
and set me down.</p>

<p><i>Monday, November 4th.</i>&mdash;All the forenoon, from eleven
till three, at Mr Oswald's, Mr Jay and I. In the evening
there again, until near eleven. Strachey is as artful and
insinuating a man as they could send; he pushes and
presses every point as far as it can possibly go; he has a
most eager, earnest, pointed spirit.</p>

<p><i>Tuesday, November 5th.</i> Mr Jay told me our allies
did not play fair. They were endeavoring to deprive us
of the fishery, the western lands, and the navigation of the
Mississippi. They would even bargain with the English,
to deprive us of them. They want to lay the western
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">468</a></span>
lands, Mississippi, and the whole Gulf of Mexico into the
hands of Spain.</p>

<p>Oswald talks of Pultney, and a plot to divide America
between France and England. France to have New
England. They tell a story about Vergennes, and his
agreeing that the English might propose such a division,
but reserving a right to deny it all. These whispers ought
not to be credited by us.</p>

<p><i>Saturday, November 9th.</i>&mdash;M. de Lafayette came in,
and told me he had been at Versailles, and in consultation
about the affair of money, as he and I agreed he should.
He said he found, that the Count de Vergennes and their
Ministry were of the same opinion with me, that the English
were determined to evacuate New York. After
some time, he told me, in a great air of confidence, that
he was afraid the Count took it amiss, that I had not been
to Versailles to see him. The Count told him, that he
had not been officially informed of my arrival, he had only
learned it from the returns of the police. I went out to
Passy to dine with Dr Franklin, who had been to Versailles,
and presented his Memorial, and the papers accompanying
it. The Count said he would have the papers
translated to lay them before the King, but the affair
would meet with many difficulties. Franklin brought the
same message to me from the Count, and said he believed
it would be taken kindly if I went. I told both the
Marquis and the Doctor, that I would go tomorrow morning.</p>

<p><i>Sunday, November 10th.</i>&mdash;Accordingly, at eight this
morning, I went and waited on the Count. He asked me
how we went on with the English. I told him we divided
upon two points, the tories and Penobscot, two ostensible
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">469</a></span>
points; for it was impossible to believe, that my Lord
Shelburne, or the nation, cared much about such points.
I took out of my pocket, and showed him, the record of
Governor Pownal's solemn act of burying a leaden plate,
with this inscription; 'May 23d, 1759. Province of Massachusetts
Bay. Penobscot dominions of Great Britain.
Possession confirmed by Thomas Pownal, Governor.'
This was planted on the east side of the river of Penobscot,
three miles above marine navigation. I showed him
also all the other records, the laying out of Mount Desert,
Machias, and all the other towns to the east of Penobscot
river, and told him, that the grant of Nova Scotia, by
James the First, to Sir William Alexander, bounded it on
the river St Croix, and that I was possessed of the authorities
of four of the greatest Governors the King of
England ever had, Shirley, Pownal, Bernard, and Hutchinson,
in favor of our claim, and of learned writings of
Shirley and Hutchinson in support of it. The Count said,
that Mr Fitzherbert told him they wanted it for the masts.
But the Count said, that Canada had an immense quantity.
I told him I thought there were few masts there, but,
that I fancied it was <i>not masts, but tories</i>, that again made
the difficulty. Some of them claimed lands in that territory,
and others hoped for grants there.</p>

<p>The Count said, it was not astonishing, that the British
Ministry should insist upon compensation to them, for
that all the precedents were in favor of it; that there had
been no example of an affair like this terminated by a
treaty, without re-establishing those who had adhered to
the old government, in all their possessions. I begged
his pardon in this, and said, that in Ireland at least
there had been a multitude of confiscations without restitution.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">470</a></span>
Here we ran into some conversation concerning
Ireland, &amp;c. M. Rayneval, who was present, talked about
the national honor, and the obligation they were under to
support their adherents. Here I thought I might indulge
a little more latitude of expression, than I had done with
Oswald and Strachey, and I answered, if the nation
thought itself bound in honor to compensate these people,
it might easily do it, for it cost the nation more money to
carry on this war one month, than it would cost it to compensate
them all. But I could not comprehend this doctrine
of national honor. Those people, by their misrepresentations
had deceived the nation, who had followed the
impulsion of their devouring ambition, until it had brought
an indelible stain on the British name, and almost irretrievable
ruin on the nation, and now that very nation was
thought to be bound in honor to compensate its dishonorers
and destroyers. Rayneval said it was very true.</p>

<p>The Count invited me to dine; I accepted. When I
came, I found M. de Lafayette in conference with him.
When they came out, the Marquis took me aside, and told
me he had been talking with the Count upon the affair of
money. He had represented to him Mr Morris's arguments,
and the things I had said to him, as from himself,
&amp;c. That he feared the arts of the English, that our
army would disband, and our governments relax, &amp;c.
That the Count feared many difficulties; that France had
expended two hundred and fifty millions in this war, &amp;c.
That he talked of allowing six millions, and my going to
Holland with the scheme I had projected, and having the
King's warranty, &amp;c. to get the rest; that he had already
spoken to some of M. de Fleury's friends, and intended to
speak to him, &amp;c.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">471</a></span></p>

<p>We went up to dinner. I went up with the Count
alone. He showed me into the room where were the
ladies and the company. I singled out the Countess, and
went up to her to make her my compliment. The Countess,
and all the ladies rose up. I made my respects to
them all, and turned and bowed to the rest of the company.
The Count, who came in after me, made his bows
to the ladies, and to the Countess last. When he came to
her, he turned round and called out, <i>Mons. Adams,
venez ici, voilà la Comtesse de Vergennes</i>. A nobleman
in company said, Mr Adams has already made his court
to Madame la Comtesse. I went up again, however, and
spoke again to the Countess, and she to me. When dinner
was served, the Count led Madame de Montmorin, and
left me to conduct the Countess, who gave me her hand
with extraordinary condescension, and I conducted her to
table. She made me sit next to her, on her right hand,
and was remarkably attentive to me the whole time. The
Count, who sat opposite, was constantly calling out to me,
to know what I would eat, and to offer me <i>petits gateaux</i>,
claret, and Madeira, &amp;c. &amp;c. In short, I was never
treated with half the respect at Versailles in my life. In
the antichamber, before dinner, some French gentlemen
came to me, and said they had seen me two years ago,
and that I had shown in Holland, that the Americans understood
negotiation, as well as war.</p>

<p><i>Monday, November 11th.</i> Mr Whiteford the Secretary
of Mr Oswald, came a second time, not having found me
at home yesterday, when he left a card, with a copy of Mr
Oswald's commission, attested by himself (Mr Oswald).
He delivered the copy, and said Mr Oswald was ready to
compare it with the original with me. I said Mr Oswald's
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">472</a></span>
attestation was sufficient, as he had already shown me the
original. He sat down, and we fell into conversation about
the weather, and the vapors and exhalations from Tartary,
which had been brought here last spring by the winds,
and given us all the influenza. Thence to French fashions
and the punctuality, with which they insist upon people's
wearing thin clothes in spring and fall, though the
weather is ever so cold, &amp;c. I said it was often carried to
ridiculous lengths, but that it was at bottom an admirable
policy, as it rendered all Europe tributary to the city of
Paris, for its manufactures.</p>

<p>We fell soon into politics. I told him, that there was
something in the minds of the English and French, which
impelled them irresistibly to war every ten or fifteen years.
He said the ensuing peace would, he believed, be a long
one. I said it would, provided it was well made, and
nothing left in it to give future discontents. But if anything
was done, which the Americans should think hard or
unjust, both the English and French would be continually
blowing it up, and inflaming the American minds with it,
in order to make them join one side or the other in a
future war. Suppose for example, they should think the
tories men of monarchical principles, or men of more ambition
than principle, or men corrupted and of no principle,
and should therefore think them more easily seduced to
their purposes, than virtuous republicans, is it not easy to
see the policy of a French Minister in wishing them amnesty
and compensation? Suppose a French Minister
foresees, that the presence of the tories in America will
keep up perpetually two parties, a French party, and an
English party, and that this will compel the patriotic and
independent party to join the French party, is it not natural
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">473</a></span>
for him to wish them restored? Is it not easy to see, that a
French Minister cannot wish to have the English and Americans
perfectly agreed upon all points before they themselves,
the Spaniards and the Dutch are agreed too? Can
they be sorry then to see us split upon such a point as the
tories? What can be their motives to become the advocates
of the tories?</p>

<p>The French Minister at Philadelphia has made some
representations to Congress, in favor of a compensation to
the royalists, and the Count de Vergennes no longer than
yesterday said much to me in their favor. The Count
probably knows, that we are instructed against it, that Congress
are instructed against it, or rather have not constitutional
authority to do it; that we can only write about it to
Congress, and they to the States, who may, and probably
will, deliberate upon it eighteen months before they all decide,
and then every one of them will determine against it.
In this way there is an insuperable obstacle to any agreement
between the English and Americans, even upon terms
to be inserted in the general peace, before all are ready.
It was the constant practice of the French to have some of
their subjects in London during the conferences for peace
in order to propagate such sentiments there as they wished
to prevail. I doubted not such were there now; M. Rayneval
had been there. M. Gerard, I had heard, is there
now, and probably others. They can easily persuade the
tories to set up their demands, and tell them and the Ministers,
that the King's dignity and nation's honor are compromised
in it.</p>

<p>For my own part, I thought America had been long
enough involved in the wars of Europe. She had been a
football between contending nations from the beginning,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">474</a></span>
and it was easy to foresee, that France and England both
would endeavor to involve us in their future wars. I
thought it our interest and duty, to avoid them as much
as possible, and to be completely independent, and have
nothing to do but in commerce with either of them; that
my thoughts had been from the beginning to arrange all
our European connexions to this end, and that they would
continue to be so employed. And I thought it so important
to us, that if my poor labors, my little estate, or (smiling)
sizy blood, could effect it, it should be done. But I
had many fears.</p>

<p>I said, the King of France might think it consistent with
his station to favor people, who had contended for a Crown,
though it was the Crown of his enemy. Whiteford said,
they seem to be through the whole of their course, fighting
for reputation. I said, they had acquired it, and more, they
had raised themselves high from a low estate by it, and
they were our good friends and allies, and had conducted
generously, and nobly, and we should be just and grateful,
but they might have political wishes, which we were not
bound by treaty, nor in justice or gratitude to favor, and
these we ought to be cautious of. He agreed that they
had raised themselves very suddenly and surprisingly by it.</p>

<p><i>Tuesday, November 12th.</i>&mdash;The compliment of "<i>Monsieur,
vous êtes le Washington de la négotiation</i>," was repeated
to me, by more than one person. I answered,
"<i>Monsieur, vous me faites le plus grand honneur, et le compliment
le plus sublime possible</i>." "<i>Eh! Monsieur, en
vérité, vous l'avez bien mérité.</i>"</p>

<p><i>Friday, November 15th.</i>&mdash;Mr Oswald came to visit me,
and entered with some freedom, into conversation. I said
many things to him to convince him, that it was the policy
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">475</a></span>
of my Lord Shelburne, and the interest of the nation, to
agree with us upon the advantageous terms, which Mr
Strachey carried away on the 5th; showed him the advantages
of the boundary, the vast extent of land, and the
equitable provision for the payment of debts, and even the
great benefits stipulated for the tories.</p>

<p>He said he had been reading Mr Paine's answer to the
Abbé Raynal, and had found there an excellent argument
in favor of the tories. Mr Paine says, that before
the battle of Lexington, we were so blindly prejudiced in
favor of the English, and so closely attached to them, that
we went to war at any time, and for any object, when they
bid us. Now this being habitual to the Americans, it was
excusable in the tories to behave on this occasion, as all of
us had ever done upon all others. He said, if he were a
member of Congress, he would show a magnanimity upon
this occasion, and would say to the refugees, take your
property, we scorn to make any use of it in building up
our system.</p>

<p>I replied, that we had no power, and Congress had no
power, and, therefore, we must consider how it would be
reasoned upon in the several Legislatures of the separate
States, if, after being sent by us to Congress, and by them
to the several States, in the course of twelve or fifteen
months, it should be there debated. You must carry on
the war six or nine months certainly, for this compensation;
and consequently spend, in the prosecution of it, six
or nine times the sum necessary to make the compensation;
for I presume this war costs every month to Great
Britain, a larger sum than would be necessary to pay for
the forfeited estates.</p>

<p>"How," said I, "will an independent man in one of our
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">476</a></span>
Assemblies consider this? We will take a man, who is no
partisan of England or France, one who wishes to do justice
to both, and to all nations, but is the partisan only of
his own." "Have you seen," said he, "a certain letter
written to the Count de Vergennes, wherein Mr Samuel
Adams is treated pretty freely?" "Yes," said I, "and
several other papers, in which Mr John Adams has been
treated so too. I do not know what you may have heard
in England of Mr Samuel Adams. You may have been
taught to believe, for what I know, that he eats little children.
But I assure you, he is a man of humanity and
candor, as well as integrity; and further, that he is devoted
to the interest of his country, and, I believe, wishes
never to be, after a peace, the partisan to France or England,
but to do justice and all the good he can to both.
I thank you for mentioning him, for I will make him my
orator. What will he say, when the question of amnesty
and compensation to the tories comes before the Senate
of Massachusetts, and when he is informed, that England
makes a point of it, and that France favors her? He will
say, here are two old sagacious Courts, both endeavoring to
sow the seeds of discord among us, each endeavoring to
keep us in hot water; to keep up continual broils between
an English party and a French party, in hopes of obliging
the independent and patriotic party to lean to its side.
England wishes them here, and compensated, not merely
to get rid of them, and to save herself the money, but
to plant among us instruments of her own, to make divisions
among us, and between us and France, to be continually
crying down the religion, the government, the manners
of France, and crying up the language, the fashions, the
blood, &amp;c. of England. England also means, by insisting
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">477</a></span>
on our compensating these worst of enemies, to obtain
from us a tacit acknowledgment of the right of the war, an
implicit acknowledgment, that the tories have been justifiable,
or at least excusable, and that we, only by a fortunate
coincidence of events, have carried a wicked rebellion
into a complete revolution. At the very time, when
Britain professes to desire peace, reconciliation, perpetual
oblivion of all past unkindnesses, can she wish to send in
among us a number of persons, whose very countenances
will bring fresh to our remembrance the whole history of
the rise and progress of the war, and of all its atrocities?
Can she think it conciliatory, to oblige us to lay taxes upon
those, whose habitations have been consumed, to reward
those who have burned them? Upon those, whose relations
have been cruelly destroyed, to compensate the murderers?
What can be the design of France, on the other hand, by espousing
the cause of those men? Indeed, her motives may
be guessed at. She may wish to keep up in our minds a
terror of England, and a fresh remembrance of all we
have suffered. Or she may wish to prevent our Ministers
in Europe from agreeing with the British Ministers, until
she shall say, that she and Spain are satisfied in all points."</p>

<p>I entered largely with Mr Oswald into the consideration
of the influence this question would have upon the councils
of the British cabinet, and the debates in Parliament.
The King and the old Ministry might think their personal
reputations concerned, in supporting men who had gone
such lengths, and suffered so much in their attachment to
them. The King may say, "I have other dominions
abroad, Canada, Nova Scotia, Florida, the West India
Islands, the East Indies, Ireland. It will be a bad example
to abandon these men. Others will lose their
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">478</a></span>
encouragement to adhere to my government." But the
shortest answer to this is the best, let the King by a message
recommend it to Parliament to compensate them.</p>

<p>But how will my Lord Shelburne sustain the shock of
opposition, when Mr Fox and Mr Burke shall demand a
reason, why the essential interests of the nation are sacrificed
to the unreasonable demands of those very men,
who have done this great mischief to the empire? Should
these orators indulge themselves in Philippics against the
refugees, show their false representations, their outrageous
cruelties, their innumerable demerits against the nation,
and then attack the First Lord of the Treasury for continuing
to spend the blood and treasure of the nation for
their sakes?</p>

<p><i>Sunday, November 17th.</i>&mdash;Mr Vaughan came to me
yesterday, and said, that Mr Oswald had that morning
called upon Mr Jay, and told him, if he had known as
much the day before, as he had since learned, he would
have written to go home. Mr Vaughan said, Mr Fitzherbert
had received a letter from Mr Townshend, that the
compensation would be insisted on. Mr Oswald wanted
Mr Jay to go to England; thought he could convince the
Ministry. Mr Jay said, he must go with or without the
knowledge and advice of the Court, and, in either case, it
would give rise to jealousies. He could not go. Mr
Vaughan said, he had determined to go, on account of the
critical state of his family, his wife being probably abed.
He should be glad to converse freely with me, and obtain
from me all the lights and arguments against the tories,
even the history of their worst actions. That, in case it
should be necessary to run them down, it might be done,
or at least expose them, for their true history was little
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">479</a></span>
known in England. I told him, I must be excused, it was
a subject that I had never been desirous of obtaining information
upon; that I pitied those people too much, to be
willing to aggravate the sorrows and sufferings, even of
those who had deserved the worst. It might not be amiss
to reprint the letters of Bernard, Hutchinson, and Oliver,
to show their rise. It might not be amiss to read the history
of Wyoming, in the annual register for 1778 or 9, to
recollect the prison ships, and the churches at New York,
where the garrison of Fort Washington were starved, in
order to make them enlist in refugee corps, it might not
be amiss to recollect the burning of cities, and the thefts of
plate, negroes, and tobacco.</p>

<p>I entered into the same arguments with him that I had
used with Mr Oswald, to show that we could do nothing;
Congress nothing; the time it would take to consult the
States, and the reason to believe, that all of them would at
last decide against it. I showed him, that it would be a
religious question with some; a moral one with others;
and a political one with more; an economical one with
very few. I shewed him the ill effect which would be
produced upon the American mind by this measure; how
much it would contribute to perpetuate alienation against
England, and how French emissaries might, by means of
these men, blow up the flames of animosity and war. I
showed him how the whig interest, and the opposition,
might avail themselves of this subject in Parliament, and
how they might embarrass the Minister.</p>

<p>He went out to Passy for a passport, and in the evening
called upon me again; he said he found Dr Franklin's
sentiments to be the same with Mr Jay's and mine, and
hoped he should be able to convince Lord Shelburne.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">480</a></span>
He was pretty confident it would work right. The Ministry
and nation were not informed upon the subject. Lord
Shelburne had told him, that no part of his office gave him
so much pain, as the levee he held for these people, and
hearing their stories of their families and estates, their
losses, sufferings, and distresses. Mr Vaughan said, he
had picked up here a good deal of information about
these people from Mr Allen, and other Americans.</p>

<p>In the evening, M. de Lafayette came in and told me
he had been to see M. de Fleury on the subject of a
loan. He told him, he must afford America this year a
subsidy of twenty millions. M. de Fleury said, France
had already spent two hundred and fifty millions in the
American war, and that they could not allow any more
money to her; that there was a great deal of money in
America; that the King's troops had been paid and subsisted
there; that the British army had been subsisted
and paid there, &amp;c. The Marquis said, that little of the
subsistence or pay of the British had gone into any hands,
but those of the tories within the lines. I said, that more
money went in for their goods, than came out for provisions,
or anything. The Marquis added to M. de Fleury,
that Mr Adams had a plan for going to the States-General
for a loan, or a subsidy. M. de Fleury said, he did not
want the assistance of Mr Adams, to get money in Holland,
he could have what he would. The Marquis said,
Mr Adams would be glad of it, he did not want to go,
but was willing to take the trouble, if necessary.</p>

<p>The Marquis said, that he should dine with the Queen
tomorrow, and would give her a hint to favor us, that he
should take leave in a few days, and should go in the fleet
that was to sail from Brest; that he wanted the advice of Dr
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">481</a></span>
Franklin, Mr Jay, and me, before he went, &amp;c. said that
there was a report, that M. Gerard had been in England,
and that M. de Rayneval was gone. I told him, I saw M.
Gerard at Mr Jay's a few evenings ago. He said, he did
not believe M. Gerard had been; that he had mentioned
it to Count de Vergennes, and he did not appear confused
at all, but said M. Gerard was here about the limits of
Alsace. The Marquis said, that he believed the reason
why Count de Vergennes said so little about the progress
of Mr Fitzherbert with him was, because the difficulty
about peace was made by the Spaniards, and he was
afraid of making the Americans still more angry with
Spain. He knew the Americans were very angry with
the Spaniards.</p>

<p><i>Monday, November 18th.</i>&mdash;Returned Mr Oswald's visit.
He says, Mr. Strachey, who sat out the 5th, did not reach
London until the 10th. Couriers are three, four, or five
days in going, according as the winds are.</p>

<p>We went over the old ground concerning the tories. He
began to use arguments with me to relax. I told him, he
must not think of that; but must bend all his thoughts to
convince and persuade his Court to give it up; that if the
terms now before his Court were not accepted, the whole
negotiation would be broken off, and this Court would
probably be so angry with Mr Jay and me, that they
would set their engines to work upon Congress, get us recalled,
and some others sent, who would do exactly as this
Court would have them. He said, he thought that very
probable. In another part of his conversation he said, we
should all have gold snuff boxes, set with diamonds; you
will certainly have the picture. I told him no, I had dealt
too freely with this Court, I had not concealed from them
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">482</a></span>
any useful and necessary truth, although it was disagreeable.
Indeed, I neither expected, or desired any favors
from them, nor would I accept any; I should not refuse
any customary compliment of that sort, but it never had
been, or would be offered to me. My fixed principle,
never to be the tool of any man, nor the partisan of any
nation, would forever exclude me from the smiles and
favors of Courts.</p>

<p>In another part of the conversation I said, that when
I was young and addicted to reading, I had heard about
dancing upon the points of metaphysical needles; but,
by mixing in the world, I had found the points of political
needles finer and sharper than the metaphysical ones.
I told him the story of Josiah Quincy's conversation with
Lord Shelburne, in 1774, in which he pointed out to him
the plan of carrying on the war, which has been pursued
this year, by remaining inactive on land, and cruising upon
the coast to distress our trade.</p>

<p>He said he had been contriving an artificial truce, since
he found we were bound by treaty not to agree to a separate
truce. He had proposed to the Ministry, to give
orders to their men-of-war, and privateers, not to take any
unarmed American vessels.</p>

<p>I said to him, supposing the armed neutrality should acknowledge
American independence, by admitting Mr Dana,
who is now at Petersburg with a commission in his pocket
for that purpose, to subscribe to the principles of their marine
treaty; the King of Great Britain could find no fault
with it; he could never hereafter say it was an affront or
hostility; he had done it himself. Would not all neutral
vessels have a right to go to America? And could not all
American trade be carried on in neutral bottoms? I said
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">483</a></span>
to him, that England would always be a country, which
would deserve much of the attention of America, independently
of all consideration of blood, origin, language, morals,
&amp;c.; merely as a commercial people, she would forever
claim the respect of America, because a great part of her
commerce would be with her, provided she came to her
senses, and made peace with us, without any points in the
treaty, that should ferment in the minds of the people.
If the people should think themselves unjustly treated, they
would never be easy, and they are so situated as to be
able to hurt any power. The fisheries, the Mississippi, the
tories, were points that would rankle, and that nation that
should offend our people in any of them, would sooner or
later feel the consequences.</p>

<p>Mr Jay, M. Couteulx, and Mr Grand, came in. Mr
Grand says there is a great fermentation in England, and
that they talk of uniting Lord North and Mr Fox in administration;
the Duke of Portland to come in, and Keppel to
go out. But this is wild.</p>

<p>You are afraid, said Mr Oswald today, of being made
the tools of the powers of Europe. Indeed I am, said I.
What powers, said he? All of them, said I. It is obvious
that all the powers of Europe will be continually man&oelig;uvring
with us, to work us into their real or imaginary balances
of power. They will all wish to make of us a makeweight
candle, when they are making out their pounds. Indeed
it is not surprising; for we shall very often, if not always
be able to turn the scale. But I think it ought to be our
rule not to meddle, and that of all the powers of Europe,
not to desire us, or perhaps even to permit us to interfere, if
they can help it. I beg of you, said he, to get out of your
head the idea, that we shall disturb you. What, said I, do
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">484</a></span>
you yourself believe, that your Ministers, Governors, and
even nation, will not wish to get us of your side in any future
war? As for the Governors, said he, we will take off
their heads if they do an improper thing towards you.
Thank you for your good will, said I, which I feel to be
sincere. But nations do not feel as you and I do. And
your nation, when it gets a little refreshed from the fatigues
of the war; when men and money are become plenty, and
allies at hand, will not feel as it does now. We never can
be such sots, said he, as to think of differing again with
you. Why, said I, in truth I have never been able to comprehend
the reason, why you ever thought of differing
with us.</p>

<p><i>Monday, November 25th.</i> Doctor Franklin, Mr Jay,
and myself, at 11 o'clock, met at Mr Oswald's lodgings.
Mr Strachey told us, he had been to London, and waited
personally on every one of the King's cabinet council, and
had communicated the last propositions to them. They
every one of them unanimously condemned that respecting
the tories, so that that unhappy affair stuck, as he foresaw
and foretold it would.</p>

<p>The affair of the fishery too was somewhat altered.
They could not admit us to dry on the shores of Nova
Scotia, nor to fish within three leagues of the coast of
Cape Breton. The boundary they did not approve. They
thought it too extended, too vast a country; but they would
not make a difficulty. That if these terms were not admitted,
the whole affair must be thrown into Parliament,
where every man would be for insisting on restitution to
the refugees. He talked about excepting a few, by name,
of the most obnoxious of the refugees.</p>

<p>I could not help observing, that the ideas respecting the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">485</a></span>
fishery appeared to me to come piping hot from Versailles.
I quoted to them the words of our treaty with France, in
which the indefinite and exclusive right to the fishery on
the western side of Newfoundland was secured against us,
according to the true construction of the treaties of Utrecht
and Paris. I showed them the 12th and 13th articles of
the treaty of Utrecht, by which the French were admitted
to fish from Cape Bonavista to Point Riche. I related to
them the manner in which the cod and haddock came into
the rivers, harbors, creeks, and up to the very wharves, on all
the northern coasts of America, in the spring, in the month
of April, so that you have nothing to do, but step into a
boat, and bring in a parcel of fish in a few hours. But
that in May they began to withdraw. We have a saying
in Boston that, "when the blossoms fall, the haddock begin
to crawl," i.e. to move into deep water; so that in summer
you must go out some distance to fish; at Newfoundland
it was the same. The fish in March and April were in
shore, in all the creeks, bays, and harbors, i.e. within
three leagues of the coasts or shores of Newfoundland and
Nova Scotia; that neither French nor English, could go
from Europe and arrive early enough for the first fare;
that our vessels could, being so much nearer, an advantage
which God and nature had put into our hands; but this
advantage of ours had been an advantage to England; because
our fish had been sold in Spain and Portugal for
gold and silver, and that gold and silver sent to London
for manufactures; that this would be the course again;
that France foresaw it, and wished to deprive England of
it, by persuading her to deprive us of it; that it would be a
master stroke of policy if she could succeed; but England
must be completely the dupe before she could succeed.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">486</a></span></p>

<p>There were three lights in which it might be viewed.
1st. As a nursery for seamen. 2d. As a source of profit.
3d. As a source of contention. As a nursery of seamen,
did England consider us as worse enemies than France?
Had she rather France should have the seamen than America?
The French marine was nearer and more menacing
than ours. As a source of profit, had England rather
France should supply the markets of Lisbon and Cadiz
with fish, and take the gold and silver, than we? France
would never spend any of that money in London. We
should spend it all there, very nearly. As a source of contention,
how could we restrain our fishermen (the boldest
men alive) from fishing in prohibited places? How could
our men see the French admitted to fish, and themselves
excluded by the English? It would then be a cause of
disputes, and such seeds France might wish to sow. That
I wished for two hours' conversation on the subject with
one of the King's council. If I did not convince him he
was undesignedly betraying the interest of his Sovereign; I
was mistaken. Strachey said, perhaps I would put down
some observations in writing upon it; I said, with all my
heart, provided I had the approbation of my colleagues;
but I could do nothing of the kind without submitting it to
their judgments; and, that whatever I had said or should
say, upon the subject, however strongly I might express
myself was always to be understood, with submission to my
colleagues. I showed them Captain Coffin's letter, and
gave them his character. His words are;</p>

<p>"Our fishermen from Boston, Salem, Newbury, Marblehead,
Cape Ann, Cape Cod, and Nantucket, have frequently
gone out on the fisheries to the Straits of Belleisle,
north part of Newfoundland, and the banks adjacent
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">487</a></span>
thereto, there to continue the whole season, and have
made use of the north part of Newfoundland, the Labrador
coast, in the Straits of Belleisle, to cure their fish,
which they have taken in and about those coasts. I have
known several instances of vessels going there to load in
the fall of the year, with the fish taken and cured at these
places, for Spain, Portugal, &amp;c. I was once concerned in
a voyage of that kind myself, and speak from my own
knowledge.</p>

<p>"From Cape Sables, to the Isle of Sables, and so on to
the Banks of Newfoundland, are a chain of banks, extending
all along the coast, and almost adjoining each
other, and those banks are where our fishermen go for the
first fare, in the early part of the season. Their second
fare is on the Banks of Newfoundland, where they continue
to fish, till prevented by the tempestuous and boisterous
winds, which prevail in the fall of the year on that
coast. Their third and last fare is generally made near
the coast of Cape Sables, or banks adjoining thereto,
where they are not only relieved from those boisterous
gales, but have an asylum to fly to in case of emergency,
as that coast is lined, from the head of Cape Sables to
Halifax, with most excellent harbors. The sea-cow fishery
was, before the present war, carried on to great advantage,
particularly from Nantucket and Cape Cod, in and
about the river St Lawrence, at the Island St Johns and
Anticosti, Bay of Chaleurs, and the Magdalen Islands,
which were the most noted of all for that fishery. This
oil has the preference to all others, except spermaceti."</p>

<p>Mr Jay desired to know whether Mr Oswald had now
power to conclude and sign with us. Strachey said he
had, absolutely. Mr Jay desired to know if the propositions
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">488</a></span>
now delivered us, were their ultimatum. Strachey
seemed loath to answer, but at last said, no. We agreed
these were good signs of sincerity. Bancroft came in this
evening, and said, it was reported, that a courier had arrived
from M. Rayneval, in London, and that after it, the
Count de Vergennes told the King, that he had the peace
in his pocket, that he was now master of the peace.</p>

<p><i>Tuesday, November 26th.</i> Breakfasted at Mr Jay's,
with Dr Franklin, in consultation upon the propositions
made to us yesterday, by Mr Oswald. We agreed unanimously,
to answer him, that we could not consent to the
article respecting the refugees, as it now stands. Dr
Franklin read a letter upon the subject, which he had prepared
to Mr Oswald, upon the subject of the tories, which
we had agreed with him, that he should read, as containing
his private sentiments. We had a vast deal of conversation
upon the subject. My colleagues opened themselves,
and made many observations concerning the conduct,
crimes, and demerits of those people. Before dinner Mr
Fitzherbert came in, whom I had never seen before, a
gentleman of about thirtythree; seems pretty discreet and
judicious, and did not discover those airs of vanity, which
are imputed to him. He came in consequence of the
desire I expressed yesterday, of knowing the state of the
negotiation between him and the Count de Vergennes, respecting
the fishery. He told us, that the Count was for
fixing the boundaries where each nation should fish; he
must confess he thought the idea plausible, for that there
had been great dissensions among the fishermen of the
two nations; that the French Marine Office had an apartment
full of complaints and representations of disputes;
that the French pretended, that Cape Ray was the Point
Riche.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">489</a></span></p>

<p>I asked him, if the French demanded of him an exclusive
right to fish and dry between Cape Bonavista and the
Point Riche. He said they had not expressly, and he intended
to follow the words of the Treaty of Utrecht and
Paris, without stirring the point. I showed him an extract
of a letter from the Earl of Egremoot, to the Duke of Bedford,
of March the 1st, 1763, in which it is said, that, by
the 13th article of the Treaty of Utrecht, a liberty was
left to the French to fish, and to dry their fish on shore;
and for that purpose to erect the necessary stages and
buildings, but with an express stipulation, "<i>de ne pas
sejourner dans la dite Isle, au delà du dit tems nécessaire
pour pêcher et sécher les poissons</i>." That it is a received
law among the fishermen, that whoever arrives first shall
have his choice of the stations; that the Duc de Nivernois
insisted, that by the Treaty of Utrecht, the French had an
exclusive right to the fishery, from Cape Bonavista to
Point Riche; that the King gave to his Grace, the Duke
of Bedford, express instructions to come to an eclaircissement
upon the point with the French Ministry, and to
refuse the exclusive construction of the Treaty of Utrecht.
I also showed him a letter from Sir Stamier Porteen, Lord
Weymouth's Secretary, to Lord Weymouth, enclosing an
extract of Lord Egremont's letter to the Duke of Bedford,
by which it appears, that the Duc de Nivernois
insisted "that the French had an exclusive right to the
fishery, from Cape Bonavista to point Riche, and that they
had, on ceding the island of Newfoundland to Great Britain,
by the thirteenth article of the Treaty of Utrecht,
expressly reserved to themselves such an exclusive right,
which they had constantly been in possession of till they
were entirely driven from North America, in the last war."
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">490</a></span></p>

<p>For these papers I am obliged to Mr Izard. Mr Fitzherbert
said it was the same thing now, word for word;
but he should endeavor to have the treaty conformable
to those of Utrecht and Paris. But he said we had given
it up by admitting the word "<i>exclusive</i>" into our treaty. I
said, perhaps not; for the whole was to be conformable to
the true construction of the treaties of Utrecht and Paris,
and that if the English did not now admit the exclusive
construction, they could not contend for it against us. We
had only contracted not to disturb them, &amp;c. I said it
was the opinion of all the fishermen in America, that England
could not prevent our catching a fish, without preventing
themselves from getting a dollar; that the first fare was
our only advantage; that neither the English nor French
could have it; it must be lost if we had it not. He said,
he did not think much of the fishery, as a source of
profit, but as a nursery of seamen. I told him, the English
could not catch a fish the more, or make a sailor the
more, for restraining us; even the French would rival
them in the markets of Spain and Portugal. It was our
fish they ought to call their own; because we should spend
the profit with them; that the Southern States had staple
commodities; but New England had no other remittances
than the fishery, no other way to pay for their clothing;
that it entered into our distilleries and West India trade, as
well as our European trade, in such a manner, that it
could not be taken out or diminished without tearing and
rending; that, if it should be left to its natural course, we
could hire or purchase spots of ground, on which to erect
stages and buildings; but if we were straitened by treaty,
that treaty would be given in instructions to Governors
and Commodores, whose duty it would be to execute it;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">491</a></span>
that it would be very difficult to restrain our fishermen,
they would be frequently transgressing and making disputes
and troubles.</p>

<p>He said, his principal object was to avoid sowing seeds
of future wars. I said, it was equally my object, and that
I was persuaded, that if the germ of a war was left anywhere,
there was the greatest danger of its being left in
the article respecting the fishery. The rest of the day
was spent in endless discussions about the tories. Dr.
Franklin is very staunch against them, more decided a
great deal on this point, than Mr. Jay or myself.</p>

<p><i>Wednesday, November 27th.</i>&mdash;Mr. Benjamin Vaughan
came in, returned from London, where he had seen Lord
Shelburne. He says, he finds the Ministry much embarrassed
with the tories, and exceedingly desirous of saving
their honor and reputation in this point; that it is reputation
more than money, &amp;c. Dined with Mr. Jay, and
spent some time before dinner with him and Dr. Franklin,
and all the afternoon with them and Mr. Oswald, endeavoring
to come together concerning the fisheries and the
tories.</p>

<p><i>Thursday, November 28th.</i>&mdash;This morning I have drawn
up the following project.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Art. iii.</span> "That the subjects of his Britannic Majesty,
and the people of the said United States, shall continue to
enjoy, unmolested, the right to take fish of every kind, on
the Grand Bank, and on all the other banks of Newfoundland;
also in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and in all other
places, where the inhabitants of both countries used at any
time heretofore to fish; and the citizens of the said United
States, shall have liberty to cure and dry their fish on the
shores of Cape Sables, and of any of the unsettled bays,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">492</a></span>
harbors, or creeks of Nova Scotia, or any of the shores of
the Magdalen Islands, and of the Labrador coast. And
they shall be permitted, in time of peace, to hire pieces of
land for terms of years, of the legal proprietors, in any of
the dominions of his said Majesty, whereon to erect the
necessary stages and buildings, and to cure and dry their
fish."</p>

<p><i>Friday, November 29th.</i>&mdash;Met Mr Fitzherbert, Mr Oswald,
Dr Franklin, Mr Jay, Mr Laurens, and Mr Strachey,
at Mr Jay's, <i>Hôtel d'Orléans</i>, and spent the whole
day, in discussions about the fishery and the tories. I
proposed a new article concerning the fishery, it was discussed
and turned in every light, and multitudes of amendments
proposed on each side, and, at last, the article
drawn as it was finally agreed to. The other English
gentlemen being withdrawn upon some occasion, I asked
Mr Oswald, if he could not consent to leave out the limitation
of three leagues from all their shores, and the fifteen
from those of Louisbourg.</p>

<p>He said, in his own opinion, he was for it; but his instructions
were such that he could not do it. I perceived
by this, and by several incidents and little circumstances
before, which I had remarked to my colleagues, who were
much of the same opinion, that Mr Oswald had an instruction,
not to settle the articles of the fishery and refugees,
without the concurrence of Mr Fitzherbert and Mr
Strachey.</p>

<p>Upon the return of the other gentlemen, Mr Strachey
proposed to leave out the word <i>right</i> of fishing, and make
it <i>liberty</i>. Mr Fitzherbert said the word <i>right</i> was an obnoxious
expression. Upon this, I rose up and said, gentlemen,
is there, or can there be, a clearer right? In former
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">493</a></span>
treaties, that of Utrecht, and that of Paris, France and
England have claimed the right, and used the word.
When God Almighty made the Banks of Newfoundland at
three hundred leagues distance from the people of America,
and at six hundred leagues distance from those of
France and England, did he not give as good a right to
the former as to the latter? If Heaven in the creation gave
a right, it is ours at least as much as yours. If occupation,
use, and possession give a right, we have it as clearly as
you. If war, and blood, and treasure give a right, ours is
as good as yours.</p>

<p>We have constantly been fighting in Canada, Cape
Breton, and Nova Scotia, for the defence of this fishery,
and have expended beyond all proportion more than you;
if then the right cannot be denied, why should it not be
acknowledged, and put out of dispute? Why should we
leave room for illiterate fishermen to wrangle and chicane?</p>

<p>Mr Fitzherbert said, the argument is in your favor.
I must confess your reasons appear to be good; but Oswald's
instructions were such, that he did not see how he
could agree with us; "and, for my part, I have not the
honor and felicity to be a man of that weight and authority
in my country, that you, gentlemen, are in yours; (this
was very genteely said) I have the accidental advantage of
a little favor with the present Minister, but I cannot depend
upon the influence of my own opinion, to reconcile a measure
to my countrymen. We can consider ourselves as
little more than pens in the hands of government at home,
and Mr Oswald's instructions are <i>so</i> particular."</p>

<p>I replied to this; "the time is not so pressing upon us,
but that we can wait until a courier goes to London with
your representations upon this subject, and others that
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">494</a></span>
remain between us, and I think the Ministers must be convinced."</p>

<p>Mr Fitzherbert said, "to send again to London, and
have all laid loose before Parliament, was so uncertain a
measure, it was going to sea again."</p>

<p>Upon this, Dr Franklin said, that "if another messenger
was to be sent to London, he ought to carry something
more respecting a compensation to the sufferers in
America."</p>

<p>He produced a paper from his pocket, in which he had
drawn up a claim, and he said the first principle of the
treaty was equality and reciprocity. Now they demanded
of us payment of debts, and restitution, or compensation
to the refugees. If a draper had sold a piece of cloth to
a man upon credit, and then sent a servant to take it from
him by force, and afterwards should bring his action for
the debt, would any court of law or equity give him his
demand, without obliging him to restore the cloth? Then
he stated the carrying off of goods from Boston, Philadelphia,
and the Carolinas, Georgia, Virginia, &amp;c., and the
burning of the towns, &amp;c. and desired, that this might be
sent with the rest.</p>

<p>Upon this, I recounted the history of General Gage's
agreement with the inhabitants of Boston, that they should
remove with their effects, upon condition, that they would
surrender their arms; but as soon as the arms were
secured, the goods were forbid to be carried out, and were
finally carried off in large quantities to Halifax. Dr
Franklin mentioned the case of Philadelphia, and the carrying
off of effects there, even his own library. Mr Jay
mentioned several other things, and Mr Laurens added the
plunders in Carolina, of negroes, plate, &amp;c.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">495</a></span></p>

<p>After hearing all this, Mr Fitzherbert, Mr Oswald, and
Mr Strachey retired for some time, and returning, Mr
Fitzherbert said, that upon consulting together, and weighing
everything as maturely as possible, Mr Strachey and
himself had determined to advise Mr Oswald to strike
with us, according to the terms we had proposed as our
ultimatum, respecting the fishery and the loyalists. Accordingly,
we all sat down, and read over the whole treaty,
and corrected it, and agreed to meet tomorrow, at Mr
Oswald's house, to sign and seal the treaties, which the
Secretaries were to copy fair in the mean time.</p>

<p>I forgot to mention, that when we were upon the fishery,
and Mr Strachey and Mr Fitzherbert were urging us
to leave out the word <i>right</i>, and substitute the word <i>liberty</i>,
I told them at last, in answer to their proposal to
agree upon all other articles, and leave that of the fishery
to be adjusted at the Definitive Treaty, that I could
never put my hand to any articles, without satisfaction
about the fishery; that Congress had three or four years
ago, when they did me the honor to give me a commission
to make a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain,
given me a positive instruction not to make any such
treaty, without an article in the Treaty of Peace, acknowledging
our right to the fishery; that I was happy Mr
Laurens was now present, who, I believed, was in Congress
at the time, and must remember it. Mr Laurens,
upon this, said with great firmness, that he was in the same
case, and could never give his voice for any articles without
this. Mr Jay spoke up, and said, it could not be a
peace, it would only be an insidious truce without it.</p>

<p><i>Saturday, November 30th. St Andrews' Day.</i>&mdash;We
met first at Mr Jay's, then at Mr Oswald's, examined and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">496</a></span>
compared the treaties. Mr Strachey had left out the limitation
of time, the twelve months, that the refugees were
allowed to reside in America, in order to recover their
estates, if they could. Dr Franklin said this was a surprise
upon us. Mr Jay said so too. We never had consented
to leave it out, and they insisted upon putting it in,
which was done.</p>

<p>Mr Laurens said, there ought to be a stipulation, that
the British troops should carry off no negroes, or other
American property. We all agreed. Mr Oswald consented.</p>

<p>Then the treaties were signed, sealed, and delivered,
and we all went out to Passy to dine with Dr. Franklin.
Thus far has proceeded this great affair. The unravelling
of the plot has been to me the most affecting and astonishing
part of the whole piece.</p>

<p>As soon as I arrived in Paris, I waited on Mr Jay, and
learned from him the rise and progress of the negotiations.
Nothing, that has happened since the beginning of the
controversy in 1761, has ever struck me more forcibly, or
affected me more intimately, than that entire coincidence
of principles and opinions between him and me. In about
three days I went out to Passy, and spent the evening with
Dr Franklin, and entered largely into conversation with
him upon the course and present state of our foreign
affairs. I told him, without reserve, my opinion of the
policy of this Court, and of the principles, wisdom, and
firmness, with which Mr Jay had conducted the negotiation
in his sickness and my absence, and that I was determined
to support Mr Jay to the utmost of my power in
the pursuit of the same system. The Doctor heard me
patiently, but said nothing.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">497</a></span></p>

<p>The first conference we had afterwards with Mr Oswald,
in considering one point and another, Dr Franklin
turned to Mr Jay, and said, I am of your opinion, and will
go on with these gentlemen in the business, without consulting
this Court. He accordingly met with us in most of
our conferences, and has gone with us, in entire harmony
and unanimity throughout, and has been able and useful,
both by his sagacity and his reputation in the whole
negotiation.<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p>

<p>I was very happy, that Mr Laurens came in, although
it was the last day of the conferences, and wish he could
have been sooner. His apprehension, notwithstanding his
deplorable affliction under the recent loss of so excellent a
son, is as quick, his judgment as sound, and his heart as
firm as ever. He had an opportunity of examining the
whole, and judging and approving, and the article, which
he caused to be inserted at the very last, that no property
should be carried off, which would most probably in the
multiplicity and hurry of affairs have escaped us, was
worth a longer journey, if that had been all. But his
name and weight is added, which is of much greater consequence.
These miserable minutes may help me to
recollect, but I have not found time, amidst the hurry of
business and crowd of visits, to make a detail.</p>

<p>I should have before noted, that at our first conference
about the fishery, I related the facts, as well as I understood
them; but knowing nothing myself, but as a hearsay
witness, I found it had not the weight of occular testimony;
to supply which defect, I asked Dr Franklin, if
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">498</a></span>
Mr Williams of Nantes could not give us light. He said
Mr Williams was on the road to Paris, and as soon as he
arrived he would ask him. In a few days, Mr Williams
called on me, and said Dr Franklin had, as I desired him,
inquired of him about the fishery, but he was not able to
speak particularly upon that subject; but there was at
Nantes a gentleman of Marblehead, Mr Samuel White,
son-in-law to Mr Hooper, who was master of the subject,
and to him he would write.</p>

<p>Mr Jeremiah Allen, a merchant of Boston, called on me
about the same time. I inquired of him. He was able
only to give such a hearsay account as I could give myself.
But I desired him to write to Mr White, at Nantes,
which he undertook to do, and did. Mr White answered
Mr Allen's letter by referring him to his answer to Mr
Williams, which Mr Williams received and delivered to
Dr Franklin, who communicated it to us, and it contained
a good account.</p>

<p>I desired Mr Thaxter to write to Messrs Ingraham and
Bromfield, and Mr Storer to write to Captain Coffin at
Amsterdam. They delivered me the answers, both contained
information, but Coffin's was the most particular,
and of the most importance, as he spoke as a witness.
We made the best use of these letters with the English
gentlemen, and they appeared to have a good deal of
weight with them.</p>

<p>From first to last, I ever insisted upon it with the English
gentlemen, that the fisheries and the Mississippi, if
America was not satisfied in those points, would be the
sure and certain sources of a future war, showed them the
indispensable necessity of both to our affairs, and that no
treaty we could make, which should be unsatisfactory to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">499</a></span>
our people upon those points, could be observed; that the
population near the Mississippi would be so rapid, and the
necessities of the people for its navigation so pressing, that
nothing could restrain them from going down, and if the
force of arms should be necessary, it would not be wanting;
that the fishery entered into our distilleries, our
coasting trade, our trade with the Southern States, with
the West India Islands, with the coast of Africa, and with
every part of Europe in such a manner, and especially
with England, that it could not be taken from us, or
granted us stingily, without tearing and rending; that the
other States had staples, we had none but fish, no other
means of remittances to London, or paying those very
debts they had insisted upon so seriously; that if we were
forced off, at three leagues distance, we should smuggle
eternally, that their men-of-war might have the glory of
sinking, now and then, a fishing schooner, but this would
not prevent a repetition of the crime, it would only inflame,
and irritate, and enkindle a new war, that in seven years
we should break through all restraints, and conquer from
them the island of Newfoundland itself, and Nova Scotia
too.</p>

<p>Mr Fitzherbert always smiled, and said it was very extraordinary
that the British Ministry and we should see it
in so different a light. That they meant the restriction, in
order to prevent disputes, and kill the seeds of war, and
we should think it so certain a source of disputes, and so
strong a seed of war; but that our reasons were such, that
he thought the probability on our side.</p>

<p>I have not time to minute the conversation about the
sea-cow fishery, the whale fishery, the Magdalen Islands,
the Labrador coasts, and the coasts of Nova Scotia. It is
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">500</a></span>
sufficient to say, they were explained to the utmost of our
knowledge, and finally conceded.</p>

<p>I should have noted before, the various deliberations
between the English gentlemen and us, relative to the
words, "indefinite and exclusive right," which the Count
de Vergennes and M. Gerard had the precaution to insert
in our treaty with France. I observed often to the English
gentlemen, that, aiming at excluding us from fishing
upon the north side of Newfoundland, it was natural for
them to wish that the English would exclude us from the
south side. This would be making both alike, and take
away an odious distinction. French statesmen must see
the tendency of our fishermen being treated kindly and
hospitably, like friends, by the English on their side of the
Island, and unkindly, inhospitably, and like enemies, on the
French. I added, further, that it was my opinion, neither
our treaty with the French, nor any treaty or clause to the
same purpose, which the English could make, would be
punctually observed. Fishermen, both from England and
America, would smuggle, especially the Americans, in the
early part of the spring, before the Europeans could arrive.
This, therefore, must be connived at by the French,
or odious measures must be recurred to by them or us to
suppress it, and, in either case, it was easy to see what
would be the effect upon the American mind. They, no
doubt, therefore, wished the English to put themselves
upon as odious a footing at least as they had done.</p>

<p>Dr Franklin said, that there was great weight in this observation,
and the Englishmen showed plainly enough that
they felt it.</p>

<p>I have not attempted, in these notes, to do justice to the
arguments of my colleagues; all of whom were throughout
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">501</a></span>
the whole business, when they attended, very attentive and
very able, especially Mr Jay, to whom the French, if they
knew as much of his negotiations as they do of mine,
would very justly give the title, with which they have inconsiderately
decorated me, that of "<i>Le Washington de la
négotiation</i>," a very flattering compliment indeed, to which
I have not a right; but sincerely think it belongs to Mr
Jay.</p>

<p><i>Tuesday, December 3d.</i>&mdash;Visited M. Brantzen, <i>Hôtel
de la Chine</i>. M. Brantzen asked me, how we went on?
I told him we had come to a full stop, by signing and sealing
the preliminaries the 30th of November. I told him,
that we had been very industrious, having been at it forenoon,
afternoon, and evening, ever since my arrival, either
with one another, or with the English gentlemen. He
asked if it was definitive and separate? I said by no
means. They were only articles to be inserted in the definitive
treaty. He asked, if there was to be any truce or
armistice in the mean time? I said again, by no means.</p>

<p>He then said, that he believed France and England had
agreed too; that the Count de Vergennes' son was gone
to England with M. de Rayneval; but he believed the
Spaniards had not yet agreed, and the Dutch were yet a
great way off, and had agreed upon nothing. They had
had several conferences. At the first, he had informed
Mr Fitzherbert, that their High Mightinesses insisted upon
the freedom of navigation as a preliminary and a <i>sine qua
non</i>. Mr Fitzherbert had communicated this to his Court,
but the answer received was, that his Court did not approve
of conceding this as a <i>sine qua non</i>, but chose to
have all the demands of their High Mightinesses stated
together. M. Brantzen answered, that his instructions
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">502</a></span>
were, not to enter into any conferences upon other points,
until this was agreed. That it was the intention of the
British Court to agree to this. That he could not consider
any changes in the Ministry as making any alteration.
They were all Ministers of the same King, and servants
of the same nation. That Mr Fox, when he was
Secretary of State, by his letter to the Russian Minister,
had declared the intention of the King to consent to the
freedom of navigation, &amp;c.</p>

<p>M. Brantzen said, however, that he had in his private capacity
and without compromising his ministerial character,
entered into explanations with Mr Fitzherbert, and had told
him that he should insist upon three points, the freedom of
navigation, the restitution of territories in the East and
West Indies, and compensation for damages. The two
first points could not be disputed, and the third ought not be;
for the war against them had been unjust, the pretences for
it were groundless, their accession to the armed neutrality
must now be admitted, even by Britain's accession to it, to
have been an illegitimate cause of war, and the object of a
treaty with America could not be seriously pretended to
be a just cause of war; and many members of Parliament
had in the time of it declared the war unjust, and some of
those members were now Ministers; even the prime Minister,
my Lord Shelburne himself, had freely declared the
war unjust in the House of Peers; and if the war was unjust,
the damages and injustice ought to be repaired.</p>

<p>Mr Fitzherbert said, that there was no precedent of
compensation for damages in a treaty of peace. M. Brantzen
begged his pardon, and thought there had been instances.
One example in particular, which the English themselves
had set against the Dutch, which just then came into
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">503</a></span>
his head. Cromwell had demanded compensation of them,
and they had agreed, as now appears by the treaty, to pay
a hundred thousand pounds sterling as a compensation.</p>

<p>M. Brantzen was not furnished with a full account of all
the losses of individuals, and therefore could not precisely
say what the amount would be. That perhaps they might
not insist upon prompt payment, nor upon a stated sum, but
might leave both the sum and time of payment to be ascertained
by commissioners at their leisure after the peace.</p>

<p>I observed to him, that we intended to write to Mr
Dana, and send him a copy of our preliminaries, that he
might commence his negotiations with the neutral powers,
and if he succeeded we could then make common cause
with Holland, and insist on an article to secure the freedom
of navigation. This idea he received with great pleasure,
and said he would write about it to the States. Upon this
I asked him, with whom he and the other Dutch Ministers
abroad, held their correspondence? He answered, that the
Secretary Fagel was properly speaking the Minister of
Foreign Affairs. That their principal correspondence was
with him; but that they had a correspondence with the
Grand Pensionary Bleiswick too. That the letters received
by the Secretary were laid before the <i>Besogne Secrète</i>,
or Committee of Secresy. This committee consisted of so
many members, one at least for each Province, that it was
very difficult to keep anything secret. Foreign Ministers
were very inquisitive, and the Duc de la Vauguyon would
be likely to get at it. So that if they had any to write,
which they wished secret, they wrote it to the Grand
Pensionary, who is not obliged to lay before the States
letters entire. He selects such parts as he judges proper,
and prints them, to be taken <i>ad referendum</i>, and laid before
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">504</a></span>
the Regencies of the cities. That they had sometimes
a little diffidence of this Court (<i>quelque méfiance</i>), for this
Court was very fine (<i>diablement fine</i>), and when this happened,
they wrote to the Grand Pensionary, that it might
not be communicated to the French Minister, and consequently
to his Court. "These people are vastly profound,
They will not favor the Spaniards in obtaining the Floridas.
They will play England against Spain, and Spain against
England. England against you, and you against England,
and all of you against us, and us against all of you, according
to their own schemes and interests. They are closely
buttoned up about Gibraltar, and as to Jamaica, they
will not favor Spain in that view. I expect they will get
their own affairs arranged, and then advise England to agree
to the freedom of navigation and a restitution of territory,
and then advise us to be very easy about compensation."
Thus M. Brantzen.</p>

<p>I next visited Mr Jay, to talk about writing to Mr Dana,
and communicating to the neutral powers the preliminary
articles. Mr Jay says, that Mr Oswald is very anxious
that his Court should do that, and he has been writing to
the ministry to persuade them to it. Had a long conversation
with Mr Jay about the manner of settling the western
lands. This I cannot now detail.</p>

<p>Went next to Mr Laurens, upon the subject of writing to
Mr Dana, and found him full in my sentiments, and at my
return found answers from Dr Franklin and Mr Laurens
to the letters I wrote them, both agreeing that this is the
critical moment for Mr Dana to commence his negotiations.
Doctor Franklin promises to have an authentic
copy made to send to Mr Dana.</p>

<p>In the evening many gentlemen came in, among the rest
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">505</a></span>
Mr Bourse, the agent of the Dutch East India company,
Who expressed a good deal of anxiety about their negotiations,
and feared they should not have justice in the East
Indies.</p>

<p><i>Wednesday, December 4th.</i>&mdash;It is proper that I should
note here, that in the beginning of the year 1780, soon
after my arrival at Paris, Mr Galloway's pamphlets fell into
my hands. I wrote a long series of letters to a friend, in
answer to them. That friend sent them to England, but
the printers dared not publish them. They remained there
until last summer, when they were begun to be printed,
and are continued to this day, (not being yet quite finished,)
in Parker's General Advertiser, but with false dates,
being dated in the months of January and February last,
under the title of "Letters from a distinguished American."
They appear to have been well received, and to have contributed
somewhat to unite the nation in accelerating the
acknowledgment of American independence, and to convince
the nation of the necessity of respecting our alliances,
and making peace.</p>

<p>I hope it will be permitted to me, or to some other who
can do it better, some ten or fifteen years hence, to collect
together in one view, my little negotiations in Europe.
Fifty years hence it may be published, perhaps twenty. I
will venture to say, however feebly I may have acted my
part, or whatever mistakes I may have committed, yet the
situations I have been in, between angry nations and more
angry factions, have been some of the most singular and
interesting, that ever happened to any man. The fury of
enemies, as well as of elements, the subtlety and arrogance
of allies, and, what has been worse than all, the jealousy,
envy, and little pranks of friends and copatriots, would form
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">506</a></span>
one of the most instructive lessons in morals and politics,
that ever was committed to paper.</p>

<p><i>Monday, December 9th.</i>&mdash;Visited Mr Jay. Mr Oswald
came in. We slided from one thing to another, into a
very lively conversation upon politics. He asked me what
the conduct of his Court and nation ought to be in relation
to America. I answered, the alpha and omega of British
policy towards America was summed up in this one
maxim, see that American independence is independent,&mdash;independent
of all the world,&mdash;independent of yourselves,
as well as of France,&mdash;and independent of both, as well
as the rest of Europe. Depend upon it, you have no
chance for salvation, but by setting up America very high;
take care to remove from the American mind all cause of
fear of you; no other motive but fear of you will ever
produce in the Americans any unreasonable attachment to
the House of Bourbon. "Is it possible," says he, "that
the people of America should be afraid of us, or hate us?"
"One would think, Mr Oswald," said I, "that you had
been out of the world for these twenty years past; yes,
there are three millions of people in America, who hate
and dread you more than anything in the world." "What,"
said he, "now we have come to our senses?" "Your
change of system is not yet known in America," said I.
"Well," said he, "what shall we do to remove those fears
and jealousies?" "In one word," said I, "favor and promote
the interest, reputation, and dignity of the United
States, in everything that is consistent with your own. If
you pursue the plan of cramping, clipping, and weakening
America, on the supposition, that she will be a rival to
you, you will make her really so; you will make her the
natural and perpetual ally of your natural and perpetual
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">507</a></span>
enemies." "But in what instance," said he, "have we
discovered such a disposition?" "In the three leagues
from your shores, and the fifteen leagues from Cape
Breton," said I, "to which your Ministry insisted so earnestly
to exclude our fishermen. Here was a point, that
would have done us great harm, and you no good; on the
contrary, harm; so that you would have hurt yourselves to
hurt us; this disposition must be guarded against." "I
am fully of your mind, about that," said he, "but what else
can we do?" "Send a Minister to Congress," said I, "at
the peace, a clever fellow, who understands himself, and
will neither set us bad examples, nor intermeddle in our
parties. This will show, that you are consistent with
yourselves; that you are sincere in your acknowledgment
of American independence; and that you do not entertain
hopes and designs of overturning it. Such a Minister
will dissipate many fears, and will be of more service
to the least obnoxious refugees, than any other measure
could be. Let the King send a Minister to Congress, and
receive one from that body. This will be acting consistently,
and with dignity, in the face of the universe."
"Well, what else shall we do?" said he. "I have more
than once already," said I, "advised you to put your Ministers
upon negotiating the acknowledgment of our independence
by the neutral powers." "True," said he, "and
I have written, about it, and in my answers," said he,
laughing, "I am charged with speculation; but I do not
care, I will write them my sentiments. I will not take
any of their money. I have spent already twelve or thirteen
hundred pounds, and all the reward I will have for it
shall be the pleasure of writing as I think. My opinion
is, that our Court should sign the armed neutrality, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">508</a></span>
announce to them what they have done with you, and negotiate
to have you admitted to sign too. But I want to
write more fully on the subject, I want you to give me
your thoughts upon it, for I do not understand it so fully
as I wish. What motives can be thrown out to the Empress
of Russia? Or what motives can she be supposed
to have to acknowledge your independence? And what
motives can our Court have to interfere, or intercede with
the neutral powers, to receive you into their confederation?"</p>

<p>"I will answer all these questions," said I, "to the best
of my knowledge, and with the utmost candor. In the
first place, there has been, with very little interruption, a
jealousy between the Court of Petersburg and Versailles
for many years. France is the old friend and ally of the
Sublime Porte, the natural enemy of Russia. France, not
long since, negotiated a peace between Russia and the
Turks; but upon the Empress' late offers of mediation,
and especially her endeavors to negotiate Holland out of
the war, France appears to have been piqued, and, as the
last revolution in the Crimea happened soon after, there is
reason to suspect that French emissaries excited the revolt
against the new independent government, which the
Empress had taken so much pains to establish. Poland
has been long a scene of competition between Russian and
French politics, both parties having spent great sums in
pensions to partisans, until they have laid all virtue and
public spirit prostrate in that country. Sweden is another
region of rivalry between France and Russia, where both
parties spent such sums in pensions, as to destroy the principles
of liberty, and prepare the way for that revolution,
which France favored from a principle of economy, rather
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">509</a></span>
than any other. These hints are sufficient to show the
opposition of views and interests between France and Russia,
and we see the consequence of it, that England has
more influence at Petersburg than France. The Empress,
therefore, would have two motives, one, to oblige
England, if they should intercede for an acknowledgment
of American independence, and another, to render America
less dependent upon France. The Empress, moreover
loves reputation, and it would be no small addition to
her glory to undertake a negotiation with all the neutral
Courts, to induce them to admit America into their confederacy.
The Empress might be further tempted; she
was bent upon extending her commerce, and the commerce
of America, if it were only in duck and hemp,
would be no small object to her. As to the motives of
your Court, Princes often think themselves warranted, if
not bound, to fight for their glory; surely they may lawfully
negotiate for reputation. If the neutral powers should acknowledge
our independence now, France will have the
reputation, very unjustly, of having negotiated it; but if
your Court now takes a decided part in favor of it, your
Court will have the glory of it, in Europe and in America,
and this will have a good effect upon American gratitude."
"But," said he, "this would be negotiating for the honor
and interest of France, for no doubt France wishes all the
world to acknowledge your independence." "Give me
leave to tell you, Sir," said I, "you are mistaken. If I
have not been mistaken in the policy of France, from my
first observation of it to this hour, they have been as averse
to other powers acknowledging our independence as you
have been." Mr Jay joined me in the same declaration.
"I understand it now," said he; "there is a gentleman
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">510</a></span>
going to London this day, I will go home and write upon
the subject by him."</p>

<p><i>Tuesday, December 10th.</i>&mdash;Visited Mr Oswald, to inquire
the news from England. He had the <i>Courier de
l'Europe</i>, in which is Mr Secretary Townshend's letter to
the Lord Mayor of London, dated the 3d instant, in which
he announces the signature of the preliminaries, on the 30th
of November, between the Commissioners of his Majesty,
and the Commissioners of the United States of America.
He had also the King's speech, announcing the same thing.</p>

<p>Mr Oswald said, that France would not separate her
affairs from Spain; that he had hoped that America would
have assisted them somewhat, in compromising affairs with
France; and Dr Franklin, who was present, said he did
not know anything of the other negotiations. He said that
neither Mr Fitzherbert, nor the Count de Vergennes, nor
the Count d'Aranda, communicated anything to him, that
he understood the Dutch were farthest from an agreement.
Upon this, I said, "Mr Oswald, Mr Fitzherbert cannot,
I think, have any difficulty to agree with M. Brantzen.
There are three points, viz. the liberty of navigation; restitution
of possessions; and compensation for damages.
The liberty of navigation, I suppose, is the point that sticks.
But why should it stick? When all nations are agreed
in the principle, why should England stand out? England
must agree to it, she has already in effect agreed to it; as
it affects all nations but Holland and America, and, if she
were disposed, she could not prevent them from having
the benefit." Upon this, Dr Franklin said, "the Dutch
would be able in any future war, to carry on their commerce,
even of naval stores, in the bottoms of other neutral
powers." "Yes," said Mr Oswald, "and I am of opinion,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">511</a></span>
that England ought to subscribe the armed neutrality."
"Very well," said I, "then let Mr Fitzherbert agree to this
point with M. Brantzen, and let Mr Harris, at Petersburg,
take Mr Dana in his hand, and go to the Prince Potemkin,
or the Count d'Ostermann, and say, the king, my master,
has authorised me to subscribe the principles of the armed
neutrality, and instructed me to introduce to you, Mr
Dana, Minister from the United States of America, to do
the same. Let him subscribe his name under mine."</p>

<p>At this, they all laughed very heartily. Mr Oswald,
however, recollecting himself, and the conversation between
him and me, yesterday, on the same subject, very
gravely turned it off, by saying, "he did not see a necessity
to be in a hurry about that, America was well enough."
I said, "as to restitution of the Dutch territories, I suppose
your Court will not make much difficulty about that, if this
Court does not, as it is not probable they will, and as to
compensation for damages, the Dutch will probably be as
easy as they can about that."</p>

<p>Dr Franklin said, he was for beginning early to think
about the articles of the definitive treaty. We had been so
happy as to be the first in the preliminaries, and he wished
to be so in the definitive articles. Thus we parted.</p>

<p><i>Thursday, December 12th.</i>&mdash;Met at Mr Laurens', and
signed the letter I had drawn up to Mr Dana, which I sent
off, enclosed with a copy of the preliminaries, and consulted
about articles to be inserted in the definitive treaty.
Agreed that Mr Jay and I should prepare a joint letter to
Congress. At seven o'clock, I met Mr Jay at his house,
and we drew up a letter.</p>

<p><i>Friday, December 13th.</i>&mdash;I went first to Mr Jay, and
made some addition to the joint letter, which I carried first
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">512</a></span>
to Mr Laurens, who made some corrections and additions,
and then to Passy, to Dr Franklin, who proposed a few
other corrections, and showed me an article he had drawn
up for the definitive treaty, to exempt fishermen, husbandmen,
and merchants, as much as possible, from the evils
of future wars. This is a good lesson to mankind, at least.
All agreed to meet at my house, at eleven o'clock tomorrow,
to finish the joint letter.</p>

<p class="volume_end">
END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.</p>

<div class="footnotes">
<h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mr Adams arrived at Paris on the 6th of July, and consequently
could not have written this letter in Amsterdam on the 5th, although
it is thus dated in the original. He was absent during the whole
month of July, and yet several letters, as will be seen, are dated at
Amsterdam in that time. These letters contain chiefly intelligence,
which was probably collected by his Secretary, under different dates
during Mr Adams' absence, and forwarded by him on his return without
altering the dates. This will account for the circumstance of letters
being dated throughout the month of July, both at Amsterdam and
Paris.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> See pp. <a href="#Page_147">147</a> and <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> See the <i>Secret Journals of Congress</i>, Vol. II. p. 470, 472.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The new commission for negotiating peace was given to John Adams,
Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, Henry Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson.
See the Commission and Instructions in the <i>Secret Journals of
Congress</i>. Vol. II. pp. 445, 447.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> For these instructions, and Mr Adams' new commission to form a
treaty of alliance with the United Provinces, see the <i>Secret Journals of
Congress</i>, Vol. II pp. 470, 472.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See Dr Franklin's letters to Major Jackson, on this subject, in
Franklin's Correspondence, Vol. III. pp. 227, 229.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> The plan of a treaty sent to Mr Adams by Congress, may be
found in the <i>Secret Journals of Congress</i>, Vol. II. p. 378.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> These letters were afterwards printed under the title of <i>Twentysix
Letters upon Interesting Subjects, respecting the Revolution in America</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> The salary allowed the Ministers abroad at that time, was two
thousand five hundred pounds sterling a year.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> From Mr Adams's remarks, at the end of this Memorial, it would
seem to have been furnished him by another hand.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> The Treaty mentioned in this letter, and the Convention respecting
vessels recaptured, were ratified by Congress, on the 23d of January,
1783. The Treaty and Convention are printed at large, together
with the form of ratification, in the Journal of Congress under this
date.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> See Franklin's Correspondence, Vol. IV. p. 48. Also the North
American Review for January, 1830, p. 21.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> This proved to be an error. Mr Jay wrote to Doctor Franklin, on
the 26th of January, 1783, as follows, "It having been suspected, that
I concurred in the appointment of your grandson to the place of Secretary
to the American Commission for Peace, <i>at your instance</i>, I think it
right thus unsolicited to put it in your power to correct the mistake, &amp;c."
See the whole letter in <i>Franklin's Correspondence</i>, Vol. IV. p. 73.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> These papers will be found in the Correspondence of the Ministers
for negotiating a peace.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> For some account of the part taken by Dr Franklin, in regard to
the Treaty, before the arrival of Mr Jay and Mr Adams in Paris, see
the North American Review, for January, 1830, No. 66, p. 15.</p>
</div>
</html>