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====== Prehistoric Indians of the Southwest by H. M. Wormington ======

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<br /><i class="smaller">Curator of Archaeology</i></p>
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<p class="pcap"><span class="smallest">SEAL OF COLORADO MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY &middot; 1900
<br />NIL SINE NUMINE</span></p>
</div>
<p class="center"><span class="smaller">APPENDIX: OUTSTANDING EXHIBIT-SITES, MODERN PUEBLOS, LOCAL MUSEUMS
<br />By Erik K. Reed
<br />Regional Archaeologist, National Park Service</span></p>
<hr class="dwide" />
<p class="center small">THE DENVER MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY
<br />Denver, Colorado</p>
<p class="center small">Popular Series No. 7 <span class="hst">Seventh Printing, 1966</span>
<br />First Edition, 1947</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_3">3</div>
<h2 id="c1"><span class="small">PREFACE</span></h2>
<p>During the past 25,000 years the Southwest has been invaded
many times. Now each year comes a fresh invasion&mdash;an invasion of
those who have succumbed to its beauty and strange, inexplicable
charm. There is something infectious about the magic of the Southwest.
Some are immune to it, but there are others who have no resistance
to the subtle virus and who must spend the rest of their lives
dreaming of the incredible sweep of the desert, of great golden mesas
with purple shadows, and tremendous stars appearing at dusk from
a turquoise sky. Once infected there is nothing one can do but strive
to return again and again.</p>
<p>For many, a good portion of this charm lies in the intangible
presence of the &ldquo;Ancient Ones&rdquo;, the people who lived in these enchanted
deserts and plateaus through many centuries. One can see the
places where they lived and often one finds bits of pottery which show
the immemorial striving for beauty of some long dead craftsman. It
is natural to want to know more of these prehistoric people and how
they lived and it is the aim of this book to try to tell that story; not
in technical terms intelligible only to the professional scientist but in
a way that will make it of interest to the layman and the undergraduate
student. It is also an attempt to give at least a partial answer to the
two questions which inevitably arise when one considers the cultures
of antiquity&mdash;&ldquo;How do you know these things?&rdquo; and, &ldquo;How old are
they?&rdquo;</p>
<p>There is always the hope, too, that publications such as this may
serve a further purpose. If more people understand some of the complexities
of excavation and realize how much information may be obtained
by a trained investigator, perhaps there will be less of the unscientific
&ldquo;pot-hunting&rdquo; which leads to the looting of ancient sites and
which every year is destroying an untold amount of irreplaceable data.</p>
<p>Constant references to source material, which are characteristic of
technical publications, are impractical in a book of this nature, for they
spoil the continuity of the narrative. It would be unfair, however, not
to give credit to the many fine archaeologists whose work has provided
this knowledge, and it is desirable for the reader to know which publications
to consult if he seeks more detailed information. Numbers in
fine print which appear throughout the text refer to publications,
listed under corresponding numbers in the bibliography, from which
the information under consideration was derived.</p>
<p>Although every effort has been made to avoid the use of unfamiliar
<span class="pb" id="Page_4">4</span>
terms, this has not always been possible. A <a href="#c45">glossary</a> of technical terms
will be found in the back of the book.</p>
<p>The task of writing this book has been made a pleasant one by
the fine cooperation of archaeologists and anthropologists. It is doubtful
if the members of any other profession would have given more
unstintingly of their time and have been more wholeheartedly willing
to help and cooperate in every possible way. I am deeply indebted to
Dr. Harold S. Colton, Dr. Edward T. Hall, Jr., Dr. Emil W. Haury,
Dale S. King, Dr. Erik K. Reed, Charles Steen, Dr. Walter Taylor,
and Dr. Ruth Underhill for checking and criticizing the manuscript
or portions of it. Their suggestions have been of the greatest possible
value. They are not, however, responsible in any way for any archaeological
sins of commission or omission which may follow.</p>
<p>I am most grateful to Earl H. Morris for graciously furnishing
hitherto unpublished data on his excavation of Basketmaker houses
and to Harold S. Gladwin and Emil W. Haury for permitting me to
use information contained in personal letters.</p>
<p>The kindness of F. H. Douglas, who put his excellent library at
my disposal, is greatly appreciated. Without his assistance, and that
of Marian Sheets who helped to assemble the necessary references, the
work could never have been completed.</p>
<p>My thanks are due to the American Museum of Natural History,
the Arizona State Museum, Columbia University Press, Gila Pueblo,
the Laboratory of Anthropology, Mesa Verde National Park, the Museum
of Northern Arizona, the National Park Service, Peabody Museum
of Harvard University, and the Taylor Museum for providing needed
photographs. I am also very grateful to Gila Pueblo, the Laboratory
of Anthropology, the Museum of Northern Arizona, and the Smithsonian
Institution for permission to reproduce plates and figures from
their publications.</p>
<p>To Mary Chilton Gray, I wish to express my appreciation of her
fine execution of the cover design and the line drawings. The pattern
used on the cover is derived from an encircling band on a Mesa Verde
bowl. The services of Walker Van Riper, who devoted many hours
to checking spelling and punctuation in the manuscript and to proof-reading,
were of immeasurable assistance. I am also greatly indebted
to Nedra McHenry, to Harvey C. Markman and to Margaret Roush
for their assistance in proof-reading. Dr. Alfred M. Bailey and Albert
C. Rogers gave valuable aid in the preparation of photographs.</p>
<p>Most especially I am grateful to my husband, George D. Volk, for
<span class="pb" id="Page_5">5</span>
his unfailing interest and understanding and for the preparation of the
maps and the execution of the lettering on illustrations.</p>
<p>My sincere thanks are due to Dr. Alfred M. Bailey, Director of
the Colorado Museum of Natural History, who made it possible for
this book to be written and published, and to Charles H. Hanington,
President of the Board of Trustees, for his constant interest in the
project.</p>
<p><span class="lr"><span class="sc">H. M. Wormington</span></span></p>
<p>Denver, Colorado</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_6">6</div>
<h2 id="toc" class="center">TABLE OF CONTENTS</h2>
<dl class="toc">
<dt class="small"><span class="smaller">PAGE</span></dt>
<dt><a href="#c1">Preface</a> 3</dt>
<dt><a href="#c2">Chapter I&mdash;Introduction</a> 11</dt>
<dt><a href="#c3">Chapter II&mdash;The Most Ancient Cultures</a> 20</dt>
<dd><a href="#c4">Sandia</a> 20</dd>
<dd><a href="#c5">Folsom</a> 20</dd>
<dd><a href="#c6">San Jon</a> 22</dd>
<dd><a href="#c7">Yuma</a> 22</dd>
<dd><a href="#c8">Gypsum Cave</a> 22</dd>
<dd><a href="#c9">Cochise</a> 22</dd>
<dd><a href="#c10">Tabeguache Cave</a> 26</dd>
<dt><a href="#c11">Chapter III&mdash;The Anasazi Culture</a> 27</dt>
<dd><a href="#c12">General Remarks</a> 27</dd>
<dd><a href="#c13">The Basketmaker Period</a> 27</dd>
<dd><a href="#c14">The Modified-Basketmaker Period</a> 49</dd>
<dd><a href="#c15">Summary</a> 56</dd>
<dd><a href="#c16">The Developmental-Pueblo Period</a> 57</dd>
<dd><a href="#c17">Peripheral Areas</a> 72</dd>
<dd><a href="#c18">Summary</a> 75</dd>
<dd><a href="#c19">The Great Pueblo Period</a> 76</dd>
<dd><a href="#c20">The Largo-Gallina Phase</a> 102</dd>
<dd><a href="#c21">Athapaskan People</a> 105</dd>
<dd><a href="#c22">Summary</a> 106</dd>
<dd><a href="#c23">The Regressive and Historic Pueblo Periods</a> 107</dd>
<dt><a href="#c24">Chapter IV&mdash;The Hohokam Culture</a> 118</dt>
<dd><a href="#c25">General Remarks</a> 118</dd>
<dd><a href="#c26">The Pioneer Period</a> 120</dd>
<dd><a href="#c27">The Colonial Period</a> 124</dd>
<dd><a href="#c28">The Sedentary Period</a> 132</dd>
<dd><a href="#c29">The Classic Period</a> 137</dd>
<dd><a href="#c30">The Recent Hohokam</a> 144</dd>
<dd><a href="#c31">Summary</a> 146</dd>
<dt><a href="#c32">Chapter V&mdash;The Mogollon Culture</a> 148</dt>
<dd><a href="#c33">General Remarks</a> 148</dd>
<dd><a href="#c34">Bluff Ruin</a> 150</dd>
<dd><a href="#c35">The Pine Lawn Phase</a> 151</dd>
<dd><a href="#c36">The Georgetown Phase</a> 152</dd>
<dd><a href="#c37">The San Francisco Phase</a> 153</dd>
<dd><a href="#c38">Bear Ruin</a> 155</dd>
<dd><a href="#c39">The Three Circle Phase</a> 157</dd>
<dd><a href="#c40">The Mimbres Phase</a> 158</dd>
<dd><a href="#c41">Summary</a> 161</dd>
<dt><a href="#c42">Chapter VI&mdash;The Sinagua People</a> 163</dt>
<dt><a href="#c43">Chapter VII&mdash;The Patayan Culture</a> 167</dt>
<dt><a href="#c44">Conclusion</a> 169</dt>
<dt><a href="#c45">Glossary</a> 170</dt>
<dt><a href="#c46">Bibliography</a> 174</dt>
<dt><a href="#c47">Appendix by Erik K. Reed</a> 181</dt>
<dd><a href="#c48">Outstanding Exhibit-Sites</a> 181</dd>
<dd><a href="#c49">Modern Pueblos</a> 185</dd>
<dd><a href="#c50">Local Museums</a> 186</dd>
<dt><a href="#c51">Index</a> 187</dt>
</dl>
<div class="pb" id="Page_8">8</div>
<h2><span class="small">LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</span></h2>
<dl class="toc">
<dt class="small"><span class="smaller">PAGE</span></dt>
<dt><a href="#fig1">1. Diagram to illustrate chronology-building with tree-rings</a> 15</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig2">2. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter II</a> 21</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig3">3. Projectile points of the most ancient cultures</a> 23</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig4">4. Folsom diorama</a> 25</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig5">5. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter III</a> 28</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig6">6. Basketmaker mummy</a> 30</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig7">7. Basketmaker diorama</a> 32</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig8">8. Basketmaker and Modified-Basketmaker sandals</a> 34</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig9">9. Atlatl and grooved club</a> 39</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig10">10. Weaving techniques</a> 41</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig11">11. Basketmaker coiled baskets</a> 42</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig12">12. Basketmaker carrying basket with tump strap</a> 43</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig13">13. Basketmaker twined-woven bags</a> 44</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig14">14. Mummies of two varieties of Basketmaker dogs</a> 47</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig15">15. Modified-Basketmaker diorama</a> 48</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig16">16. Modified-Basketmaker house after excavation</a> 50</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig17">17. Postulated method of Modified-Basketmaker house construction</a> 51</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig18">18. Modified-Basketmaker figurine and nipple-shaped object</a> 54</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig19">19. Developmental-Pueblo diorama</a> 58</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig20">20. Undeformed and deformed skulls</a> 60</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig21">21. Interior view of a kiva</a> 65</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig22">22. Corrugated pottery</a> 66</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig23">23. Black-on-white pottery, Developmental-Pueblo period</a> 67</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig24">24. Neck-banded vessel, Developmental-Pueblo period</a> 68</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig25">25. Developmental-Pueblo and Great-Pueblo sandal</a> 69</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig26">26. Rosa pit house after excavation</a> 74</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig27">27. Great Pueblo Diorama</a> 77</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig28">28. Types of Great-Pueblo masonry</a> 83</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig29">29. Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon National Monument, New Mexico</a> 85</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig30">30. Chaco black-on-white pottery of the Great-Pueblo period</a> 88</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig31">31. Cliff Palace, Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado</a> 92</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig32">32. Mesa Verde black-on-white pottery of the Great-Pueblo period</a> 95</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig33">33. Betatakin, Navajo National Monument, Arizona</a> 98</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig34">34. Black-on-white pottery from the Kayenta area, Great-Pueblo period</a> 100</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig35">35. Largo surface house and artifacts</a> 103</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig36">36. Cavate dwellings and talus houses at Bandelier National Monument</a> 109</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig37">37. Tyuonyi, Bandelier National Monument</a> 111</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig38">38. Glazed ware from the Rio Grande area, Regressive Pueblo period</a> 112</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig39">39. Biscuit ware from the Rio Grande area, Regressive Pueblo period</a> 113</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig40">40. Hopi maiden</a> 116</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig41">41. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter IV</a> 119</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig42">42. Hohokam figurines</a> 123</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig43">43. Hohokam house and ball court, Colonial period</a> 126</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig44">44. Red-on-buff Hohokam vessel, Colonial period</a> 128</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig45">45. Hohokam carved stone vessel, Colonial period</a> 130</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig46">46. Hohokam ornaments of carved shell</a> 131</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig47">47. Red-on-buff Hohokam jars, Sedentary period</a> 133</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig48">48. Hohokam stone palette, Sedentary period</a> 134</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig49">49. Hohokam etched shell, Sedentary period</a> 136</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig50">50. Salado polychrome ware</a> 138</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig51">51. Big house built by the Salado people, Casa Grande National Monument</a> 141</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig52">52. Child&rsquo;s cotton poncho from Ventana Cave, Desert Hohokam</a> 143</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig53">53. Pima House in 1897</a> 145</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig54">54. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter V</a> 149</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig55">55. Postulated reconstructions of the dwelling units of three Mogollon phases</a> 154</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig56">56. Mimbres black-on-white pottery</a> 160</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig57">57. Map showing distribution of cultures referred to in Chapters VI and VII</a> 164</dt>
<dt><a href="#fig58">58. Montezuma Castle National Monument</a> 165</dt>
</dl>
<div class="pb" id="Page_11">11</div>
<h2 id="c2"><span class="small">CHAPTER I</span>
<br />INTRODUCTION</h2>
<p>Before beginning any discussion of the Southwest it is best to decide
exactly what we mean by the word, for it means many things to
many people. For the geographer it has one meaning, for the economist
another, and for those who study its ancient inhabitants still another.
It is in the latter sense that we shall interpret it. To the archaeologist,
that is, to the scientist who studies and seeks to interpret the life and
times of prehistoric man, the Southwest usually means New Mexico,
Arizona, southern Utah, and the southwestern corner of Colorado.
Interpreting the term in its broadest sense, he may include the remainder
of Utah, southeastern Nevada, southwestern Texas, and northern
Mexico. State lines and international boundaries are, of course,
recent man-made devices and we must consider this region, not in terms
of present political units, but on a cultural and geographic basis.</p>
<p>In the centuries since the Spaniards first arrived the presence of
the many imposing ruins which dot the Southwest has naturally led to
much speculation about their inhabitants, and the collecting of antiquities
has been inevitable. The collecting instinct is such that some relationship
between man and the pack rat might well be postulated if
it were not that man takes without leaving anything in place of what
he has removed.</p>
<p>From the time when the ruins of the prehistoric dwellings of the
Southwest were first observed, until about 1880, there was a period of
exploration and the more obvious places of archaeological interest were
described and superficially investigated. From then, until approximately
1910, much sound work was done but there was an unfortunate tendency
toward digging up specimens for their own sake rather than for
the information which they could reveal. In the last thirty-five years
or so, however, the emphasis has come to be more on the acquiring of
information and less on the collection of examples of material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.
This has led to the excavation of less physically spectacular ruins, increasing
cooperation with workers in related fields of science, and more
careful planning of attacks on specific problems.</p>
<p>In a sense the development of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a> in the Southwest may
be compared with the putting together of a great jig-saw puzzle. First
came the period of general examination of the pieces, then a concentration
on the larger and more highly colored pieces, and finally a carefully
<span class="pb" id="Page_12">12</span>
planned approach to the puzzle as a whole with serious attempts to fill
in specific blank areas. After all, archaeology as a science can justify
its existence only as it serves to increase and deepen our knowledge of
that strange, and to us most fascinating mammal&mdash;man.</p>
<p>Archaeologists in the Southwest have been particularly fortunate
for a number of reasons. Perhaps most important is that climatic conditions
have made possible the preservation of much material which in
most climates would have disappeared in a relatively short time. Under
sufficiently arid conditions the bacteria of decay cannot survive and
the lack of humidity in the Southwest has insured the survival of much
material which would normally be lost. Another thing for which
archaeologists may be grateful is that pottery-making came to be so
well developed in this area, for pottery fragments are almost indestructible.
Furthermore, pottery is a most sensitive medium for reflecting
change. Since it is fragile there is constant breakage which leads to the
frequent manufacture of new pieces and this accelerates the rate of
technical change. Archaeologists have learned to recognize certain styles
which are characteristic of specific areas and periods and it is remarkable
how much information ancient vessels will reveal about the people
who made them.</p>
<p>In the course of the following discussion the reader will no doubt
grow weary of the word &lsquo;pottery&rsquo;. However, before he decides that the
ancient Southwesterners did nothing but sit around and make pottery
or that the writer is the victim of a pottery mania, it might be profitable
for him to cast an observant eye about the room in which he is
sitting. After the passage of five hundred or a thousand years how
much would survive, if one discounted material not available in the
most ancient times such as metal, glass, and plastics? High at the
top of the list will be dishes, ashtrays, and vases of china or porcelain&mdash;the
modern counterparts of prehistoric pottery. Also, it may readily
be seen that there are differences in style between older and more recent
objects. A vase purchased this year is likely to differ in many respects
from one acquired even as little as twenty-five or fifty years ago.</p>
<p>An amazing amount of information can also be derived from the
microscopic study of pottery. Trained investigators can examine thin
sections under a microscope and identify the materials used in manufacture
and often locate their sources. With this information it is then
possible to determine whether pottery was locally made or imported.
This tells us a great deal about the cultural relationships of ancient
people, for trade implies contact between people which will affect other
<span class="pb" id="Page_13">13</span>
phases of their <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. In prehistoric times, when people lacked rapid
means of transportation and communication, human groups were naturally
isolated as they can never be again, but even then cultural units
were affected by the activities of the inhabitants of other regions. Accordingly,
we cannot see the ancient life of the Southwest in true perspective
if we do not know something of the inter-relations of the
various cultures.</p>
<p>One of the great boons to southwestern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a> has been <a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">dendrochronology</a>&mdash;a
system which has made it possible to establish an absolute
count of years through the pattern combinations of annual
growth rings of trees. The inevitable question which arises in connection
with anything prehistoric is &ldquo;How old is it?&rdquo;, and prior to the
introduction of tree-ring dating it was difficult to answer except in
relative terms, for in the Southwest we are dealing with a people who
left no written records. It is remarkable, however, how much had
been accomplished in establishing relative <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> through the
use of stratigraphic studies and the cross-checking of sites.</p>
<p>It is on the principle of <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Stratification">stratification</a></i> that most archaeological
work must rest. The word means the characteristic of being in layers
or strata. The usefulness of stratigraphic studies lies in the fact that
in any undisturbed deposit the lowest layer or stratum will be the
oldest since it was laid down first. This may be shown graphically by
piling books on a table, one by one. The book at the bottom of the
pile must inevitably have been put in place before the ones on top.
The same principle is applied to ancient cultures. If the remains of
one people are found underlying those of another, those on the bottom
are older.</p>
<p>Rarely are the remains of many cultures found lying directly
over each other in a complete series but through correlation between
sites the sequence may be established. For example, if in one place
we find remains of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a> A underlying those of Culture B and in
another place find material from Culture B underlying that of Culture
C we may postulate that C is more recent than A even though the
two are not found together. In still another place C may be found
to underlie D and eventually a long sequence will be established,
although it may not be present in its entirety in any one place.</p>
<p>Objects acquired through trade are also useful in dating sites.
For example, if we know the relative or absolute date at which a
certain type of pottery was being made at one site, then find pieces
<span class="pb" id="Page_14">14</span>
of this ware at a site which we are trying to date we may assume at
least some degree of contemporaneity.</p>
<p>Stratigraphic studies, of course, do not provide us with absolute
dates and for those we must turn to <a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">dendrochronology</a> or tree-ring
dating.<a class="fn" href="#bd23">[23]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd121">[121]</a> The story of the development of this method is a strange
one. It is a tale of an astronomer and archaeologists, of buried treasure
that was only wood, of sun spots, and of purple chiffon velvet. Most
important of all was the astronomer, for it was in his keen mind that
the idea was born that was to lead to one of the most exciting scientific
discoveries of our time.</p>
<p>The astronomer was Dr. A. E. Douglass, who was engaged in
the study of the effect of sun spots on climatic conditions. The available
meteorological records, of course, went back only a relatively few
years and it soon became apparent that a much longer record must be
obtained to be of any real value. In searching for information about
climatic conditions for past centuries, Dr. Douglass thought of pines,
for they may reach a great age and the presence or absence of adequate
rainfall, particularly in a climate like Arizona&rsquo;s, will greatly affect the
development of a tree. Every year a new layer of wood is added to
the entire living surface of a pine. The size of these layers, which
show up as rings when the tree is cut and viewed in cross-section,
varies with the amount of food and moisture which the tree has
obtained in the course of the year. A dry year will produce a thin
ring and a wet year will produce a wide one. By cutting down old
trees it was thus possible to learn what the climatic conditions had
been during the years of their life. None of the pines which were
still living, however, had existed for more than a few hundred years,
and the giant sequoias of California which would have covered a
longer span did not reflect climatic change in the same way.</p>
<p>Fortunately, through the study of living trees, Dr. Douglass had
learned that the tree-rings over a period of years formed a distinct
pattern which could be recognized when found on most conifers. Next
he began to search for trees which had been cut perhaps many years
before, but which contained a pattern which fitted some early portion
of that tree whose cutting date was known. This led him to beams
made from whole logs which have been a characteristic feature of
Southwestern architecture for many centuries. By finding old beams
whose outer rings formed the same pattern as the inner rings of living
trees the known <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> was increased. Through correlating the
patterns of progressively older trees with younger ones the pattern
was finally established for the period between 1280 and 1929.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_15">15</div>
<div class="img" id="fig1">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p03.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="510" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 1&mdash;Diagram to illustrate chronology-building with tree rings.  Because of space limitation the number of rings in the overlapping specimens has
been arbitrarily reduced. (After Stallings.<a class="fn" href="#bd121">[121]</a> Courtesy Laboratory of Anthropology.)</p>
</div>
<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>THE RING PATTERNS MATCH AND OVERLAP BACK INTO TIME</dt>
<dt>A THIS WAS A LIVING TREE WHEN CUT BY US</dt>
<dd class="t">DATE OF LAST RING IS THAT OF YEAR WHEN WE CUT TREE</dd>
<dt>B THIS BEAM CAME FROM A HOUSE</dt>
<dd class="t">THIS DATE OBTAINED BY COUNTING BACK FROM BARK OF A</dd>
<dt>C THIS BEAM CAME FROM AN OLD HOUSE</dt>
<dd class="t">THIS DATE OBTAINED BY COUNTING BACK FROM BARK OF A THROUGH B</dd>
<dt>SPECIMENS TAKEN FROM RUINS WHEN MATCHED AND OVERLAPPED AS INDICATED PROGRESSIVELY EXTEND THE DATING BACK INTO PREHISTORIC TIMES</dt></dl>
<div class="pb" id="Page_16">16</div>
<p>Next Dr. Douglass began to examine beams from prehistoric sites.
From these a continuous sequence of tree-ring patterns was established
for a period of 580 years. Unfortunately though, it could not be
correlated with the sequence starting in 1280. Relative dates could
be obtained and it could be determined how many years had intervened
between the occupation of different sites but there was as yet
no way of correlating these dates with the Christian calendar. The
next step was to seek to bridge the gap between the floating <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a>
of relative dates and that which carried up to the present day and
gave absolute dates.</p>
<p>The search for the missing sequence was begun in the Hopi villages
in Arizona where one, Oraibi, has been continuously occupied
since before the coming of the first white men in 1540. The fact that
many of the logs had been cut with stone axes indicated a considerable
age. The Hopis, as might be expected, were not overly enthusiastic
about the arrival of American scientists who wanted to saw cross-sections
from the beams of their buildings and bore holes in other
timbers where cutting was not practical. Dr. Douglass did much to
solve this problem by presenting the chief with yards and yards of
beautiful purple chiffon velvet which delighted him. Dr. Douglass
and his associates also did a great deal to mollify the Indians by
treating their ancient customs with respect. In many cases, for
example, they placed bits of turquoise in holes made in extracting cores
in order to &ldquo;appease the spirit of decay&rdquo;. One remarkable piece of
timber was found which gave an extraordinarily clear series of rings
from 1260 to 1344. What made it of particular interest was not only
that it lengthened the known <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> but that it had been in continuous
use from the time it was cut until 1906 when the section of
the village in which it was found was abandoned.</p>
<p>Many beams were studied, but no others were found whose inner
rings predated 1300. The search was next begun in ruins of villages
traditionally occupied by the Hopis prior to moving to their present location.
Of particular interest was the Showlow ruin, for pottery finds
suggested that it had been the home of Hopis in pre-Spanish times and
its proximity to a great pine forest suggested that wood must have
been readily available for building purposes. It was here that one of
the most famous pieces of wood in the world was found.</p>
<p>The decaying, partially burned, piece of wood to which the field
number HH39 was given was not impressive in appearance but it was
a treasure, more valuable to those who found it than any buried pirate
<span class="pb" id="Page_17">17</span>
gold for which adventurers might dig. As it was examined the climatic
conditions of year after year were revealed, new ring combinations were
established and the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> was carried back to 1237 A.D., the year
in which this tree had begun its life. A comparison with the ring patterns
of the floating chronology showed that its 551st ring checked
with that for 1251 in Beam HH39. June 22, 1929, the date on which
this beam was found, is a red letter day in the history of American
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a>, for from that day it became possible to date many ruins
in the Southwest, not only in a comparative sense, but in terms of
the Christian calendar. Actually, of course, the floating and the absolute
chronology had already overlapped but the evidence had been
based on such small fragments as to be unconvincing. Duplication of
ring patterns may occur if only a few rings are used. It is only if a
pattern covering fifty or more rings is available that one may be assured
of correct dating. It was not until the discovery of Beam HH39
that final proof was available.</p>
<p>In the years which have elapsed since 1929 much further work
has been done by Dr. Douglass and his associates, who include many
brilliant students whom he has trained. The tree ring <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> now
stretches back to 11 A.D.</p>
<p>Great as was the importance of being able to establish absolute
dates for a people who had left no written records, this was not the only
contribution made by what have been aptly called &ldquo;the talkative tree-rings&rdquo;.<a class="fn" href="#bd23">[23]</a>
The life of man, and particularly primitive man, is greatly
influenced by climatic conditions and in an arid climate such as that
of the Southwest the difference between drought and adequate rainfall
may, quite literally, be the difference between life and death.</p>
<p>It is naturally an inestimable boon to the archaeologist to know
the conditions under which the people he is studying lived and it
enables him to understand many things, such as periods marked by
expansion or by the abandonment of certain areas, which would otherwise
be unintelligible.</p>
<p>Important as <a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">dendrochronology</a> is, it is far from being the only
outside science upon which archaeologists must depend. The records
left by Spanish historians, who found the Pueblo Indians in the 16th
century still untouched by European civilization and living essentially
the same sort of life as their ancestors, have provided invaluable
information. Also of great importance has been the work of ethnologists,
scientists who analyze the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of living primitive people. In
the Southwest archaeologists are particularly fortunate, for in many
<span class="pb" id="Page_18">18</span>
cases descendents of the prehistoric people whom they study are still
living in the same general area and under very similar circumstances.
In spite of the outside influences to which they have been subjected
there is still much to be learned from them. The knowledge of these
people garnered by the historian and the ethnologist, added to that
obtained by the archaeologist, gives us a far better picture of the life
of prehistoric times.</p>
<p>Although a study of material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> tells a great deal about a
people, there is much of their social, political and religious life which
it cannot reveal unless supplementary information is available. There
are grave dangers inherent in too great a concentration on material
culture. It has been said of the archaeologist that &ldquo;sometimes he cannot
see the people for the walls&rdquo;<a class="fn" href="#bd125">[125]</a> and it is the people themselves,
after all, who are important.</p>
<p>Two examples will show how <a class="gloss" href="#g_Ethnology">ethnology</a> and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a> may complement
each other. In certain prehistoric sites are found circular
underground rooms with highly specialized characteristics. The objects
found in these are usually non-utilitarian so that, even if no further
information were available, archaeologists would consider them chambers
having some religious significance. However, thanks to the fact
that similar rooms or kivas, as they are called, are still in use in the
modern Pueblo villages, the archaeologist may not only be sure of
their ceremonial nature, but he is in a position to understand more
of their significance through studying their function in modern Pueblo
society. One point demonstrates very clearly how, through correlating
ethnological and archaeological evidence, it is possible to understand
something of the religious beliefs of people who died hundreds of years
ago leaving no written records.</p>
<p>In prehistoric kivas are found small tubelike pits in the floors.
If no other information were available the archaeologist would be
forced to fall back on simply calling these holes &ldquo;ceremonial&rdquo;. The
quip that when archaeologists do not know what a thing is they designate
it as ceremonial is sufficiently close to the truth to be uncomfortable.
In many modern kivas, however, the same type of hole is
found. It is symbolic of the mythical place of emergence or route
from the underworld from which it is believed that the first people and
animals came into the world. Archaeologists refer to it by the Hopi
name <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Sipapu">Sipapu</a></i>. Taking into account the conservatism and dependence
on tradition of religions in all parts of the world in all times, it is not
too rash to assume that the builders of the prehistoric kivas held some
beliefs similar to those of their present day descendents.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_19">19</div>
<p>Similarly, by equating what we know of the social organization
of the Pueblo Indians of today with the evidence from prehistoric times
we may postulate that an essentially democratic form of government
existed in this section of America long before the signing of the Magna
Carta and many centuries before the signers of the American Declaration
of Independence were born. It may be asked, what possible
information can be gained from ruins which would indicate a democratic
way of life. In all the ruins which have been examined all the
living quarters were essentially equal. Most anthropologists feel that
had there been a marked differentiation between classes, or if all
power had been lodged in the hands of a limited number of individuals
this would have been reflected in the dwellings. Certain leaders and
priests undoubtedly had authority, as they do among the Pueblo
Indians of today, but there is no evidence of an autocracy or a ruling
class.</p>
<p>This is, obviously, a greatly simplified explanation of some of the
many techniques employed by archaeologists in seeking to reconstruct
the life of ancient times. No one approach will suffice, but by utilizing
many methods numerous scattered bits of information are obtained.
These are studied and correlated and at length it is possible to produce
an account which is at least a reasonable approximation of the
truth.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_20">20</div>
<h2 id="c3"><span class="small">CHAPTER II</span>
<br />THE MOST ANCIENT CULTURES</h2>
<p>At least 25,000 years ago there were men in New Mexico who
lived in caves and hunted animals, many of which no longer exist.
Over 10,000 years ago there were already distinct groups of people
in the Southwest, some of whom were primarily hunters and some of
whom were largely dependent on the gathering of wild foods. Since
the most ancient cultures of North America have already been covered
in detail in a previous book in this series,<a class="fn" href="#bd130">[130]</a> only a very brief resume
will be given here.</p>
<h4 id="c4">Sandia</h4>
<p>The earliest <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the Western Hemisphere, about which we
have any information, is the <i>Sandia</i>,<a class="fn" href="#bd64">[64]</a> so named because the cave
whose deposits showed that it had been occupied by men about 25,000
years ago is located in the Sandia Mountains of New Mexico. In the
bottom layer of this cave were found fairly large, crudely flaked stone
spear points with a more or less leaflike shape and a slight basal
inset on one side. With these points were found bones of prehistoric
horse, bison, camel, mastodon, and mammoth, probably the debris from
meals of ancient hunters who lived in the cave. Space does not permit
a detailed consideration of the geological studies<a class="fn" href="#bd9">[9]</a> which enable us to
assign a date to this early occupation, but above the layer in which
the Sandia points were found there were other layers which included
one of calcium carbonate and one of yellow ochre. Geologists can
interpret the climatic conditions under which such deposits were formed
and they have correlated them with geologic periods when such conditions
prevailed. Great humidity, such as is indicated by the Sandia
Cave deposits, is characteristic of certain areas during glacial stages
and the lowest level of Sandia Cave has been assigned to the period
preceding the last major ice advance in the Pleistocene Period or Ice
Age. This glaciation is believed to have occurred about 25,000 years ago.</p>
<h4 id="c5">Folsom</h4>
<p>The most famous of the ancient cultures is the <i>Folsom</i> whose name
is derived from the town of Folsom, New Mexico, near which the first
generally accepted American discovery of man-made objects associated
with the bones of extinct animals was made.<a class="fn" href="#bd25">[25]</a> Prior to this find, which
was made in 1926, it had been believed that man had not reached the
New World more than a few thousand years before the beginning of
the Christian era. At the Folsom site, however, were found finely
flaked projectile points in clear association with the articulated bones
of a type of bison known to have been extinct for many thousands of
<span class="pb" id="Page_21">21</span>
years. These were fluted or grooved points characterized by the removal
of longitudinal flakes from either face. Geological evidence from
the Lindenmeier Site in Colorado, which was a camp site of the makers
of the grooved points, indicates that the Folsom people lived between
10,000 and 25,000 years ago.<a class="fn" href="#bd11">[11]</a> This conclusion was reached by correlating
the valley bottom in which the site occurs with river terraces
and moraines, which in turn could be related to glacial stages. A number
of important discoveries of fluted points have been made in the
Southwest. Two notable sites are the one near Clovis, New Mexico, and
Burnet Cave in the Guadalupe Mountains.<a class="fn" href="#bd65">[65]</a></p>
<div class="img" id="fig2">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p04.jpg" alt="" width="900" height="911" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 2&mdash;Map of the Southwest showing sites referred to in Chapter II.</p>
</div>
<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>1. Burnet Cave</dt>
<dt>2. Clovis</dt>
<dt>3. Cochise sites</dt>
<dt>4. Folsom</dt>
<dt>5. Gypsum Cave</dt>
<dt>6. Lindenmeier Site</dt>
<dt>7. Sandia Cave</dt>
<dt>8. San Jon</dt>
<dt>9. Tabeguache Cave</dt>
<dt>10. Yuma</dt></dl>
<div class="pb" id="Page_22">22</div>
<h4 id="c6">San Jon</h4>
<p>Probably contemporaneous with the Folsom people were others
who made thick, roughly flaked, square-based points with parallel
sides. These points were first found near the town of San Jon, New
Mexico, and are named after it.<a class="fn" href="#bd114">[114]</a></p>
<h4 id="c7">Yuma</h4>
<p>From a somewhat later period we
have evidence of ancient hunters who made some of the most beautifully
flaked stone projectile points that have ever been created. These
points, which were first found in Yuma County, Colorado, are known
as <i>Yuma</i> or <i>Parallel Flaked Points</i>. They are of two types.<a class="fn" href="#bd130">[130]</a> One
is marked by the removal of long narrow spalls running obliquely
across the blade and the other is characterized by the removal of shell-shaped
spalls from either side which tends to give the point a diamond
shaped cross-section.</p>
<h4 id="c8">Gypsum Cave</h4>
<p>Evidence of another early hunting <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the Southwest was
found in Gypsum Cave, Nevada.<a class="fn" href="#bd47">[47]</a> Here were found lozenge-shaped
projectile points, about two inches long, with small convex stems. They
were associated with the remains of now extinct ground sloth and
llamalike camels. The time of the first occupation of Gypsum Cave
may have been several thousand years B.C. One thing which makes
this find of particular interest is that, due to the protection afforded
by the cave, some normally perishable material was preserved. Painted
dart shafts and foreshafts were found and also a piece of basketry.
Lacking direct association with Gypsum Cave type points or extinct
animal remains, it is impossible to state with certainty that the basketry
belonged to this ancient culture, but there is every reason to
believe that it did, since it was found under a stalagmitic growth and
is of a type different from that of later cultures.</p>
<h4 id="c9">Cochise</h4>
<p>While hunters roamed the plains farther north there were other
people, with a different type of economy, living in what is now southeastern
Arizona and southwestern New Mexico.<a class="fn" href="#bd118">[118]</a> This <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, to
which the name <i>Cochise</i> has been given, is believed to have begun
over 10,000 years ago and to have lasted until 500 B.C. or later. The
chief characteristic of the Cochise culture is the extensive use of
grinding stones which suggests that the people were primarily dependent
on the gathering of wild grains, nuts, roots, and similar foods.
The finding of some split and burned animal bones in the sites where
they lived indicates that they did hunt, but the lack of projectile points
in the earliest period and their scarcity until the most recent <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a>
provides additional evidence that the economy was based on food
gathering rather than on hunting.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_23">23</div>
<div class="img" id="fig3">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p05.jpg" alt="" width="604" height="999" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 3&mdash;Projectile points of the most ancient cultures. a. Sandia, b. Folsom, c.
San Jon, d. Eden Yuma, e. Oblique Yuma, f. Gypsum Cave.</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_24">24</div>
<p>As may be imagined, we know comparatively little about the
most ancient inhabitants of this continent. However, when one considers
the thousands of years which have elapsed and how little of
their material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> could be preserved since they had neither pottery
nor metals, it is rather remarkable that we know as much as we do.
At least we know something of the tools and weapons which they used,
the animals which they hunted, and the conditions under which they
lived.</p>
<p>Apparently the earliest Americans had a rather simple <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>
and did not practice agriculture nor have fixed habitations. Little is
known of their physical appearance since only two skeletons have been
found in this country which are accepted as being of relatively great
antiquity by any considerable number of competent scientists.<a class="fn" href="#bd69">[69]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd70">[70]</a> What
evidence we have suggests that the first men to enter the new world
were sufficiently modern in morphological type to differ very little in
appearance from many present day Indians.</p>
<p>The question naturally arises: Where did the aboriginal inhabitants
of America come from? Man did not evolve on this continent;
therefore he must have come to this hemisphere from the Old World
where he had existed for many thousands of years. All evidence points
to migrations from Asia and the logical route is by way of Bering
Strait where the two continents are separated by only fifty-six miles
of water broken by three islands. Later migrants may also have arrived
from Asia following a route through the Aleutian Islands. It must be
emphasized that it is not believed that there was only one immigration.
Actually there must have been many and they apparently continued
into relatively recent times.</p>
<p>From the time of the earliest cultures until the early centuries
of the Christian era we have little knowledge of prehistoric life in
America. Work is being done and reports are expected which will
eventually clarify much which is now shrouded in darkness. It is not
that the Southwest was uninhabited at this period, it is just that we
know very little about it. It may readily be seen how difficult it is to
assemble evidence for this time. There was undoubtedly only a very
simple material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> with little save stone tools which would survive.
Even though we find implements of this period, however, how are we
to assign them to their proper chronological position? With the most
ancient cultures some approximation of age may be made on the basis
of association with the remains of extinct animals, the climatic conditions
indicated by deposits containing artifacts, and other geological
data. In the case of fairly recent cultures, the invaluable tree-rings
come to our aid and through stratigraphic studies the chronological
positions of the cultures immediately preceding them can be established.
For the intermediate period only stratigraphy can help us
very much and stratigraphic evidence is hard to find. In the Cochise
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, a sequence lasting until about 500 B.C. has been worked out
and the report on Ventana Cave in Arizona, when it is published, will
undoubtedly give us much additional information.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_25">25</div>
<div class="img" id="fig4">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p06.jpg" alt="" width="2600" height="1576" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 4&mdash;Folsom diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde National Park. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_26">26</div>
<h4 id="c10">Tabeguache Cave</h4>
<p>In the Tabeguache drainage of southwestern Colorado have been
found caves containing stratified deposits, the lowest of which are
believed to be quite old although considerably more recent than the
really ancient cultures previously discussed.<a class="fn" href="#bd66">[66]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd67">[67]</a> These deposits contained
lined and unlined firepits and there were little holes, dug in the
cave floor, filled with ashes and charcoal. These are thought to have
been too small to have served any utilitarian purpose and it has been
suggested that they may have been ceremonial in nature. Also found
were grinding stones and a distinctive type of long slender <a class="gloss" href="#g_ProjectilePoint">projectile point</a>
with side notches to which the name <i>Tabeguache Point</i> has been
applied. There was no pottery.</p>
<p>Obviously, a great deal of work will have to be done and probably
many years will elapse before we have any clear picture of what was
happening in various parts of the Southwest prior to the time to which
we assign the letters A.D. If only all the descendants of the first
people had stayed in the same place and placed their cultural remains
neatly on top of those of their ancestors, archaeologists would find
everything more simple, though probably rather dull.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_27">27</div>
<h2 id="c11"><span class="small">CHAPTER III</span>
<br />THE ANASAZI <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">CULTURE</a></h2>
<h3 id="c12">GENERAL REMARKS</h3>
<p>Once we pass on to a time which is separated from our own by
hundreds instead of thousands of years we are on firmer ground. Two
main <i>basic cultures</i> have been differentiated by archaeologists and it
now seems probable that two more may be recognized. The best known
and the first to be considered is often called the Anasazi. This is a
Navajo name for the &ldquo;ancient ones&rdquo; and is applied to the prehistoric
inhabitants of the plateau area of the Southwest which includes the
drainages of the San Juan, Little Colorado, Rio Grande, Upper Gila
and Salt Rivers, much of Utah and some of eastern Nevada. The term
<i>plateau</i> must not be interpreted as referring to a plain. Actually, it is
a vast expanse of territory with a greater elevation than the surrounding
areas, but with many drainage sources which have formed gorges
in the tableland. It contains prairies, mountains, and terraced mesas.</p>
<p>The Anasazi cultural sequence is a continuous one but can be
divided into successive horizons: the earlier of which are called <i>Basketmaker</i>
and the later ones, <i>Pueblo</i>. The end of the Basketmaker era
is placed at approximately 700 A. D. in most areas, but it is as yet
impossible to give any beginning date for it. The earliest date provided
by tree-rings for wood from a Basketmaker site is 217 A.D.,<a class="fn" href="#bd122">[122]</a> but
the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was well established by that time. Some charred wood
found in a primitive Basketmaker site near Durango, Colorado, has
yielded information which is still considered tentative but which seems
to indicate occupation well before the birth of Christ.<a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a></p>
<p>The beginning date for the Pueblo era coincides with that given
for the end of the Basketmaker period which preceded it. No terminal
date may be given, for Pueblo Indians still live in New Mexico and
Arizona.</p>
<h3 id="c13">THE BASKETMAKER PERIOD<a class="fn" href="#bd1">[1]</a></h3>
<p>The first evidence of the Basketmaker people was discovered in
1893 when ninety bodies accompanied by a great many finely woven
baskets were found in a cave in Butler Wash in southeastern Utah.
It was apparent that these people were older than the builders of the
cliff houses, and of a different <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, and the profusion of baskets led
to the term, Basketmakers, being applied to them to differentiate them
from the later people. The name soon found its way into scientific
literature and has continued to be used. It soon became apparent,
<span class="pb" id="Page_28">28</span>
however, that all the Basketmakers were not of the same age, and
archaeologists found that they had to have names to distinguish the
different cultural periods.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig5">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p07.jpg" alt="" width="884" height="900" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 5&mdash;Map of the Southwest showing sites, towns, and areas referred to in
<a href="#c11">Chapter III</a>.</p>
</div>
<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>1. Ackmen</dt>
<dt>2. Alkali Ridge</dt>
<dt>3. Allantown</dt>
<dt>4. Aztec</dt>
<dt>5. Betatakin</dt>
<dt>6. Butler Wash</dt>
<dt>7. Canyon de Chelly</dt>
<dt>8. Canyon del Muerto</dt>
<dt>9. Chaco Canyon</dt>
<dt>10. Durango</dt>
<dt>11. El Paso</dt>
<dt>12. Flagstaff</dt>
<dt>13. Gallina Creek</dt>
<dt>14. Governador Wash</dt>
<dt>15. Hopi Villages</dt>
<dt>16. Kayenta</dt>
<dt>17. Keet Seel</dt>
<dt>18. Kiatuthlana</dt>
<dt>19. Kinishba</dt>
<dt>20. La Plata River</dt>
<dt>21. Largo River</dt>
<dt>22. Lowry Ruin</dt>
<dt>23. Mesa Verde</dt>
<dt>24. Pecos</dt>
<dt>52. Piedra River</dt>
<dt>26. Puye</dt>
<dt>27. San Juan</dt>
<dt>28. Santa Fe</dt>
<dt>29. Taos</dt>
<dt>30. Tyuonyi</dt>
<dt>31. Village of the Great Kivas</dt>
<dt>32. Zu&ntilde;i</dt></dl>
<div class="pb" id="Page_29">29</div>
<p>In 1927 the leading archaeologists of the Southwest gathered at
Pecos, New Mexico, and worked out a system of terminology.<a class="fn" href="#bd74">[74]</a> An
early stage characterized by a nomadic life with no knowledge of
agriculture had been postulated although no direct evidence had been
found. This hypothetical period was named <i>Basketmaker I</i>. The early
semi-agricultural, semi-hunting <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> which produced fine baskets
but no pottery, and for which there was evidence, was called <i>Basketmaker
II</i>. To the third and final <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a>, when pottery was made, the
term <i>Basketmaker III</i> was assigned. Clear-cut evidence for Basketmaker
I has been lacking and the term is little used although the
finds in the Tabeguache Caves may be attributed to this period. A
simpler terminology than that proposed at the Pecos Conference has
since been suggested and it will be used in this book.<a class="fn" href="#bd110">[110]</a> The term
<i>Basketmaker</i> is applied to the people formerly assigned to Basketmaker
II and their immediate successors are called <i>Modified Basketmakers</i>.</p>
<p>The Basketmakers were widespread over the Southwest and remains
of their <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> have been found in Utah, Arizona, New Mexico,
and Colorado. We know them best from the San Juan Drainage.
It is probable that they really reached their highest development
here, but we must also take into consideration the fact that here we
have ideal conditions for the preservation of much normally perishable
material, and this gives us far more information than is available for
many sections of the country.</p>
<p>Many Basketmaker remains are found in caves along cliff faces.
The term cave, although widely used, however, is perhaps misleading,
for it has a connotation of darkness and of deep enclosed places.
Actually the so-called Basketmaker caves are fairly shallow rock
shelters, worn in the rock by the action of water and wind, and open
to the sun. In them are found ash and dust deposits which contain
the bodies of the ancient inhabitants and their possessions.</p>
<p>Many references are found to Basketmaker &ldquo;mummies&rdquo;. It is
quite true that, due to the aridity of the climate and the protection
offered by the shelters, which make it difficult for the bacteria of
decay to survive, many of the bodies were &ldquo;mummified&rdquo; with the
dehydrated flesh still on the bones and the hair looking much as it did in
life. These must not be confused with Egyptian mummies, however,
which were preserved by artificial means and highly specialized techniques.
It is simply a happy accident that these people buried their
dead in places which permitted the preservation of their bodies.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_30">30</div>
<div class="img" id="fig6">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p08.jpg" alt="" width="626" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 6&mdash;Basketmaker mummy. (Courtesy Peabody Museum, Harvard University.)</p>
</div>
<p>Probably, though, in the Southwest as in ancient Egypt, belief
in a life after death is shown by the mortuary offerings placed in the
graves. With the bodies are found baskets, food, weapons, and various
personal possessions. With almost every corpse is found a pair of new,
unworn sandals. This would suggest that they were not a possession
of the deceased but a special offering which, it is logical to assume,
was designed for use in a later life.</p>
<p>We may now return to the Basketmaker <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> as archaeologists
<span class="pb" id="Page_31">31</span>
have reconstructed it from the evidence which they have painstakingly
dug out of the dust and ashes of rock shelters which had not echoed
with the sound of human activity for many centuries. The problems
which these ancient people faced stagger the imagination of modern
man. They had no metal, no pottery, no cotton or wool, no draught
animals. Really all they did have was their own ingenuity to wrest
the necessities of life from a none too favorable environment. It is
remarkable how, by utilizing wood, bone, stone, plant fibers, and
even their own hair, they not only produced all that they needed to
survive, but also provided a base from which arose the high culture
which culminated in the great communal dwellings of later times.</p>
<p>Were we able to project ourselves back into the time of the Basketmakers
and watch the people of that day we should find men and
women not too different from many Indians of today. The Basketmakers
were rather short. They had coarse, black hair which, while
straight, had slightly more of a tendency to waviness than that of
present day Indians. Their skins were brown and they had little
body hair.</p>
<p>What clothing the Basketmakers wore, besides sandals, is not
certain. Woven bands, sometimes referred to as &ldquo;gee strings,&rdquo; have
been found in a number of sites but no mummy has ever been found
buried with any loin covering. Many little &ldquo;aprons&rdquo;, consisting of
waist cords to which was attached a fringe of strings of cedar or
yucca fiber, have been found. Some of the longer ones, usually of
cedar bast, were used as menstrual pads, but there are also a few
shorter, finely woven, little aprons which probably served as skirts
for women. Their scarcity, however, would suggest that they were
not considered essential garments. Since the country in which these
people lived is cold in the winter and can become quite chilly after
nightfall even at other seasons of the year, they undoubtedly had some
covering to give them warmth. Almost every body is found wrapped
in a blanket made of fur and it is probable that these served as wraps
and blankets for the living as well as shrouds for the dead.</p>
<p>The manner in which these coverings were constructed is most
ingenious. Strings were made of yucca fibres, then narrow strips of
rabbit fur were wrapped around them. These fur covered strings were
then tied together in close parallel rows, producing a light warm blanket.
Sometimes they were ornamented with borders made of cords which
had been wrapped with strips of bird skins. Some mantles of tanned
deerskin were also made and it may be that there were some woven
robes, for a few fragments of woven cloth have been found. These
fragments bear patterns similar to those shown on the chests of individuals
depicted in Basketmaker paintings on cliff faces, and they may
have been parts of shirts or ponchos. It is also possible, however, that
the designs shown in pictographs simply indicated body painting.<a class="fn" href="#bd38">[38]</a></p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_32">32</div>
<div class="img" id="fig7">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p09.jpg" alt="" width="1322" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 7&mdash;Basketmaker diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde National Park. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_33">33</div>
<div class="img" id="imgx2">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p09a.jpg" alt="" width="850" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Diagram showing the method of making a fur-cloth blanket. The upper figure
shows the construction of a fur strip; the lower shows the manner in which the
strips were held together.</p>
</div>
<p>The major item in the limited Basketmaker wardrobe was sandals.
Anyone who has walked much in the canyon country of the Southwest
can readily see how vital such equipment would be, and apparently the
Basketmakers devoted much time and energy to keeping themselves
shod. Sandals were woven of cord made from the fibers of yucca and
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Apocynum">apocynum</a>, a plant related to the milkweed. They were double-soled,
were somewhat cupped at the heel, and had a square toe which was
sometimes thickened, but was usually ornamented with a fringe of
buckskin or shredded juniper bark. To attach them to the foot there
were heel and toe loops with a cord passing between them. These cords
were often made of human hair. Hair was also sometimes used to provide
the secondary warps in the sandals themselves. A few pairs of
<span class="pb" id="Page_34">34</span>
large coarse sandals have been found coated with mud and it is thought
that they may have served as overshoes for wear in bad weather.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig8">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p10.jpg" alt="" width="835" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 8&mdash;a. Basketmaker sandal. b. Modified-Basketmaker sandal.</p>
</div>
<p>Whatever the Basketmakers may have lacked in clothing, they
compensated for with jewelry and ornaments. Our information is derived
not only from mortuary finds but also from pictures painted on
cliff faces by the Basketmakers themselves. Hair ornaments were widely
used. Most of them consisted of bone points tied together to form
comblike objects and topped with feathers. Feathers have also been
found made into little loops and worn as pendants. Beads of all sorts
were among the favorite means of decoration. They were used in making
necklaces and as ear pendants. Some were of stone, carefully ground
and polished, some of bone, sometimes engraved. Seeds and acorn
cups were also used to make necklaces. Shells were very widely used,
and it is interesting to note that many of them were olivella or abalone
which can have come only from the Pacific coast.</p>
<p>It seems unlikely that either the Basketmakers or their contemporaries
along the coast were much given to transcontinental tours when
their only means of transportation was their own sandal-shod feet, but
the shells prove some sort of contact. Probably it was a contact by trade
<span class="pb" id="Page_35">35</span>
carried on through the peoples who inhabited the country between the
two locales.</p>
<p>This preoccupation with ornamentation might suggest some degree
of vanity, and it is probably true that Basketmaker men gave a good bit
of time and thought to their personal appearance. Basketmaker women,
however, seem to have been a practical lot, far more concerned with
material for their weaving than with their own appearance. The hair of
female mummies is hacked off to a length of two or three inches. Of
course cutting with a stone knife could hardly be expected to provide
a particularly glamorous hair-do, and the fact that strands of hair
seem to have been cut off at different times, presumably as the need
for weaving material arose, added nothing to the general effect.
While Basketmaker women would hardly furnish &ldquo;pin up&rdquo; material
according to our standards, they presumably seemed attractive to
Basketmaker men which, after all, was far more to the point.</p>
<p>Basketmaker men usually wore their hair long and formed into
three bobs tied with a string, one on either side of the head and one in
the back. In some cases the hair was clipped away to form an exaggerated
part and tonsure, and from the hair at the top of the head was
formed a queue about the thickness of a pencil, which was wound with
cord for the entire length. The reason for this variation in hair dressing
is not known. Perhaps the rare form with the clipping and the
queue had some ceremonial significance, or was a mark of rank. Brushes
made of yucca fibers have been found, which we know were used for
the hair. Human hair is found clinging to them and they are a form
still used by some modern Indians.</p>
<p>Having determined how these people looked we may now turn to
the consideration of how they lived. For a great many years lack of
evidence of house construction, coupled with the fact that most Basketmaker
caves do not contain any great amount of ash and refuse, led to
an acceptance of the belief that the Basketmakers either had no dwellings,
or perhaps erected flimsy brush shelters which had since disappeared.
Recent excavations near Durango, Colorado, however, have
yielded evidence of well developed Basketmaker houses. Dates, tentatively
assigned, fall in the early part of the fourth century. Doubtless,
in other parts of the Anasazi province there were many other Basketmaker
houses which have been destroyed by erosion, root, and frost
action. Some of those found in the Durango area were in a cave and
others on a terrace which had been made by cutting into the talus and
<span class="pb" id="Page_36">36</span>
removing the earth until a level surface large enough to accommodate
the intended dwelling was produced.</p>
<p>&ldquo;The house floors ranged in diameter from eight to thirty feet.
They were saucer-shaped, formed of adobe mud not too smoothly
spread over the surface of the excavation. The rim of the saucer was
plastered against a series of short horizontal foot logs, laid to conform
to the arc of the circle. These served as the foundation of the wall,
the construction of which may be characterized as wood-and-mud
masonry. Sticks and small timbers were laid around horizontally, and
the interstices were crammed full of adobe to produce a strong, tough
shell. The wall leaned somewhat inward as it rose to a convenient
head height. Roofs were cribbed. Since the roof rested directly on the
wall there was no necessity for stout vertical supporting timbers such
as have been found in dwellings of the succeeding period.</p>
<p>&ldquo;In no instance did a room boundary remain to a height sufficient to
reveal the position, size, or shape of the entrance. At the approximate
center of each floor was a heating pit (heating pit is used advisedly,
because fire does not seem to have been maintained in the pits).
Metates, varying from basin to trough shape, were a normal feature
of each living surface. Interior storage devices occurred with great
frequency. Some were merely slab-lined pits dug into the floor.
Others were mud domes built entirely above the floor. The most common
variety consisted of a combination of the two&mdash;a sub-floor, slab-lined
basin surmounted by a mud dome with an opening in the top.&rdquo;<a class="fn" href="#bd96">[96]</a></p>
<p>Even before these discoveries were made it had been known that
the Basketmakers had some knowledge of construction. In the caves
or shelters they built cists which provided storage space for corn and
which often served a secondary purpose as a final resting place for the
dead. Some were lined with grass and bark and may have been used
as temporary sleeping places. The cists were oval or circular pits,
usually dug in the cave floor. The average diameter was between three
and five feet and the average depth about two feet. There were also
larger cists which reached a diameter of over eight feet and were four
feet deep. Some were divided into bins by slab partitions. Cists were
sometimes simply pits but in other cases they were lined with stone
slabs and reinforced with adobe. Covers were usually provided. For
the smaller cists they were normally only sandstone slabs. The larger
cists often had more elaborate roofs of wood and plaster and some even
had above-ground superstructures of poles, brush, and bark, sometimes
capped by adobe.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_37">37</div>
<p>Clothing and shelter are, of course, subordinate to man&rsquo;s main
physical need&mdash;the need for food. In the period in which we first find
evidence of the Basketmakers they were no longer solely dependant on
hunting and the gathering of wild foods but had two cultivated crops,
corn and squash. Where the Basketmakers gained their knowledge of
agriculture is not known with certainty. Everything seems to point
to the first domestication of corn far to the south in Central<a class="fn" href="#bd126">[126]</a> or
South America and it Is believed that knowledge of corn and its cultivation
spread to the north by <a class="gloss" href="#g_Diffusion">diffusion</a>.</p>
<p>Most of the corn cultivated by the Basketmakers was a tropical
flint with small ears. Agricultural implements were so primitive that a
modern farmer would be appalled at the thought of using them, even
under the most favorable climatic conditions. They consisted simply
of digging sticks of hard wood some forty-five or more inches in length.
In most cases two thirds of the stick was round and the remainder was
worked down to form a thin blade a few inches wide, with a rounded
point and one sharp edge. Others had plain flattened points instead
of blades.</p>
<p>The implements available, as well as climatic conditions, naturally
influenced planting techniques which remained unchanged for many centuries.
Probably several kernels were placed in a hill at a depth of a
foot or more. This type of planting gives the seeds access to the subsurface
water on which they must depend to a great extent in a climate
like the Southwest&rsquo;s. Fields were usually in the flood plains of intermittent
streams, and if there was any irrigation it was of the flood type.</p>
<p>Corn was undoubtedly stored for the winter and for emergency
use in case of crop failures. Shelled corn found in skin bags and in
baskets suggests that selected seed may have been kept for the following
year&rsquo;s planting. Squash plants were apparently grown not only
to provide food, but the fruit, when hollowed out, served as vessels.
Other vegetable foods were provided by nature and included roots,
bulbs, grass seeds, sun flower seeds, pinyon nuts, acorns, berries, choke
cherries, and probably yucca and cactus fruit. The suggestion, that
cactus fruit served as food, stems from a find which shows clearly the
detective methods which archaeologists employ to gather evidence from
tiny clues. No cactus fruits have been found in Basketmaker refuse,
but a cactus seed was found in the decayed molar of a skull.</p>
<p>Meat was undoubtedly an important component of the diet and
quantities of animal bones are found in all sites. Many smaller animals
such as rabbits, prairie dogs, gophers, badgers, and field mice, and
<span class="pb" id="Page_38">38</span>
some birds were snared or netted. The Basketmakers developed some
remarkable snares and nets. One particularly interesting net, found at
White Dog Cave near Kayenta, weighed twenty-eight pounds, and contained
nearly four miles of string.<a class="fn" href="#bd38">[38]</a> It was two hundred and forty feet
long, over three feet wide, and somewhat resembled a tennis net. It is
thought that such a net was placed across the mouth of a narrow gorge
or canyon and that animals were driven into it and shot or clubbed.
The specimen from White Dog Cave had two sections, one nine and
one six feet long, woven of a hair and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Apocynum">apocynum</a> mixture which gave
them a darker color. It is thought that this may have been done to
produce the effect of an opening toward which a frightened animal
would rush. Various ingenious snares, many made of human hair, were
also used.</p>
<p>Larger animals, including deer, mountain sheep, and mountain
lion, were also hunted, and their bones and skins utilized as well as
their flesh. These animals were shot with darts propelled by atlatls.
An <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a> is a rather remarkable weapon which gives great propulsive
force to the missile and which produces the same effect as would
lengthening the arm of the individual throwing the dart. It consists
of a throwing stick about two feet long, two inches wide and half an
inch thick, with a prong in one end into which was fitted the hollow
butt of a spear or dart. Near the middle were two loops through which
the fingers of the thrower passed. The spear portion consisted of two
parts, a feathered shaft five to six feet long and about half an inch in
diameter with a hollow end which fitted into the prong on the atlatl
and a foreshaft of hard wood, some five or six inches long, tipped with
a stone point. It was set into a hole in the end of the main shaft. This
foreshaft was probably used to prevent the loss of the entire spear or
dart while removing it when the fore part was buried in an animal&rsquo;s
body. Also, if a wounded animal ran away the shaft proper would
shake loose from the imbedded foreshaft and fall out.</p>
<p>Polished stones are often found lashed to the under-sides of
atlatls. It may be that they were designed to act as weights to give
proper balance to the weapon, but another possibility, suggested by
their unusual shapes and careful finish, is that they were charms or
fetishes and served no utilitarian purpose.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_39">39</div>
<div class="img" id="fig9">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p11.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="571" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 9&mdash;a. <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">Atlatl</a>, b. Reverse side of atlatl showing stone, c. Dart showing shaft (mid-section removed), foreshaft, and point, d. Method
of using atlatl, e. Grooved club.</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_40">40</div>
<p>Often found associated with atlatls are curved sticks two to three
feet long, marked by longitudinal grooves, extending from the handle
to the top and usually with one or more interruptions in the lines.
These are sometimes referred to as rabbit-sticks and it was first thought
that they represented a form of non-returning boomerang such as is
used in hunting rabbits by the Hopi Indians. Now, however, they are
believed to be &ldquo;fending sticks&rdquo; such as were used by the Maya for defense
against the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a>.<a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> A dart or spear thrown with an atlatl moves
fairly slowly and could be deflected by the skillful use of such a club.
They could also serve as weapons in close fighting. There is not much
evidence of violent death among the Basketmakers, but there is some
and the atlatl must have been used to kill men as well as animals. Although
the Basketmakers did not use the bow and arrow, they apparently
were in contact with people who did. In Canyon del Muerto in
Arizona evidence of a massacre of Basketmakers was found. Among the
bodies which had been allowed to decay before burial was that of an old
woman with an arrow foreshaft between the ribs and skin of her left
side.<a class="fn" href="#bd92">[92]</a></p>
<p>Once the Basketmakers had acquired their food, there naturally
arose the question of cooking it. Meat presented no real problem, for
it could be baked or roasted without culinary vessels or could even be
eaten raw. Dried corn, however, which comprised so important a part
of the Basketmaker diet, was something else again. From the grinding
stones found in Basketmaker sites we know that corn was ground, as
it is by Indians even today. To grind corn only simple implements are
needed. The dry corn is placed on a flat stone, known as a <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Metate">metate</a></i>.
The kernels are then pounded and rubbed with a stone, of a size which
can be held easily, called a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Mano">mano</a>. Once the corn is made into meal it
can be moistened and formed into little cakes to be baked on hot
stones.</p>
<p>Probably, even without having any utensils which would seem
suitable for cooking to us, it was possible for the Basketmakers to
cook a variety of foods by boiling or stewing. To speak of boiling foods
when the only available container is a basket may seem incredible but
it can be done. The Basketmakers, as their name implies, made many
baskets. These were remarkably fine and often so closely woven as to
make suitable receptacles for liquids. Even though the baskets could
hold water, however, the problem remains as to how they could be
heated, since the baskets obviously could not be subjected to fire. The
technique employed by other people faced with the same problem has
been to drop hot stones into the liquid, replacing them with other hot
stones as they cool, until the necessary temperature is achieved. Skin
receptacles can also be used in the same way. In Basketmaker sites are
found scooplike wooden objects, charred, and with worn edges. They
<span class="pb" id="Page_41">41</span>
are excellent digging implements and were probably used in digging
cists, but the charring suggests that they may have been used in pairs to
lift hot rocks from the fire and drop them into baskets or skin bags in
which food was being stewed.</p>
<p>The most distinctive feature of the Basketmaker <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, as is
implied by the name, was the making of basketry. Most baskets were
made by the coiled technique in which a basket is built up from the
base by a growing spiral coil. As the basket progresses, each coil is
sewed to the one below with a thin splint. The coil itself consists of
two rods, usually willow, and a bundle of fibrous material. In sewing
the coils together a bone awl is used to pass the splint through the
fiber bundle.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig10">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p12.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="349" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 10&mdash;Weaving techniques. a. coiling, b. <a class="gloss" href="#g_Twining">twining</a>, c. <a class="gloss" href="#g_Twilling">twilling</a>.</p>
</div>
<p>The most common basket forms were shallow trays anywhere
from three inches to three feet in diameter. Smaller baskets tended to be
deeper than the larger models. There were also bowl forms, with
steeply flaring sides and flat bottoms, which may have been used for
cooking. Small baskets with restricted openings, which are called trinket
baskets, were probably used to store seeds and small objects. Two
distinctive forms are carrying and water baskets. Both are large, with
flaring sides and pointed bottoms. Water baskets had smaller constricted
openings, presumably to keep the water from splashing out.
They were lined with pitch made of pinyon gum. Some of the other
baskets are so tightly woven as to hold water, but these specialized
forms were specially treated, possibly because water was kept in them
for a sufficiently long time that, without the protection of the pitch,
they would have become water-logged and lost their usefulness.</p>
<p>Both the carrying and water baskets are so shaped as to fit
against the shoulders and it is believed that they were carried on the
back, probably with a tump strap running from the basket over the
<span class="pb" id="Page_42">42</span>
forehead of the bearer. This type of woven strap, which is commonly
found in Basketmaker sites, is a device which helps to support and
keep in place a burden carried on the back while leaving the hands
free. It would be particularly useful in cases where there were cliffs
to be negotiated and it was essential to be able to utilize hand holes
pecked in the rock faces. Some of the water baskets are nearly two feet
high and could have held some two or three gallons of water. Since
all the water used in the caves would have to be carried up from
streams below, or brought down from mesa tops where rain water had
accumulated in natural basins or depressions, supplying the needs of
a household would be no light chore, and the Basketmakers must have
needed all the help which their tump straps provided.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig11">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p13.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="517" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 11&mdash;Basketmaker coiled baskets. (Courtesy Peabody Museum,
Harvard University.)</p>
</div>
<p>Although baskets and carrying straps were utilitarian objects,
their decorative possibilities were not overlooked. Many of the baskets
had red and black designs formed by dyeing the sewing splints.</p>
<p>Another technique which was employed, primarily for the production
of bags and to a limited extent in the making of baskets, was
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Twining">twining</a>. In twining, splints or threads are intertwined around a foundation
of radiating rods or threads. Twined bags are very characteristic
of the Basketmaker <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. These are soft, seamless sacks which vary
in size from a few inches to two or more feet in length. They are egg-shaped
with slightly pointed bottoms and somewhat constricted necks.
Usually they were made of the fiber of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Apocynum">apocynum</a>, but some yucca
fiber was also used. Most of the bag was of the warm yellowish brown
of the undyed fiber but decoration was provided by dyeing some of the
<span class="pb" id="Page_43">43</span>
threads red or black and weaving in designs in horizontal bands. There
was no introduction of specially dyed elements. When a change in
color was desired, weft threads were simply rubbed with color. Possibly
the finished article was treated in some way to fix the dye. Burden
or tump straps and narrow sashes were also twined-woven and similarly
decorated.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig12">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p13a.jpg" alt="" width="1425" height="1455" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 12&mdash;Basketmaker carrying basket, with tump strap. (Courtesy
Peabody Museum, Harvard University.)</p>
</div>
<p>A few examples have been found in which the designs were painted
on finished bags. These painted designs were placed on the bag interior
as well as on the exterior and ingenious markers were woven into
the fabric to serve as guides for duplicating the pattern on the reverse
side.<a class="fn" href="#bd37">[37]</a> The smaller bags have been empty when found. Medium sized
ones have been found containing corn meal and something resembling
dried fruit. The largest ones were often split and used for mortuary
wrappings, particularly for children. Other bags were woven of cedar
<span class="pb" id="Page_44">44</span>
bast. They had a large mesh and could have contained only large
objects.</p>
<p>Another type of bag represented in Basketmaker sites is made of
skin. Most of these were formed from the skins of two small animals,
usually prairie dogs. The animals were skinned forward from the back
legs to the nose. The two skins were then sewed together with the neck
of the bag formed by the two heads. They are usually found to contain
oddly-shaped stones or other objects thought to have some ceremonial
significance.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig13">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p14.jpg" alt="" width="1209" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 13&mdash;Basketmaker twined-woven bags. (Courtesy Peabody Museum,
Harvard University.)</p>
</div>
<p>Although the Basketmakers did not have true pottery, they did
have some sun-dried clay dishes. These usually contained a vegetable
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Temper">temper</a> or binding material, such as cedar bark, to prevent cracking,
and were molded in baskets. It is not known whether the idea of
pottery, but not the technique for producing it through firing, had
reached the Basketmakers from some other people, or if the idea of
making the sun-dried dishes was one which they developed themselves.
Most archaeologists believe that the whole concept of clay containers
came from other people, but it is not impossible that the idea developed
from the practice of putting clay in baskets while constructing cists.<a class="fn" href="#bd93">[93]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a>
If clay were left for some time in a basket it would naturally harden
and, if the center portion had been scooped out, the hardened residue in
the basket would produce a vessel of sorts. Toward the close of the
<span class="pb" id="Page_45">45</span>
Basketmaker period some vessels were made without molds, and sand
began to replace vegetable fibers as a tempering material.</p>
<p>Most of the information we have about the Basketmakers we owe
to their burial practices and to their habit of placing extensive mortuary
offerings with their dead. There may have been some graves in
the open, but these have not been found. Those we know are from
caves. Where cave floors were covered with rocks, bodies were sometimes
placed in crevices. Usually, however, they were placed in pits
or cists which had originally been constructed for storage. There were
many multiple burials and up to nineteen bodies have been found in
a single grave, although two or three is the normal number. Usually
all the bodies seem to have been buried at the same time and, since
there is rarely any indication of violence, we may assume that epidemics
must sometimes have occurred. It is rare that the cause of death can be
determined, but in an occasional case, it is possible. The body of one
young man was found with a bladder stone, large enough to have caused
death, lying in his pelvic cavity.<a class="fn" href="#bd37">[37]</a></p>
<p>The bodies were tightly flexed, with the knees drawn up almost
to the chin. This must have been done soon after death occurred and
before the body had stiffened. Bodies were usually wrapped in fur blankets,
but occasionally tanned deer skins were used. In some cases a
large twined bag split down one side provided an inner covering. A
large basket was usually inverted over the face. In addition to these
and other baskets, mortuary offerings included sandals, beads and
ornaments, weapons, digging sticks and other implements, and cone-shaped
stone pipes. It is not known what was smoked in these pipes,
but some form of wild tobacco may have been used. It is unlikely that
they were smoked for pleasure. More probably the blowing of smoke
had some ceremonial significance, as it does with many living Southwestern
Indians who connect smoke clouds with the rain clouds which
play such an important part in their lives and which are accordingly
represented in their religious rites. Bodies were sometimes incased in
adobe, but this was rather rare. Usually the pit was lined with bark,
grass, or fiber, and the body covered with the same material.</p>
<p>Some quite unusual graves have been found.<a class="fn" href="#bd37">[37]</a> One contained the
mummy of a man wearing leather moccasins, the only ones ever found
in a Basketmaker site. This individual had been cut in two at the
waist and then sewed together again. Another interesting burial was
that of a girl about eighteen years old and a young baby.<a class="fn" href="#bd76">[76]</a> Under the
shoulders of the girl&rsquo;s mummy was the entire head skin of an adult.
<span class="pb" id="Page_46">46</span>
The scalp and facial skin had been removed in three pieces, dried or
cured in some way, then sewed back together again. The hair was
carefully dressed, and the face and tonsure part of the scalp painted
with red, white, and yellow. It had apparently been suspended around
the girl&rsquo;s neck and may have been some sort of a trophy.</p>
<p>There was a high mortality rate for children and infants. Their
burials were handled somewhat differently from those of adults. Young
children were sometimes buried in baskets, sometimes in large bags.
Babies were usually buried in their cradles. These were ingeniously
constructed with a stick bent to form an oval and filled with a framework
of rods placed in a criss-cross arrangement and tied. The cradles
were padded with juniper bark and covered with fur-cloth blankets,
often made of the white belly skins of rabbits. Babies were tied in the
cradle with soft fur cord. The cradle could be carried on the mother&rsquo;s
back, hung on a branch, propped against a rock or tree, or laid on the
ground. Diapers were made of soft juniper bark. Pads were used to
prevent umbilical hernia. These were made of wads of corn husks or
grass or a piece of bark, wrapped in a piece of prairie dog skin and tied
in position with a fur cord. The umbilical cord was dried and tied to
a corner of the outer blanket used in the cradle.</p>
<p>The only domesticated animal which the Basketmakers possessed
was the dog, and two burials have been found where dogs were interred
with people.<a class="fn" href="#bd38">[38]</a> One large dog resembling a collie was buried with a
man, and a smaller black-and-white dog which looked rather like a
short haired terrier was found with a woman. Since these dogs are not
related to coyotes and other doglike animals found in America, it is
believed that they must have been domesticated in the Old World and
accompanied their masters when they came to this hemisphere. Probably
the dogs were pets, for the scarcity of their bones in refuse heaps
indicates that they were not eaten. Some dog hair was used in weaving,
but not to a sufficient extent to make it seem probable that dogs
were kept entirely for the purpose of providing material.</p>
<p>The exigencies of survival cannot have left the Basketmakers too
much leisure, but all of their time cannot have been taken up by work.
Undoubtedly religious ceremonies occupied them to some extent. Rattles
made of deer hoofs and bone were probably used to set the rhythm of
ceremonial dances. These may have been worn around the waist or
ankles or mounted on handles. Whistles have been found made of
hollow bird bones. There is reason to believe that the Basketmakers
were not unfamiliar with gambling. Gaming sticks and bones, similar
<span class="pb" id="Page_47">47</span>
to those used by modern Indians, have been found in Basketmaker
sites. The sticks are of wood, about three inches long, flat on one side
and convex on the other, and marked with <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> lines. The gaming
bones are lozenges about one inch long and roughly oval in shape.
Doubtless even in that far off time the canyons sometimes echoed with
the prehistoric version of &ldquo;Seven come eleven, baby needs some
sandals.&rdquo;</p>
<div class="img" id="fig14">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p15.jpg" alt="" width="1014" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 14&mdash;Mummies of two varieties of Basketmaker dogs. (Courtesy
Peabody Museum, Harvard University.)</p>
</div>
<p>On cliff faces are found pictures, sometimes <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> but more
usually painted, which are attributed to the Basketmakers. These
usually show square-shouldered human figures or hand prints. The
latter were normally made by dipping the hand in paint then placing
it against the surface to be marked, but in some cases they were painted.
The significance of these and later pictographs is not known, although
there are innumerable theories. The most probable explanation seems
to be that they had some religious significance but it is also possible
that they were records, were designed to give information, or were done
for amusement.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_48">48</div>
<div class="img" id="fig15">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p16.jpg" alt="" width="1342" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 15&mdash;Modified-Basketmaker diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde National Park. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_49">49</div>
<h3 id="c14">THE MODIFIED-BASKETMAKER PERIOD<a class="fn" href="#bd1">[1]</a></h3>
<p>During the succeeding period, there was a continuation of the
same <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a>, but there was great development and sufficiently
important changes occurred to warrant recognition by the application
of another name. The later <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> is known as the <i>Modified-Basketmaker
period</i> or as <i>Basketmaker III</i>. Some archaeologists believe that
the cultural changes were so great that it would have been better if
the term &ldquo;Basketmaker&rdquo; had not been applied to both periods.</p>
<p>The Modified Basketmaker period is marked by the beginning of
a sedentary life and the establishment of regular communities. The
essential continuity of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> makes it difficult to assign specific
dates to the period. A typical Basketmaker site is readily differentiated
from a Modified Basketmaker site, but it is difficult to give a precise
year for the time when the transition from one to the other occurred.
The beginning is usually placed between 400 and 500 A. D. The earliest
date yet established by tree-rings for a Modified-Basketmaker site is
475 A. D.<a class="fn" href="#bd87">[87]</a> There is general agreement that, in most places, the Modified-Basketmaker
period ended about 700 A. D., but some archaeologists
place the terminal date as late as the ninth century for certain areas.</p>
<p>One difficulty in trying to establish fixed dates for cultural phases
is that change and development were not equal in all areas. Dates which
may be correct for the main, or nuclear, area may be entirely incorrect
if applied to peripheral regions where development was slower and
fewer changes were made. During Modified Basketmaker times the
San Juan drainage was still the nuclear area, but the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was quite
widespread and extended north into Utah, as far west as southwestern
Nevada, and south to the Little Colorado in Arizona, and beyond Zu&ntilde;i
in New Mexico.</p>
<p>The Modified Basketmakers usually lived in villages made up of
irregularly grouped houses with granaries clustered about them. In
some cases there were only a few dwellings, in others there were as
many as a hundred. Houses were usually of the pit variety, sometimes
built very close together but not contiguous. The earliest structures
were circular, but later they became more oval and eventually a rectangular
form prevailed. At first houses were entered through a passageway
leading from the ground outside. Sometimes there was a small
antechamber at the outer end of the entrance passage. The pit depth
varied from three to five feet and the diameter of the structures ranged
between nine and twenty-five feet. The pit walls were sometimes
plastered, but more often they were lined with stone slabs. Occasionally
<span class="pb" id="Page_50">50</span>
a few rows of adobe bricks were placed over the slabs. In some
cases a combination of slabs and plaster was used, in others, poles or
reeds covered with mud formed the wainscoting.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig16">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p17.jpg" alt="" width="1038" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 16&mdash;Modified-Basketmaker house after excavation.
(Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p>
</div>
<p>The pit was covered by a conical or truncated superstructure with
a hole in the center, designed to permit smoke to escape from the fireplace
on the floor below. Later in the period the entrance passageways
were so reduced in size as no longer to permit the passage of a human
body, and entrance to the houses seems to have been through the hole
or hatchway in the roof in which was placed a ladder leading to the
room below. The roof surface may, in some cases, have provided extra
living space since metates, manos, and pottery, have been found overlying
roof timbers. Usually the basis of the superstructure was formed
by four posts, imbedded in the floor, and supporting a platform of
horizontal timbers. Smaller timbers or poles, set into the ground,
leaned against the platform and others were laid horizontally across it.
The whole was covered with mats or brush, then topped with a layer
of plaster and earth reinforced with twigs, grass, and bark.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_51">51</div>
<div class="img" id="fig17">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p17a.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="359" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 17&mdash;Postulated method of Modified-Basketmaker house construction.
(After Roberts,<a class="fn" href="#bd105">[105]</a> Courtesy Smithsonian Institution.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_52">52</div>
<p>The side entrance was retained in a reduced form, apparently to
provide ventilation. An upright slab, often found standing between the
fire pit and the passage opening, is believed to have served the purpose
of keeping the inrushing air from putting out the fire, and is known as
a <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Deflector">deflector</a></i>. There was often a bench or shelf running around the inside
of the house. This was sometimes omitted along the south side.
Some storage bins were built against the walls of the house.</p>
<p>Floors were usually of hardened clay, but in a few cases they were
paved with stone slabs. A basinlike fire pit with a raised rim lay near
the center of the floor. Extending from the south side of the pit to the
walls there were often ridges of mud. These were later replaced, in
some areas, by partitions, sometimes several feet high, made of slabs or
adobe. Metates are commonly found in the southern section, and it
has been suggested that this may have been the women&rsquo;s part of the
house. A short distance on the other side of the fire pit is a small hole,
known as the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Sipapu">Sipapu</a>. Similarly placed holes in present day ceremonial
structures of the Pueblo Indians represent the mythical place of emergence
from the underworld from which the first people came to the
earth. The partitioning of the Modified-Basketmaker houses may have
served to segregate religious from secular activities. It is believed that
originally each house had its own shrine. In later times highly specialized
structures were built for ceremonial practices. This is foreshadowed
in the Modified-Basketmaker period for one site belonging to this
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a> has been found which contained a larger structure, similar to
the houses, but apparently not used as a dwelling place.<a class="fn" href="#bd105">[105]</a></p>
<p>Toward the end of the period in some areas, particularly in Southwestern
Colorado, some surface houses were built which presaged the
type of structure found in the next period. Villages have been excavated
in which separate pit houses were still used for living quarters,
but there were also some dwellings which were above ground and had
contiguous rooms.<a class="fn" href="#bd83">[83]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a></p>
<p>Another important development in this period was the manufacture
of true pottery. Some unfired forms were still made. Sometimes
they were molded in baskets and in other cases they were started in
baskets and finished by a coiling technique. To produce a vessel by
this method, a thin rope of clay is formed, then wound around in a
circle with each row or coil being attached to the one preceding it.
Each added ring adds to the height of the vessel wall. If a smooth
surface is desired, the depressions which mark the joining of the coils
are obliterated. The Anasazi achieved this by scraping with a thin
gourd or wooden implement, or sometimes with a piece of broken
pottery. The principle of the potter&rsquo;s wheel was never discovered in
the Southwest.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_53">53</div>
<p>At one time it was felt that pottery making might have been a
local development of the Modified Basketmakers, but this theory has
been largely abandoned although it has not really been disproven.
The belief most generally held is that knowledge of pottery manufacture,
as well as maize, originally spread from Middle America to the
Southwest by <a class="gloss" href="#g_Diffusion">diffusion</a>. Some archaeologists now believe that the
Modified Basketmakers may have learned about pottery from people
living in southwestern New Mexico who were making pottery at an
earlier date.</p>
<p>The first Modified-Basketmaker pottery was crude and limited in
form with many globular shapes somewhat reminiscent of those of
gourds or baskets. Perforated side lugs were very characteristic. The
dominant ware was a light to medium gray with a coarse granular
paste tempered with quartz. This occasionally became black from
smoke carbon. Exteriors were often marked with striations, suggesting
that the vessels were rubbed with a bunch of grass while still wet.
There were some bowls with interior decorations applied with black
paint. The paint is believed to have been made by boiling the juice
of some plant, such as bee weed, which still provides pigment for Indian
potters. Brushes were probably made by chewing the end of a
yucca splint until the fibers separated and were soft and flexible. Designs
appear to have been taken, to a great extent, from basketry. They
usually consist of bands or ribbonlike panels and the most common
design elements are dots, small triangles, rakelike appendages, and
crude life forms.</p>
<p>No kilns were used and pottery was probably fired with a conical
pyre of firewood placed around the vessels. When the air is kept out
and there is no excess of oxygen in the atmosphere in which pottery
is fired, a white or gray colored background, such as is found in Basketmaker
wares, results. Such pottery is said to have been fired in a
<i><a class="gloss" href="#g_ReducingAtmosphere">reducing atmosphere</a></i>. When air is allowed to circulate and there is an
excess of oxygen in the atmosphere, red, brown, or yellow pottery is
produced, and the vessels are characterized as having been fired in an
<i><a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a></i>.<a class="fn" href="#bd15">[15]</a></p>
<p>In a few sites there has been found a highly polished red ware,
sometimes plain and occasionally with designs in black, and a pottery
with red designs on a brown or buff background.<a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> These wares are
much better made than those previously described and this, coupled
with their rarity, indicates that they were foreign to the Modified-Basketmaker
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. It has been suggested that they may have been
<span class="pb" id="Page_54">54</span>
imported from the south and that the red pottery, which owes its red
color to firing in an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>, may be the product of the
Mogollon people, of southwestern New Mexico and southeastern
Arizona, who will be discussed in a later section. Certain Modified
Basketmaker vessels were covered with a wash of red pigment which
was applied after firing and which was impermanent. This is known
as <i>fugitive red</i>. The theory has been advanced that this may represent
an attempt on the part of the Basketmakers to produce red pottery
without knowing the firing technique which was responsible for it.<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a></p>
<div class="img" id="fig18">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p18.jpg" alt="" width="933" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 18&mdash;Modified-Basketmaker figurine and nipple-shaped object.</p>
</div>
<p>There are two other classes of articles made of clay, sometimes
lightly fired but more often unbaked. These are human figurines and
nipple-shaped objects believed to be cult objects with no utilitarian
purpose. The figurines almost invariably represent human females.
Faces are indistinct except for the nose, which, like the breasts, is
clearly marked. Arms, if shown at all, are sketchily indicated. Legs are
scarcely ever shown. Necklaces and pendants are indicated by punctures
and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> lines. The nipple or funnel-shaped objects are hollow
cornucopias, about two inches long, decorated with punctations. They
are perforated at the base, which suggests that they were once tied to
something, possibly masks or clothing. There are many theories as to
the significance of these traits. It has been suggested that they may have
come with the introduction of maize and may be connected with fertility
rites.</p>
<p>Pottery did not entirely supplant basketry and many fine baskets
<span class="pb" id="Page_55">55</span>
continued to be made. There was greater use of red and black designs
than in the previous period. Sometimes these were woven in and sometimes
they were painted. Sandals reached their highest level of development
at this time. They were finely woven of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Apocynum">apocynum</a> string
over a yucca cord warp. Fringing was abandoned, and the toe was
marked by a crescent-shaped scallop. The heel was puckered. Soles
were double with designs worked in colored cord in zones on the upper
surface and raised designs on the underside produced by variations in
weave or by knotting. Carrying bands continued to be very finely woven
but twined bags degenerated.</p>
<p>Fur blankets were still manufactured but the use of feather cord
became progressively more common. Some blankets were made partially
of fur cord and partially of feather cord. Strips of bird skin were
no longer used exclusively in the manufacture of the latter type. Small
downy feathers were employed, as well as heavier feathers from which
the stiffer part of the quill had been removed. Much turkey plumage
was utilized, and it is believed by some archaeologists that turkeys were
domesticated at this time,<a class="fn" href="#bd87">[87]</a> although others do not think that domestication
took place until later. There is no agreement as to whether
turkeys were kept to provide food. It is most generally believed that
they were not eaten.</p>
<p>At this time new varieties of corn were cultivated, which tended to
be somewhat larger than the earlier forms, and the people&rsquo;s diet was
changed to some extent by the introduction of beans as a food crop.
The addition of beans to the daily fare may have been quite important
for it would increase the protein content of the diet. Such a crop also
indicates a more settled life, for, while corn may be planted and then
left for long periods of time, beans require almost constant attention.</p>
<p>Atlatls were still the principal weapons, but late in the period the
bow and arrow came into use. This new and superior weapon may
have been brought by small groups of newcomers to the Southwest or,
perhaps, simply the idea spread to the Anasazi from neighboring people.
In any case, the bow is believed to have been introduced from some
other area. Two new implements which also appeared at this time
were grooved mauls or hammers and axes notched for hafting. Before
the introduction of axes it is believed that timbers for house construction
were felled by fire.</p>
<p>Much of our information about these people still comes from
burials. These were more often single interments than was the case in
the preceding period. There were no definite cemeteries in the villages,
<span class="pb" id="Page_56">56</span>
and bodies were placed wherever it was most convenient, often in refuse
heaps where digging was easiest. In caves the dead were commonly
laid in abandoned cists or in crevices. Baskets were still the chief
mortuary offerings, but some pottery was placed with the dead, as well
as a variety of other objects including ornaments, pipes, food, gaming
sets, and flutes. The latter are of particular interest, for they indicate
some knowledge of music. In the grave of one old man, believed to have
been a priest or chief, were four finely made flutes. They could still be
played when they were excavated and had a clear, rich tone. A characteristic
offering, found in almost all graves, is a pair of new unworn
sandals. Ornaments interred with the dead show that turquoise was
now being used for beads and pendants. It was sometimes employed
with shell pieces for mosaic work set in wood. In other cases it was
combined with whole shells, as in one magnificent cuff, found on the
wrist of an old woman, which was five inches wide and consisted of
hundreds of perfectly matched olivella shells with a fine turquoise in
the center.<a class="fn" href="#bd2">[2]</a></p>
<p>One of the most interesting of all interments was the famous
&ldquo;burial of the hands&rdquo; in Canyon del Muerto in Arizona.<a class="fn" href="#bd92">[92]</a> This find
consisted of a pair of hands and forearms lying side by side, palms
upward, on a bed of grass. Wrapped around the wrists were three
necklaces with abalone shell pendants, one of which was as large as the
hand itself. An ironical, yet strangely pathetic offering, consisted of
two pairs of some of the finest sandals which have ever been found.
Over the entire burial lay a basket nearly two feet in diameter. Doubtless
a fascinating story lies behind this strange grave, but what it was
we shall never know. Of all the theories which have been advanced the
one which best explains this remarkable occurrence is that the individual
may have been caught under a rockfall and that only the hands
and forearms could be released and given suitable burial; but of course
all this is pure conjecture.</p>
<h3 id="c15">SUMMARY</h3>
<p>In summarizing the Basketmaker <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a> as a whole, we may say
that the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was fully established in the San Juan drainage in the
early centuries of the Christian era, and it may have been developing
for quite some time. Later it spread to include a larger area. This part
of the Anasazi sequence ended, in most places, at the beginning of the
eighth century.</p>
<p>The earliest people were dependent on both hunting and agriculture.
<span class="pb" id="Page_57">57</span>
The only propulsive weapon used was the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a> or dart-thrower.
Squash and corn were the only two crops produced. Houses had saucer-like
floors of adobe, wood-and-mud masonry walls with a log foundation,
and cribbed roofs. These people made beautiful baskets and
sandals, produced some exceptionally fine twined-woven bags, and made
blankets of fur-covered cord. Fired pottery was not manufactured but
some unfired clay vessels were produced.</p>
<p>In the second part of the period the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was more widespread
and developed, and was modified in various ways. Several types of
corn were grown, and beans were added to the list of cultivated foods.
Pit houses were the usual form of dwelling, and village life began.
Baskets were still widely made. Sandals reached their highest point
of development, but twined-woven bags degenerated. Cord used in the
making of blankets came to be more commonly wrapped with feathers.
Fired pottery was manufactured, and the bow and arrow came into use.
This was a most important period, for it provided the foundation for
the later culture which, some centuries later, achieved a golden age that
marked one of the high points of aboriginal development in North
America.</p>
<h3 id="c16">THE DEVELOPMENTAL-PUEBLO PERIOD</h3>
<p>Following the Basketmaker era comes the Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a>, the
second major subdivision of the Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. The name comes from
that given to the village Indians by the Spaniards. &ldquo;Pueblo&rdquo; is simply
the Spanish word for a community of people, but in the Southwest it has
come to have a definite connotation and is used to refer to communal
houses and towns and to the inhabitants, both prehistoric and modern.</p>
<p>The Pueblo period, like the Basketmaker, is divided into various
phases. Under the classification decided on by archaeologists, meeting
at the conference at Pecos in 1927, five phases were recognized. The
earliest was called <i>Pueblo I</i> and was defined as &ldquo;the first stage during
which cranial deformation was practiced, vessel neck corrugation was
introduced, and villages composed of rectangular living-rooms of true
masonry were developed.&rdquo; The next was named <i>Pueblo II</i> and was
characterized as &ldquo;the stage marked by widespread geographical extension
of life in small villages; corrugation, often of elaborate technique,
extended over the whole surface of cooking vessels.&rdquo;<a class="fn" href="#bd74">[74]</a></p>
<p>At the present time many archaeologists group both phases under
the name <i>Developmental Pueblo</i>.<a class="fn" href="#bd110">[110]</a> This term, which is used in this
book, seems apt, for this was a period of transition which led to the
classic Pueblo era. In many ways the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was still a generalized
one, as was the one which preceded it, but specialization, which was to
become so marked later, was already beginning. Sites belonging to this
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> are found throughout the Plateau area.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_58">58</div>
<div class="img" id="fig19">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p19.jpg" alt="" width="1327" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 19&mdash;Developmental-Pueblo diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde National Park. (Courtesy of Mesa Verde National Park.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_59">59</div>
<p>Assigning dates to this period is rather complicated. It might be
thought that in dealing with somewhat more recent sites, where tree-ring
dates are more commonly available, it would be easy to say that
a specific period began at a definite time and ended at another. Actually,
such is not the case, for development was far from uniform in
all places. In some sections the period which we define as Developmental
Pueblo began toward the end of the seventh century; in other
areas the earliest date which can be given is in the middle of the ninth
century. Terminal dates are equally variable. In some regions this
period had ended and the next <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> of development had begun by the
middle of the tenth century, and in others this change did not take
place until the twelfth century. In general, the dates 700 to 1100 A. D.
may be assigned to the Developmental Pueblo phase, but this represents
a simplification of a very <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> situation.</p>
<p>For many years it had been thought that the people of Basketmaker
and those of Pueblo times were of entirely different physical
types. The Basketmakers were considered dolichocephalic, or long-headed,
and the Pueblos were believed to be brachycephalic, or broad-headed.
The first appearance of the latter was thought to mark the
advent of an entirely different racial group which became dominant
and caused the disappearance of the earlier inhabitants of the region.
It was not believed that the Basketmakers were entirely exterminated,
but rather that many were assimilated and absorbed by the new group
while some were killed and others driven into peripheral areas. Some
archaeologists and anthropologists still hold this theory.</p>
<p>Recently, however, a long and detailed study of fairly large groups
of crania of both people has been made.<a class="fn" href="#bd119">[119]</a> The results of this investigation
suggest that, while there are some differences between the two
series, they are not of great significance and that, therefore, the
Basketmakers and the Pueblos were basically the same people. This
is confirmed by cultural evidence, for, although changes occurred, there
is a strong continuity of development from Basketmaker to early Pueblo
times. Possibly there was some coming in of new people, who introduced
new ideas which gave impetus to the cultural development; but
it is now difficult to accept the theory of a mass invasion by a racially
different group and of a radical change in physical type. In the light
<span class="pb" id="Page_60">60</span>
of this new evidence some archaeologists feel that the term &ldquo;Anasazi&rdquo;
should be dropped, and the entire <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, including the Basketmaker
and Pueblo phases, should be called &ldquo;Pueblo&rdquo; or &ldquo;Puebloan.&rdquo;<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a></p>
<p>One factor which tended to make the Pueblo people seem extremely
broad-headed was the habit of deforming the skull posteriorly, a
practice which became almost universal in Pueblo times. A skull
markedly flattened in back inevitably appears broader than one which
is undeformed. This effect is believed to have been produced by strapping
babies against hard cradle-boards or by using a hard head-rest.
The soft skull of the infant was flattened by pressure in the back and,
as the bones grew and hardened, this deformity became permanent.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig20">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p20.jpg" alt="" width="755" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 20&mdash;a. Undeformed skull, b. Deformed skull.</p>
</div>
<p>The question naturally arises: Why did people wish to have deformed
skulls? We cannot be sure of the answer, of course, but it seems
possible that it represents nothing more than a matter of fashion and a
change in ideals of beauty. Even in our own society there are fashions
in physical appearance as well as in clothing and adornment. One need
only compare the corn-fed curves of the Floradora sextette with the
emaciated lines of &ldquo;flappers&rdquo; of the 1920&rsquo;s to realize that we have
little eccentricities of our own which might seem incomprehensible to
a prehistoric Indian.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_61">61</div>
<p>Important changes which mark the transition between the Basketmaker
era and Pueblo times occurred in the realm of architecture.
There are also differences between the first half of the Developmental
Pueblo period, sometimes known as &ldquo;Pueblo I,&rdquo; and the second half
which is sometimes called &ldquo;Pueblo II.&rdquo; In a general way we can
trace the evolutionary development from pit houses, with associated
granaries, to the fairly <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> surface domiciles and subterranean
ceremonial chambers of the final <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> of the period.<a class="fn" href="#bd113">[113]</a> Progress did
not follow the same pattern in all places, however, nor did all similar
changes occur at the same time.</p>
<p>As was noted in the preceding section, a few surface houses were
built in the Modified-Basketmaker period, but this type of architecture
did not become well established until Developmental-Pueblo times. In
the beginning of the period, in most areas, pit houses were still the usual
form of dwelling. To the west and north of these houses, granaries were
built with superstructures in the form of truncated pyramids. Sometimes
stone slabs and sometimes crude masonry were used in their
construction.</p>
<p>Later, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> structures as well as pit houses served as dwellings.
The name <i>jacal</i> is applied to a type of construction in which walls are
made of poles set at short intervals and heavily plastered with adobe.
At first, walls sloped inward, as they had in the superstructures of the
earlier granaries from which it is believed that this type of house was
derived. Later, walls were perpendicular and the jacal construction was
sometimes combined with masonry. Still later, masonry was used almost
exclusively. As time went by, floors became progressively less depressed.
In early forms, rooms were not connected, but eventually contiguous
rooms became the rule, and, in the course of time, there arose
multiroomed structures, sometimes called <i>unit houses</i>. Associated with
these were highly specialized subterranean structures, used for religious
purposes, but apparently derived from the old domiciliary pit house.</p>
<p>It cannot be stressed too strongly that these are all general statements,
designed solely to show evolutionary trends during this period.
Actually the situation is far more <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> than this would indicate. In
some sections, big pueblos were built very early in the period.<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a> In
peripheral regions, pit houses continued to be used as dwellings long
after they had ceased to serve such a purpose in the main area, and,
even in the nuclear portion, the rate of progress was by no means constant,
nor was it always in the same direction. For a somewhat clearer
<span class="pb" id="Page_62">62</span>
picture, it is best to consider some of the different places where excavation
of Developmental-Pueblo sites has been undertaken.</p>
<p>At Kiatuthlana, Arizona,<a class="fn" href="#bd107">[107]</a> forty miles southwest of Zu&ntilde;i, pit
houses and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> structures were contemporaneous during early Pueblo
times. The latter were flat-roofed, four-sided buildings, trapezoidal,
rather than rectangular, in outline. Some were single rooms, and others
had three or four chambers.</p>
<p>In the Piedra district of southwestern Colorado<a class="fn" href="#bd106">[106]</a> are found <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a>
buildings in clusters of from three to fifteen. The different structures
were often close, but did not touch. A number of clusters, laid in a
crescent shape around a circular depression, comprised a village. These
depressions are thought by some to have served as reservoirs, or possibly
sometimes as plazas or dance courts. Others hold the opinion,
based on the results of more recent excavations in other areas, that
they may contain pit houses.<a class="fn" href="#bd41">[41]</a> The earliest houses were pits with sloping
jacal walls. Later the floors were merely depressed, and walls
were perpendicular. This type was eventually combined with two-room
storage buildings of crude masonry. Next, the jacal construction disappeared
and the rooms made of masonry were enlarged and became
dwellings instead of storerooms.</p>
<p>In the nearby region of the La Plata drainage,<a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> houses in the
beginning of the period differed little from those of Basketmaker times,
except that they were somewhat more massive and more masonry was
used. There was some <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> construction, but usually a variant form
was employed in which only a few widely spaced wooden supports were
used. Sometimes the entire wall consisted of clay pressed into position
with the hands, and the posts were absent. Stones were sometimes
added to the clay, and some crude <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a> has been found.
Stone slabs commonly formed the wainscoting. Houses were usually
grouped in a crescentic form along the north and west sides of a depression
containing a subterranean chamber. No dance courts or plazas
have been found.</p>
<p>During the latter part of Developmental-Pueblo times in the La
Plata area, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> and slab construction were replaced by stone and
adobe, and walls became more massive. At first the adobe was considered
the important mass and only a few stones were incorporated,
but, as time went by, the ratio changed and stone predominated with
mud serving only as a mortar. Crescent-shaped room-placement changed
to a rectangular structure.</p>
<p>In the Ackmen-Lowry region<a class="fn" href="#bd82">[82]</a> of southwestern Colorado most
<span class="pb" id="Page_63">63</span>
early Developmental-Pueblo sites consisted of one or two above-ground
rooms associated with a pit house which may have served as a domicile
as well as provided a place for the celebration of ceremonies. The surface
structures were of slabs topped by masonry, or were of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> construction.
Later houses were built of <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a> and usually contained
from four to six rooms. The associated pit houses seem to have been
used exclusively as ceremonial chambers. Also found in this area was
a good-sized Pueblo, known as Lowry Ruin, which was occupied late in
Developmental-Pueblo times as well as during the succeeding period.
Thirty-five rooms have been uncovered, but there is evidence that the
pueblo was modified six or seven times, and it is estimated that probably
no more than fifteen or eighteen rooms were occupied at any one time.</p>
<p>At Alkali Ridge in southeastern Utah,<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a> thirteen sites have been
excavated which have yielded valuable information about architectural
development. Ten of these contained Developmental-Pueblo structures.
In this area, even as early as the eighth century, pueblos with as
many as three hundred above-ground storage and living rooms were
being built in association with large and small pit houses. These pueblos
consisted of long curving rows of contiguous rooms with the larger
dwelling units in front of the small chambers used for storage. A variety
of wall types was used, often in combination. They include upright
stone slabs, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a>, and some <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a>.</p>
<p>During the latter half of Developmental-Pueblo times in this area
there were buildings made of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> with stones imbedded in the adobe.
Those found range in size from one to twelve rooms, and some may
have been larger. There were also structures of <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a>. Some
of these contained only one or two rooms but others may have been
fairly large.</p>
<p>In excavations near Allantown, in eastern Arizona,<a class="fn" href="#bd112">[112]</a> the evolution
from simple masonry granaries to multi-roomed houses, and the
development from simple, partially subterranean houses to highly specialized
kivas, or ceremonial buildings, is clearly shown. There the
change from domiciliary pit house to unit house seems to have occurred
in the period between 814 and about 1014 A. D. This, however, was a
slower development than in other areas. In the Chaco Canyon area of
New Mexico, for example, great communal houses, with several stories
and hundreds of rooms, of which the unit-type house seems to have
been the forerunner, apparently were started by 1014.</p>
<p>Unit houses, which were commonly built in the second part of
Developmental-Pueblo times and in the following period, were above-ground
<span class="pb" id="Page_64">64</span>
structures built of stone and adobe. They were one story in
height and usually contained from six to fourteen rooms. These rooms
were sometimes placed in a long row, sometimes in a double tier, and,
in other cases, were arranged in the shape of an &ldquo;L&rdquo; or rectangular &ldquo;U&rdquo;.</p>
<p>Unit houses are occasionally referred to as <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Clan">clan</a> houses</i>, for some
archaeologists believe that they may have been occupied by single
family groups. Present day social organization in the western pueblos
is based on clans, and it is believed that this is of long standing and
probably extends far back into prehistoric times. Descent is traced in
these pueblos in the maternal line. In such villages a clan is a group
made up of individuals descended from the same female ancestor.
Houses belong to the women, and a family group which lives together
usually consists of a woman and her daughters and their families. The
husbands belong to other clans. They live with their wives&rsquo; groups,
but their religious affiliations are with their own clans. The kivas, or
ceremonial chambers, belong to the men of the clan and serve as club
rooms as well as providing a place where secret religious rites may be
performed.</p>
<p>In Developmental-Pueblo times, kivas were very similar in form
to those used at the present time in the eastern pueblos. They were
circular, subterranean structures which lay to the south or southeast
of houses. Walls were of masonry, and there were encircling benches
in which pilasters were often incorporated. Roofs were normally cribbed,
and entrance was usually through the smoke-hole in the center; although,
in some unit-type sites in southwestern Colorado, stone towers
are found containing manholes which led into tunnels connecting with
kivas.<a class="fn" href="#bd83">[83]</a></p>
<p>It is interesting to note the apparent derivation of kivas from the
old domiciliary pit houses which had, at least in a rudimentary form, all
of the features of the later religious structures and which also lay in
the same position in relation to the surface masonry structures. It is
believed that originally each house had its own shrine. When special
structures came to be built exclusively for the performance of religious
rites, the people clung to the old form of building, although their dwellings
were developing in a different direction. There is an innate conservatism
and traditionalism in religion which is well represented in
architecture. In our own cities, where we erect medieval cathedrals
and sky scrapers, we can see a lag of from four to seven centuries between
religious and secular architecture.</p>
<p>In some parts of the Southwest, kivas were not the only places
<span class="pb" id="Page_65">65</span>
available for the performance of religious rites. At Allantown<a class="fn" href="#bd112">[112]</a> was
found a great circular area, paved with adobe and enclosed on three
sides by upright stone slabs, which is believed to have been a dance
court. On the north side is a platform or dais. Probably in that long
ago time there were many days and nights when moving feet beat out
the intricate rhythms of the dance against the hard packed adobe, as
the gods were importuned to bring life-giving rain for the crops.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig21">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p21.jpg" alt="" width="1036" height="797" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 21&mdash;Interior view of a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> showing distinctive features. Note the
ventilator, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Deflector">deflector</a>, fire-pit, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Sipapu">sipapu</a>, bench, and pilasters.</p>
</div>
<p>In addition to the houses, kivas, and dance courts, there were also
brush shelters with firepits, ovens and storage places. These probably
provided outdoor cooking facilities during the summer.</p>
<p>In the field of pottery, important changes were taking place, and
specialization was increasing all through the Anasazi area. Developmental-Pueblo
pottery had a finer paste and was better made than
that of Modified-Basketmaker times. Some tempering was done with
pulverized potsherds. More different types were represented. Plain gray
ware was still made. Pottery with black designs on a white background
was very common, except in the Alkali Ridge<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a> area of southeastern
Utah where early Developmental-Pueblo painted pottery had
a pinkish-orange ground color with designs in red paint. In referring to
<span class="pb" id="Page_66">66</span>
painted pottery it is customary to mention first the color of the design
and then the color of the background, as, for example, <i>black-on-white</i>
or <i>red-on-orange</i> ware. Minor types of Developmental-Pueblo times
included a lustrous black-on-red ware and bowls with more or less
polished black interiors and brownish or reddish exteriors. The differentiation
between culinary and non-culinary pottery became more
marked. The former came to be characterized by corrugations in the
clay, and the latter chiefly by painted designs.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig22">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p22.jpg" alt="" width="1205" height="1442" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 22&mdash;<a class="gloss" href="#g_CorrugatedPottery">Corrugated Pottery</a>. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<p>Specialization in particular areas is best shown in the black-on-white
wares. There are two main groups&mdash;an eastern one which centered
around the Chaco Canyon area of New Mexico, and a western
one which centered around the Kayenta region of Arizona.<a class="fn" href="#bd110">[110]</a> Both
extended far beyond these nuclear areas. The former was characterized
by a wide use of mineral paint. Designs stand out from the background.
Possibly they were applied after the vessel had been polished.
In the western form, designs were usually applied with a paint made
<span class="pb" id="Page_67">67</span>
from plant juices and they seem to fade into the surface of the vessel.
This may be due in part to the application of paint before the polishing
of the vessel had been completed.</p>
<p>In all sections there was a greater variety of forms and designs
than in the preceding period. Designs were no longer confined to the
interiors of bowls and ladles but were placed on all kinds of vessels.
Basketry patterns were still used, but others were taken from textiles,
and still others seem to have been developed only for the medium of
pottery. Designs show a certain lack of skill in execution, but they
were elaborate and boldly conceived. There is every evidence of people
still experimenting with a new medium. The principal elements were
parallel lines, sometimes straight and in other cases stepped or wavy;
zig-zags, triangles, checkerboards, and interlocking frets. Both curvilinear
and rectilinear designs were used. In the latter part of the
period parallel lines were scarce, and elements became broader and
heavier.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig23">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p22a.jpg" alt="" width="986" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 23&mdash;Black-on-white pottery. Developmental-Pueblo period.</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_68">68</div>
<div class="img" id="fig24">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p23.jpg" alt="" width="756" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 24&mdash;Neck-banded vessel. Developmental-Pueblo Period.
(Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<p>Techniques of production and finishing differed from those of
Modified-Basketmaker times. The practice of using slips developed.
A <a class="gloss" href="#g_Slip">slip</a> is a coating of very fine, almost liquid, clay which is smeared
on a finished vessel before firing to give a smooth even finish. In the
second part of the period, spiral coiling began. In the earlier forms,
short clay fillets, which made only one turn around the vessel, were
used. With the spiral technique, longer rolls of clay were used and
each made several circuits around the vessel. During the first half
of the period, vessels were either entirely smoothed or, in the case of
many culinary vessels, the bottom was smoothed while the neck portion
was characterized by flat, relatively broad, concentric clay bands.
These neck-banded jars are quite characteristic of early Developmental
Pueblo. During the second part of the period corrugated ware
appeared. This is pottery in which the alternate ridges and depressions
resulting from a coiling and pinching technique of manufacture have
not been obliterated. Sometimes the corrugations were embellished
by indentations produced by pinching the clay between the fingers or
by incising them with the fingernail or some small implement. In this
way simple patterns were formed. The use of this type of pottery for
cooking may stem from the fact that this is the only type of decoration
which would not soon be obliterated by soot. Objects made of
<span class="pb" id="Page_69">69</span>
clay also included tubular pipes or cloud-blowers. Stone and wood were
also sometimes used in making these objects.</p>
<p>Baskets continued to be made, although pottery vessels were used
for many purposes for which baskets had formerly been employed.
The number of baskets made undoubtedly diminished, and the large
flat trays so characteristic of Basketmaker times seem to have almost
entirely disappeared. The great decrease in number of baskets made,
however, may be more apparent than real, for most Developmental-Pueblo
sites are in the open and little perishable material remains.
Examples which have been found indicate that the coiling technique
continued and designs became more elaborate. Twilled baskets were
also manufactured.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig25">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p23a.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="846" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 25&mdash;a. Developmental-Pueblo sandal,
b. Great-Pueblo sandal.</p>
</div>
<p>Sandals of fine string, with coarse patterns on the under side, were
still being woven. They had rounded toes. A new material and new
techniques in weaving appeared with the introduction of cotton at this
time. Cotton was grown and used to produce thread which was woven
into fabrics with looms. Fur and feather blankets, primarily the latter,
were still being made, but light cotton blankets were probably also
worn. It is thought that kilts and breech cloths were made of the
same material. Various ornaments, including beads, pendants, and
<span class="pb" id="Page_70">70</span>
bracelets, were worn. The former were largely of colored shales, turquoise,
and alabaster. Some bracelets were of glycymeris, a shell which
must have been imported from the Gulf of California.</p>
<p>Cotton was the only addition to the list of cultivated plants, but
squash and beans continued to be grown. Corn was still the staple
food. It was ground on scoop-shaped trough metates. In one case
three graded manos, of varying degrees of roughness, were found with
one <a class="gloss" href="#g_Metate">metate</a>. This foreshadowed the later Pueblo practice of having
mealing bins with series of metates ranging in texture from relatively
coarse to very fine. Corn was first coarsely ground on the roughest
metate, or with the roughest <a class="gloss" href="#g_Mano">mano</a>, and then worked over with progressively
smoother stones until a very fine meal resulted. Crudely
flaked hoes began to be used in cultivating the crops. Some were
hafted, but many were not.</p>
<p>Meat continued to be included in the diet. Bear, elk, buffalo,
wolf, mountain sheep, deer, and rabbits were among the animals hunted.
The bow and arrow were almost universally used. Arrowheads were
well flaked, usually long and narrow, with long, sharp barbs. Late in
the period a new type appeared which became increasingly numerous
later. These points were short, broad, and notched at right angles.</p>
<p>Dogs and turkeys were the only domesticated animals. One reason
for the belief that they were not kept to provide food is that they
have been found buried with mortuary offerings. Corn was provided
for the turkeys and bones for the dogs which were buried. There was
also pottery, sometimes miniature vessels, sometimes sherds rubbed
down to form shallow vessels.</p>
<p>Axes are relatively scarce, but are found in this period. Edges
were smoothed by grinding. On the whole these were not very efficient
cutting implements, for the edges were quite dull.</p>
<p>Human burials varied widely according to locality. For the most
part they are found in refuse heaps. These characteristic mounds, as
the name indicates, were formed of the refuse thrown away by the
inhabitants of a village and are composed of ashes, dirt, broken pottery,
and general debris. There was no disrespect for the dead in
burying them in such a place; it was simply that, with the primitive
implements available, it was desirable to make interments where digging
was easiest. The difficulties of excavation also led to the placing
of bodies, in some cases, in abandoned storage pits or houses. Children
are often found buried under floors near firepits, possibly because
<span class="pb" id="Page_71">71</span>
mothers felt that the dependence of an infant extended to the soul
and they wished to keep it near.</p>
<p>Bodies were inhumed in a more or less flexed position. There
was no fixed orientation, as there was in later periods. Undoubtedly
there were some mortuary offerings of a perishable nature, but these
have not survived. Pottery was placed in graves in many cases. At
Kiatuthlana<a class="fn" href="#bd107">[107]</a> there was a strong degree of consistency in the offerings.
Each grave contained a culinary jar covered by a bowl with a
blackened interior, and a black-on-white bowl. Certain graves contained
more than three pieces of pottery, but they were in multiples
of three, with an equal number of each type.</p>
<p>There are some very puzzling features about the disposal of the
dead in Developmental-Pueblo times. In most of the San Juan area
and in the Kiatuthlana region the number of graves found is about
what would be expected on the basis of the population indicated by
habitations. In other places, however, and particularly in the La Plata
region,<a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> only a very few burials have been found and they undoubtedly
represent only a fraction of the deaths which must have occurred.
What happened to the remaining bodies is a question which has not
been answered. Some particularly baffling finds are: skulls buried
without bodies, and bodies buried without heads. In the case of skull
burials it has been suggested that warriors may have been killed some
distance from home. Bringing the entire body back would have been
impracticable, and only the heads were returned to be given suitable
burial among the kinsmen of the dead individual. This, however, does
not explain the headless skeletons which are also found, for it seems
unlikely that the body of an enemy which had been left behind, after
the head had been removed, would be given burial.</p>
<p>At Alkali Ridge<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a> there was the usual baffling scarcity of burials
in early Developmental-Pueblo times, and no evidence of cremation.
A number of burials were found in the later <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a>, however, and they
provide an interesting example of how much we can learn of how
people lived from a study of their physical remains. Evidence of various
bone diseases indicates that the Alkali Ridge people suffered from
malnutrition and vitamin deficiencies. The fact that one individual,
so badly crippled that she could not have been a productive member
of the community, lived to be sixty years old or more, tells us that
these people were willing to care for handicapped members of their
group. The communities must have been subject to hostile attack.
Two individuals appear to have died from blows on the head. One of
<span class="pb" id="Page_72">72</span>
these men had also been shot by an arrow, and scratches on his head
indicate that he had been scalped. Evidence of local inbreeding is
provided by the finding of three people with fused ribs, a very rare
abnormality not likely to appear so frequently except in a highly
inbred group.</p>
<h3 id="c17">Peripheral Areas</h3>
<p>Outside of the central area of the Anasazi region there were other
developments during this period. In marginal areas, certain phenomena
are almost invariably present. There will be some lag in the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Diffusion">diffusion</a>
of new traits, and in some ways the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the marginal section
will be less advanced. Early elements may survive for a long time.
Traits which are chronologically distinct in the main area may arrive
together in the outlying sections. Other features may not spread or
may be rejected by the people of the peripheral area. In general, there
is a progressive fading of the basic pattern as one goes farther away
from the nucleus. Certain traits may have been acquired from other
cultures, and there is usually also a tendency to develop new traits
and to modify and adapt those which have been imported, in accordance
with local needs.</p>
<p>All of these characteristics are to be found in the region north
and northwest of the Colorado River which is known as the <i>Northern
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a></i> of the Southwest. During Developmental-Pueblo times a
number of early traits persisted in the Northern Periphery after they
had disappeared in the San Juan country. People continued to live
in earth-covered pit houses and lodges after these had been replaced
by surface masonry structures farther south. In some cases the side
passage still served as an entrance instead of being reduced in size
for use as a ventilator. Slab cists, identical with Basketmaker structures,
were quite common. In the south and east of the periphery
some unit houses were built during late Developmental-Pueblo times,
but they were far inferior to those of the main district. Much crude,
gray pottery was produced, and fugitive-red paint was widely used.
Clay figurines and nipple-shaped objects, characteristic of the Basketmaker
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, continued to be widely made in the north long after
they had disappeared in the nuclear area. Gaming bones are among
the most common artifacts. Throughout, there is an amalgamation of
traits which were separate elsewhere. In some cases early pottery
types are found associated with houses of a later type; in others it is
the pottery which is more advanced than the houses.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_73">73</div>
<p>Certain features characteristic of the main Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> either
did not reach the Northern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a>, or were not accepted by the
inhabitants. North of the San Juan drainage, sandals and cotton cloth
were not produced. The turkey was not domesticated. There were
no grooved axes and mauls. True kivas have not been found, although
there are some structures which are believed to have been used for
ceremonial purposes.</p>
<p>Other features, which are characteristic of the Northern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a>,
are not found farther south. Many of these are clearly shown in sites
found in the drainage of the Fremont River of Utah.<a class="fn" href="#bd97">[97]</a> Here leather
moccasins replaced sandals. These were made of mountain sheep hide
with the hair left on. The portion of the hide containing the dewclaws
of the sheep was attached to the sole in such a way that the dewclaws
served as hobnails. Clay figurines, most of which depicted human
females, were quite elaborate. Also characteristic of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, were
remarkably fine rock paintings and pecked drawings of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Katchinas">Katchinas</a> or
supernatural beings. In the field of pottery, traits which characterize
northern peripheral wares include raised or appliqu&eacute;d ornaments and
punched designs. Another distinguishing feature is a unique form of
grinding stone, sometimes called the <i>Utah-type</i> <a class="gloss" href="#g_Metate">metate</a>. This is a
shovel-shaped stone with a deep trough and a platform at one end
containing a secondary depression.</p>
<p>Although the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the Northern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a> is basically Southwestern
in character and is largely of Modified-Basketmaker and early
Developmental-Pueblo origin, it seems probable that the Anasazi was
not the only influence and that there was some immigration and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Diffusion">diffusion</a>
of ideas from the east and the north. People living farther to
the north may also have affected the life of the inhabitants of the
Periphery in other ways. At approximately the end of Developmental-Pueblo
times, most of the marginal area was abandoned. Some archaeologists
think that this was due to pressure from northern nomadic
tribes. Only along the Colorado River, did northerly sites continue to
be occupied during the following period.</p>
<p>Anasazi traits also penetrated to other peripheral areas. Evidence
of Anasazi influence is found in southwestern Texas sites, particularly
those of the Big Bend area, occupied after about 900 A.D. Modified
Basketmaker and Pueblo traits are also found in sites in the valleys
of the Muddy and Virgin rivers in southeastern Nevada. In the Nevada
sites<a class="fn" href="#bd46">[46]</a> both pit dwellings and above-ground houses with many rooms
have been found. Most of the painted pottery is black-on-gray but
some black-on-white and black-on-red wares also occur. Culinary ware
was corrugated. As in Utah, there were no axes, and the turkey does
not appear to have been domesticated.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_74">74</div>
<div class="img" id="fig26">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p24.jpg" alt="" width="1337" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 26&mdash;Rosa pit house after excavation. (Courtesy Columbia University Press.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_75">75</div>
<p>One of the most interesting marginal manifestations is known as
the <i>Rosa <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a></i>.<a class="fn" href="#bd41">[41]</a> Rosa sites have been found in the drainage of the
Governador Wash which lies between the towns of Aztec and Dulce in
north-central New Mexico. Between about 700 and 900 A.D. this region
was occupied by people who lived in very large pit houses. They were
also familiar with surface construction and had above-ground granaries,
made of adobe, which sometimes contained several contiguous rooms.
Houses and granaries were surrounded by stockades made of posts
interlaced with brush. Pottery was not very well made, and consisted
to a great extent of undecorated ware. Many of the vessels were
started in baskets. The small amount of decorated pottery which was
produced seems to represent imitations of other already developed
types.</p>
<p>The bones of a great many dogs and turkeys are found in the
rubbish heaps and it is thought that they may have been an important
element in the diet of the people. Dogs, however, probably had some
significance other than as a source of food, for some were so old and
toothless that they may have died of old age. Also, dogs were found
buried in every grave.</p>
<p>Burial customs differed from those of other areas. In some cases,
bodies seem to have been exposed and allowed to decompose, at least
partially, before the bones were buried. There was no deformation
of the skull in any of burials uncovered.</p>
<h3 id="c18">SUMMARY</h3>
<p>Returning to the subject of the Developmental-Pueblo period in
the nuclear portion of the Anasazi region, we may summarize by saying
that this was a time of transition. Pit houses were first used as
dwellings, and then, becoming more highly specialized, were used as
ceremonial structures. Surface granaries gave rise to above-ground
houses. Walls were first predominantly of poles and adobe, later of
masonry. Large structures with numerous contiguous rooms became
increasingly common. Pottery improved in quality and an increasing
number of wares were represented, including corrugated cooking ware.
Axes and hoes were added to the assemblage of implements. Cotton
began to be grown, and fabrics were produced by loom weaving. These
statements, however, only indicate general trends, for there was no
<span class="pb" id="Page_76">76</span>
real uniformity of cultural development. There were differences between
various sections of the country, and there were also variations
within the same area. With the end of Developmental-Pueblo times,
however, all of the basic Pueblo traits were established, and the stage
was set for the flowering of the high <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the next period which
has been called the &ldquo;Golden Age&rdquo; of the Anasazi.</p>
<h3 id="c19">THE GREAT-PUEBLO PERIOD</h3>
<p>The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> which followed Developmental-Pueblo times is the one
best known to the general public, for it was during this time that there
were built the great communal houses, whose impressive ruins in our
National Monuments and Parks draw thousands of fascinated visitors
every year. This is the period of the Cliff Dwellers who built the
remarkable structures of Mesa Verde and then, apparently, disappeared
into the mists of time. Much of the mystery which surrounds these
people in the public mind is unnecessary, but there is still enough of
the remarkable in their achievements, and in their disappearance from
their old haunts, to intrigue the imagination.</p>
<p>This period is also known as <i>Classic Pueblo</i> or <i>Pueblo III</i>, but is
now aptly called the <i>Great-Pueblo</i><a class="fn" href="#bd110">[110]</a> period, for it marks the time when
this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> reached the pinnacle of its development. Its general characteristics
were summarized in the Pecos classification which defined
Pueblo III as: &ldquo;the stage of large communities, great development of
the arts, and growth of intensive local specialization.&rdquo;<a class="fn" href="#bd74">[74]</a></p>
<p>There is some disagreement as to the date which should be assigned
to the beginning of Great-Pueblo times, for cultural development
was not equal in all sections of the Plateau. In some areas,
people were still living as they had in Developmental-Pueblo times,
while, in others, Great-Pueblo traits were well established. Since
specialization became so marked that various cultural centers must
be considered separately, it is best, in most cases, to give dates for
this period in terms of specific areas. There is, however, some agreement
as to the ending date. In general it may be said that Great-Pueblo
times began, in most places, about 1050 A.D. and lasted until the
end of the thirteenth century, when the whole northern portion of the
Plateau was abandoned.</p>
<p>The greatest change from the preceding period was in the realm
of architecture. There were a great many unit houses, in which a
fairly large percentage of the population lived, but big &ldquo;apartment
houses,&rdquo; up to five stories in height and containing hundreds of rooms,
were also built. This change naturally affected not only the living
conditions of the people, but influenced their whole life, for people
living together in a closely-knit community will develop differently
from the way they would in widely scattered settlements.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_77">77</div>
<div class="img" id="fig27">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p25.jpg" alt="" width="1317" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 27&mdash;Great-Pueblo diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde National Park showing
Spruce Tree House. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_78">78</div>
<p>When a population is broken up into small independent units and
scattered over a wide area, there is not likely to be any need or desire
for overall government, and authority is usually vested in the person
of the head of the family or <a class="gloss" href="#g_Clan">clan</a>. As the size of the group increases
and life becomes increasingly <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a>, some centralization of power
is inevitable. Cooperation between individuals and groups of individuals
becomes not only desirable but essential. In such an undertaking
as the building of a huge structure, containing hundreds of
rooms, there must be cooperation. With the occupation of such a
building, when as many as a thousand people may be living under
one roof, the need for working together continued. With greater cooperation,
leisure is likely to increase, although sometimes this greater
freedom is limited to a ruling caste which makes great demands on the
time of other individuals. This does not appear to have been the case
among the ancient Pueblo people as they seem to have had an essentially
democratic form of government.</p>
<p>With added leisure, there is usually increasing development in the
arts and in religion. As more time can be devoted to religious practices,
ceremonies tend to become more elaborate and more formalized.
Often a priestly caste will arise which, as in the case of the concentration
of secular power, may result in autocracy. The Pueblos seem to have
avoided this danger too. The many kivas suggest that religion and
its ceremonial expression must have played a strong part in their daily
lives, as it does today. Undoubtedly there were priests who were figures
of importance in the community, but there is no evidence that they
wielded an autocratic power which gave them great material advantages
over other members of the group.</p>
<p>Community living will have other far-reaching influences. When
only a small family group is living together, it must be almost entirely
self-sufficient and must produce practically everything which it uses.
As the group increases in size, specialization also tends to increase.
For example, a woman who makes exceptional baskets, but is not a
particularly skillful potter, may come to specialize in the making of
baskets which she can exchange for pottery made by someone who
produces a finer ware. Familiarity with the work of others will also
stimulate development, for new ideas will have a wider distribution and
competition will serve as a stimulating factor.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_79">79</div>
<p>There was no basic change in type of structure, for the great
houses were, in a sense, much enlarged and modified unit houses. The
great change lay in the joining together of great numbers of people.
It must not be thought, however, that all of the people lived in huge
communal dwellings such as those of Mesa Verde or Chaco Canyon.
Actually many groups continued to live in unit houses at a considerable
distance from the main centers, and many of the so-called great houses
contained only a small number of rooms. The really big houses were
in the minority and would appear to have been capable of sheltering
only a small fraction of the total population.</p>
<p>There was undoubtedly a general trend toward a coalescence of
the population, however, and it is interesting to speculate on the reason
for this tendency. The fact that the great houses were admirably suited
to defense has given rise to the theory that the people began to move
together for protection against an outside enemy. There can be no
doubt that the need for defense was taken into consideration in the
building of the big structures, but this cannot be the whole answer.
There is some evidence of violence, but not a great deal. The utmost
care was taken in the construction of the great houses, and much time-consuming
work went into decoration. When danger threatens, speed
becomes the primary consideration, and the amenities of life are sacrificed.
There were many small houses in which a good portion of the
population lived, and these were not always in locations suitable for
defense. Since defense obviously was a consideration in the minds of
the builders of the great houses, and since there is some evidence of
violence and bloodshed, we cannot discount the role which warfare may
have played in architectural development, but it seems certain that
this was not the only factor which influenced this development.</p>
<p>Another interesting theory has been proposed.<a class="fn" href="#bd81">[81]</a> It is based on the
fact that, not only was there great building activity during this period,
but also that there was much restlessness and moving about. Walls
were torn down and rebuilt, and many buildings were abandoned and
new ones erected, without any reason that is apparent from archaeological
evidence. It has been suggested that this restlessness and the
intensity with which building activities were pursued may have been
an outlet for the repressions and inhibitions of a group which had a
cultural pattern with set rules against violence and excess. There is
great variation among the different groups which make up the Pueblo
Indians of today, but, in many cases, they have a cultural pattern that
upholds the golden mean and discourages all extremes.<a class="fn" href="#bd4">[4]</a> Such a way
<span class="pb" id="Page_80">80</span>
of life might well produce certain repressions which would result in a
general restlessness and desire for change and activity.</p>
<p>The chief objection to this theory lies in the defensive character
of the great houses, which would suggest that violence was not unknown.
In times of war, desire for change and action is readily satisfied, and
socially approved reasons are provided for breaking away from many
of the established rules of society. Undoubtedly, though, the urge which
resulted in the creation of great community dwellings which were in
essence city-states, came to some extent from within the people themselves
and was not entirely the result of outside influences. Many
factors undoubtedly played a part, but the building of the big houses
must, in some measure, be regarded as an architectural vogue which,
to a great extent, stemmed from the desires as well as the needs of
the people.</p>
<p>The causes which led to the abandonment of the great houses and
which resulted in the end of this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> of Pueblo development are
just as difficult to understanding as are those which led to their being
constructed in the first place. By 1300 A.D., the entire northern section
of the Plateau had been deserted. This was not the result of a
single mass migration, but rather of a wide general movement. First
one big center and then another was deserted. Even in these centers
themselves, all the inhabitants did not leave at the same time; rather
it seems that small groups drifted away, a few at a time. Eventually,
though, the entire northern frontier was deserted, and no living person
who had contributed to the growth and flowering of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> remained.
Naturally, this strange departure has given rise to much
conjecture. It would be pleasant to be able to say that such and such
a cause produced this result. Unfortunately, anything connected with
the human race is rarely quite so simple.</p>
<p>The invaluable tree-rings have not only provided us with dates
for various events, but have given us information about climatic conditions
which undoubtedly had a tremendous effect on the movements
of the people with whom we are concerned. From tree-ring records we
know that during the centuries when the hopes and fears of the prehistoric
Pueblo Indians were centered on their crops there were bad
years as well as good ones. We know of periods when rainfall was
below normal, and of others when there were real droughts. Most of
these were of short duration, however, until the disastrous period between
1276 and 1299 when there was practically no rain, and the
Southwest suffered an extremely severe drought. It was during this
<span class="pb" id="Page_81">81</span>
period that the northern frontier was finally abandoned, and the people
moved to new localities. Some archaeologists have felt that the disappearance
of the Pueblos from their old homes can be traced entirely
to this disastrous drought. If all the communities had been abandoned
at the same time, this would be a logical assumption. Actually, the
time of the abandonment of all of the main centers does not fall between
these two dates. Some were deserted prior to the beginning of
the great drought and a few continued to be occupied after the dry
period had begun.</p>
<p>One of the most interesting theories yet advanced is based on
the suggestion that a really severe drought was not necessary to upset
the economy of the Pueblo farmers.<a class="fn" href="#bd10">[10]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd39">[39]</a> Some dry farming was practiced
and there was some ditch irrigation, but the greatest dependence
seems to have been on flood-water farming in valley bottoms. This is a
system whereby water is simply diverted and distributed through the
fields when floods come down the valley. During periods when rainfall
is deficient, although not sufficiently so to warrant the use of the
term drought, steep channels, known as <i>arroyos</i>, are cut into flood
plains; the water-table is lowered, and flood-water fields become useless.
Not only may the fields themselves be dissected by the arroyo
cutting, but water can no longer be diverted for flood irrigation. If,
as seems probable, the great drought was only the climax of a period
of increasing dryness when much farmland was lost through arroyo-cutting,
it is not hard to understand why the Pueblo farmers might
move on to more favored localities.</p>
<p>Another theory advanced to explain the departure of the ancient
agriculturists, and one which has enthusiastic supporters, is that they
were driven from their homes by fierce nomadic tribes who were
attracted by the wealth of food stored in their granaries.<a class="fn" href="#bd73">[73]</a> Much of
this thinking is based on what we know of nomadic raids in general,
and the records of the terrible Navajo and Apache depredations from
the middle of the seventeenth century until their comparatively recent
subjugation by the United States Army. For years it has been the
practice simply to accept the belief that fierce warlike tribes had
preyed on the peaceful Pueblos for centuries. More recently, however,
some searching questions have been asked, and this theory is under
close scrutiny.<a class="fn" href="#bd80">[80]</a></p>
<p>It is granted that the type of construction employed in the Great-Pueblo
era indicates some need for defense, but it does not show
against whom the defense was needed. Assuming that there were
<span class="pb" id="Page_82">82</span>
nomadic tribesmen, ready and anxious to carry away the patiently
accumulated wealth of the Pueblos, we must ask ourselves what advantage
they would have had over their victims which would have
enabled them to carry out their depredations. If the nomads had
been mounted, as they were in later times, they would have had the
advantages of speed and mobility which are essential for surprise attacks&mdash;the
only type which would be of much avail against a heavily
fortified structure. Only much later, however, were horses introduced
into the Southwest; and at this time the attackers would have had to
travel on foot.</p>
<p>Greater numbers, or superior organization, might have given them
an advantage, but we can hardly believe that the nomads were as
numerous or had as good an organization as that of the people of the
Pueblos. The region in which they presumably lived would certainly
not support a large population, and particularly one with an essentially
parasitic economy which did not produce. With such an economy,
people cannot live too close together without exhausting the available
resources, and a thinly spread population is unlikely to be highly
organized.</p>
<p>Great physical superiority may be another factor in the winning
of battles between people who have not yet become so civilized as
to have machines which will enable one individual to kill thousands
of his fellow men. Any physical superiority, however, would seem to
rest with the sedentary people who had an assured food supply. Moreover,
their life was still sufficiently rugged so that there can hardly be
any question of their having been greatly weakened by soft living.</p>
<p>Doubtless, there were sporadic raids by nomads, and these may
have had a cumulative effect in upsetting Pueblo economy. The role
played by periods of arroyo-cutting and by droughts can certainly
not be overlooked. These may well have done more than reduce the
food supply. When food is scarce, raids are more likely to occur, and
it is entirely probable that the relationship between various groups
deteriorated as prosperity decreased. Toward the end of Great-Pueblo
times we find increasing signs of warfare in the form of burned buildings
and unburied bodies, many of which show evidence of violence.
The latter are of the characteristic Pueblo type, however, and would
seem to indicate warfare between people of the same blood.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_83">83</div>
<div class="img" id="fig28">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p26.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="1096" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 28&mdash;Types of Great-Pueblo masonry. a. Chaco,
b. Mesa Verde, c. Kayenta.</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_84">84</div>
<p>The most logical theory seems to be that many factors contributed
to the great change which occurred in the Anasazi province. Doubtless,
climatic conditions were the great underlying cause, but there may
have been others. We cannot afford to confine our attention entirely
to material causes, but must take into consideration even the possibility
that fears, engendered by religious beliefs, may have played a
part. All this, however, is largely in the realm of conjecture, for, with
no written records, there can be no first hand information.</p>
<p>Whatever the causes, the end of the Great-Pueblo period was
marked by a redistribution of population and a general trend toward
concentration in places where conditions were most favorable. While
the chief movement was from the north, there was also some withdrawing
from the south. By the beginning of the following period,
which is sometimes known as the <i>Regressive-Pueblo</i> <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a>, much territory
throughout the Plateau area was deserted. Main population centers
were confined to the central area of the Plateau. This includes the Little
Colorado drainage, particularly the section in the vicinity of the
Hopi mesas and the Zu&ntilde;i region, and the Rio Grande drainage.</p>
<p>Although there were certain traits which characterized the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>
as a whole during the Great-Pueblo period, there was a somewhat
different development in each of the three main culture centers which
flourished at this time. In each of these there was an intense local
specialization in architecture and in pottery making.</p>
<p>The latter, in fact, became so highly specialized that products of
the various areas may be identified no matter where they may be
found. No two pieces of pottery of each kind will be exactly alike,
but they all conform to a common ideal. It must be stressed that,
by <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> center</i>, we do not mean an entirely restricted area, but
rather a nuclear section in which specialization was most intense and
from which influence spread, often over a large area.</p>
<p>The oldest settlement, and one which continued to be a cultural
leader with far-reaching influences for centuries, lies in the Chaco
Canyon of New Mexico.<a class="fn" href="#bd61">[61]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd73">[73]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> The Chaco River is a tributary of the
San Juan which flows through northwestern New Mexico. Within the
canyon are found twelve large ruins, which include some of the most
spectacular of the ancient buildings erected in North America, and
innumerable smaller ruins. The twelve great communal buildings were
more or less rectangular, oval, or D-shaped structures, with up to four
stories on three sides, and a single-storied row of rooms which bowed
out to the southeast. Within the walls was a great open court or <a class="gloss" href="#g_Plaza">plaza</a>
which contained numerous kivas. Other kivas were incorporated within
the building mass. It is interesting to note that the traditional underground
character of the ceremonial chamber was preserved through
filling in the space between the circular walls of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> and the
straight walls of the other rooms.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_85">85</div>
<div class="img" id="fig29">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p27.jpg" alt="" width="1348" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 29&mdash;Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon National Monument, New Mexico.  (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_86">86</div>
<p>One of the largest and most famous Chacoan structures is called
Pueblo Bonito.<a class="fn" href="#bd71">[71]</a> It was a town, consisting of a single building, which
covered over three acres of ground and contained at least eight hundred
rooms. It has been estimated that it could have sheltered 1200
inhabitants, and it was the largest &ldquo;apartment house&rdquo; in the world
until a larger one was erected in New York in 1882. Building had
begun at Pueblo Bonito as early as 919 A.D., but it did not reach its
final form until 1067 A.D. or later. It is believed that the more definitely
planned settlement may have been the work of new and more
progressive people who moved into the area.</p>
<p>Pueblo Bonito, as it stands today after archaeologists have cleared
away the dust of centuries and exposed it to view, is truly a remarkable
structure. Even in ruins, it is not too difficult to picture it as it
must have been during those long ago times when it was one of the
great cultural centers of the Southwest. On three sides of the center
court was the main building, terraced back from a one-story level in
front to four stories in the rear. With each succeeding row of rooms
the height was increased by one story. Extending from the ends and
enclosing the side to the south was a one-story row of rooms. Outside
of this single tier was the rubbish heap around which retaining walls
were built. The center court contained numerous kivas, and others
were incorporated in the building mass.</p>
<p>In addition to the regular kivas, whose diameter rarely exceeded
twenty-five feet, there have also been found in Chaco Canyon, Aztec,
and other sites with Chacoan architecture, big circular structures with
diameters of from forty to sixty feet ringed by a concentric row of
small rooms. These are known as <i>Great Kivas</i>. They are thought to
have been religious edifices which served an entire community, while
the smaller kivas probably belonged to various clans or societies.
Great Kivas, though in a simpler form, were apparently present as
far back as Modified-Basketmaker times when most rites were performed
in dwellings, but a larger place was needed for ceremonies in
which the people of a whole community or district participated.</p>
<p>Architecture in general reached its highest development in Chaco
Canyon, and there was real beauty as well as solidity of construction.
The walls were massive, although there was a decrease in thickness
with succeeding stories, as the weight resting upon them was
reduced. The most distinctive type of masonry consisted of a center
<span class="pb" id="Page_87">87</span>
portion of stone and adobe or rubble, faced on two sides by a veneer
of horizontally laid thin, tabular stones. These are so perfectly fitted
together that a knife blade can scarcely be inserted between them.
Sometimes this particular type of stone was not available and it was
necessary to use more massively bedded stones which had to be
dressed to the proper shape, but the masonry was uniformly good.
Great beams, stripped of bark and beautifully dressed, were placed
across the chambers. Small poles, which were finished with equal
care, were placed at right angles to the main beams and so spaced
as to form patterns. Over these lay carefully fashioned mats of peeled
willow, followed by a cedar splint layer. A thick coat of earth overlay
the entire mass, forming a floor for the room above as well as a roof
for the one below.</p>
<p>The use of big logs, which do not bear the scars indicative of
transportation over a long distance, and the common use of willow,
which must have been abundant, suggest conditions different from
those of today. It is not known with certainty whether there has been
a real climatic change. Many believe that, when hoofed animals were
introduced by the white man, the grass cover was destroyed, and that
this led to the cutting of arroyos which carried off flood waters and
lowered the underground seepage and as a result the land became
progressively drier, but others believe that there were earlier periods
of arroyo-cutting.</p>
<p>Although severe erosion did not occur until a later time, it was
a process with which the ancient inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito were
familiar. Overlooking the Pueblo was a tremendous rock with an
estimated weight of 30,000 tons, detached from the cliff and seeming
so precariously balanced as to threaten the building. At the foot of the
rock the prehistoric inhabitants erected a brace of wood and stone
masonry. At first glance it seems a rather pathetic effort, but actually
it may not show any ignorance on the part of the ancient Bonitians,
but rather a familiarity with certain engineering principles which suggested
that protecting the base of the rock would curtail erosion and
help to prevent the threatened disaster. The fears of the prehistoric
inhabitants were never realized in their time, for it was not until January
22, 1941, that the threatening rock finally fell. It damaged one
hundred feet of the back wall of the pueblo and twenty-one adjacent
rooms.</p>
<p>Rooms in Chaco-Canyon structures were relatively large and high
ceilinged, with plastered walls. The inner rooms, which lacked light
<span class="pb" id="Page_88">88</span>
and air, were used for storage. Household activities were not confined
to the rooms, for the roofs of the lower tiers provided additional living
space, and much work, such as the preparing of food, the making of
pottery, and the flaking of arrowheads, probably took place in the open.
Fire places are rare in the rooms, and it seems likely that much of the
cooking was done outside&mdash;in the courts and on the roofs. At first
there were doorways and high windows in the outer wall, but these
were later blocked off with masonry. The single gateway in the front
of the pueblo was first greatly narrowed and then entirely closed, so
that the great house could be entered only by means of a ladder which,
if necessary, could be withdrawn. This is some of the best evidence
of the fear of attack which must have existed.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig30">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p28.jpg" alt="" width="837" height="600" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 30&mdash;Chaco black-on-white pottery of the Great-Pueblo period. (Courtesy
The American Museum of Natural History; Taylor Museum photograph.)</p>
</div>
<p>In its own way, pottery reached as high a point of development
as did architecture. The main wares were black-on-white and corrugated.
The former was thin and hard, usually a good white, but sometimes
a light gray. Designs were, for the most part, hatchured patterns
with the thin filling lines surrounded by heavier boundary lines.
Band decorations were widely used. Bowls, pitchers, and ladles were
the most usual shapes, but cylindrical vases and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">effigy</a> pots with
human figures were not unknown. The cooking ware was corrugated and
usually consisted of large jars with wide mouths. This pottery
<span class="pb" id="Page_89">89</span>
was very well made, with attractive patterns produced by making
sharp, clear-cut, indentations in the corrugations. Some red pottery
has also been found.</p>
<p>Neither the architecture nor the pottery which we refer to as being
of the Chaco-Canyon type was limited to the narrow confines of the
canyon itself. They are also represented in such places as the great
ruin at Aztec, New Mexico,<a class="fn" href="#bd94">[94]</a> and at various other sites in the San
Juan area. In some cases, particularly in northeastern Arizona, architecture
was Chacoan in character, but pottery was not.</p>
<p>At Chaco Canyon, and in other Great-Pueblo centers, various
minor arts also flourished. Feather cloth continued to be made, and
still provided robes and blankets for the living and wrappings for the
dead. Flocks of domesticated turkeys were kept to provide feathers,
and parrots and other brilliantly colored birds were brought from the
south. Cotton fabrics were steadily increasing in importance. Some
large blankets were woven which must have required the use of an
upright loom. Colored yarns were used, and there was some painting
of finished fabrics. Variations in weaving also provided decoration.
There is no evidence that the people wore any tailored garments, but
the remains of a poncho with a slit for the head has been found. There
were also some garments of dressed buckskin, in addition to those of
feather and cotton cloth.</p>
<p>Some sandals with notched toes were woven of fine cord, but this
art had degenerated and decoration was less elaborate, both as regards
colored and raised patterns. Most sandals were of plaited yucca leaves,
and many had square toes. Twined-weaving does not seem to have
survived. Coiled baskets were still produced, but they were not plentiful.
They were of a finer weave than those of the preceding periods
but had fewer colored designs. Yucca ring baskets were extremely common.
These were made by fastening the outer edges of a bowl-shaped
mat, made of twilled yucca leaves, over a wooden ring. Twilled mats
of rushes or reeds, were made in quantity and were widely used as
floor and roof coverings. Tubular pipes were made of both clay and
stone. These are rarely found whole, and it is thought they may have
been intentionally broken&mdash;possibly to avoid profanation after use in
sacred rites.</p>
<p>It was in the field of ornaments that the minor arts of the Chaco
people reached their highest development. Olivella-shell beads were
still widely used, and there were also stone beads and stone and shell
pendants carved into the form of birds and animals; but it was turquoise
<span class="pb" id="Page_90">90</span>
which provided the material for the finest ornaments. Some
beautiful mosaics were made of turquoise, and it was also used in the
making of beads. One incomparable necklace found at Pueblo Bonito
contained twenty-five hundred beads and four pendants of magnificent
sky blue stones.<a class="fn" href="#bd71">[71]</a> All were shaped and polished with a skill that would
do credit to a modern jeweller with all his highly specialized tools. An
unbelievable amount of work must have gone into the production of
such an ornament when only stone tools were available. Unfortunately
we do not have many such specimens&mdash;due to the mystery which surrounds
the final disposition of the remains of the ancient inhabitants
of Pueblo Bonito.</p>
<p>Although burials are commonly found in the refuse heaps associated
with the small dwellings of Chaco Canyon, the majority of the dead
of the great communal houses have never been found. Occasional
burials have been found but not enough to account for even five per
cent of the deaths which must have occurred during the period of occupation.
Many of the graves which have been found in abandoned
rooms had already been looted by pre-archaeological grave robbers.
The few undisturbed interments which have been discovered suggest
that grave offerings were extremely rich, and, with such an incentive,
archaeologists have searched far and wide for the ancient cemeteries,
but, as yet, without success. There is no indication that cremation was
practiced, so there is still hope that some day we may find the spot
where the ancient people laid the dead to rest, and so learn more of
their arts and crafts.</p>
<p>Some idea of the remarkable finds which may yet be made may
be gained from a burial found in Ridge Ruin, a Great-Pueblo site about
twenty miles east of Flagstaff, Arizona.<a class="fn" href="#bd88">[88]</a> Here was found the body of
a man interred with over six hundred articles, many of which show the
most remarkable workmanship. They included pottery, beautiful baskets,
fine turquoise mosaics, stone and shell ornaments, and hundreds
of finely flaked arrowheads. This was of course an unusual burial, and
many of the offerings were ceremonial objects such as would be placed
in a grave only under extraordinary circumstances, but it gives some
idea of the wealth of material which may yet be found and which will
contribute to our knowledge of the ancient Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.</p>
<p>The great dwellings of Chaco Canyon apparently were abandoned
in the twelfth century, and there is no doubt a fascinating story connected
with the abandonment of these huge buildings which were
erected with so much labor and finished with such care. It is a story
<span class="pb" id="Page_91">91</span>
which we do not yet fully understand, and, to a great extent, we can
only guess at the causes which underlay the migration. It was probably
the first <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> of the general movement which eventually involved
the entire population of the northern part of the Southwest, but it is
even more difficult to account for than some of the later migrations,
for there were no particularly severe droughts at this time. There
were some dry years, however, which may have led to disastrous arroyo-cutting.</p>
<p>Some of the most famous of all buildings of this period are
those of Mesa Verde,<a class="fn" href="#bd73">[73]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> whose location in high cliffs has led to
the use of the name &ldquo;Cliff Dwellers&rdquo; for the people who lived here
from the middle of the eleventh century until the latter part of the
thirteenth. Mesa Verde is a large plateau in the drainage of the Mancos
River in southwestern Colorado. Here in great, high caves, protected
by massive sandstone overhangs, but open to the sun, were built huge
houses which were really cities. These pueblos were in many essentials
like those of Chaco Canyon and other open sites, but they seem to
have grown by accretion rather than according to a fixed plan, and the
shape of the structures was largely determined by that of the caves
which sheltered them.</p>
<p>There are certain unmistakable differences between the architecture
and pottery of Chaco Canyon and of Mesa Verde. As in the case
of the Chaco <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, Mesa Verde traits were not confined to the type
locality, but had a far-reaching influence. Numerous ruins with the
same basic characteristics, but not necessarily in caves, are found along
the Mancos River and for some distance to the east and to the west.
After the abandonment of the Mesa Verde proper, the influence became
quite important in the south.</p>
<p>At Mesa Verde walls were thinner than in the Chacoan houses.
This can probably be traced to the material used, as well as to the fact
that the cave ceilings somewhat limited the height of the buildings, and
with the reduced strain, thick walls were not needed. Flat tabular
stones were not available, and walls were constructed of massive stone
which was shaped into large, loaflike, blocks by pecking. Walls were
of solid rock with no center fill of rubble or earth, and little mortar
was used.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_92">92</div>
<div class="img" id="fig31">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p29.jpg" alt="" width="1343" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 31&mdash;Cliff Palace, Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado.</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_93">93</div>
<p>Of the many ruins in Mesa Verde National Park the most famous,
and also the largest, is Cliff Palace.<a class="fn" href="#bd125">[125]</a> With its many rooms and great
stone towers it does give the impression of a palace, but this is of course
a misnomer. Far from being the palace of a ruler, it was the home of
hundreds of farmers and their families. Cliff Palace is a terraced building
reaching to four stories in height in some places and containing
over two hundred rooms and twenty-three kivas. The rooms were small,
often irregularly shaped, and had low ceilings. Not all of them were
used as living quarters. Some were used for storage. Storage must have
been of great importance, since grain designed for winter food, as well
as seed corn, had to be preserved. Also, it is probable that these ancient
farmers accumulated large reserves to tide them over years when the
crops failed, as do their present-day descendants. Other rooms contained
boxlike structures of stone slabs which held metates, and these
are thought to have been milling rooms in which the corn was ground.
The living rooms, each one occupied by one family, were small and
probably none too comfortable.</p>
<p>Some rooms were entered through the roofs but others had doors
and windows. Even when doors were present, they were small and high
above the floor and were probably reached by ladders. Few of the
rooms contained fireplaces. The smoke from a fire in a small room
with inadequate ventilation would present a definite problem, but life
in the winter in an unheated room in a high canyon would not seem
particularly appealing to present-day Americans. The walls of the
houses were neatly plastered, sometimes colored and sometimes embellished
by well painted designs.</p>
<p>The small size of the rooms has often given rise to a belief that
the inhabitants were abnormally small. Actually the people were of
normal size, but they probably did not spend much time in the rooms.
Much of the life of the great house must have centered about the open
courts and terraced roofs. When the men were not working in the
fields or hunting on the mesa tops, they must have spent much time in
their kivas, which may have served as habitations for the unmarried
men and general meeting places, as well as providing a setting for the
religious rites. While we cannot be sure what these ceremonies were,
it seems certain that they were concerned with the well-being of the
crops, which must be the first concern of all farmers, and that their
form and content must have been greatly influenced by the ever present
need of water which has always dominated life in the Southwest.</p>
<p>Most of the kivas were small circular structures, about thirteen
feet in diameter, with the wall set back a foot or more, some three feet
above the floor, to form an encircling bench. On this bench were six
masonry pilasters which helped to support a cribbed roof. The spaces
between pilasters formed recesses. The one to the south was the
<span class="pb" id="Page_94">94</span>
deepest and contained the ventilator flue. The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Deflector">deflector</a>, which stood
between it and the center fire pit, was usually of masonry, but sometimes
of wattle work. In addition to these circular kivas, which were
the normal type, there were also circular or rectangular rooms with
rounded corners which seem to have had a ceremonial nature, although
they lacked the usual <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> features and were not subterranean, though
surrounded by high walls. For the most part kivas lay in the front of
the cave, but there were also some in the rear.</p>
<p>In addition to the various rooms and kivas there were also towers,
sometimes incorporated in the building-mass of the great house, and
sometimes built separately. They had various shapes, including round,
oval, D-shaped, and rectangular. Some were two stories high. There
were doorways in the side, but no windows. There are many theories
as to the use of these towers, but there are some objections to all of
them. One is, that they were designed as observation posts to watch
for enemies, or as fortresses. They are usually loop-holed and, when
found at a distance from the dwelling, are often on easily defended
points which command a good view of the adjoining terrain. This,
however, is not invariably the case, for some of the isolated towers are
so placed that there would be little visibility, and defense would be extremely
difficult. Many are far too small to have served as fortresses.
Another theory is that they may have had some ceremonial use, and
may have served as solar observatories to obtain calendrical data essential
in the planting and harvesting of crops and fixing of dates for
religious rites connected with these activities. Some, however, are located
in spots not suitable for making such observations.</p>
<p>Across the canyon from Cliff Palace is a remarkable surface-structure
known as &ldquo;Sun Temple&rdquo;, which some archaeologists consider
an elaborate form of tower. This is an unroofed D-shaped building
with double walls over twelve feet high. The space between the walls
is divided into small rooms, and there are ten other rooms at the west
end of the building. There is one <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> in this western section and two
others in the big center court enclosed by the walls.</p>
<p>Life in Mesa Verde, as in all the Pueblo area, depended on agriculture.
There was dry farming on the mesa tops, but irrigation was
particularly well developed here.<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a> A broad, shallow ditch, some four
miles long, and with a very regular gradient has been found on the
Mesa Verde. Apparently water was turned out on the cornfields from
this ditch. There were also check dams which caught the run-off of
heavy summer rains and made it available for the crops. They served
<span class="pb" id="Page_95">95</span>
a further purpose in conserving soil which might otherwise have been
washed away. Reservoirs were present and must have also provided
water for the fields, but they have not yet been studied sufficiently for
us to have much information as to their construction or use.</p>
<p>Mesa Verde pottery is as distinctive as its architecture. Fine corrugated vessels
were made, and a small percentage of imported red
pottery was present, but the outstanding ware was black-on-white. This
pottery has certain distinctive features which make it easy to recognize.
The walls are fairly thick, and rims tend to be square and flat. The
background is a pearly white with grayish undertones. Most vessels
have been so carefully polished that they have a glossy surface which
sometimes almost gives an impression of translucence. The decoration,
applied with black paint, is usually in the form of geometric patterns,
although a few bowls show life-forms in their designs. Band patterns
were extremely common, and many large solid elements as well as
hatchured patterns were used. The latter tend to be much coarser than
those on Chaco pottery. The most distinctive forms were flat-bottomed
mugs, which resemble beer steins, and &ldquo;<a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> jars.&rdquo; The latter are
vessels in the form of a somewhat flattened sphere, with fitted covers
resting on an inner rim, as do those of modern sugar bowls. There were
also many bowls, ollas (water jars), ladles, canteens, and seed jars.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig32">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p30.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="334" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 32&mdash;Mesa Verde black-on-white pottery of the Great-Pueblo period.
(Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p>
</div>
<p>The minor arts of Mesa Verde seem to have been much like those
of Chaco Canyon, but neither material nor craftsmanship appears to
have been as good. Again, the scarcity of burials has reduced the
chances of obtaining much valuable information. In open sites they
have been found occasionally in refuse heaps, but more often they
occur in pits under floors of houses which continued to be occupied,
or in abandoned rooms. At Mesa Verde a few burials have been found
<span class="pb" id="Page_96">96</span>
in refuse heaps behind the houses, a few under the floors of abandoned
rooms, and others in the cracks and crevices of the talus slope in front
of the caves. There is also some evidence of occasional cremations.<a class="fn" href="#bd24">[24]</a>
On mesa tops, have been found a few stone rings overlying calcined
human bones, and one room in Cliff Palace was found to contain ashes
and human bones. There is no evidence, however, that cremation was
widely practiced, and the few graves which have been found would
account for only a small fraction of the deaths which must have occurred
during the period of occupancy. It is believed probable that
most burials may have been in the refuse heaps in front of the caves
and that they have weathered away.</p>
<p>The last building date we have for Mesa Verde is 1273, but it is
possible that the great houses may have been occupied for some time
after this. The final date of departure probably falls within the period
of the disastrous drought of 1276 to 1299, when the farmers of Mesa
Verde must have been fighting a losing battle against overwhelming
odds. The departure seems to have been an orderly one, for the people
took most of their possessions with them. There does not seem to have
been any one, great migration. Rather it appears that first one section,
and then another, was abandoned as one or more small groups moved
on. The abandonment of the cliff houses has given rise to many fantastic
stories, and there has grown up a certain belief that the &ldquo;Cliff
Dwellers&rdquo; more or less disappeared into thin air. Certainly there is
enough mystery connected with this strange departure, but great numbers
of people do not simply vanish. Actually, they moved farther
and farther south, and perhaps to the southeast and southwest, looking
for more favorable locations. As they mingled with other groups they
lost their identity, but doubtless there is still a strain of Mesa Verde
blood in the present Pueblo Indian population. Perhaps the Indian,
whom we see selling jewelry in the lobby of some modern Southwestern
hotel, had ancestors who helped build the ancient city which we know
as Cliff Palace.</p>
<p>In addition to sites which were occupied by people with a Chacoan
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> and those inhabited by people with Mesa Verde affiliations,
there are others which show both influences at different periods. Lowry
Ruin,<a class="fn" href="#bd81">[81]</a> not far from Mesa Verde in southwestern Colorado, contains a
Pueblo and a Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a> with Chacoan Masonry. The early pottery
was not entirely like that found in sites in the Chaco Canyon itself,
but closely resembled it. It must be emphasized that <i>Chacoan</i> is simply
a term which refers to a generalized culture, and not just to the sites
<span class="pb" id="Page_97">97</span>
of the type locality. In the top portion of the fill of some rooms at
Lowry Ruin is found Mesa Verde black-on-white pottery. It is not
known whether this indicates the presence of Mesa Verde people, or
if only the pottery, or perhaps even the technique, was introduced. We
do know, however, that Lowry Pueblo was occupied, abandoned, and
then reoccupied a number of times from the time when it was first built,
late in the eleventh century, until it was finally deserted, about the
middle of the twelfth century. This is one of the sites which does much
to upset certain theories as to the causes of the abandonment of the
northern frontier. It was not prepared for defense, and had entrances
on the ground level, and there is no indication of any violence. Final
abandonment came long before the great drought of 1276 to 1299.</p>
<p>An even more famous site is that of Aztec,<a class="fn" href="#bd94">[94]</a> now a National Monument,
which lies one mile north of the town of Aztec, New Mexico.
Here were built a big communal house and Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a> with Chacoan
masonry. The ground plans were almost identical with those of Chettro
Kettle, one of the important structures of Chaco Canyon. The main
building was in the shape of a square &ldquo;U&rdquo;, with an arc-shaped row of
rooms in front. More famous than the Pueblo itself is the &ldquo;House of
the Great Kiva.&rdquo; This remarkable structure was essentially circular,
and consisted of a large kiva surrounded by a concentric ring of arc-shaped
surface-rooms. The kiva, which was encircled by two benches
or shelves, was forty-one feet across at floor level and forty-eight feet
in diameter at the level of the second bench. In the floor were two
large, masonry-lined, sub-floor vaults and a masonry box, midway between
the south ends of the vaults, which is believed to have been a
fire altar. The twelve rooms surrounding the kiva are not stained and
littered, as are the usual living quarters, so it seems certain that they
were strictly ceremonial chambers. On the south side is an alcove,
opening directly into the kiva, which is thought to have been a shrine
room. A rectangle of masonry in the center of the alcove was presumably
a permanent altar.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_98">98</div>
<div class="img" id="fig33">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p31.jpg" alt="" width="1423" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 33&mdash;Betatakin, Navajo National Monument, Arizona. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_99">99</div>
<p>Some of the living rooms in the pueblo bear evidence of Mesa
Verde workmanship, and almost 95% of the pottery is of the Mesa
Verde type. This gave rise to the belief that Aztec was a hybrid settlement
of people of both cultures. Excavation proved that the explanation
was not quite so simple. The original builders of the Pueblo and
Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a> had Chacoan connections. They occupied the Pueblo for
many years, then, taking their possessions with them, they moved away.
Why they left, or where they went, we do not know. For a long time
the Pueblo was abandoned, then a group of Mesa Verde people arrived
and moved in. They changed and modified many of the rooms
in accordance with their own customs. The rooms which they built
were smaller and the masonry was of the typical Mesa Verde type,
as was the pottery. After this immigration the great house was occupied
for a long time. At first the people were quite prosperous, but
eventually there came a period of depression and disintegration. Building
techniques became progressively worse, and there was an equal
deterioration in pottery making. Living quarters were no longer
cleaned. Many women and children died, and, when they were buried
few, if any, mortuary offerings were placed with them. The end came
when the pueblo was intentionally fired and destroyed. Whether this
was done by the people themselves, or by enemies who attacked them
when they were no longer able to defend themselves, we do not know.</p>
<p>In the vicinity of Kayenta, Arizona, which lies to the south of the
San Juan and west of both Mesa Verde and Chaco Canyon, was a third
cultural center with far-reaching influences.<a class="fn" href="#bd3">[3]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd73">[73]</a> Here are found both
cliff houses and pueblos in the open. Two of the largest and most
famous cliff dwellings are Keet Seel and Betatakin. These were among
the last of the great houses of the San Juan area to be occupied. Tree-ring
dates for Betatakin range between 1260 and 1277, and those for
Keet Seel between 1274 and 1284. By the latter date the remainder of
the northern frontier had been almost entirely deserted.</p>
<p>The masonry throughout was quite inferior. It was somewhat
better in the open sites, which were characterized by loose aggregations
of houses, than in the cliff houses. On the whole, masonry was marked
by the use of irregularly shaped stones, inaccurate coursing, and the
use of great quantities of adobe mortar. Also, wattlework walls, that is,
walls formed of upright poles through which were interwoven smaller
sticks, were quite common. One of the chief differences between the
Kayenta area and other cultural centers lies in the kivas. In open
sites and in some cliff houses, of which Bat Woman House is a good
example, only circular kivas are found, but they lack the pilasters
characteristic of such structures in other sections. At Keet Seel there
are some kivas, but many of the ceremonial structures are of another
type, sometimes called <i>kihus</i>. These are square above-ground chambers
which contain the characteristic fire pits and deflectors of kivas, but
have a door instead of an air shaft. At Betatakin this is the only type
of ceremonial room.</p>
<p>Pottery from this area differs in many respects from that of the
<span class="pb" id="Page_100">100</span>
eastern sites. <a class="gloss" href="#g_CorrugatedPottery">Corrugated pottery</a> was made, but it displays poorer
workmanship and less graceful shapes than examples from Chaco and
Mesa Verde. Black-on-white ware was excellent, with a good paste
and a clear <a class="gloss" href="#g_Slip">slip</a>. The decoration is fine and quite distinctive. Elaborate
patterns, primarily interlocking keys, frets, and spirals, were used. The
elements, painted in black, are so close together and so heavy that little
of the white background shows and a negative design results, giving
the impression of a white design on a black background. What little
of the white background does appear is often hatched or cross-hatched,
giving what has been described as a &ldquo;mosquito bar&rdquo; effect. The principal
forms were ollas, bowls, and ladles. Seed jars and small handled
jugs were also made, but they were not as common. An important
form was the colander, a type of utensil which was confined to this
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig34">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p32.jpg" alt="" width="1016" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 34&mdash;Black-on-white pottery from the Kayenta area. Great-Pueblo period.
(Courtesy Museum of Northern Arizona.)</p>
</div>
<p>The most distinctive Kayenta pottery was a polychrome ware on
which, as the name implies, multiple colors were used. The base color
was orange or yellow, and designs were applied in black, red, and
white paint. There was a wide use of broad, red bands outlined in
black or in black and white. Coarse <a class="gloss" href="#g_Hatchures">hatchures</a> divided into groups, with
<span class="pb" id="Page_101">101</span>
other design elements between the groups, were quite common. There
was an abundance of this ware, although bowls and small handled jugs
were the only forms represented.</p>
<p>Very few burials have been found in the cliff houses. A small
number have been uncovered in unoccupied sections of the caves, in
the talus slope in front, and in small shelters nearby. In open sites
closely flexed bodies accompanied by mortuary pottery have been found
in oval pits dug in the rubbish heaps.</p>
<p>Although attention is naturally centered on the San Juan region,
where the Great Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> had its most spectacular development
and where the most extensive excavations have been carried on, the
remainder of the Plateau Province cannot be overlooked.</p>
<p>Sixteen miles from Zu&ntilde;i, in the Little Colorado drainage, is a famous
site, known as the &ldquo;Village of the Great Kivas.&rdquo;<a class="fn" href="#bd108">[108]</a> Here were
found three communal dwellings and two Great Kivas. Of the latter,
only one has been excavated. It was bordered with rooms but had no
true peripheral chambers. Both are larger than the Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a> at Aztec.
The one which has been excavated is fifty-one feet in diameter, and
the unexcavated one is seventy-five feet across. In addition to these
structures and some small kivas associated with the largest building,
there were two rectangular rooms with kiva features. These are similar
to the fraternity chambers used in Zu&ntilde;i at the present time. The construction
of the village was begun in the eleventh century by people
with a Chacoan <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. After a time, due to the arrival of new people,
the community increased in size. It is thought that these people came
from the south, possibly from the Upper Gila region.</p>
<p>To the west, in what we now know as the Hopi country, good-sized
Pueblos were being constructed. There was much black-on-white
and gray <a class="gloss" href="#g_CorrugatedPottery">corrugated pottery</a> and, in the latter part of the period, fine
pottery with black designs on an orange background was made. Kivas
were rectangular or D-shaped. To the south and east of this region a
particularly fine polychrome ware was being made. Black and white
designs were applied on an orange-red background.</p>
<p>Still farther south, in the vicinity of Fort Apache, Arizona, is
Kinishba, a Great-Pueblo site occupied between 1050 and 1350 A. D. It
combined three pueblos, of which two have been excavated. The main
building is an irregularly rectangular structure, built around a big
central court, which seems to have grown by accretion rather than according
to fixed plan. The masonry was not particularly good. The
stones were not carefully shaped, and there was an extensive use of
<span class="pb" id="Page_102">102</span>
mortar. Many fine ornaments were made. Kinishba appears to have
been something of a trade center, and pottery characteristic of many
different areas is found here. One distinctive type of pottery which
was made locally was a polychrome ware with red and black designs
on a buff background.</p>
<p>The Rio Grande drainage, to the east, did not become a very important
province until the following period, but there is evidence of
the presence of a scattered population as far back as Developmental-Pueblo
times. Eventually, migrations from the north brought in many
new people. Prior to that time architecture was not highly developed.
There was little <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a>, but extensive use of adobe. Some
rather inferior black on white pottery of a generalized type and a poor
corrugated ware were manufactured, and a little black-on-red pottery
was imported.</p>
<p>In the Mimbres drainage of southwestern New Mexico, lived a
group of people who, during the Great-Pueblo Period, made some of
the most remarkable pottery that has ever been produced. Although
they are often considered as part of the Anasazi, much of their development
was due to two other cultures as well. Because of this, discussion
of the Mimbres people and their achievements will be postponed
until the other cultures have been considered.</p>
<h3 id="c20">The Largo-Gallina <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a></h3>
<p>In the Largo drainage of north-central New Mexico some extremely
interesting remains of a Pueblolike people have been found.<a class="fn" href="#bd91">[91]</a> Chronologically
they fit into Great-Pueblo times, but they are not entirely
Anasazi in <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. The name <i>Largo</i> has been given to this cultural
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a>. Tree-ring dates have been obtained in Largo sites, and it is possible
to place the period of occupation as extending from the beginning
of the twelfth to the middle of the thirteenth century.</p>
<p>The inhabitants of these sites lived in both pit and surface houses.
These structures are relatively large. The latter have massive walls
of uncoursed masonry up to four feet thick. All dwellings contained
low-walled storage bins. Although more evidence will be needed before
definite conclusions may be reached, it seems possible to show a
definite architectural development from pit houses to the thick walled
surface houses of uncoursed masonry which were followed by others
with <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a> walls. Other, presumably later, structures may
be described as small pueblos, but these have not yet been thoroughly
investigated.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_103">103</div>
<div class="img" id="fig35">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p33.jpg" alt="" width="1054" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 35&mdash;Largo surface house.</p>
</div>
<div class="img" id="imgx3">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p33a.jpg" alt="" width="1016" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Largo artifacts,
a. pointed-bottomed pot, b. axe, c. arrow-shaft smoother.
(Courtesy Laboratory of Anthropology.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_104">104</div>
<p>Black-on-white pottery, which was Puebloan in character, was
made, but most of the utility ware was unlike anything made elsewhere
by the Anasazi. These vessels had pointed bottoms and were decorated
with fillets at the rim or just below. They were not scraped, but were
smoothed by holding a mushroom-shaped object inside the vessel, while
it was still plastic, and striking the exterior with a wooden paddle. This
is known as the <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_PaddleAndAnvil">paddle-and-anvil</a></i> technique. These vessels resemble
Woodland pottery from the eastern United States and Navajo cooking
pots.</p>
<p>Other distinctive artifacts included axes of a triple-notched type
which required a T-shaped hafting, arrow-shaft smoothers, and elbow-shaped
pipes. The smoothers are large pieces of fine grained rock with
deep grooves in which arrow shafts were rubbed in the process of shaping
them. On the bowls of the pipes were two little leglike projections
which served to provide a base when they were not in use. There was
an extensive use of antler.</p>
<p>To the east of the Largo country and on the other side of the continental
divide are found similar sites which represent the same <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.
This <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> has been called the Gallina.<a class="fn" href="#bd63">[63]</a> Both phases are often
considered together and referred to as the <i>Largo-Gallina</i>.</p>
<p>In the Gallina country there is the same combination of pit houses
and surface structures as in the Largo sites. Most sites are in good
defensive positions, but this is not true of all of them. Sites usually
consist of three or four house units grouped together, although single
houses also have been found. Most of these dwellings are towerlike
structures, square in outline but with rounded corners. They range
from eighteen to twenty feet in diameter and have walls still standing
to a height of from twelve to seventeen feet. These walls were extraordinarily
massive, being in some cases as much as six feet thick. House
interiors were characterized by flagstone floors and the wide use of
storage bins with sandstone covers. The bins were usually on the south
side. In most houses, there was an adobe bench encircling the northern
part of the room. Fine murals had been painted above the bench in
one house. On the whole, these structures resemble square kivas to
which bins have been added, although they were used as homes and not
as ceremonial chambers. Roofs consisted of a pole and adobe foundation
with flagstones providing a shingled effect. Entrance appears to have
been through the roof which, due to the great height of the buildings,
must have been reached by ladders or platforms. In addition to the
<span class="pb" id="Page_105">105</span>
towerlike buildings there are also pit houses which are found in conjunction
with them.</p>
<p>Anasazi traits include twilled yucca sandals, coiled basketry,
feather-cloth, twined-bags, and black-on-white pottery. Axes, shaft-smoothers,
and pipes, resemble those found in Largo sites and the cooking
pots with the pointed bottoms are the same. Chisel-like objects
made of deer and elk antler and unusual stone knives were also found.
The latter were leaf-shaped blades with notches in the sides close to the
center. One end was pointed and the other somewhat blunted. It is
the latter end which seems to have been used while the pointed end
was hafted.</p>
<p>In general, the Largo-Gallina seems to be a Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a>, probably
derived from the Rosa phase<a class="fn" href="#bd41">[41]</a> of the Governador area, which was
subjected to foreign influences, probably from the north. Similarities
between Largo-Gallina and Navajo utility vessels may indicate some
relationship.</p>
<h3 id="c21">Athapaskan People</h3>
<p>We may next consider the problem of the Navajos and Apaches
who figured so prominently in Southwestern history. They are relative
newcomers in the area and it is only within recent years that they have
stirred the interest of many archaeologists, although the Navajos have
been literally haunted by ethnologists for a long time.</p>
<p>Both Navajos and Apaches speak dialects of the Athapaskan
language which is spoken by many groups in northwestern Canada. At
some time in the relatively recent past, groups of Athapaskan-speaking
people left their northern homeland and drifted southward, some going
along the coast and others wandering farther east. Some reached
the Southwest and the descendants of these migrants are the Indians
whom we know as Navajos and Apaches.</p>
<p>There are many theories as to the route which they followed. Recent
finds, in the Colorado Rockies, of circular structures of dry-laid
masonry which are non-Pueblo in character and which resemble certain
Navajo houses or hogans, suggest that at least some of the migrants may
have followed the main mountain ranges.<a class="fn" href="#bd68">[68]</a> It is also possible that
they may have moved south through the Great Basin west of the Rocky
Mountains, or along the High Plains east of the mountains. Pottery
finds give 1100 A. D. as the earliest date for the hoganlike structures
in the Colorado mountains. It is not certain that these houses were
built by Athapaskan people, however, and there is no definite knowledge
as to just when the Athapaskans reached the Southwest and first came
<span class="pb" id="Page_106">106</span>
into contact with the Pueblo Indians. The earliest tree-ring date yet
obtained in the Pueblo area from any site which we may be sure is
Navajo is from the Governador area and falls in the middle of the
sixteenth century.<a class="fn" href="#bd40">[40]</a> If the Navajos arrived as early as 1200 A.D. they
may have influenced the Largo-Gallina people and have been influenced
by them, but this is still a moot question. A relatively early arrival
might also aid in explaining the withdrawal of the Pueblos from the
northern area.</p>
<h3 id="c22">SUMMARY</h3>
<p>We may summarize the Great-Pueblo period as follows. It was
the period in which the Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> attained its highest development,
and it was marked by intense local specialization. Most of the
basic aspects of the culture had already been well established, but there
was tremendous improvement and amplification. Unit houses continued
to be occupied throughout the period but there was a general coalescence
of the population. The trend was toward concentration in great, terraced
communal houses, up to five stories in height, and large enough
to shelter hundreds of people. Some were built in the open and others
in large natural caverns in cliffs. Small kivas, presumably used by small
groups such as clans, were incorporated in the houses or placed in the
central court. There were also Great Kivas, larger and more elaborate
structures, believed to have served an entire community. There was
local variation in architectural details, both as regards masonry types
and house structures.</p>
<p>Pottery was remarkably fine and designs were often quite elaborate.
There was such specialization that the products of various centers
are readily distinguished. Culinary ware was corrugated. Among the
decorated types, black-on-white predominated but there was some black-on-red
ware and some black bowls with red interiors, and in the Kayenta
district and farther south <a class="gloss" href="#g_PolychromePottery">polychrome pottery</a> was widely made. Late
in the period black-on-orange wares became important in the Little
Colorado drainage.</p>
<p>Much progress was made in the weaving of cotton cloth. Ornaments
were highly developed and turquoise was widely used. Remarkable
mosaics as well as beads and pendants were manufactured. Some
coiled baskets were still made but yucca ring baskets were the leading
type.</p>
<p>Although it is only in the realm of material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> that we have
concrete evidence, there can be little doubt that the heights reached
in the production of material things must have been reflected in the
<span class="pb" id="Page_107">107</span>
whole life of the people. There is every reason to believe that an essentially
democratic form of government prevailed, but communal living
must have required a high degree of organization. Doubtless religion
played a great part in the life of the community and had far-reaching
influences.</p>
<p>In the latter part of the thirteenth century, the Southwest seems
to have had a dry period, marked by arroyo cutting that destroyed
farmland, which was followed by a disastrous drought. These factors,
with possible raids by nomadic warriors, internal discord, and probably
others of which we are ignorant, led to a general withdrawal of population
from many areas and a concentration in the central portion of the
Plateau.</p>
<h3 id="c23">THE REGRESSIVE AND HISTORIC-PUEBLO PERIODS</h3>
<p>The period which followed the Great-Pueblo era and which lasted
until historic times was called <i>Pueblo IV</i> under the Pecos Classification.
It was defined as &ldquo;the stage characterized by contraction of area occupied;
by the gradual disappearance of corrugated wares; and, in
general, by decline from the preceding cultural peak.&rdquo;<a class="fn" href="#bd74">[74]</a> At the present
time it is often referred to as the <i>Regressive-Pueblo</i> period.<a class="fn" href="#bd110">[110]</a> This
term is not really satisfactory. Admittedly, the latter part of the
thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century was a period
of great instability, migrations occurred, and centers of population
shifted. Once the shift had been made, however, important new communities
developed in the drainages of the Little Colorado and the Rio
Grande, and a renaissance began. It seems entirely possible that the
Pueblo people might have achieved another remarkably high cultural
stage had it not been for the arrival of the Spaniards in 1540.</p>
<p>Even after Europeans arrived in the Southwest, the native <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>
was far from being completely submerged, and, while aboriginal progress
was retarded, it was not entirely stopped. Since the first advent
of white men in the Southwest until the present day, the Pueblos have
fought what sometimes appears to be a losing battle against the encroachment
of European, and later, of American culture. Actually
the battle has not yet been entirely lost. We shall never know how the
Pueblo people might have developed, and what heights they might have
reached had they been left to their own devices. At least, though, they
have not been entirely assimilated by the civilization which has engulfed
them, and they have succeeded in retaining some of their old way of
life.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_108">108</div>
<p>It might seem that as soon as written records become available
for a period it should be classed as historic rather than prehistoric. The
Pueblo Indians, however, were sufficiently successful in withstanding
outside influences that the terminal date for the Regressive-Pueblo
period is usually given as 1700, and only the period from 1700 to the
present is called the <i>Historic-Pueblo</i> period.</p>
<p>The trend during Regressive-Pueblo times was toward larger
houses. In the Hopi area the early houses were characterized by fine
masonry and covered about an acre of ground. Later they became much
larger and, in some cases, covered from ten to twelve acres of ground.
These houses were sometimes made up of long rows of buildings with
plazas between them. Kivas were rectangular, with a niche at one end
of the room containing a bench. The normal size was about ten or
fourteen feet square. On the floor, which was usually paved with stones,
are found loom blocks. These are sandstone blocks with depressions
designed to hold poles on which the warp threads are wound. The finding
of these loom blocks in prehistoric kivas is most interesting, for,
among the Hopi even today, the weaving is done by the men in the
kivas. The use of commercially woven fabrics for most clothing has
naturally curtailed the practice of this craft, but ceremonial clothing
and fine white blankets which serve as wedding robes are still woven
in the kivas.</p>
<p>The early pottery was largely black-on-yellow, but some polychrome ware
was made, and there was also plain cooking pottery and some
corrugated. The latter became progressively less widely used, and later
cooking ware is almost entirely plain. In some later sites some of the
black-on-yellow ware is marked by a distinctive stippling technique as
black paint was splattered over the yellow background. During the
period from 1400 to 1625 some of the most beautiful pottery ever made
in the Southwest was being produced in the Hopi country. This is a
polychrome ware which bears exceptionally fine designs, which include
geometric and life forms and particularly graceful patterns, applied
in red and black paint on a yellow background. Over forty years ago,
archaeologists were excavating ancient villages in the Hopi country and
finding examples of this beautiful ware. A woman of the village of
Walpi, named Nampeyo, was the wife of one of the workmen employed
by the expedition. She was already a fine potter, and she recognized
the great artistry represented by these ancient vessels. She began to
use similar designs and continued to produce remarkably fine pottery
for over thirty years, although, for much of that time, her sight was
failing and eventually she became blind, and the final painting of the
graceful vessels which she had shaped had to be entrusted to others.
The influence of this talented woman can still be seen in the fine pottery
made by Hopi women of the First Mesa.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_109">109</div>
<div class="img" id="fig36">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p34.jpg" alt="" width="1298" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 36&mdash;Cavate dwellings and talus houses at Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_110">110</div>
<p>In the Zu&ntilde;i district houses and kivas were much like those of the
Hopi country. Pottery in this area was largely decorated with glaze
paints. These are vitreous mixtures obtained by the use of lead in the
paint. Glaze paints were difficult to apply and had a tendency to run
or settle in masses. As a result, designs were poor, but the use of glazes
was confined to decorations and entire vessels were not covered.</p>
<p>In the Rio Grande drainage, people with an earlier Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>
were just beginning to come together into large communities when
this period began. Doubtless, the advent of people from other parts
of the Plateau province did much to intensify this trend. As time went
by, houses became larger and fewer in number. <a class="gloss" href="#g_Tuff">Tuff</a> blocks and adobe
were widely used in their construction and there was some use of
<i>cavate</i> dwellings. These are rooms, excavated into the back walls of
caves, which have porchlike chambers in front.</p>
<p>Two famous Regressive-Pueblo sites in this region, which are known
to many tourists, are Puye,<a class="fn" href="#bd62">[62]</a> on the Pajarito Plateau, and Tyuonyi in
El Rito de los Frijoles.<a class="fn" href="#bd60">[60]</a> Beams from Puye have yielded tree-ring dates
ranging from 1507 to 1565. This settlement, perched on a huge mass
of yellowish gray <a class="gloss" href="#g_Tuff">tuff</a>, consists of two aggregations of buildings. Forming
a quadrangle on top of the mesa, were four, terraced community
houses built around a court. There were also houses built in and
against the cliff walls, usually at the top of the talus slope. At Tyuoni,
whose dates range between about 1423 and 1513, there is a great communal
house which was, in part, two stories high and roughly circular
in form. It was made of tuff blocks. Three small kivas were built in
the center court or <a class="gloss" href="#g_Plaza">plaza</a>. A few hundred yards to the east of the ruin
lies a large <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a>. For a little over a mile along the canyon wall were
cave rooms dug into the cliff and rows of small houses built of tuff
blocks. Some of the cave rooms had porchlike structures erected in
front of them, but others did not.</p>
<p>The largest and strongest pueblo during this period was Pecos,
which lay at the headwaters of the Pecos River in northern New
Mexico.<a class="fn" href="#bd73">[73]</a> The first buildings were erected shortly before 1300, and
final abandonment did not come until 1838. Such a long record is, of
course, of tremendous archaeological importance, and it is indeed fortunate
that some of the most extensive and painstaking excavations
ever undertaken in the Southwest were at this site. There was evidence
of at least six distinct towns. Great masses of pottery have been excavated,
with careful attention being paid to stratigraphy, and very detailed
studies have been made.<a class="fn" href="#bd75">[75]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd77">[77]</a> Well over a thousand skeletons
have been obtained and given careful study.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_111">111</div>
<div class="img" id="fig37">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p35.jpg" alt="" width="2572" height="1568" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 37&mdash;Tyuonyi, Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_112">112</div>
<p>Throughout the Rio Grande area, glazed wares were widely made.
The earlier forms had glazed designs applied on red vessels. Later,
light colored vessels were used. A series of six different types of glazed
wares, which were chronologically sequent, have been identified. By
1540 decorations were very carelessly applied and glazed wares were
not of a high quality. It was not, however, until the latter part of the
seventeenth century that they disappeared altogether and were replaced
by light colored vessels, with designs in dull red and black paint, much
like those made by the many present-day Indians.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig38">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p36.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="537" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 38&mdash;Glazed ware from the Rio Grande area. Regressive-Pueblo
period. (Courtesy School of American Research.)</p>
</div>
<p>In the northern Rio Grande area black-on-white pottery died out
to a great extent and was largely replaced by what we know as Biscuit
Ware.<a class="fn" href="#bd90">[90]</a> This name is derived from the resemblance of this pottery to
china in the &ldquo;biscuit stage&rdquo; of manufacture. Biscuit ware is a thick
pottery with a soft crumbly paste tempered with volcanic <a class="gloss" href="#g_Tuff">tuff</a>. The
background is a light gray or tan, and somewhat coarse designs are
applied in black paint. Corrugated culinary ware was replaced by
plain black pottery.</p>
<p>In southeastern New Mexico, and extending into Texas, a distinctive
ware made during this period is found. This has a brown <a class="gloss" href="#g_Slip">slip</a>.
<span class="pb" id="Page_113">113</span>
Bowl exteriors are undecorated, but the interiors have designs applied
in red and black. Associated with it, is a plain brick-red ware.</p>
<p>The story of the Spanish conquest of the Southwest, which was
interrupted by a revolt of the Pueblos in 1680, is as dramatic a tale as
history can produce. Although 1540 is the date usually given for the
first meeting between the Pueblo Indians and the Spaniards, it was
actually in 1539 that the first contact occurred. In that year a Franciscan
monk, Fray Marcos de Niza, accompanied by a Moor named
Esteban, started north from Mexico to investigate tales of large and
wealthy cities which were rumored to lie in that direction. Esteban
went on ahead, and, reaching what is now New Mexico, was slain by
the Indians. Fray Marcos did not dare to proceed, but caught a
glimpse of one of the pueblos of Zu&ntilde;i from a distance, and returned
with tales of great cities.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig39">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p36a.jpg" alt="" width="1250" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 39&mdash;Biscuit ware from the Rio Grande area. Regressive-Pueblo
period. (Courtesy School of American Research.)</p>
</div>
<p>In 1540 an expedition was organized under the leadership of
Francisco Vasquez de Coronado to search for the fabulous &ldquo;Seven
Cities of Cibola&rdquo; in the north. After a long and difficult journey the
expedition reached Hawikuh, one of the Zu&ntilde;i villages. The disappointment
of the adventurers may well be imagined, for here was no city of
gold, ready to yield its wealth to the invaders, but a community of
simple farmers who, not only had no riches, but had little conception
of the role that wealth could play in society. Later, Coronado moved
<span class="pb" id="Page_114">114</span>
his forces to Tiguex on the Rio Grande, another Pueblo town. Trouble
soon developed, and the Indians were massacred. The Spaniards then
moved on to the Pueblo of Pecos, and there followed an expedition into
the Plains as the search continued for the fabulous and mythical golden
cities. In 1542, Coronado and his men withdrew to New Spain, and
the Pueblos were left in peace for forty years. After 1580, various
expeditions entered the Pueblo domain, and in 1598 it became a part
of the Spanish dominions. In 1609 the city of Santa Fe was founded.</p>
<p>From the beginning there was a clash between the two cultures.
The Pueblos resisted as best they could, but they were no match for
the more highly organized Spaniards with their superior weapons and
their inestimable advantage of being mounted. The colonizers and
missionaries who entered the country looked upon the Indians as a
subject people; there were abuses and many excesses, and the Indians
were shamefully exploited. Corn, the all-important staple of the Indians,
was requisitioned, and Spanish horses trampled Pueblo corn
fields. Every effort was made to break down the prevailing form of
government. Missionaries were determined to destroy the old religion
and make converts among the natives. The principle, that the end
justifies the means, was developed in its most pernicious form. There
were floggings and hangings, and Indians were sold into slavery. All
in all, it is a disgraceful page in history. Even the most cursory glance
at our own record of dealings with various Indian groups, however,
suggests that we are hardly in a position to &ldquo;cast the first stone.&rdquo;
Under the circumstances, even the smallest pebble would be excessive.</p>
<p>The presence of the Spaniards had other far-reaching and disastrous
effects on the Pueblos. They had no immunity to European diseases,
and many died. Worst of all, however, was the increasing pressure
of fierce nomadic tribes. Tribes, such as the Utes, the Comanches,
the Navajos and the Apaches, had been something of a menace before,
but, as they acquired horses, stolen from the Spaniards, their mobility
was greatly increased, and they became a scourge, sweeping over the
Southwest, killing, pillaging, and destroying.</p>
<p>In 1642, there was a mild revolt of the Pueblo Indians against the
Spaniards in which the Governor of the territory was killed, but they
were not well organized and the revolt was soon put down. It was not
until 1680 that a successful revolt took place. This dramatic episode
in Southwestern history has been called &ldquo;the first American Revolution.&rdquo;
The success of the undertaking was largely due to Pop&eacute;, an old medicine
man of the Pueblo of San Juan. When the Spaniards first appeared
<span class="pb" id="Page_115">115</span>
there were some seventy villages. By 1680 the number had been
greatly reduced. Added to the difficulties imposed by the lack of a
common language, was the separation of the Pueblos, not only as regards
distance, but in another and more important sense. As has already
been pointed out, each of the pueblos was essentially a separate
city-state with its own government, and, to some extent, its own <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.
Pop&eacute;, however, succeeded in interesting the people of the scattered
communities in the common cause. First, the people of Taos were
enlisted and then, one by one the other pueblos were added to the list,
until all were united, including even the far off and peaceful Hopi.</p>
<p>At last, all was in readiness and a knotted cord was sent throughout
the Pueblo domain, each knot representing one day which was to
elapse before the warriors were to arise and cast out the invaders.
Somehow the Spaniards learned of the plot, and the revolt took place
a little earlier than had been planned. None the less, some four hundred
people were killed, and the survivors fled to the garrison at Santa
Fe. Santa Fe continued under siege until supplies and water were exhausted.
When the town could no longer be held, troops and civilians
marched away, without opposition from the Indians, and took refuge
in the vicinity of what is now the city of El Paso, Texas.</p>
<p>For twelve years the Spaniards were kept out of the Pueblo country,
although various attempts were made to retake the area. Even with
the removal of the hated Spaniards, these were not happy times for the
Pueblos. Mounted nomads as well as Spanish troops were a constant
threat, and many groups were forced to move to mesa tops where defense
was somewhat easier. As if all this were not enough, there came
a severe drought which, to such people, can mean only suffering and
starvation. At last in 1692, the land of the Pueblos again became a
part of the Spanish domain. This time the conquest was bloodless. Don
Diego de Vargas accomplished this remarkable feat largely by a display
of force, coupled with a policy of turning the suspicions of the
Pueblos against each other. United they had been able to drive out
the invaders; divided they were powerless to prevent their return. It
is a story to ponder carefully in these times.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_116">116</div>
<div class="img" id="fig40">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p37.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="1177" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 40&mdash;Hopi maiden. Similar hair dresses are shown on figures in
Developmental-Pueblo pictographs and on Mimbres pottery.
(Courtesy Museum of Northern Arizona.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_117">117</div>
<p>Some Indians refused to accept Spanish domination and moved to
the almost inaccessible Governador country of northern New Mexico
where they lived among their traditional enemies, the Navajo, for some
fifty years. Many Pueblo traits which appear in Navajo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> may
stem from this contact. Other refugees joined the Hopis who were never
reconquered. The reconquest did not by any means mark the end of
all trouble. There continued to be periodic uprisings in the Rio Grande
area, and the Spaniards did not have an easy time. In addition to their
troubles with the Indians of the Pueblos, there was a constant threat
from various wild predatory tribes. There was also much internal dissension
as a result of a conflict between church and state. In 1821
the Pueblo homeland became part of the Republic of Mexico, and then,
in 1848, New Mexico became a territory of the United States.</p>
<p>Throughout the period from 1540 until the present day, the Pueblos
have been subjected to the influences of alien cultures. Some traits of
these cultures they have accepted, others they have rejected. They have
learned to keep livestock, they cultivate many fruits and vegetables
unknown to their ancestors, they use metal tools and machinery.
Machine-made fabrics are widely used, and there is an ever increasing
trend toward wearing the white man&rsquo;s apparel. Pottery is still made,
and interesting new wares have been developed, but it is made to be
sold and, in Indian homes, most of the beautiful old vessels have been
replaced by metal and china containers.</p>
<p>Nominally the people of the Pueblos are Christians, and there is
no village without a chapel in which the people worship. There are
kivas too, however, and sometimes openly, sometimes secretly, the old
rites are practiced and the old gods are worshiped. Houses may have
windows and galvanized roofs, but basically the architecture is the
same. There is some dissension in various villages, but in many there
is still a remarkable group unity. On the surface, there is an ever
growing tendency for the Pueblo Indians to become more like the white
neighbors who surround them, but it would be naive to believe that
the old <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> has disappeared completely. Perhaps some day it will,
but the end is not yet. Those who know and understand the way of
the &ldquo;ancient ones&rdquo; admit the inevitability of change, but they feel that
there is much to be learned from the old way of life.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_118">118</div>
<h2 id="c24"><span class="small">CHAPTER IV</span>
<br />THE HOHOKAM <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">CULTURE</a></h2>
<h3 id="c25">GENERAL REMARKS</h3>
<p>While the inhabitants of the Plateau were developing the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>
described in the previous section, other groups in other parts of the
Southwest were evolving along somewhat different lines. The next
<a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a> to be considered is that of the Hohokam, the people of
the Desert Province whose center lies in the Middle Gila Basin and
which includes the drainages of the Salt and Gila Rivers of southern
Arizona.</p>
<p><i>Hohokam</i> is a Pima word which means &ldquo;those who have vanished.&rdquo;
The ancient agriculturists, to whom this name has been given,
lived in this semi-arid land for many centuries, and, through the use of
canals, made a remarkable adjustment to an unfavorable environment.
For a long time it was thought that they represented a regional variation
of the Pueblo pattern, for the more spectacular ruins contained
great communal houses of Pueblolike construction. Associated with
these were small crude houses of wattle and daub construction. The
large Pueblo houses were thought by some archaeologists to be temples
or palaces, and the small houses were believed to be the homes of serfs
or peons. When it was noted that different kinds of pottery were associated
with the different types of houses, it became apparent that the
situation was more <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> than had been thought. Archaeological
excavations finally brought the true explanation to light. During the
first part of the fourteenth century, Pueblo people moved into the
homeland of the Hohokam, bringing with them the techniques and traditions
of their own <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> which differed in many respects from those
of the original inhabitants. The two groups lived together, but, to a
great extent, each preserved the elements of its own culture.</p>
<p>There were certain similarities between the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the Hohokam
and that of the Pueblos, but there were many differences. Both were
agricultural people, but they used different types of corn and beans,<a class="fn" href="#bd12">[12]</a>
and there were certain differences in their farming techniques. Pottery
was widely made in both societies but there were marked differences in
manufacturing techniques and in color. Architectural development was
entirely different. There were many differences in minor arts; for
example, shell work was very highly developed among the Hohokam,
and bone was used for tools much less than by the Pueblos. Probably
there were physical differences between the two people, but our information
on this subject is very scanty, for the Hohokam did not bury
their dead, as did the Anasazi, but practiced cremation.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_119">119</div>
<p>There is a strong possibility that the Hohokam developed from
the ancient food-gathering <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, known as the <i>Cochise</i>, which had
flourished in this same general region for many centuries.<a class="fn" href="#bd54">[54]</a> The possibility
has also been mentioned that the Hohokam may have come to
southern Arizona from the east with an already established pattern.<a class="fn" href="#bd27">[27]</a>
Of course, the culture continued to evolve, but almost all of the basic traits which
characterize it were present in the earliest times of which
we have any record.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig41">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p38.jpg" alt="" width="891" height="900" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 41&mdash;Map of the Southwest showing sites referred to in <a href="#c24">Chapter IV</a>.</p>
</div>
<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>1. Casa Grande</dt>
<dt>2. Grewe Site</dt>
<dt>3. Los Muertos</dt>
<dt>4. Roosevelt 9:6</dt>
<dt>5. Snaketown</dt>
<dt>6. Tonto National Monument</dt></dl>
<p>The question of dates for the Hohokam is, unfortunately, far more
complicated than in the case of the Basketmakers and Pueblos. The
wood available for house construction was usually cottonwood or mesquite,
<span class="pb" id="Page_120">120</span>
woods which are not suitable for tree-ring dating. Through stratigraphic
studies it has been possible to find the chronological place of
various phases in relation to each other, but the establishment of an
absolute <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> in terms of the Christian calendar is quite difficult,
since it must be based almost entirely on cross-checking of pottery between
Hohokam and Anasazi sites. There is a considerable divergence
between the dates suggested by different archaeologists, or even by the
same archaeologist at different times. There is nothing to criticize in
the fact that an archaeologist may give one date at one time and an
entirely different one at another. Archaeologists, like all scientists, are
seeking for the truth, and as new evidence is uncovered old estimates
must often be changed and new ones made. First estimates placed the
beginning of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> in Arizona at about 300 B. C.<a class="fn" href="#bd27">[27]</a> Later this
date was revised upward by 900 years.<a class="fn" href="#bd28">[28]</a> According to the most recent
publication on the Hohokam, which contains approximate dates which
will be used throughout the following discussion, this culture in the Gila
Basin is believed to date back to about the beginning of the Christian
era.<a class="fn" href="#bd57">[57]</a></p>
<p>There were several stages of development in the Hohokam, just as
there were in the Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> with its six principal stages, ranging
from Basketmaker to Historic-Pueblo times. The first is known as the
<i>Pioneer</i> for this was the formative stage of the culture. The <i>Colonial</i>
period which followed was, as the name implies, one in which colonies
were established. During the next period, to which the name <i>Sedentary</i>
has been given, the culture was fully developed. The term <i>Classic</i>,
which is applied to the following period, is really a misnomer, for the
cultural peak of the Hohokam had passed. It was, however, a time of
high cultural development during which Pueblo and Hohokam people
lived side by side in the Desert Province. Little is known of the
Hohokam following the end of the Classic period when, about 1400
A. D., the Pueblo people moved away, but it is possible that the present
Pima Indians may be descendants of the ancient Hohokam or that at
least some Hohokam blood flows in their veins. A people with a variant
form of the Hohokam culture who lived farther south may have been
the forerunners of the present Papago Indians.</p>
<h3 id="c26">THE PIONEER HOHOKAM</h3>
<p>The Pioneer period, according to recent estimates, began about
the time of Christ and lasted for some five or six hundred years. It is
possible, however, that these dates may have to be revised again, as
<span class="pb" id="Page_121">121</span>
more information becomes available. At present, unfortunately, this
earliest period is known from only one site. This is a large site, called
Snaketown,<a class="fn" href="#bd27">[27]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd28">[28]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd31">[31]</a> which lies in the Gila Indian Reservation twelve miles
southwest of Chandler, Arizona. It was occupied from Pioneer until
Sedentary times, and has yielded a tremendous amount of information.
It is extremely fortunate that this important site has been excavated
with exceptional care and has been splendidly reported upon.</p>
<p>The Snaketown area is more arid than most other places occupied
in prehistoric times and contains a stream that is now only intermittent,
although it was probably perennial during the prehistoric period. Lumbering
in the mountains and overgrazing have doubtless contributed
materially to the desiccation of the region, but even in prehistoric times
it must have been extremely dry. There is no evidence of the construction
of irrigation canals which were so characteristic of later phases,
but it seems possible that they may have existed at this time, although
in a less well developed form, for without irrigation it would have been
almost impossible for prosperous villages to arise in such a poor environment.
Little is known, however, of the agricultural attainments
of the people at this time. In fact, no corn has yet been found which
may be attributed to this period, although it is certainly reasonable to
suppose that it was being cultivated. The scarcity of bones of food
animals indicates that meat did not play a very important part in the
diet. Turkey bones are extremely rare. It is believed that turkeys were
never domesticated by the Hohokam.</p>
<p>All Hohokam houses were earth lodges with much the same general
plan. They were single-unit structures, usually with depressed
floors. Entrance was through a covered passage or vestibule, normally
in the middle of one side. Walls were constructed of poles, brush, and
mud. The roofs, which consisted of rafters overlaid by smaller timbers,
were supported by upright posts set in the floor. During Pioneer times
houses were larger than in any other Hohokam period and in some
cases were up to thirty-five feet square. Some archaeologists believe
that the largest houses may have been occupied by more than one
family.<a class="fn" href="#bd31">[31]</a><sup>c</sup> Others feel that it is more probable that they were ceremonial
structures.<a class="fn" href="#bd30">[30]</a> During most of the time, four or five roof supports were
employed, but there was one <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> early in the period when a great
many posts set in rows were used and it is hard to see how such a house
could have been lived in at all. So much skill was required to erect
these houses that they certainly must not represent the people&rsquo;s first
attempt at housebuilding, and there was undoubtedly an earlier phase
for which evidence has not yet been found.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_122">122</div>
<p>No material has been found which may be attributed to a pre-ceramic
period, unless the Cochise <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> proves to be ancestral to
the Hohokam. Pottery is found in even the earliest Pioneer levels. The
Hohokam did not have any <a class="gloss" href="#g_CorrugatedPottery">corrugated pottery</a>. All their wares were
smooth and were produced by the paddle-and-anvil technique. When
this method is used to shape and finish a piece of pottery, a round or
mushroom-shaped object, known as an anvil, is held inside the vessel
to receive the force of the blow, while the exterior is struck with a
wooden paddle. Air was permitted to flow over the pottery while it
was being fired, producing an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>.</p>
<p>There are important differences between the pottery making
methods of the Hohokam and those of the Anasazi. As has been previously
noted, among the Anasazi, the final step in the finishing process
was to shape and smooth the vessel through scraping with a gourd
or pottery spoon, and most pottery was fired in a <a class="gloss" href="#g_ReducingAtmosphere">reducing atmosphere</a>.</p>
<p>The earliest Hohokam pottery found is simple but well made. At
first only plain undecorated wares in gray, brown, or red were produced.
The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Temper">temper</a> contained flecks of mica which show through the surface.
Bowls were usually red. Jars, which had a capacity of about two
gallons, were normally gray or brown. Before long, painted decorations
began to be applied. Designs were simple rectilinear or curvilinear
forms. Hatching was widely used. Decoration was in a maroon-red
paint on a grayish background, and the red portion was sometimes
polished. As time went by, the background became a buff color rather
than a gray. Because of this distinctive color combination, the term
<i>Red-on-Buff</i> <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a> was originally applied to the Hohokam.<a class="fn" href="#bd32">[32]</a> During
Pioneer times, some polychrome ware was made and it is believed that
this may mark the first appearance of the use of multiple colors in the
Southwest. This pottery has red and yellow designs on a gray background.
In many cases grooves were <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> on bowl exteriors before
the paint was applied. Even after painted pottery was introduced, it
never made up more than twenty per cent of the total pottery of the
Pioneer era.</p>
<p>Figurines, depicting human beings, as well as bowls and jars,
were made of clay. These are known from the earliest times. They are
quite similar to those of the Mexican Plateau, and it is thought that
they may have been introduced from there, together with the knowledge
of the cultivation of corn. These figurines have ridgelike noses pinched
up from the base, and eyes and mouths represented by slits and dots.
These were always modelled rather than made in molds. Some have
<span class="pb" id="Page_123">123</span>
funnel-shaped heads and may have served as containers. Figurines were
usually fired, but this was not invariably the case.</p>
<p>Even from the earliest times the Hohokam appear to have cremated
the dead, a practice which anthropologists always deprecate. These
ancient people could hardly know how much they would inconvenience
certain men in the twentieth century by their funerary habits, and
undoubtedly they would not have cared. Bones and ashes are rarely
found in the Pioneer period but some have been recovered from pits
and trenches. The actual cremation is not believed to have taken place
here. There were offerings of crushed burned pottery, and late in the
period some stone objects were used.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig42">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p39.jpg" alt="" width="627" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 42&mdash;Hohokam figurines. a. Pioneer period.
b. Colonial Period. c. Sedentary Period.</p>
</div>
<p>From the earliest times the Hohokam were skilled workers in
stone. Two distinctive traits were: the manufacture of &ldquo;palettes&rdquo; and
of stone jars. The palettes have been so called, although we are not
sure of their actual function, because the center portions contain traces
of ground pigment and there is usually a slight depression which might
have resulted from grinding and mixing. They are the most common
<span class="pb" id="Page_124">124</span>
of Hohokam funerary offerings. In Pioneer times, they were much
simpler than in later periods. At first they were plain stone slabs, but,
by the close of the period, they were being made with raised borders.
The polished stone vessels were sometimes plain, sometimes <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a>, and
in one case the incisions had been filled with paint. Late in the period
carved life-forms appeared. One <a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">effigy</a> represents the figure of a man
squatting and holding a shallow basin. Other stone implements include
manos and metates, mortars and pestles, and highly polished
grooved axes with raised ridges on either side of the groove. As has
been previously noted, there was a scarcity of projectile points. Most
of those which have been found are light enough to suggest the possibility
of the use of the bow and arrow. There are also some heavy,
stemmed points which may have been dart-points or knives.</p>
<p>Some stone was used in the manufacture of ornaments, although
shell was more abundantly utilized for this purpose. Beads and pendants
were carved from stone, and there was some use of turquoise,
particularly in mosaic work. No ear plugs have been found in levels
earlier than those of the Sedentary period, but they are shown on
Pioneer figurines, and it seems reasonable to suppose that they may
have been worn at that time. Shells provided many ornaments. Whole
shells were utilized as beads by grinding off the ends to make it possible
to string them; some disc beads were made. Bracelets were made
of shell. They were usually thin and rather fragile and were not carved
until late in the period.</p>
<p>Bone was much less widely used by the Hohokam than by the
Anasazi, but one distinctive type of object was made of this material.
This is an <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> bone tube, usually decorated with rectilinear designs
but sometimes utilizing curvilinear patterns and occasionally life-forms.
There are some indications that these tubes were painted. Their use
has not been determined.</p>
<p>Pipes were not made by the Hohokam in any period. Since these
people were not as dependent on the vagaries of the weather as were
the Anasazi, who depended to a great extent on flood irrigation, it is
entirely logical that cloud symbols should not have been as important
to them.</p>
<h3 id="c27">THE COLONIAL HOHOKAM</h3>
<p>The Colonial period, which lasted from perhaps 600 to about 900
A. D., is better known than the Pioneer, for it is represented at two
other excavated sites in addition to Snaketown. These are Roosevelt
<span class="pb" id="Page_125">125</span>
9:6, at Roosevelt Lake, Arizona,<a class="fn" href="#bd48">[48]</a> and the Grewe Site which lies just
east of Casa Grande National Monument.<a class="fn" href="#bd120">[120]</a> By the end of Colonial
times all of the distinctive traits which characterize the Hohokam were
fully developed, and some had even begun to decline. The most spectacular
accomplishment of this period, and for that matter of the whole <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>,
was the construction of a great system of irrigation channels which
diverted water to the fields from the rivers.<a class="fn" href="#bd57">[57]</a> At their first appearance,
the canals were so well developed that it seems impossible that this
marks the first attempt at such a project. Possibly the system had been
developed in Pioneer times, or, perhaps, it had been perfected elsewhere
first, but evidence to bolster either theory is still lacking. By 700 A. D.,
the canal system was well established and became increasingly bigger
and more <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> until the peak was reached between 1200 and 1400
A. D.</p>
<p>The whole project is really amazing when one considers the tremendous
amount of work which went into the construction and maintenance
of the canals. The latter must have required almost as much
effort as the original excavating, for silt was constantly being deposited.
Canals were up to thirty feet wide and ten feet deep, and in the Salt
River Valley they have been found to have an aggregate length of 150
miles. It staggers the imagination when one stops to think that this tremendous
engineering feat was carried out with only the crudest of stone
and wooden tools. The scope of such a project and the end toward which
so much effort was directed tell us a great deal about the people who
planned it. Undoubtedly such an undertaking indicates strong leadership
and careful organization. Great numbers of people must have
participated, and it undoubtedly took much careful planning to direct
their labors. There must also have been some centralization of authority,
since the canals served various settlements and these groups must
have had some organization to direct their efforts toward the common
good.</p>
<p>Here, as among the Anasazi, however, there is no evidence of a
ruling class with a higher standard of living than that of their subordinates.
The scope of the canal project suggests comparisons with
the erection of the huge pyramids of Egypt or the great temples of
the Maya. There is a tremendous difference, however, in the ends
toward which all this vast human effort was directed. In Egypt, men
slaved to construct tombs for despotic rulers, and, in the land of the
Maya, they labored to erect temples, doubtless for the greater glory
of the priesthood as much as for the gods who were worshipped. In
the arid reaches of the Hohokam homeland, however, the canals, which
were built and kept open with so much labor, were for the benefit of
the people.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_126">126</div>
<div class="img" id="fig43">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p40.jpg" alt="" width="1124" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 43&mdash;Hohokam house of the Colonial period.</p>
</div>
<div class="img" id="imgx4">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p40a.jpg" alt="" width="1235" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Large
ball court at Snaketown, Colonial period. (Courtesy Gila Pueblo.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_127">127</div>
<p>The homes of the people continued to be simple structures consisting
of single units. They were much like those of the Pioneer
period but were smaller and rectangular with rounded corners. Usually
they were constructed over a shallow pit, but some had elevated floors
supported by stones. A fire pit lay in the floor just in front of the
entrance. It is not known whether there were smoke holes or not. Walls
were formed of slanting poles, and the interiors were lined with reeds.
The roof rested on a central ridge pole supported by two main posts.
There is evidence of outside kitchens, small brush structures containing
a fire pit, much like those still used by the Pimas.</p>
<p>Houses and kitchens were not the only structures which were
erected at this time, for ball courts made their first appearance during
this period. These were large unroofed, oval areas, oriented east and
west, and open at both ends. They were up to two hundred feet in
length and were surrounded by walls believed to have been between
fifteen and twenty feet in height and possibly higher. The earth banks,
which formed the walls, sloped and were about twenty degrees off the
perpendicular. The floor, which was well below ground level, was formed
from smooth <a class="gloss" href="#g_Caliche">caliche</a> deposits. Two stones set in the ends and one in
the center apparently served as markers. They were very accurately
placed and the one in the middle lies in the exact center. These are very
much like the ball courts of the Maya, except that the latter had stone
walls. There are a number of theories as to where these courts first
originated. They may have been developed by the Maya and copied
by the Hohokam, or they may have reached the Maya from the
Hohokam. A third possibility is that both people received the idea
from some still unknown source.</p>
<p>There is no way of knowing just what game was played by the
Hohokam, but it is reasonable to suppose that it was much like that
played in the courts farther south, and we know something of the rules
from ancient manuscripts. The game was played with one, two, or
more players on each side. The object was to knock a ball through
rings set in the walls. Hands and feet could not be used, and the ball
could be struck only with the knees, thighs, or buttocks. No rings
have been found in the Hohokam courts, but it is probable that they
would have been made of wood or some other perishable material, since
the earth walls would hardly support great stone rings such as are
<span class="pb" id="Page_128">128</span>
found in some of the Mayan courts. It is quite possible that the game
was connected with religious rites, as it was among the Maya.</p>
<p>Much red-on-buff and plain brown or buff pottery was manufactured.
Most of the decorated vessels have designs formed by the repetition
of small elements. These are often enclosed by small circles, and
there was also a wide use of borders or fringes of short, oblique, parallel
lines. The small elements included both geometric and life forms.
There was a marked transition from the more rigidly formalized designs
of the Pioneer period to the freer designs of later times. The practice of
incising pottery declined and finally disappeared altogether. Firing
clouds, which result when vessels come in contact with fuel while being
fired, are quite common, and give the pottery a mottled appearance.
Many figurines were made. They almost always depicted females.
Early in the period they were made all in one piece, but later
the head and body were made separately. The heads became more true
to life. Clothing, leg and ankle bands, and, sometimes the eyes, were
indicated by appliqu&eacute;.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig44">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p41.jpg" alt="" width="986" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 44&mdash;Red-on-buff Hohokam vessel of the Colonial period.
(Courtesy Gila Pueblo.)</p>
</div>
<p>Pottery and figurines served as offerings for the dead. Small
<span class="pb" id="Page_129">129</span>
sherds were still common, but whole vessels also began to be used.
There were three types of cremations. Sometimes bones, ashes, and
offerings are found in pits dug into the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Caliche">caliche</a> and it appears probable
that the actual burning took place there. In other cases they are found
in trenches. Sometimes burning took place elsewhere and later the
burned remains were placed in small holes close together. In addition
to objects made of clay, stone projectile points and palettes are usually
found in the cremations.</p>
<p>Palettes, which were the most consistent offering, were made of
thin schistose rock. There is a clear differentiation between the center
portion and the border which is ornamented with grooves. Some have
sculptured edges in the form of birds, snakes, and other animals. There
are also <a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">effigy</a> types in which the outline of the palette is in a life-form.
Palettes were most numerous early in the Colonial period and later
declined in importance. One extremely interesting feature of many of
these objects is that on the mixing surface of heavily burned palettes
from cremations is found a vitreous substance which, on analysis,
proved to be a lead mixture. It is not certain whether the use of lead
ore was intentional or accidental, but in any case the Hohokam never
learned to exploit this as metal. It has been suggested that the change
in the lead mixture from a dull color to a brilliant red with metallic
globules may have been observed as the palettes burned on the funeral
pyres and that it came to have a ceremonial significance. It is entirely
possible, however, that the palettes had simply been used for grinding
a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Compound">compound</a> containing lead, which was used to provide pigment, prior
to the burning. They may have been used to mix facial or body paint.</p>
<p>Some of the most remarkable stone work found in Hohokam sites
consisted of mosaic plaques or mirrors inlaid with angular pieces of iron
pyrites which had a reflecting quality. These were common funerary
offerings, and as a result most of the specimens obtained are badly
damaged. None the less, one can still appreciate the amazing work
which went into their construction. These plaques or mirrors range
between three and eight inches in diameter. On one surface are thin
sheets of iron pyrites crystals carefully fitted together. How these thin
plates were obtained is a complete mystery, for pyrites crystals are
usually cubic and so hard that they cannot be scratched with a knife.
In some cases the crystal encrustation covered the entire face, in others
edges were beveled. Edges and backs were sometimes decorated with
something which resembles <a class="gloss" href="#g_Cloisonne">cloisonn&eacute;</a> work, although the technique
differed. First a base coat of a gray material was applied, and then this
<span class="pb" id="Page_130">130</span>
was covered with a thicker layer of some black substance. A design
was cut into this with a sharp implement, and then the sunken portion
was half filled with thick white paint. Next, paint in a variety of
colors was added to fill the depression, or, in some cases, was even built
up slightly above the level of the black background portion.</p>
<p>These mirrors are almost exactly like those found in sites in Central
America. It is thought that the best examples found in Hohokam
sites were imported from the south,<a class="fn" href="#bd59">[59]</a> although it is possible that some
crude imitations may have been made by the Hohokam themselves.
The material necessary would have been available to them, for sizeable
pyrites crystals are found near Tucson.</p>
<p>Many stone vessels were made. They were usually carved in bas
relief and both realistic and life-forms were used. Desert reptiles were
the most common figures. Other objects made of stone included
abraders for use in shell work, metates which were not very precisely
shaped, a few stone finger-rings, and projectile points. These were long
slender points which were barbed and serrated.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig45">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p42.jpg" alt="" width="1222" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 45&mdash;Hohokam carved stone vessel of the Colonial period.
(Courtesy Arizona State Museum.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_131">131</div>
<div class="img" id="fig46">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p42a.jpg" alt="" width="1198" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 46&mdash;Hohokam ornaments of carved shell. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_132">132</div>
<p>Shell was very widely used. A few needles made of shell have
been found, but this was apparently not considered a utilitarian
material and it was most often used in the manufacture of ornaments.
Shell beads and pendants continued to be used, and many bracelets
were made. These were made of Glycymeris shells which are nearly
circular and, when cut in cross-section, provide a suitable arm band.
Carving did not reach its peak until the following period, but fine
bracelets were produced. Birds, snakes, frogs, and geometric forms
furnished the designs. The most frequent motif is a bird-and-snake
combination. The snake&rsquo;s head is in the bird&rsquo;s mouth and the body of
the snake forms the band. This quite probably had some special ceremonial
significance. Carved rings, which first appeared at this time,
are usually in the form of snakes. They were never as abundant as
bracelets. There was some mosaic work with shell, but this art did not
fully develop until later. Birds and snakes, often in combination, were
the usual subjects for carving on bone.</p>
<h3 id="c28">THE SEDENTARY HOHOKAM</h3>
<p>During the Sedentary period, which lasted from about 900 to
1200 A. D. there was some withdrawal from the outlying districts and
a greater concentration of population in a smaller area, although there
was also some northward extension of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. There was some
regional specialization during the latter part of the period, for the
inhabitants of the upper or eastern portion of the Gila Basin developed
somewhat differently from those of the central area. This was possibly
the result of the influence of Pueblo people who lived in the Tonto
Basin about one hundred miles to the northwest, and it presaged the
changes which were to occur in the next period when some of these
people moved into the Hohokam area, bringing with them their distinctive
culture.</p>
<p>Houses in the main area were roughly rectangular in outline, but
the ends were somewhat rounded and the sides slightly convex. Floors
were encircled by low, mud rims, six inches or less in height, which
were probably designed to keep water out of the houses. Some had
parallel-sided entrance ways, but others had a bulbous vestibule with
a low step at the end. Late in the period, in the eastern part of the
Gila Basin, there were some rectangular surface houses with walls of
adobe, containing sporadic stones, over a pole framework. In some
cases, villages were enclosed by walls and are referred to as <i>compounds</i>.
This name is taken from the term which is applied to the
walled or fenced enclosure of a house or factory in the orient.</p>
<p>The irrigation system was enlarged and improved. Ball courts were
still being built but they seem to have been considerably reduced in
size by the end of the period. They were oriented north and south and
<span class="pb" id="Page_133">133</span>
the ends were closed. One interesting find, made in a Sedentary site
with an estimated date of 1100 A. D., was a rubber ball buried in a
jar.<a class="fn" href="#bd52">[52]</a> Analysis showed the rubber to be of American origin, unvulcanized
and unrefined. There is no way of proving that this ball was
used in playing the game for which the courts were designed, but it
seems entirely possible that it was.</p>
<p>At this time some Hohokam people moved north into the Flagstaff
area. They introduced ball courts and other distinctive traits of
their <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.<a class="fn" href="#bd86">[86]</a></p>
<div class="img" id="fig47">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p43.jpg" alt="" width="1563" height="684" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 47&mdash;Red-on-buff Hohokam jars of the Sedentary period.
(Courtesy Gila Pueblo.)</p>
</div>
<p>In the field of pottery, forty per cent of all that was produced was
of the red-on-buff variety. There was a great elaboration of designs and
some appear to have been taken from woven fabrics. Panels, negative
designs, and patterns tied together by interlocking scrolls, were all
common. There was a great variety of shapes which included three and
four-legged trays. Jars increased tremendously in size, and a few had
a capacity of almost thirty gallons. Bowls were also quite large. Some
plain buff ware was manufactured, but it was not common. Less than
one per cent of the total pottery assemblage consisted of bowls with
heavily slipped and polished reddish brown interiors and mottled brown
or gray exteriors. From the eastern area come bright red bowls with
smoke-darkened, black interiors.</p>
<p>Figurines were of two types. For the most part they consisted
of heads which were apparently attached to bodies made of cord-wrapped
fiber. These have not survived, but their presence is indicated
by impressions in the clay of the heads. The faces are quite realistic
and probably represent an attempt at portraiture. Other figurines,
<span class="pb" id="Page_134">134</span>
made of buff clay and painted with red, show full figures, seated, with
hands resting on the knees.</p>
<p>It is most unfortunate that practically none of the textiles produced
at this time have lasted through the centuries. A few fragments
have been found which give us tantalizing glimpses of a highly developed
craft. Apparently very fine cotton textiles with intricate
weaves were produced. No baskets have survived the passage of the
years, but ash casts have been found which show that the making of
baskets was well developed.</p>
<p>Cremation was still the accepted method of disposing of the dead,
although a few burials have been found. Apparently inhumation was
tried on a very small scale, but it did not supplant cremation. Bodies
and offerings were usually burned, and then the unconsumed portions
gathered together and put in small pits dug in the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Caliche">caliche</a>. In some
cases, bodies and offerings were left in the pit in which they were
burned, and the pit covered with earth. In the eastern part of the Gila
Basin, unconsumed bones and offerings were placed in small pottery
urns and buried with a small bowl or <a class="gloss" href="#g_Sherd">sherd</a> covering the mouth of the
urn.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig48">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p44.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="666" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 48&mdash;Hohokam stone palette of the Sedentary period.
(Courtesy Arizona State Museum)</p>
</div>
<p>Mosaic plaques or mirrors were still used. Palettes continued to
serve as mortuary offerings, but they had decreased in number and
had greatly degenerated. Raised borders disappeared and only <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a>
lines remained to differentiate the rim and the mixing surface. Some
palettes have been found in the area around Flagstaff in a site dated
<span class="pb" id="Page_135">135</span>
as late as 1278, so the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> seems to have persisted in the north longer
than in the Hohokam province where it appears to have originated.</p>
<p>Stone vessels continued to be made, but they too were decadent.
Carving in relief was largely replaced by incising. Life-forms in relief,
when they do appear, are highly conventionalized. Many of the vessels
are of steatite. There were some <a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">effigy</a> vessels, representing animals
and birds, which had shallow basins hollowed out of the backs. Metates
and mortars and pestles were well shaped. Some hoes first appeared
during Sedentary times, and it is thought that they may have been
intrusive. Stone projectile points were long and slender and beautifully
flaked. About half had lateral notches and the others were unnotched
forms characterized by deep serrations. Stone was widely used as a
material for ornaments. A great variety of disc beads were manufactured
and the first ear plugs are found in sites of this period, although,
as has been previously noted, they are seen on Pioneer figurines and
quite possibly had been worn since the earliest times. Some particularly
interesting finds include stone objects believed to have been nose-buttons
or labrets. Figurines do not show the use of nose-buttons, but
they do show ornaments just below the corners of the mouth and these
may have been worn through the fleshy part of the chin. Ornaments
worn through the nose or chin strike us as strange, for they have never
won approval in our particular society, but they have been quite common
in other parts of the world. In any case, a glimpse at a woman&rsquo;s hat
shop today offers convincing proof that anything can become fashionable
and socially acceptable.</p>
<p>Shell work, already so well developed among the Hohokam,
reached its peak in Sedentary times. Mosaic work, in which both shell
and turquoise were used, achieved its highest development. The technique
employed must be described as overlaying, rather than as inlaying,
for depressions were not cut to receive the pieces which, instead,
were laid on the surface. Due to the placing of these mosaics in the
cremation fires, we know little of their composition beyond the fact
that shell was usually used to provide a base for the overlay. Individual
pieces were cut in the forms of animals or geometric figures. Disc
beads, characterized by large perforations, and pendants were widely
made. For the latter, the trend was away from life-forms and toward
geometric figures. Many finely carved bracelets were made. Shells with
painted designs appear first in Sedentary levels, but, due to the impermanent
nature of the paint, there is no assurance that this technique
may not have been developed some time before.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_136">136</div>
<p>The most interesting treatment of shells is exemplified by those
with designs applied by an etching process. The Hohokam may have
been the first people to discover the technique of etching, for they were
using it about the eleventh or twelfth century and the earliest recorded
use of the process is on a coat of armor made in Europe in the
15th century.<a class="fn" href="#bd57">[57]</a> Among the Hohokam the process does not appear
to have continued beyond Sedentary times. It was probably never very
commonly used and the difficulty of controlling the medium may have
contributed to an early abandonment. Painting and etching were sometimes
combined, for an example has been found of a shell etched with
geometric designs and painted with red and green pigment.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig49">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p45.jpg" alt="" width="907" height="900" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 49&mdash;Hohokam etched shell. Sedentary period.
(Courtesy Arizona State Museum)</p>
</div>
<p>Since shell is nearly pure calcium carbonate it is easy to see why
portions exposed to the action of acid would be eaten away, but we have
no way of being sure exactly what the technique used may have been.
<span class="pb" id="Page_137">137</span>
Experiments conducted in the laboratories of Gila Pueblo, however, have
shown how such results could have been obtained with available materials.<a class="fn" href="#bd31">[31]</a>
The problem of finding a suitable acid was first considered.
Obviously, for the ancient Hohokam, the problem could not be solved
by running down to the corner drugstore. For the purposes of the experiment,
a mild acetic acid solution was produced by fermenting juice
from the fruit of the giant cactus. Portions of a shell were covered
with pitch, a material which resists acid, and the shell immersed in the
acid for seventy-two hours. When it was removed, the pitch-covered
portion stood out in relief while the exposed parts had been partially
eaten away, duplicating the effect found on the prehistoric shells.</p>
<p>Bone tubes continued to be made, but they were plain and undecorated.
Other bone artifacts include daggerlike objects with carved
heads, which may have served as hair ornaments. Usually the carving
represented the heads of mountain sheep or a bird-and-serpent motif.</p>
<p>It was in the Sedentary level at Snaketown that the first objects
made of metal were found. These were little copper bells, pear-shaped
and split at the bottom, which very much resemble sleigh-bells. A great
many identical bells are found in Mexico and it seems probable that
the Snaketown examples were imported from there.<a class="fn" href="#bd59">[59]</a> In the Anasazi
area many copper bells were imported from the south. Most of them
are dated at between 1300 and 1400 A. D., although some have been
found which were brought into Pueblo Bonito and Aztec at an earlier
date.</p>
<h3 id="c29">THE CLASSIC HOHOKAM</h3>
<p>The Classic period of the Hohokam, which lasted from about
1200 to 1400 A. D. or not long thereafter, was a remarkable era which
has been referred to as &ldquo;the Golden Age of southern Arizona&rdquo;. As has
been previously noted, however, <i>Classic</i> is hardly an accurate designation
since we are no longer dealing with a pure Hohokam <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. It
was during this time that Pueblo traits and, later, Pueblo people themselves
entered the Hohokam homeland.</p>
<p>The newcomers, whose influence had been felt even before they
themselves arrived, were a group known as the Salado people. The
Saladoans are believed to have originated in the Little Colorado area,
which they left to move farther south into the Tonto Basin around
1100 A. D.<a class="fn" href="#bd56">[56]</a> About 1300 they again moved farther south and entered
the domain of the Hohokam. They brought with them their own distinctive
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> which differed in some ways from the classic Pueblo of
<span class="pb" id="Page_138">138</span>
the San Juan area and was far different from that of the Hohokam.
They built thick-walled, multi-storied communal houses of adobe, in
walled compounds. Their pottery included coiled and scraped polychrome wares
in red, black, and white. They practiced inhumation, or
burial of the dead.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig50">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p46.jpg" alt="" width="694" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 50&mdash;Salado polychrome ware.
(Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<p>The coming together of the Salado people and the Hohokam is
really remarkable. There is no evidence of an invasion nor of violence.
Instead, these two culturally different people seem to have come together
in a friendly manner and lived together in the same communities
in peace and amity. Each group, to a great extent, clung to its own
way of life, yet together they achieved a distinctive <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. It was
during this period that the canal system reached its highest development.
Doubtless the newcomers, who had had no real irrigation system
before, contributed their labor to the common project of building and
maintaining the canals which were built to serve their villages.</p>
<p>In the Hohokam <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> proper there were certain changes. Pottery
included plain buff ware and a pebble-polished bright red ware,
usually in the form of bowls with black interiors, as well as the ubiquitous
<span class="pb" id="Page_139">139</span>
red-on-buff. In the latter, the red paint was thinner and less brilliantly
colored than in earlier times. Jars and pitchers, the latter an
innovation of this period, were the commonest forms. Jars with a capacity
of over thirty gallons have been found. Painting was characterized
by poor brush work. Most designs were rectilinear and practically no
life-forms were used. A few figurines, representing both human beings
and animals, have been found at Los Muertos, a Classic site, but they
were too few to have been important in the culture. There is, of course,
the possibility that some were made of perishable materials instead of
clay and hence have not survived.</p>
<p>Most Salado pottery during this period was a polychrome ware
with red, black, and white. Red was sometimes used as a decorative
color, and sometimes formed a part of the background. Bowls and jars
predominated, but ladles and mugs were also made, and there were
some <a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">effigy</a> vessels, usually in the form of birds. Some <a class="gloss" href="#g_CorrugatedPottery">corrugated pottery</a>
was also made.</p>
<p>There was a definite decline in some of the arts of the Hohokam.
Carved stone vessels and palettes were no longer made. Pyrites mirrors
are not found in this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a>. Shell work continued to flourish, although
etching had disappeared. Heavy bracelets were made and true inlay and
ceremonial shell trumpets<a class="fn" href="#bd5">[5]</a> made their first appearance. These were
west-coast conch shells with a hole ground into the tip of the spire.
Blowing into the shell through this hole produces a trumpetlike sound.</p>
<p>Axes, both single and doublebitted, were beautifully made, and
represented stone work at its peak. Projectile points were thin and well
made. Usually they were long and triangular. Most of them had
notches chipped at right angles but a few were unnotched. Edges were
not serrated, as they had been in earlier times. Stone implements, presumably
of Salado origin, were added to the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a>. These included
adzes, picks, chisels, crushers, club heads, flakes with serrated edges
which served as saws, jar stoppers, pottery scrapers, and shaft straighteners.</p>
<p>Ball courts were greatly reduced in size by Classic times and it
seems probable that the game played in them had lost much of its
popularity. This belief is confirmed by the absence of a ball court at
Los Muertos, one of the largest and most important villages. It seems
likely that provisions would have been made at such a settlement for
a sport which enjoyed much popular support. A ball court was found
at Casa Grande, another important Classic site, however, so this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a>
had apparently not disappeared entirely.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_140">140</div>
<p>It was in the realm of architecture that the greatest changes occurred.
Even in Sedentary times, in the eastern part of the Hohokam
area, there was a tendency for houses to become surface structures.
During the early part of the Classic period, surface houses, sometimes
with contiguous rooms, were built by the Hohokam. These changes
were probably due to Salado influence, although the people themselves
had not yet arrived in the area. Walls were still extremely thin and of
typical Hohokam construction, so houses were no more than one story
high.</p>
<p>With the arrival of the Salado people, the building of multi-storied
houses with massive walls, enclosed in compounds, began. Two of the
best known of these are El Pueblo de Los Muertos. (The City of the
Dead)<a class="fn" href="#bd56">[56]</a> which, before its destruction by farmers, lay a few miles south
of Tempe, Arizona, and Casa Grande,<a class="fn" href="#bd26">[26]</a> a great ruin, now a National
Monument, which lies nine miles west of Florence, Arizona.</p>
<p>Los Muertos covered a large area and contained thirty-six communal
buildings and many small houses. It was a settlement which
could not have existed without irrigation, and ditches have been traced
which brought water to it from the Salt River. The largest single building
was a great rectangular house enclosed on all four sides by a massive
wall which reached a thickness of seven feet in some places. Some
of the outer walls of the big house achieved a comparable thickness.
In addition to the main structure, the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Compound">compound</a> contained plazas and
small house clusters. Another ruin contained two large house clusters.
Here some of the rooms had very thin walls, as do the Hohokam houses
of Sedentary and early Classic times.</p>
<p>At Los Muertos the Hohokam and the Salado people apparently
lived side by side, each clinging for the most part to their own traditions.
This divergence was particularly marked in the disposal of the
dead. The Saladoans usually buried their dead under house floors or
in the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Plaza">plaza</a>. The body was normally extended, with the head to the
east. Pottery, jewelry, and some stone artifacts served as grave offerings.
The Hohokam continued to practice cremation. The dead were
placed on wooden gratings over shallow pits, and the grating was consumed
with the body. The unconsumed bones and ashes were placed
in jars and buried in special plots near the refuse heaps. There seems
to have been some borrowing between the two groups, for occasionally
inhumations are found accompanied by the red-on-buff pottery of the
Hohokam, and a few cremations have been found with Salado offerings
or in polychrome vessels. This borrowing, however, seems to have been
sufficiently limited to make it possible, on the basis of the numbers
of burials and cremations, to estimate what the comparative ratio of
Hohokam to Salado people may have been. On this basis, the Hohokam
appear to have outnumbered the foreign element by a ratio of
three to one.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_141">141</div>
<div class="img" id="fig51">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p47.jpg" alt="" width="1346" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 51&mdash;Great House built by the Salado people. Casa Grande National Monument, Arizona.
(Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_142">142</div>
<p>The famous site of Casa Grande consists of a group of ruins made
up of house clusters surrounded by <a class="gloss" href="#g_Compound">compound</a> walls. Both thin-walled,
single-roomed houses and multiple-roomed structures with massive
walls are represented. Of the latter, the outstanding example is
a building known as the &ldquo;Great House&rdquo; which lies in an enclosure
called Compound A. The Great House is four stories high, but only
eleven rooms are represented. Originally there were five additional
rooms on the ground floor, but these were filled in to form an artificial
terrace. The rooms are arranged with one on the top floor and five
rooms on each of the two lower stories. Some rooms were entered by
small doors, and others through the roof. There were no windows. The
walls of the Great House now stand some thirty-four feet above ground
level and are over four feet thick. No forms were used, and the wall
was constructed by a process of piling up layers of stiff <a class="gloss" href="#g_Caliche">caliche</a> mud.
Each course was patted into shape and then allowed to dry to receive
the next course. The final finish was obtained by plastering with a
thin mud mixture made with sieved caliche.</p>
<p>While the foregoing refers to the Hohokam who lived in the river
valleys, there was another group who lived farther to the south in the
desert region known as the Papagueria.<a class="fn" href="#bd57">[57]</a> Here agriculture was more
limited, for the only form of irrigation was by ditches designed to divert
rain water to the fields. With a less favorable environment, the
standard of living was lowered and the reduction of leisure time resulted
in a poorer development of arts and crafts. Although the material
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was not as rich as in the more favored river valleys, any loss
is more than compensated for, from the archaeological point of view,
by the fact that the greater aridity of this region has made possible
the preservation of much normally perishable material. The ancient
desert dwellers further endeared themselves to archaeologists by forsaking
cremation about the beginning of the eleventh century.</p>
<p>A remarkable site, known as <i>Ventana Cave</i>,<a class="fn" href="#bd55">[55]</a> which lies in the Papago
Indian Reservation, has yielded great quantities of very fine material,
including some forty burials, and the final report of this valuable
discovery is eagerly awaited. Preliminary reports indicate that the ancient
inhabitants of this region strongly resembled the Papago Indians
who still occupy it. The early people were fine weavers and made cotton
cloth which, together with rabbit-fur blankets and sandals, provided
them with clothing.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_143">143</div>
<div class="img" id="fig52">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p48.jpg" alt="" width="1345" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 52&mdash;Child&rsquo;s cotton poncho from Ventana Cave. Desert Hohokam, eleventh or twelfth century.
(Courtesy Arizona State Museum.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_144">144</div>
<p>One strong difference between the Hohokam of the river valleys
and those of the desert area lies in the fact that the Salado people did
not penetrate into the desert section and the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of this region
accordingly remained relatively untouched. This isolation seems to have
been deliberately achieved by the desert dwellers who erected strings
of forts of rough laid stone on volcanic hills to protect their domain.
Environment may well have played a strong part in the reaction of
the two groups of Hohokam to new people. With their meager resources
the people of the Papagueria could hardly accept additions to
the population, while the more prosperous group to the north, blessed
with the water which means so much in the Southwest, could afford
to be friendly.</p>
<h3 id="c30">THE RECENT HOHOKAM</h3>
<p>About 1400 A.D., the Salado people left the Gila country. It is
thought that some may have moved east as far as eastern New Mexico
and southeast into Chihauhua. Others from the Upper Gila may have
drifted north into the Zu&ntilde;i area. We cannot be sure of the reason for
their departure, but one theory, which has been advanced, is that they
may have been forced out by the arrival of the Apaches.<a class="fn" href="#bd27">[27]</a> What happened
to the Hohokam themselves we do not know. Possibly they remained
in the same district and eventually sites belonging to the period
after 1400 may be found. It is also possible that they may have moved
to the inhospitable reaches of the Papagueria which would have afforded
greater protection against an enemy.</p>
<p>Although there is a gap in our information, the belief is widely
held that the Hohokam may have been the ancestors of the present
Pima Indians and possibly the Papago, related tribes who speak
mutually intelligible dialects of the Piman language. The most convincing
argument for this theory is that the Pimas were well established
in the Gila Basin, the old Hohokam homeland, when they were discovered
by the Spaniards in 1530. The Papago still occupy the desert
region of the Papagueria. In general, the way of life of these people
was not too different from that of the Hohokam. They were agriculturists,
dependent on irrigation, lived in one-room houses, and their pottery
was somewhat similar to that of the Hohokam. Quite possibly,
other racial strains are present and other groups contributed to the
Pima and Papago <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, but it seems highly probable that the Hohokam
was one of the most important elements.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_145">145</div>
<div class="img" id="fig53">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p49.jpg" alt="" width="1368" height="800" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 53&mdash;Pima House in 1897. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_146">146</div>
<h3 id="c31">SUMMARY</h3>
<p>We may characterize the Hohokam as follows: They were a prehistoric
agricultural people of southern Arizona who may have been the
descendants of the western branch of the ancient food-gathering people
of the Cochise <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>. They made an amazing adjustment to an unfavorable
environment through the use of an extensive canal system.
They lived in one-room houses of wattle-and-daub construction with
depressed floors and covered side passages or vestibules. Some big
houses built during the earliest period may have sheltered more than
one family or they may have been ceremonial structures. There were
large courts where it is thought that a ball game similar to that of the
Maya was played.</p>
<p>Pottery was made by the paddle-and-anvil technique and fired in
an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>. Undecorated plain ware was mostly buff,
although ranging in shade from gray to brown. Decorated pottery
usually had designs in red paint on a buff background. In an early
period there was a rare polychrome ware which had red and yellow
designs on a gray background. Figurines were also made of clay.</p>
<p>Stone work was well developed. Stone vessels, often with fine carving,
were widely made. Well carved palettes are a distinctive <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> of the
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. Mosaic plaques or mirrors, made of pyrites crystals, believed
to have been imported from the south, were often used as funeral offerings.</p>
<p>Shell was widely used in the manufacture of ornaments, particularly
bracelets. It was usually ornamented by carving, but in a few
cases an etching technique was employed. Weaving was apparently well
developed, but only a few specimens have been preserved, so our information
on this point is scanty.</p>
<p>Disposal of the dead was by cremation. Funerary offerings were
burned with the body, and included pottery, figurines, palettes and
pyrites mirrors. Ashes, calcined bones, and offerings were gathered
together after the cremation and buried. Burial was at first in trenches,
later in pits or urns.</p>
<p>About 1300 A. D., Pueblo people moved into the Hohokam country
and for the next hundred years the two groups lived together. There
was some amalgamation of the two cultures, but in most important
<span class="pb" id="Page_147">147</span>
respects they remained distinct in spite of the closeness of the association.
About 1400 A. D. the newcomers moved away. We have no clear
information as to just what happened to the Hohokam after that time,
but it is possible that they may have remained in the same general
vicinity and have been the forerunners of the Pima and Papago Indians
who occupied that territory at the time of the arrival of the
Spaniards.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_148">148</div>
<h2 id="c32"><span class="small">CHAPTER V</span>
<br />THE MOGOLLON <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">CULTURE</a></h2>
<h3 id="c33">GENERAL REMARKS</h3>
<p>Writing about the Mogollon <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a> is rather like dealing with a
time bomb. It is impossible to ignore it, but one has the uncomfortable
feeling that whatever one does about it is likely to be wrong. In
the relatively few years which have elapsed since it was first suggested
that it was a separate entity<a class="fn" href="#bd89">[89]</a> and not just a regional variation of the
Basketmaker-Pueblo pattern, there have come to be many theories.<a class="fn" href="#bd102">[102]</a>
Many archaeologists are convinced that it must be given the status of
a <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a> comparable to that given to the Anasazi and the Hohokam,<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd84">[84]</a>
but there are some who feel that it should be regarded as
a variant of the Anasazi, and others who consider it the result of an
early fusion of Anasazi and Hohokam.<a class="fn" href="#bd99">[99]</a> Unfortunately, too few sites
have been excavated to evaluate fully all the conflicting theories. It
has been said that &ldquo;The Mogollon appears to be an illegitimate whose
paternity is still under scrutiny.&rdquo;<a class="fn" id="fr_1" href="#fn_1">[1]</a></p>
<p>We do know that a group of people lived in west-central New
Mexico and east-central Arizona who were largely contemporaneous
with the Anasazi and the Hohokam and shared some traits with both
cultures, particularly the former. At least during the earliest periods,
however, they had a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> distinctive enough to cause many archaeologists
to feel that it is impossible to equate them with any other group.</p>
<p>Although the origins of the Mogollon are still shrouded in mystery,
one likely theory, which has been advanced by those who favor the
belief that the Mogollon is a <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a>, is that the Mogollon people
may be descendants of the eastern branch of the ancient food gatherers
of the Cochise <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>.<a class="fn" href="#bd54">[54]</a> Their stone work is similar, and, while the
earliest Mogollon people did practice agriculture and hunting, they too
seem to have had an economy based to a great extent on the gathering of
wild plant foods. Apart from the problem of origins, there is the further
consideration of determining to what extent the early Mogollon
people were influenced by other people and to what extent they
influenced others. This is one of the most important questions with
which Southwestern archaeologists are struggling today.</p>
<p>Much further work will be necessary before even a partially satisfactory
answer is found. For the present, there are a few facts and
innumerable conjectures. In a publication of this nature, all that may
be attempted is to outline the available factual material and indicate
some of the theories to which it has given rise.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_149">149</div>
<div class="img" id="fig54">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p50.jpg" alt="" width="884" height="900" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 54&mdash;Map of the Southwest showing sites referred to in Chapter V.</p>
</div>
<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>1. Bear Ruin</dt>
<dt>2. Cameron Creek Village</dt>
<dt>3. Galaz Ruin</dt>
<dt>4. Harris Village</dt>
<dt>5. Mattocks Ruin</dt>
<dt>6. Mogollon Village</dt>
<dt>7. Starkweather Ruin</dt>
<dt>8. SU site</dt>
<dt>9. Swarts Ruin</dt></dl>
<p>The name assigned to the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was derived from the Mogollon
range of mountains which lies in the district in which many of the
chief ruins have been found. The principal sites which have been excavated
lie in the valleys of the San Francisco and Mimbres rivers in
west-central New Mexico, in the Forestdale Valley of Arizona, and in
southeastern Arizona. It is probable that, as further work is done, the
geographical range of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> may be further increased. The area
in which Mogollon remains have already been found is a large one,
equally as extensive as the Basketmaker. Proponents of the theory
that the Mogollon is a <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a> point out that it is an important
fact that it has geographic substance.<a class="fn" href="#bd59">[59]</a></p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_150">150</div>
<p>It would be pleasant to be able to divide the Mogollon into clear-cut
periods with established dates and full lists of the traits which
characterize each stage. Unfortunately, this cannot be done. It has
been possible to determine, in a general way, the stages of cultural
development in certain sites in New Mexico where there was some degree
of uniformity. In other areas, however, conditions were different,
and it is impossible to say that at any given time all the Mogollon people
had the identical type of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, although there are enough points
of similarity to permit us to assign them all to the same general group.
It seems probable that, as further work is done, separate regional chronologies
will be worked out as has been done for the Pueblo sequence
where we recognize significant differences between cultural centers such
as Chaco, Mesa Verde, and Kayenta.<a class="fn" href="#bd59">[59]</a> For the present these regional
variations add to the complexity of the problem. A further complication
arises from the fact that even those who recognize the Mogollon as a
<a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a> feel that it is only during the earliest times that they are
dealing with a relatively pure culture, and that after 700 or 800 A. D.
the Mogollon Culture was beginning to be assimilated by the Anasazi,
and that there were also Hohokam influences.</p>
<p>Dates for Mogollon sites are very difficult to determine, for only
a few tree-ring dates are available. One find tends to suggest a considerable
antiquity for the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. At Snaketown, in the earliest
Pioneer level, was found a polished red ware, which, through petrographic
analysis, has been shown to contain materials not used at
Snaketown, but identical with those of wares from Mogollon sites.<a class="fn" href="#bd31">[31]</a><sup>d</sup>
This pottery is better made than the early Hohokam pottery and would
suggest that the Mogollon people had been making pottery for some
time prior to the beginning of the Christian era. Another possibility
which has been suggested is that both they and the Hohokam obtained
pottery from some other source which has not yet been identified.<a class="fn" href="#bd99">[99]</a></p>
<h3 id="c34">BLUFF RUIN<a class="fn" href="#bd58">[58]</a></h3>
<p>The earliest dendrochronologically dated Mogollon site yet found
lies in the Forestdale Valley of Arizona. Tree-rings indicate that it was
occupied about 300 A. D. As far as it is possible to judge on the basis
of the very meager information available in publications at this time,
the people who lived at this site, which is known as Bluff Ruin, had
a very simple <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. They lived in round pit houses which were entered
through the side. The little pottery which has been found is
plain brown ware.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_151">151</div>
<h3 id="c35">THE PINE LAWN <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">PHASE</a><a class="fn" href="#bd84">[84]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd85">[85]</a></h3>
<p>At present the Mogollon in New Mexico is divided into four
periods. To the first has been assigned the name <i>Pine Lawn <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a></i>. It
is known only from one location, the SU site which lies about seven
miles west of Reserve, New Mexico. The site name was taken from a
local cattle brand. No wood suitable for dating has been found, so it
has been necessary to estimate the time of occupation on typological
evidence. On this basis, it is thought that the SU site was inhabited
prior to 500 A. D.</p>
<p>Most of the inhabitants of the SU site lived in very shallow pit
houses. These were so irregular in shape, and there was such variation
in size and construction, that it has been suggested that the indications
are that house building was a relatively new <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a>. The greater number
of the pit houses were entered by inclined passageways opening to the
east. There were no deflectors such as are found in Basketmaker
houses.</p>
<p>A few surface houses with wattle-and-daub walls have also been
found. They are similarly irregular in shape and size. House floors,
both in pit and surface structures, contained pits. There were usually
several of these and in one case as many as eight. The largest were
over three feet in diameter. Most were empty, and it is thought that
they served as storage spaces, but a few contained burned stones and
bones and may have been used for cooking. Few houses contained fire
pits such as are normally found in Anasazi dwellings.</p>
<p>Pottery consisted of three undecorated wares which, like all early
Mogollon pottery, were produced by a coiling and scraping technique
and fired in an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>. Included are a burnished buff
to reddish-brown ware, a thick unpolished brown, and a polished red.
All were made of the same type of clay and this argues against the
polished red pottery having been of foreign manufacture as has sometimes
been suggested.</p>
<p>Stone and bone artifacts were not very carefully worked, and many
materials seem to have been utilized without much modification. Stone
tools and implements strongly resemble ancient Cochise specimens.
Many grinding stones were found and quite a number of them were
basin-shaped types such as were used in the preparation of wild plant
foods. There were some simple paint-grinding stones. Little unworked
bone was found and this bears out the theory that no great amount of
hunting was done. Worked specimens were largely made from the long
<span class="pb" id="Page_152">152</span>
bones of deer. They include pinlike objects and awls. Some of the
latter had notches cut in the side.</p>
<p>A total of forty-six burials has been uncovered. Some bodies were
buried outside of the houses and some within the walls. These were
usually flexed and most of them had been placed in pits. Only a few
artifacts were found with the skeletons, and it appears that the practice
of burying offerings with the dead was not well established. The
skeletons were poorly preserved and have not yielded much information.
Deformation of the skull was rare, and, when present, was very
slight. It has been suggested that the poor condition of the bones, as
compared with animal bones from the same site, may reflect deficiencies
in the people&rsquo;s diet.</p>
<p>The succeeding periods have been found best represented at Mogollon
Village,<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a> about ten miles north of Glenwood, New Mexico; at
Harris Village,<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a> a quarter of a mile east of Mimbres, New Mexico; and
at Starkweather Ruin,<a class="fn" href="#bd99">[99]</a> three and a half miles west of Reserve, New
Mexico.</p>
<p>The excavation of these sites has yielded evidence of occupation by
prehistoric people who practiced agriculture but who were more dependent
on hunting than their neighbors to the north and west. Corn was
cultivated, but there is no evidence of beans or squash. They used the
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a> or dart-thrower, as well as the bow and arrow. There is no evidence
that turkeys were domesticated, although bone remains indicate
that they were hunted.</p>
<h3 id="c36">THE GEORGETOWN <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">PHASE</a></h3>
<p>The earliest period represented at these sites is known as the
<i>Georgetown</i>. The estimated dates are from 500 to 700 A. D.<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a> Some
archaeologists do not agree, and feel that 700 A. D. is the earliest date
which may be given for the first Mogollon settlements in New Mexico.<a class="fn" href="#bd99">[99]</a>
During Georgetown times dwellings were small, roughly circular, pit
houses which were entered by inclined passageways. A fire pit lay midway
between the center of the room and the entrance. Roofs were
supported by a main pole in the center of the structure and secondary
poles along the walls. One larger pit house was found at Harris Village
which, it is thought, may have been used for ceremonial purposes. It
did not contain the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Deflector">deflector</a>, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Sipapu">sipapu</a>, or benches which characterize
most Pueblo kivas. It differs from the Georgetown domiciliary structures
not only in size but in the greater length of the entrance passage
and the possession of a straight front wall.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_153">153</div>
<p>Most pottery was undecorated. Only four sherds of painted pottery,
which consisted of a crude gray ware with broad red lines, were
found. The predominant types were a plain buff or brown ware and a
polished red ware such as were found at the SU site. A few of the
former fall in the category of textured pottery. This is pottery which
has been embellished through techniques, such as scoring, incising, or
punching, which change the character of the surface. There are no
corrugated types in the early Mogollon, but a few pieces have banded
necks, or have been scored. Textured pottery became increasingly
common in later periods.</p>
<p>Metates were made of unshaped stone blocks and were basin-shaped.
Projectile points were short and broad stemmed. Large stemmed
blades and stemmed drills were also made. Pipes were made of
clay. They were short and were formed in one piece.</p>
<p>Little is known of the physical type of the people and their burial
customs, since only one grave has been found which may be attributed
to this period. This contained the skeleton of an adult male with a
slightly deformed skull who had been buried beneath the floor of a
Georgetown house at Starkweather Ruin.</p>
<h3 id="c37">THE SAN FRANCISCO <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">PHASE</a></h3>
<p>Following the Georgetown in New Mexico comes the <i>San Francisco</i>
stage for which the dates 700 to 900 A.D. have been tentatively
suggested.<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a> A few datable logs have been found in structures assigned
to the latter part of the period. The approximate age is given in round
numbers with the terminal date as 900, although two logs gave dates
of 927. The terminal date for the Georgetown and the beginning date
for the San Francisco stage are by no means firmly established.</p>
<p>There are such distinct changes between Georgetown and San
Francisco times, particularly as regards architecture, that an intervening
period has been postulated. Excavations in Arizona are thought
to provide evidence to substantiate this belief, but there are as yet no
published accounts. It has also been suggested that the marked changes
were due to outside influences, possibly both Anasazi and Hohokam.
Still another theory advanced to account for the architectural changes
at the beginning of the San Francisco stage is that the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was
modified by the addition of a Colonial Hohokam house type.<a class="fn" href="#bd99">[99]</a> It is
generally agreed that after about 700 or 800 A.D. the Mogollon was a
highly mixed culture, but there are many questions which cannot be
answered until more evidence is available. Whatever the explanation,
<span class="pb" id="Page_154">154</span>
many culture traits, notably house types, did change.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig55">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p51.jpg" alt="" width="656" height="204" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 55&mdash;Postulated reconstructions of the dwelling units of the three
Mogollon phases represented by the houses in the Harris Village.
(After Haury.<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a> Courtesy Gila Pueblo.)
a. Georgetown.</p>
</div>
<div class="img" id="imgx5">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p51a.jpg" alt="" width="656" height="205" />
<p class="pcap">b. San Francisco.</p>
</div>
<div class="img" id="imgx6">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p51c.jpg" alt="" width="656" height="198" />
<p class="pcap">c. Three Circle.</p>
</div>
<p>The small, roughly circular houses were replaced by deep rectangular
pit houses with roofs supported by a main center pole and
auxiliary poles along the long axis. Most had side entrances, but in
some cases the entrance was through the roof. Some of the wood taken
from these houses has yielded tree-ring dates. At Mogollon Village four
houses, believed to have been occupied at the close of the period, contained
datable logs. The dates fell between 896 and 908 A.D. At
<span class="pb" id="Page_155">155</span>
Starkweather Ruin, a house attributed to the San Francisco <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a>
yielded two logs with dates of 927 A.D.</p>
<p>In addition to the domiciliary structures, there were larger houses
thought to have been of a ceremonial nature. These were kidney-shaped
as a result of the drawing in of the sides at the entrance. They
did not have ventilators. Storage pits were rare in houses but occurred
frequently between the structures. They were usually undercut, so that
they were wider at the bottom than at the top.</p>
<p>The same pottery types found in the Georgetown <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> continued
to be made and red-on-brown and red-on-white painted wares were also
produced. Textured pottery increased in importance and included
banded, punched, and scored forms.</p>
<p>Basin-shaped metates persisted, but there were also troughed
forms, closed at one end. Grooved mauls are found in San Francisco
levels. Grooved axes are not found in all sites, but some were obtained
from the San Francisco <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a> at Starkweather Ruin. Other
stone work included broad-bladed hoes, roughly shaped stone vessels
and both long and short pipes. Projectile points, blades, and drills
were like the earlier types. A distinctive implement, and an important
feature of the Mogollon <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, was a form of bone awl with a notch
cut a short distance below the head. Shell work was rare, but a few
beads and bracelets made of this material have been found.</p>
<p>Graves are usually found scattered between the structures, although
at Starkweather Ruin two adult burials were found below a
house floor. Offerings were scarce, but in some cases vessels were
broken and the pieces scattered in the grave. This foreshadows the
practice of &ldquo;ceremonial killing&rdquo; of pottery which became so marked
later. It is believed that this was done to permit the release of the
spirit or soul of the pottery. While inhumation was the chief method of
disposing of the dead, cremation was practiced in a very few cases and
the ashes and unconsumed bones placed in pits. This <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> may have
been derived from the Hohokam to the west. A study of the skeletal
remains indicate that the people had relatively low, broad heads and
did not practice deformation.</p>
<h3 id="c38">BEAR RUIN<a class="fn" href="#bd53">[53]</a></h3>
<p>In the seventh and eighth centuries another site of great interest
was occupied in east-central Arizona. This site, which is known as the
Bear Ruin, lies in the Forestdale Valley some eight miles south of
Showlow. Tree-ring dates were obtained from three beams. The dates
<span class="pb" id="Page_156">156</span>
fall in the middle of the seventh century. These logs may have been
cut at any time during the building period, however, and it is only
through finding pottery of known age that archaeologists have arrived
at the dates of 600 to 800 A.D. for the estimated age of occupation.</p>
<p>Bear Ruin is important because it shows hybridizing and blending
of Mogollon and Anasazi traits. Probably the Mogollon was the original
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> on which were superimposed certain Anasazi traits.
Eventually the former is thought to have been so completely overlaid
by the latter as to practically disappear, not only here, but also in
other parts of the territory.</p>
<p>The people who lived in Bear Ruin, in the days when it was not
a ruin but an inhabited village, were equally dependent on hunting
and agriculture. They lived both in round and rectangular pit houses.
Seventeen of these have been excavated, and it is thought that this
may represent about fifty per cent of the village.</p>
<p>Most of the houses resemble those of the Anasazi area, yet some
are like Mogollon houses and others show a combination of Anasazi
and Mogollon elements. None contained either masonry or slab linings.
A large <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> was found on the outskirts of the village. It contained
a grooved trench, dug into the floor, which, it is thought, may have
provided a fastening for the lower beams of looms.</p>
<p>Cooking was apparently done over large rock hearths in and
about the houses. The technique employed may have been to fill pits
with rocks which were then heated. Food wrapped in some insulating
material, such as grass, was then placed in the pit and covered with
hot rocks topped with earth. This <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> is one of those which, it has
been suggested, may have been derived from the ancient Cochise
people.</p>
<p>The Bear Ruin people did not make any painted pottery, but this
must have been a matter of choice, for they were familiar with the
painted wares of the Anasazi, Mogollon, and Hohokam, which they
imported. A great percentage of the indigenous pottery was the plain
buff to reddish-brown ware so plentiful in all early Mogollon sites. One
distinctive type of pottery found in the Forestdale Valley is characterized
by a black interior and a brown or reddish-brown exterior
marked by black fire clouds. These clouds or smudges are the result
of pottery coming in contact with fuel during the firing process. Another
Forestdale type is a gray to light-brown ware which may represent
a fusion of Basketmaker gray ware and Mogollon buff ware. A
third is a red-brown pottery mottled by fire clouds.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_157">157</div>
<p>The dead were buried in shallow pits scattered throughout the
village. Bodies usually lay on the back in a semi-flexed position with
the heads to the northeast. Most of the graves contained mortuary
offerings, usually pottery. One child was found buried with seventeen
vessels. Nine of these were miniatures and were possibly his toys.
Due to soil conditions, bones were poorly preserved. What evidence
could be obtained from them indicates the presence of a mixed population,
such as would be expected on the basis of the mixture of traits
shown in the material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.</p>
<h3 id="c39">THE THREE CIRCLE <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">PHASE</a></h3>
<p>In New Mexico further changes took place during the <i>Three
Circle</i> stage which followed the San Francisco. Pit houses were somewhat
smaller and shallower and were all rectangular and often stone-lined.
Roofs were usually supported by four main posts placed near
the corners. Sometimes the supports were incorporated in the wall. In
some cases, the side entrances were short and sometimes started with a
step. Besides the domestic structures, there were also larger rectangular
pit houses with long inclined entrances which are thought to have been
of a ceremonial nature.</p>
<p>Troughed metates entirely replaced the basin-shaped variety.
Manos were shaped and four-sided in form. Axes were sometimes
notched and sometimes grooved for hafting. Stone vessels were still
simple, but were sometimes ornamented with <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> patterns. Serrations
on both edges characterized the arrow points which were long
and narrow-stemmed. Stone palettes appear in this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a>. They may
have been inspired or introduced by the Hohokam, or they may have
evolved from the simple paint grinding stones such as those found in
the SU site. Stone pipes and short clay pipes with fitted stems have
been found.</p>
<p>With the exception of red-on-brown pottery, wares already described
continued to be made. A black-on-white pottery, which apparently
shows a Pueblo influence from the north, was added to the
assemblage. Textured pottery became more important.</p>
<p>Shell was widely used as a material, although only a few species
were represented. Olivella shells and double-lobed pieces of cut shell
were used as beads. Thin bracelets were made of glycymeris shell.
Some beads were tubular forms made of bone. Others were made from
hackberry seeds, and one infant was found buried with hundreds of
these.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_158">158</div>
<p>In general, burials were like those of the preceding period. Cremations
continued to be very rare.</p>
<h3 id="c40">THE MIMBRES <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">PHASE</a></h3>
<p>More and more the Mogollon people were affected by outside
cultural influences. By about 950 or 1000 A.D. their <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> had been
so greatly altered and was submerged to such an extent that the resulting
blend may be considered a new entity and given another name.
This <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> or culture is called the <i>Mimbres</i>. It was named after the
Mimbres River, for this valley seems to represent the focal point of the
culture. The greatest development centers in Grant County, New
Mexico, where excavated sites include the Swarts Ruin,<a class="fn" href="#bd21">[21]</a> the Mattocks
Ruin,<a class="fn" href="#bd98">[98]</a> the Galaz Ruin,<a class="fn" href="#bd8">[8]</a> and Cameron Creek Village.<a class="fn" href="#bd6">[6]</a></p>
<p>In these sites is found evidence of rapid changes in the construction
of dwellings. The earliest houses were Mogollon-type pit houses,
sometimes slab-lined. These were followed by semi-subterranean and
single surface houses with rubble masonry. In the latest stage, houses
were built entirely above the surface. They were one-story pueblolike
buildings consisting of clusters of rooms. In some cases there were no
more than five rooms, in others there were more than fifty. The
larger structures sometimes had inner courts or plazas and at Swarts
Ruin, where there are two big houses, there was a large dance <a class="gloss" href="#g_Plaza">plaza</a>
between the two buildings. Walls were built of masonry, often made
of river boulders. Roofs were made of beams covered with brush,
grass, reeds, and adobe. Some contained trap-doors, covered with stone
slabs, which provided a means of entrance. In one architecturally advanced
building there were windows. In the rooms were fireplaces and
rock-walled storage bins. Kivas were rectangular, underground chambers.</p>
<p>One interesting <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> of the Mimbre&ntilde;os was the practice of burying
the dead under the house floors, although the houses continued to be
occupied. In one room a total of thirty-two, sub-floor burials were
found. Although this practice was the most common one, it was not
always followed, for there were some burials outside of the houses
and in the fill of unoccupied rooms, and a few cremations have been
found.</p>
<p>Archaeologists are very grateful to the ancient Mimbres people
for their habit of burying pots with the dead, for it is to this that we
owe our knowledge of some of the most beautiful and interesting pottery
that has ever been made. A few old people and children were
<span class="pb" id="Page_159">159</span>
buried without offerings, but most bodies had one or more bowls placed
over the head. Metates and manos were also often placed in women&rsquo;s
graves, and there was some jewelry. One interesting feature of burial
pottery, apart from the magnificent skill which went into its decoration,
was the presence of a hole, usually punched into the pot with a
sharp instrument, or sometimes drilled. It is believed that this was
done to release the spirit or soul of the vessel which was thought to
be a part of the maker. The ceremonial killing of pottery probably took
place at the grave, for the piece knocked out of a pot is often found
associated with it in the burial. Metates were often similarly treated.</p>
<p>The plain burnished-buff and polished-red wares of the Mogollon
continued to be made, but black-on-white pottery assumed the greatest
importance, and fine corrugated cooking ware began to be produced.
There is also some polychrome ware with red and black designs
on a white background. It was in the field of black-on-white ware that
the ancient Mimbre&ntilde;os reached an artistic peak which has seldom, if
ever, been surpassed in the medium of pottery. The black-on-white
color combination at once suggests Pueblo influence. Certain design
elements are reminiscent of the Hohokam, however.</p>
<p>Bowls were the usual shape. Designs were sometimes positive,
sometimes negative. They were of two types, geometric and naturalistic.
Both are equally remarkable. The geometric designs are very
beautiful and are characterized by an extraordinary sureness of touch
which is revealed by the accuracy of spacing and the precision of line.
In one case, for example, twenty-seven parallel lines are to be found
in a band less than two inches in width. The bowls with naturalistic
designs show the same fine sense of composition. Some depict charming,
surrealist creatures which Dali might be proud to claim, but
others are quite realistic. The forms shown include birds, insects,
quadrupeds, fish, and human beings.</p>
<p>From these we can gather certain clues to help us reconstruct
something of the way of life of the people who painted them. Turkeys
were among the birds most commonly represented, but a lack of turkey
bones in the refuse heaps suggests that they were not used for food.
Remains of fish, which are also commonly represented, have not been
found, but this may, of course, be due to the fragility of their bones.
Most useful are the designs showing human beings. There are some
narrative scenes which show such activities as men fighting bears,
setting snares, dancing, and picking bugs from corn plants. From pictures
of people, we may learn something of the clothing which was
worn. Men are shown wearing breech cloths. Women are sometimes
represented wearing a fringed sash and sandals. Some are shown wearing
blankets which extend below the waist and with fringed sashes
hanging down in back. Their hair was worn in whorls on the side,
much like the present head dress of unmarried Hopi girls. We know
from burials that skull deformation was widely practiced, and this
adds to our knowledge of the appearance of the people. Jewelry was
rather widely worn. It is shown on human figures painted on bowls,
and examples are found in graves. Beads were made of stone and
shell. Turquoise was used in the manufacture of beads, in inlaying,
and in making pendants which were worn as ear bobs. There were
many bracelets and carved pendants of shell.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_160">160</div>
<div class="img" id="fig56">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p52.jpg" alt="" width="518" height="991" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 56&mdash;Mimbres black-on-white pottery. Note hole in center
of upper bowl which shows that the vessel has been &ldquo;killed.&rdquo;
(Courtesy School of American Research.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_161">161</div>
<p>Stone implements include grooved axes, hoes, large knives, projectile points,
and manos and troughed metates. Some interesting
artifacts are mortars and pestles believed to have been used for crushing
nuts and seeds. Some mortars were holes dug into rock outcrops
and boulders. A considerable number of palettes have been found.
Bone was widely used in the manufacture of awls. Some of these have
decorated heads carved in the form of mountain sheep.</p>
<p>During the twelfth century the Mimbres people left their old
haunts. The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> may have persisted for some time in some of the
outlying districts to the south but the main area was left unoccupied.
During Regressive-Pueblo times it was inhabited for a time by Pueblo
people, but there were no occupied villages at the time of Coronado.
Why the Mimbre&ntilde;os deserted this fertile valley, we do not know. There
is no evidence of warfare and no sign of a hurried departure. When
the people moved they must have had time to gather their belongings
together and take them with them, for only heavy stone artifacts were
left behind. We do not know where these people went after leaving
the Mimbres Valley. The best guess seems to be that they moved south
into Mexico where they were assimilated and absorbed by other groups,
and that they lost their identity among the people of Chihuahua.</p>
<h3 id="c41">SUMMARY</h3>
<p>We may summarize the Mogollon problem as follows: In west-central
New Mexico and east-central Arizona have been found certain
sites which do not follow entirely the same pattern as Anasazi or Hohokam
sites. There are a number of possible theories to explain the
development of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> represented by these sites. It may have
been derived from the Anasazi, it may represent an early fusion of
<span class="pb" id="Page_162">162</span>
the Anasazi and Hohokam cultures or, it may be a separate cultural
entity which possibly developed from the eastern branch of the ancient
Cochise Culture. During the earliest periods it had certain traits
which, in the opinion of many archaeologists, make it necessary to consider
it a separate <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a>. Houses were of the pit house type
with long sloping entrances. Agriculture was practiced, but there was
a great dependence on the gathering of wild foods and on hunting.
The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a> was used, as well as the bow. Pottery was made by a coiling
and scraping technique, was fired in an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>, and was
usually well polished. A painted ware with red designs on a brown
background and a red-on-white ware were later added and textured
pottery increased in importance. Pipes were made of clay and of stone.
Bone awls were often notched on one side. The dead were usually
buried outside the houses. There were some cremations.</p>
<p>From about 700 or 800 A.D. on, there is evidence of more and
more outside influences. By around 950 or 1000 A.D. there were so
many changes in the Mimbres Valley that the resulting blend is often
referred to as a separate <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. Single pit houses were replaced by
multi-roomed pueblolike structures built above the ground. Black-on-white
pottery was the dominant ware and reached a high degree of excellence.
The dead were usually buried under house floors. Cranial
deformation was widely practiced. The Mimbres Valley was deserted
in the middle of the twelfth century and we can only conjecture where
the people who had inhabited it went.</p>
<p>As may readily be seen, the whole Mogollon problem appears to
be very <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a>. This is always the case when a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> or an area is
first investigated and the long job of studying it is in its initial stages.
Apparently the Mogollon people influenced their neighbors to the
north and to the west, and were influenced by them, but we are not
yet in a position to evaluate these trends.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_163">163</div>
<h2 id="c42"><span class="small">CHAPTER VI</span>
<br />THE SINAGUA PEOPLE<a class="fn" href="#bd18">[18]</a></h2>
<p>In northern Arizona have been found many remains of prehistoric
people who were contemporaneous with and had certain traits
in common with the Anasazi, and it was originally thought that they
all belonged to this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. Later, and more intensive, studies have
shown that the problem is more <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> than was first believed. Apparently
various tribes were represented, and at present archaeologists
are not in agreement as to the cultures to which all of these groups
should be assigned.<a class="fn" href="#bd29">[29]</a> The people of the Kayenta region were Anasazis,
but in north-central and northwestern parts of the state lived other
people whose affiliations are not yet known with certainty. It has
been suggested that the best known group may represent a branch of
the Mogollon but it has not been definitely assigned to this culture.</p>
<p>This group is called the <i>Sinagua</i>. It first occupied the area about
the San Francisco Mountains and, later, the Verde Valley. The characteristic
pottery is a brown utility ware of paddle-and-anvil manufacture,
fired in an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>. The surface is smoothed and
sometimes polished. Tree-ring dates have not been satisfactorily established
for the earliest period, but, on the basis of pottery finds, it has
been estimated that the San Francisco Mountain area was occupied
between 500 and 700 A.D. by people who lived in round and rectangular
pit houses with center firepits and long sloping entrances to the east.
Roofs were of sloping poles covered with earth.</p>
<p>These were followed by fairly deep, timber pit houses. Walls were
made of a series of upright poles lashed together, with larger poles set
in corners to provide support for a roof platform. The entire structure
was covered with grass or bark, and earth was banked over it. These
timber pit houses at first had long sloping entrances to the east, but
these were later reduced to serve as ventilators, and entrance was
through the roof.</p>
<p>In locations unsuitable for the construction of pit houses, there
were also surface or near-surface houses. In places where drainage was
poor and the ground was boggy, they were built on artificially constructed
earth mounds some eight to twelve inches high. These have
been called platform or alcove houses. They are roughly rectangular
and have a small extension or alcove which was used as an entrance.
The alcove may have served a further purpose and supplied additional
<span class="pb" id="Page_164">164</span>
storage space, although rectangular surface granaries made of timber
seem to be associated with these houses.</p>
<div class="img" id="fig57">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p53.jpg" alt="" width="887" height="900" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 57&mdash;Map of the Southwest showing probable areas occupied by the Sinagua
group and the Patayan <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>. Dotted area, Sinagua; 1. Southern
branch, 2. Northern branch. Hatched area, Patayan; 3. Cohonina branch,
4. Prescott branch. (Based on maps by Colton<a class="fn" href="#bd18">[18]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd19">[19]</a> and McGregor.<a class="fn" href="#bd87">[87]</a>)</p>
</div>
<p>Sometime between 1046 and 1070 A.D., probably in 1066, a
volcano fifteen miles northeast of the present town of Flagstaff erupted.
This volcano, now known as Sunset Crater, covered some 800 square
miles with a black ash, and forced the early inhabitants to flee from
their homes on the lower slopes of the San Francisco Mountains. This
seeming disaster, however, was really a very fortunate occurrence, for
the fine black material strewn over the countryside by the volcano provided
a mulch which aided in conserving moisture and made the practice
of agriculture possible over a wider area.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_165">165</div>
<div class="img" id="fig58">
<img src="https://brian.carnell.com/wiki/_media/etext:h:hm-wormington-prehistoric-indians-southwest-p53a.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="1178" />
<p class="pcap">Fig. 58&mdash;Montezuma Castle National Monument, Arizona.
(Courtesy National Park Service.)</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_166">166</div>
<p>Not only did the original Sinagua people return to the area, but
Hohokam and Pueblo people moved in too, bringing with them their
own special traits. The Hohokam introduced their type of architecture
and their distinctive ball courts, and the Anasazi introduced the Pueblo
architecture which was adopted by the Sinaguans. At first, masonry
was used to replace timbers in pit houses, but in a very short time the
Sinagua people began building surface masonry dwellings and multi-roomed
pueblos became the rule.</p>
<p>During the years of the great drought of 1276 to 1299, many
more people left the area and moved farther south into the Hohokam
territory where some Sinaguans had already settled. Shortly after
1300 A.D. the Flagstaff area was abandoned. Some people stayed in
the Verde Valley and built large pueblos. This southern branch is
best known from the impressive sites of Tuzigoot<a class="fn" href="#bd13">[13]</a> and Montezuma
Castle, now National Monuments. Others may have gone farther south
and mixed with the Hohokam in the Gila Basin, and some may have
moved to the Little Colorado area and may be among the ancestors of
the present Hopi Indians.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_167">167</div>
<h2 id="c43"><span class="small">CHAPTER VII</span>
<br />THE PATAYAN <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">CULTURE</a></h2>
<p>The prehistoric people who lived in the valley of the Colorado
River below the Grand Canyon are the least well known in the Southwest,
for most information about them has been derived only from
surface surveys. Originally, the term <i>Yuman</i> was applied to these people,
for Indians speaking a Yuman language were found there by the
first white men to visit the area.<a class="fn" href="#bd35">[35]</a> Some archaeologists still use this
term, and it is commonly applied to the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> found in the lower
Colorado River basin and adjacent areas in California.<a class="fn" href="#bd116">[116]</a> Others feel
that it is unwise to apply a linguistic term to a prehistoric culture and
use the term <i>Patayan</i>, a Walapai word meaning &ldquo;the old people.&rdquo;<a class="fn" href="#bd16">[16]</a> It
is postulated that the Patayan or Yuman is a <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a> or root to
which should be given the same status as the Anasazi and Hohokam.</p>
<p>A large population was found in this area when it was visited by
Father Kino in 1700, and it is thought that there must have been a
great concentration of population in this fertile valley and delta for a
long time. In the lower basin of the Colorado River and in the desert
area which adjoins it, has been found evidence of ancient people who
worked in stone but did not make pottery.<a class="fn" href="#bd115">[115]</a> A period followed in
which more territory was occupied and in which pottery was made.
The finding of datable pieces of trade wares in the valley indicates a
period of occupation of some 1500 years by people familiar with ceramics.<a class="fn" href="#bd116">[116]</a></p>
<p>Archaeologists studying the Patayan or Yuman <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> encounter
many difficulties. The culture seems to be characterized by a great
poverty of material remains, possibly because of a greater use of perishable
materials which have not been preserved. Also, until Boulder
Dam was built, the river overflowed its banks every year and covered
the land with a layer of silt, thus burying much evidence of occupation.<a class="fn" href="#bd17">[17]</a></p>
<p>In western and northwestern Arizona, the portion of this area
which lies within the scope of this book, the one group of people which
has been more or less definitely assigned to the Patayan <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> is
known only from the finding of distinctive, brown utility-wares. The
main center of this tribe seems to have been in the Colorado River
valley below Black Canyon.</p>
<p>There are also two other groups of northwestern Arizona which
may, or may not, prove to be manifestations of the Patayan pattern.
<span class="pb" id="Page_168">168</span>
The area below the Grand Canyon and north of the San Francisco
Mountains, bounded on the east by the Little Colorado River and on
the west by the Grand Wash Cliffs, was occupied between about 700
and 1100 A.D. by a group of people to which the name <i>Cohonina</i> has
been applied.<a class="fn" href="#bd16">[16]</a> These people lived both in deep and in very shallow
pit houses with walls made of timber. It has been suggested that the
deep pit houses may represent a Sinagua <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> and that the near-surface
houses were the true Cohonina form. Masonry was used in the
construction of some of the deep pit houses and granaries and forts.
The latter are large rectangular buildings with thick walls and parapets
which were probably loop-holed. The building of such structures
would suggest unsettled conditions. Some time after 1100 A.D.,
masonry pueblos were built.</p>
<p>Cohonina pottery was a gray ware made by the <a class="gloss" href="#g_PaddleAndAnvil">paddle-and-anvil</a>
process, sometimes scraped for final finishing, and fired in a <a class="gloss" href="#g_ReducingAtmosphere">reducing atmosphere</a>.
Red paint was often applied over the surface of the vessel
after firing. It is impermanent and is commonly called &ldquo;fugitive red&rdquo;.
Occasionally crude designs were applied with a thin black paint. Jars
were the most common form, but some bowls were also made. Arrowheads
were of a distinctive type. Cohonina points are slender and
roughly triangular, although sometimes the maximum breadth is above
the base. They are serrated and unnotched. Little is known of methods
of disposing of the dead. It is suspected that cremation was practiced,
but that the bones were not gathered after burning.</p>
<p>To the south in the vicinity of Prescott, Arizona, between about
900 and 1000 A.D., lived another group of people.<a class="fn" href="#bd16">[16]</a> They too built
some masonry forts and made gray, paddle-and-anvil pottery with a
coarse <a class="gloss" href="#g_Temper">temper</a> containing much mica. Decorations were in black paint.
The firing atmosphere was poorly controlled, and there is a variation in
color from gray to orange or red, although the paste is the same.</p>
<p>If all this seems needlessly confusing, it must be remembered that
even the archaeologists most intimately concerned with the problem
are confused too. Only the most fragmentary evidence has been found,
but they know that an important chapter in the prehistory of the Southwest
lies in the valley of the Colorado River and adjacent areas. They
know that eventually they will be able to read it, and, as a result, they
will have a greatly improved perspective in their attempts to analyze
the whole of prehistoric life in the Southwest. Before the final pages
are deciphered, however, so much remains to be done that very likely
there will be even more confusion before there is clarification.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_169">169</div>
<h3 id="c44">CONCLUSION</h3>
<p>In the preceding chapters an attempt has been made to summarize
our present knowledge of the prehistory of the great area called the
Southwest. Although the Southwest is possibly the best known area
in America, we have barely scratched the surface and great discoveries
lie ahead. For the present there are many gaps in our knowledge.
Doubtless in many cases, data have been incorrectly interpreted.
Archaeological opinions are by no means unanimous on all points. In
the years to come, other archaeologists with greater knowledge and
more refined techniques will reveal new pages of prehistory and re-interpret
many of those which their predecessors have tried to decipher.
The findings of all science must be regarded, &ldquo;not as rigid dogma, but
as reasonable approximation to truth, certain to be largely extended
and modified in the future.&rdquo;<a class="fn" id="fr_2" href="#fn_2">[2]</a> Although there is yet much to be learned
and much to be reevaluated, a great deal has already been accomplished
in the realm of Southwestern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a>. Through scattered clues,
carefully assembled and painstakingly studied and correlated it is at
least possible to see something of the growth and development of unfamiliar
cultures.</p>
<p>Inevitably certain questions are asked of those who devote themselves
to such work. &ldquo;What good is <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a>?&rdquo; &ldquo;Why is it important
to know these things?&rdquo; The best answer seems to be still
another question. &ldquo;Are we sufficiently sure of the worth of our own
achievements to deny the value of trying to reconstruct another chapter
of human history, even if we have nothing more than pottery and
stone to guide us?&rdquo;<a class="fn" id="fr_3" href="#fn_3">[3]</a> According to our standards the prehistoric inhabitants
of the Southwest did not achieve civilization. Still, there
might be something to be learned from people so uncivilized that they
believed that the cultivation of the land, the creation of beautiful as
well as useful objects, and keeping in harmony with the great natural
forces of the universe, were more important than the subjugation or
destruction of their fellow men.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_170">170</div>
<h2 id="c45"><span class="small">GLOSSARY</span></h2>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Aborigine">Aborigine</b>&mdash;The native inhabitants of a country; in America, the Indians.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Apocynum">Apocynum</b>&mdash;A plant, related to the milkweed, which provided fibers
used in weaving.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Archaeology">Archaeology</b>&mdash;The scientific study of the material remains of human
life and human activities in prehistoric or ancient times.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Artifact">Artifact</b>&mdash;A product of human workmanship. Commonly used by
archaeologists in speaking of prehistoric tools, implements, etc.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Atlatl">Atlatl</b>&mdash;An Aztec word meaning spear-thrower. Atlatls are throwing
sticks which have a handle on one end and on the other a spur
which fits into a pit or cup drilled into the basal end of a dart
shaft. When the dart is thrown the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a> remains in the hand.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_BasicCulture">Basic Culture</b>&mdash;See <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a></i>.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Caliche">Caliche</b>&mdash;A crust or succession of crusts of calcium carbonate that
forms within or on top of the soil of arid or semi-arid regions.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Ceramic">Ceramic</b>&mdash;Pertaining to pottery and its materials.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Chronology">Chronology</b>&mdash;The study of the method of arranging past events or
the material representing them in a sequence of their happenings
in relation to years or in relation to each other.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Cist">Cist</b>&mdash;An oval or circular pit, often slab-lined, used for storage. Cists
sometimes served a secondary purpose as depositories for the dead.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Clan">Clan</b>&mdash;A social group made up of a number of households, the heads
of which claim descent in either the male or female line from a
common ancestor.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Cloisonne">Cloisonne</b>&mdash;A surface decoration produced by outlining a design with
strips of flat wire and filling the interstices with enamel.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Complex">Complex</b>&mdash;A group of related traits or characteristics which combine
to form a complete activity, process, or cultural unit.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Compound">Compound</b>&mdash;In the Orient, a wall or fenced enclosure containing a
house, buildings, etc. The term is also used to describe the walled
enclosures built during Classic Hohokam times.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_CorrugatedPottery">Corrugated Pottery</b>&mdash;Pottery in which the alternate ridges and depressions
resulting from a coiling-and-pinching technique of manufacture
have not been obliterated.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_CoursedMasonry">Coursed Masonry</b>&mdash;Masonry constructed of stones lying on approximately
level beds.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Cranium">Cranium</b>&mdash;Skull (Plural: Crania)</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Culture">Culture</b>&mdash;The total activities and beliefs of a group of individuals
<span class="pb" id="Page_171">171</span>
which may be separated from other groups on the basis of differences
in complexes and original differences in geographical and
chronological positions. In an archaeological context, the material
remains of a group of people which represent traits which they
had in common, which differentiated them from other people.
A <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">Basic Culture</a></i> is, as the name implies, one which provides a base
or foundation for succeeding cultures. It is essentially a cultural
root from which may spring stems and branches.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Deflector">Deflector</b>&mdash;An upright slab, standing between fireplace and ventilator
in a pit house or <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a>, designed to protect the fire from inrushing
air.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Dendrochronology">Dendrochronology</b>&mdash;A system of establishing an absolute count of
years by utilizing the pattern combinations of tree-rings.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Diffusion">Diffusion</b>&mdash;The transference of elements of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> from one society
to another.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Effigy">Effigy</b>&mdash;An image of a living object.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Ethnology">Ethnology</b>&mdash;The scientific study of the cultures of living primitive
peoples.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Hatchures">Hatchures</b>&mdash;Short, closely spaced, parallel lines used in pottery designs.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Hogan">Hogan</b>&mdash;A Navajo house; one room, domed or conically shaped, made
of logs, sometimes with stone side walls, usually covered with
earth.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Horizon">Horizon</b>&mdash;In a site, a level or stratum. In a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, a particular level
of development.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Incised">Incised</b>&mdash;In pottery, grooved in soft clay with a sharp tool.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Jacal">Jacal</b>&mdash;A type of construction in which walls are made of upright
poles set at short intervals and heavily plastered with adobe.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Katchinas">Katchinas</b>&mdash;Supernatural beings in Pueblo Indian mythology, or
masked dancers personifying these beings.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_KilledPottery">Killed Pottery</b>&mdash;Pottery in which a hole has been punched or drilled
in order to release the soul or spirit of the vessel which is conceived
as being a part of the maker.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Kiva">Kiva</b>&mdash;A ceremonial chamber, usually subterranean and circular.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Mano">Mano</b>&mdash;A hand stone, usually roughly oblong, used for grinding grains,
seeds, etc.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Metate">Metate</b>&mdash;The grinding stone on which the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Mano">Mano</a> is rubbed.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Moraine">Moraine</b>&mdash;An accumulation of earth, stones, etc. carried and finally
deposited by a glacier.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_172">172</div>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_OxidizingAtmosphere">Oxidizing Atmosphere</b>&mdash;Pottery is said to have been fired in
an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a> when air is permitted to circulate around it
during the firing process. This leads to an excess of oxygen in
the atmosphere and produces pottery in shades of red, brown, or
yellow.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_PaddleAndAnvil">Paddle-and-Anvil</b>&mdash;A pottery-finishing technique in which coil impressions
are obliterated by striking the exterior of the vessel
with a paddle while holding a round or mushroom-shaped object,
known as an anvil, within the vessel to receive the force of the
blow.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Periphery">Periphery</b>&mdash;In archaeological usage, a marginal area, a region lying
immediately beyond the boundaries of a specific area.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Pilaster">Pilaster</b>&mdash;A square column forming part of a wall.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Phase">Phase</b>&mdash;This term is used in different ways by different archaeologists.
For the purposes of this book, it may be defined as an interval of
<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> occurring in a specific area at a specific time and associated
with a particular culture. It may also be defined as a group of
sites with similar determinants.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_PolychromePottery">Polychrome Pottery</b>&mdash;Pottery bearing three or more colors.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Plaza">Plaza</b>&mdash;A public square.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_ProjectilePoint">Projectile Point</b>&mdash;An arrow point, spear point, or dart point.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_ReducingAtmosphere">Reducing Atmosphere</b>&mdash;Pottery is said to have been fired in a
<a class="gloss" href="#g_ReducingAtmosphere">reducing atmosphere</a> when air is not allowed to circulate around it during
the firing process. This results in a reduction of the oxygen
content of the atmosphere and produces pottery in shades of white
and gray.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Sherd">Sherd</b>&mdash;A fragment of a broken, pottery vessel.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Sipapu">Sipapu</b>&mdash;A hole commonly found in the floors of kivas which is symbolic
of the mythological place from which, according to creation
myths, the first people emerged from the underworld.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Slip">Slip</b>&mdash;A coating of very fine clay applied to a vessel before firing to
give a smooth finish.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Spall">Spall</b>&mdash;A chip or flake removed from a larger piece of stone.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Stockade">Stockade</b>&mdash;An enclosure made with posts and stakes.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Stratification">Stratification</b>&mdash;The characteristic of being in layers or strata and the
processes by which such material is deposited. A single layer is
called a <i>Stratum</i>, more than one, <i>Strata</i>. When undisturbed the
lowest stratum is the oldest since it was laid down first.</p>
<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Trait">Trait</b>&mdash;Any single element of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Temper">Temper</b>&mdash;Non-plastic material added to clay from which pottery is
made to prevent cracking.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_173">173</div>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Twilling">Twilling</b>&mdash;A system of weaving in which the woof thread is carried
over one and under two or more warp threads, producing diagonal
lines or ribs on the surface of the fabric or basket.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Twining">Twining</b>&mdash;A system of weaving in which splints or threads are intertwined
around a foundation of radiating rods or threads.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Tuff">Tuff</b>&mdash;Solidified volcanic ash.</p>
<p class="revint"><b id="g_Typology">Typology</b>&mdash;The study of any system of arrangement according to type.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_174">174</div>
<h2 id="c46"><span class="small">Bibliography</span></h2>
<table class="center">
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Amsden, Charles A.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd1">1</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">The Ancient Basketmakers: Southwest Museum Leaflet No. 11, Los Angeles, California.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Bartlett, Katharine</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd2">2</a>) </td><td class="r">1934. </td><td class="l">Material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a> of Pueblo II in the San Francisco Mountains: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 7, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Beals, Ralph L., G. W. Brainerd and Watson Smith</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd3">3</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">Archaeological Studies in Northeast Arizona: Univ. of Calif. Pub. in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Vol. 44, No. 1, Berkeley, California.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Benedict, Ruth</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd4">4</a>) </td><td class="r">1934. </td><td class="l">Patterns of Culture: Houghton-Mifflin Co., New York.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Boekelman, H. J.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd5">5</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">A Shell Trumpet from Arizona: American Antiquity, Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 27-31, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Bradfield, Wesley</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd6">6</a>) </td><td class="r">1929. </td><td class="l">Cameron Creek Village, a Site in the Mimbres Area in Grant County, New Mexico: School of American Research, Santa Fe, New Mexico.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Brew, John Otis</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd7">7</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l"><a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">Archaeology</a> of Alkali Ridge, Southeastern Utah. Appendices by Alice Brues and Volney H. Jones: Papers of the Peabody Museum of Am. Arch. and Ethn., Harvard University, Vol. XXI, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Bryan, B.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd8">8</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">Excavation of the Galaz Ruin: The Masterkey, Vol. IV, Nos. 6 and 7, pp. 179-189, 221-226, Southwest Museum, Los Angeles, Calif.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Bryan, Kirk</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd9">9</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Correlation of the Deposits of Sandia Cave, New Mexico, with the Glacial <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">Chronology</a>: Smithsonian Misc. Col., Vol. 99, No. 23, Washington.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd10">10</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Pre-Columbian Agriculture in the Southwest as Conditioned by Periods of Alluviation: Association of American Geographers, Annals, Vol. 31, No. 4, pp. 219-242.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Bryan, Kirk, and Louis L. Ray</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd11">11</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">Geologic Antiquity of the Lindenmeier Site in Colorado: Smithsonian Misc. Col. Vol. 99. No. 2, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Carter, George F.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd12">12</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">Plant Geography and Culture History in the American Southwest: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 5, New York.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Caywood, Louis R. and Edward H. Spicer</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd13">13</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">Tuzigoot, the Excavation and Repair of a Ruin in the Verde Valley near Clarkdale, Arizona: Office of Southwestern Monuments, National Park Service, Coolidge, Arizona (Mimeographed).</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Cockerell, T. D. A.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd14">14</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">The Function of Psychology: Letter to the Editor, Science, Vol. 103 No. 2670, p. 281, Lancaster, Pa.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Colton, Harold S.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd15">15</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">The Reducing and <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">Oxidizing Atmosphere</a> in Prehistoric Southwestern Ceramics: American Antiquity, Vol. IV, No. 3, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd16">16</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Prehistoric Culture Units and their Relationships in Northern Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bull. 17, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd17">17</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">The Patayan Problem in the Colorado River Valley: Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. I, No. 1, Univ. of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd18">18</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">The Sinagua: A Summary of the Archaeology of the Region of Flagstaff, Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 22, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3">
</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Colton, Harold S. and L. L. Hargrave</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd19">19</a>) </td><td class="r">1933. </td><td class="l">Pueblo II in the San Francisco Mountains, Arizona; Pueblo II Houses of the San Francisco Mountains, Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 4, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd20">20</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Handbook of Northern Arizona Pottery Wares: Museum of Northern Arizona, Bulletin 11, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Cosgrove, H. S. and C. B.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd21">21</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">The Swarts Ruin, a typical Mimbres Site in Southwestern New Mexico: Peabody Museum Papers Vol. XV, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Cummings, Byron</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd22">22</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">Kinishba. A prehistoric Pueblo of the Great Pueblo Period: Hohokam Museums Association and University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Douglass, A. E.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd23">23</a>) </td><td class="r">1929. </td><td class="l">The Secret of the Southwest Solved by the Talkative Tree-rings: National Geographic Magazine, Vol. 54, pp. 737-770, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Fewkes, J. W.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd24">24</a>) </td><td class="r">1911. </td><td class="l">Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park; Cliff Palace: Bulletin 51, Bureau of American <a class="gloss" href="#g_Ethnology">Ethnology</a>, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Figgins, J. D.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd25">25</a>) </td><td class="r">1927. </td><td class="l">The Antiquity of Man in America: Natural History, Vol. XXVII, No. 3, pp. 229-239, New York.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Gladwin, Harold S.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd26">26</a>) </td><td class="r">1928. </td><td class="l">Excavations at Casa Grande, Arizona: Southwest Museum Paper No. 2, Los Angeles, California.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd27">27</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Excavations at Snaketown: Comparisons and Theories: Medallion Papers, No. XXVI, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd28">28</a>) </td><td class="r">1942. </td><td class="l">Excavations at Snaketown: Revisions: Medallion Papers, No. XXX, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd29">29</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">A Review and Analysis of the Flagstaff Culture: Medallion Papers, No. XXXI, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd30">30</a>) </td><td class="r">1947. </td><td class="l">Personal Communication.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Gladwin, Harold S.,<sup>a</sup> Emil W. Haury,<sup>b</sup> E. B. Sayles,<sup>c</sup> and Nora Gladwin.<sup>d</sup></b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd31">31</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Excavations at Snaketown: Material Culture: Medallion Papers, No. XXV, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Gladwin, Winifred and Harold S.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd32">32</a>) </td><td class="r">1929. </td><td class="l">The Red-on-Buff-Culture of the Gila Basin: Medallion Papers No. II, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd33">33</a>) </td><td class="r">1930. </td><td class="l">Some Southwestern Pottery Types, Series I: Medallion Papers No. VIII, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd34">34</a>) </td><td class="r">1933. </td><td class="l">Some Southwestern Pottery Types, Series III: Medallion Papers No. XIII, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd35">35</a>) </td><td class="r">1934. </td><td class="l">A Method for the Designation of Cultures and their Variations: Medallion Papers, No. XIV, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd36">36</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">The Eastern Range of the Red-on-Buff Culture: Medallion Papers XVI, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Guernsey, S. J.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd37">37</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">Explorations in Northeastern Arizona: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XII, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Guernsey, S. J. and A. V. Kidder</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd38">38</a>) </td><td class="r">1921. </td><td class="l">Basket-maker Caves of Northeastern Arizona: Peabody Museum Papers, Volume VIII, No. 2, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hack, J. T.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd39">39</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">The Changing Physical Environment of the Hopi Indians of Arizona: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XXXV, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr>
<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3">
</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hall, Edward Twitchell, Jr.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd40">40</a>) </td><td class="r">1944. </td><td class="l">Recent Clues to Athapaskan Prehistory in the Southwest: American Anthropologist, Vol. 46, No. 1, pp. 98-105, Menasha, Wis.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd41">41</a>) </td><td class="r">1944. </td><td class="l">Early Stockaded Settlements in the Governador, New Mexico. A Marginal Anasazi Development from Basket Maker III to Pueblo I Times; Columbia University Press, New York.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hargrave, Lyndon L.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd42">42</a>) </td><td class="r">1930. </td><td class="l">Prehistoric Earth Lodges of the San Francisco Mountains: Museum Notes, Vol. III, No. 5, Museum of Northern Arizona, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd43">43</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">Guide to Forty Pottery Types from the Hopi Country and the San Francisco Mountains, Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin No. 1, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hargrave, Lyndon L.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd44">44</a>) </td><td class="r">1933. </td><td class="l">Pueblo II houses of the San Francisco Mountains, Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 4, pp. 15-75, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Harrington, Mark Raymond</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd45">45</a>) </td><td class="r">1924. </td><td class="l">The Ozark Bluff-Dwellers: American Anthropologist, N. S. Vol. XXVI, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd46">46</a>) </td><td class="r">1927. </td><td class="l">A Primitive Pueblo City in Nevada: American Anthropologist, N. S. Vol. XXIX, No. 3, pp. 262-277, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd47">47</a>) </td><td class="r">1933. </td><td class="l">Gypsum Cave, Nevada: Southwest Museum Papers, No. 8, Los Angeles, California.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Haury, Emil W.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd48">48</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">Roosevelt 9:6, a Hohokam Site of the Colonial Period: Medallion Papers, No. XI, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd49">49</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">Tree-Rings&mdash;The Archaeologist&rsquo;s Time Piece: American Antiquity, Vol. I, No. 2, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd50">50</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">The Mogollon Culture of Southwestern New Mexico: Medallion Papers, No. XX, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd51">51</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">Some Southwestern Pottery Types, Series IV: Medallion Papers, No. XIX, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd52">52</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">A Pre-Spanish Rubber Ball from Arizona: American Antiquity, Vol. II, No. 4, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd53">53</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">Excavations in the Forestdale Valley, East-Central Arizona: University of Arizona Social Science Bulletin No. 12, Tucson, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd54">54</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">A Possible Cochise-Mogollon-Hohokam Sequence: Recent Advances in American Archaeology, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 86, No. 2, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd55">55</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">The stratigraphy of Ventana Cave, Arizona: American Antiquity, Vol. VIII, No. 3, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd56">56</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">The Excavation of Los Muertos and Neighboring Ruins in the Salt River Valley, southern Arizona: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XXIV, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd57">57</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">Arizona&rsquo;s Ancient Irrigation Builders: Natural History, Vol. LIV, No. 7, New York.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd58">58</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">Report on Field Work in Notes and News: American Antiquity, Vol. XII, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd59">59</a>) </td><td class="r">1947. </td><td class="l">Personal Communication.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hawley, Florence M.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l"> </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">Field Manual of Prehistoric Southwestern Pottery Types: University of New Mexico Anthropological Series, Bulletin 291, Vol. I, No. 4, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hendron, J. W.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd60">60</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">Prehistory of El Rito de los Frijoles, Bandelier National Monument: Southwestern Monuments Association, Technical Series, No. 1, Coolidge, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hewett, Edgar L.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd61">61</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">The Chaco Canyon and its Monuments: Handbooks of Archaeological History, University of New Mexico and School of American Research, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr>
<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3">
</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hewett, Edgar L.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd62">62</a>) </td><td class="r">1938. </td><td class="l">The Pajarito Plateau and its Ancient People: Handbooks of Archaeological History, University of New Mexico and School of American Research, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hibben, Frank C.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd63">63</a>) </td><td class="r">1938. </td><td class="l">The Gallina <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>: American Antiquity, Vol. IV, No. 2, pp. 131-136, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd64">64</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Evidences of Early Occupation in Sandia Cave, New Mexico, and other sites in the Sandia-Manzano Region: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 99, No. 23.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Howard, Edgar B.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd65">65</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">Evidence of Early Man in North America: The Museum Journal, Vol. XXIV, Nos. 2-3, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hurst, C. T.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd66">66</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">Completion of Excavation of Tabequache Cave II: Southwestern Lore, Vol. II, No. 1, Gunnison, Colorado.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd67">67</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">Colorado&rsquo;s Old Timers: Colorado Archaeological Society, Gunnison, Colorado.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Huscher, Betty H. and Harold A.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd68">68</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Hogan">Hogan</a> Builders of Colorado: Colorado Archaeological Society, Gunnison, Colorado.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Jenks, Albert E.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd69">69</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">Pleistocene Man In Minnesota, a Fossil <i>Homo Sapiens</i>: Minneapolis, Minnesota.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd70">70</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Minnesota&rsquo;s Browns Valley Man and Associated Burial Artifacts: Memoirs, American Anthropological Association, No. 49, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Judd, Neil M.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd71">71</a>) </td><td class="r">1925. </td><td class="l">Everyday Life in Pueblo Bonito: National Geographic Magazine, Vol. XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 227-262, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd72">72</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">Progress in the Southwest: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Volume 100, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Kidder, Alfred Vincent</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd73">73</a>) </td><td class="r">1924. </td><td class="l">An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology, with a Preliminary Account of the Excavations at Pecos: Papers, Southwestern Expedition, Phillips Academy, No. 1, Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd74">74</a>) </td><td class="r">1927. </td><td class="l">Southwestern Archaeological Conference: Science, Vol. 66, No. 1716, pp. 489-91, Lancaster, Pennsylvania.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd75">75</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">The Pottery of Pecos: Vol. I, Papers, Southwestern Expedition, Phillips Academy, Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Kidder, Alfred Vincent and S. J. Guernsey</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd76">76</a>) </td><td class="r">1919. </td><td class="l">Archaeological Explorations in Northeastern Arizona: Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin No. 65, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Kidder, Alfred Vincent and Anna O. Shepard</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd77">77</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">The Pottery of Pecos: Vol. II, Papers, Southwestern Expedition, Phillips Academy, Yale University Press, New Haven, Connecticut.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Kroeber, A. L.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd78">78</a>) </td><td class="r">1928. </td><td class="l">Native Culture of the Southwest: Univ. of California Pub. in Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXIII, No. 9, pp. 373-398, Berkeley, Calif.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Linton, Ralph</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd79">79</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">The Study of Man: D. Appleton-Century Co. New York.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd80">80</a>) </td><td class="r">1944. </td><td class="l">Nomad Raids and Fortified Pueblos: American Antiquity, Vol. X, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Martin, Paul S., Lawrence Roys and Gerhardt von Bonin</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd81">81</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">Lowry Ruin in Southwestern Colorado: Anthropological Series, Vol. XXIII, No. 1, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr>
<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3">
</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Martin, Paul S., Carl Lloyd and Alexander Spoehr</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd82">82</a>) </td><td class="r">1938. </td><td class="l">Archaeological Field Work in the Ackmen-Lowry Area, Southwestern Colorado, 1937. Anthropological Series, Vol. XXIII, No. 2, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Martin, Paul S. and John Rinaldo</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd83">83</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Modified Basket Maker Sites, Ackmen-Lowry Area, Southwestern Colorado, 1938: Anthropological Series, Vol. XXIII, No. 3, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Martin, Paul S., John Rinaldo, and Marjorie Kelly</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd84">84</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">The SU Site, Excavations at a Mogollon Village, Western New Mexico, 1939. Anthropological Series, Vol. XXXII, No. 1, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Martin, Paul S., Robert J. Braidwood, John Rinaldo, Marjorie Kelly and Brigham A. Arnold</b>.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd85">85</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">The SU Site, Excavations at a Mogollon Village, Western New Mexico: Second Season, 1941. Anthropological Series, Vol. 32, No. 2, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>McGregor, John C.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd86">86</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Winona and Ridge Ruin: Part I, Northern Arizona Society of Science and Art, Bulletin 18, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd87">87</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Southwestern Archaeology: John Wiley &amp; Sons, Inc., New York.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd88">88</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">Burial of an Early American Magician: Recent Advances in American Archaeology, Proceeding of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 86, No. 2, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Mera, Harry P.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd89">89</a>) </td><td class="r">1934. </td><td class="l">Observations on the Archaeology of Petrified Forest National Monument: Laboratory of Anthropology, Tech. Bulletin 7, Santa Fe, New Mexico.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd90">90</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l"><a class="gloss" href="#g_Ceramic">Ceramic</a> Clues to the Prehistory of North Central New Mexico. Tech. Bulletin 8, Santa Fe, New Mexico.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd91">91</a>) </td><td class="r">1938. </td><td class="l">Some Aspects of the Largo Cultural Phase, Northern New Mexico: American Antiquity, Vol. III, No. 3, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Morris, Earl H.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd92">92</a>) </td><td class="r">1925. </td><td class="l">Exploring in the Canyon of Death: National Geographic Magazine, Volume XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 262-300, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd93">93</a>) </td><td class="r">1927. </td><td class="l">The Beginnings of Pottery Making in the San Juan Area, Unfired Prototypes and the Wares of the Earliest Ceramic Period: Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXVIII, Pt. 2, New York.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd94">94</a>) </td><td class="r">1928. </td><td class="l">The Aztec Ruin: Arch M. Huntington Survey of the Southwest, Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXVI, Pts. 1-5. New York.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd95">95</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Archaeological Studies in the La Plata District, Southwestern Colorado and Northwestern New Mexico: Appendix by Anna O. Shepard. Carnegie Institution, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd96">96</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">Personal Communication.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Morss, Noel</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd97">97</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">The Ancient Culture of the Fremont River in Utah: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XII, No. 3, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Nesbitt, Paul H.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd98">98</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">The Ancient Mimbrenos, Based on Investigations at the Mattocks Ruin, Mimbres, Valley, New Mexico: Logan Museum Publications, Bull. No. 4, Beloit, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd99">99</a>) </td><td class="r">1938. </td><td class="l">Starkweather Ruin: Logan Museum Publications Bull. No. 6, Beloit, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Nusbaum, J. L.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd100">100</a>) </td><td class="r">1922. </td><td class="l">A Basket-Maker Cave in Kane County, Utah; with Notes on the Artifacts by A. V. Kidder and S. J. Guernsey: Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the American Indian, No. 29, Heye Foundation, New York.</td></tr>
<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3">
</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Parsons, Elsie Clews</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd101">101</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Pueblo Indian Religion: University of Chicago Publications in Anth. and Ethn., Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Reed, Erik K.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd102">102</a>) </td><td class="r">1942. </td><td class="l">Implications of the Mogollon <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">Complex</a>: American Antiquity, Vol. VIII, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Rinaldo, John</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd103">103</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Conjectures on the Independent Development of the Mogollon Culture: American Antiquity, Vol. VII, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Roberts, Frank H. H., Jr.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd104">104</a>) </td><td class="r">1929. </td><td class="l">Recent Archeological Developments in the Vicinity of El Paso, Texas: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 81, No. 7, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd105">105</a>) </td><td class="r">1929. </td><td class="l">Shabik&rsquo;eschee Village, A Late Basket Maker Site in the Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, Bulletin 92, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd106">106</a>) </td><td class="r">1930. </td><td class="l">Early Pueblo Ruins in the Piedra District, southwestern Colorado: Bulletin 96, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd107">107</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">The Ruins at Kiatuthlanna, eastern Arizona: Bulletin 100, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd108">108</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">The Village of the Great Kivas on the Zuni Reservation, New Mexico, Bulletin 111, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd109">109</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">A Folsom Complex. Preliminary Report on Investigations at the Lindenmeier Site in northern Colorado: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 94, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd110">110</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">A Survey of Southwestern Archeology: American Anthropologist, Vol. XXXVII, No. 1, pp. 1-33, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd111">111</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Archaeology in the Southwest: American Antiquity, Vol. III, No. 1, pp. 3-33, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd112">112</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Archeological Remains in the Whitewater District, eastern Arizona; Part I, House Types: Bulletin 121, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd113">113</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">The Development of a Unit-Type Dwelling: Hewett Anniversary Volume &ldquo;So Live The Works of Men&rdquo;, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd114">114</a>) </td><td class="r">1942. </td><td class="l">Archeological and Geological Investigations in the San Jon District, eastern New Mexico: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 103, No. 4, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Rogers, Malcolm J.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd115">115</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Early Lithic Industries of the Lower Basin of the Colorado River and Adjacent Desert Areas: San Diego Museum Papers, No. 3, San Diego, California.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd116">116</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">An Outline of Yuman Prehistory: Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. I, No. 2, pp. 167-198, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Sayles, E. B.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd117">117</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">An Archaeological Survey of Texas: Medallion Papers, No. XVII, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Sayles, E. B. and Ernst Antevs</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd118">118</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">The Cochise Culture: Medallion Papers, No. XXIV, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Seltzer, Carl C.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd119">119</a>) </td><td class="r">1944. </td><td class="l">Racial Prehistory in the Southwest and the Hawikuh Zunis: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XXIII, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Stallings, W. S., Jr.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd120">120</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Southwestern Dated Ruins: I, Tree-Ring Bulletin, Vol. IV, No. 2, Tucson, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd121">121</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Dating Prehistoric Ruins by Tree-Rings: General Series, Bulletin 8, Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, New Mexico.</td></tr>
<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3">
</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd122">122</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">A Basketmaker II Date from Cave du Pont, Utah: Tree-Ring Bulletin, Vol. VIII, No. 1, Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, Tucson, Arizona.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Steward, Julian H.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd123">123</a>) </td><td class="r">1933. </td><td class="l">Archaeological Problems of the Northern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a> of the Southwest: Bulletin No. 5, Museum of Northern Arizona, Flagstaff, Ariz.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Underhill, Ruth</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd124">124</a>) </td><td class="r">1947. </td><td class="l">First Penthouse Dwellers of America: Second Revised Edition, Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, N. M.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Watson, Don</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd125">125</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">Cliff Palace; the Story of an Ancient City: Mesa Verde National Park Museum, Mesa Verde, Colorado.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Weatherwax, Paul</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd126">126</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">The Origin of the Maize Plant and Maize Agriculture in Ancient America: Symposium on Prehistoric Agriculture, Bulletin 296, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Weltfish, Gene</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd127">127</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">Preliminary Classification of Prehistoric Southwestern Basketry: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections: Vol. 87, No. 7, Washington, D. C.</td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd128">128</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">Problems in the Study of Ancient and Modern Basketmakers: American Anthropologist, N. S. Vol. XXXIV, No. 1, pp. 108-117, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Woodward, Arthur</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd129">129</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">The Grewe Site: Occasional Papers, No. 1, Los Angeles Museum of History, Science and Art, Los Angeles, California.</td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Wormington, H. M.</b></td></tr>
<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd130">130</a>) </td><td class="r">1944. </td><td class="l">Ancient Man in North America, (Second Revised Edition): Popular Series, No. 4, Colorado Museum of Natural History, Denver, Colorado.</td></tr>
</table>
<div class="pb" id="Page_181">181</div>
<h2 id="c47"><span class="small">APPENDIX</span>
<br />Outstanding Exhibit-Sites, Modern Pueblos, Local Museums</h2>
<p class="center">by
<br />ERIK K. REED
<br /><i>Regional Archaeologist</i>
<br /><i>National Park Service</i></p>
<p>After reading about the prehistoric inhabitants of the Southwest
many people feel that they would like to visit the places where they
lived, examine examples of their ancient arts and crafts, and see their
present-day descendants. No description can produce the feeling that
one experiences when viewing the imposing ruins found in our National
Monuments and Parks. Even a short time spent looking at pottery
and other artifacts in a museum will give a far better idea of their
appearance than will photographs, drawings, or the most detailed
descriptions. A visit to a modern pueblo makes it possible to visualize
something of the life of bygone centuries and to think of the ancient
inhabitants of the area as living, breathing people rather than as lifeless
specimens. The following lists have been prepared in an effort
to help those who wish to visit the Southwest and to learn about its
people through their own experience.</p>
<h3 id="c48">I. OUTSTANDING EXHIBIT-SITES
<br />The San Juan Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a></h3>
<h5>MESA VERDE NATIONAL PARK.</h5>
<p>Great cliff-dwellings and open pueblos of the Classic period. Pit-house,
mesa-top villages and cave remains of earlier periods, Modified
Basketmaker and Developmental Pueblo. One of the major foci of the
Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of 300-1300 A. D., and the most accessible and best-exhibited,
interpreted by caravan-tours and an outstanding museum.
Paved entrance-road from Highway U. S.-160 between Mancos and
Cortez, Colorado. Lodge with adequate accommodations open May-October.</p>
<h5>CHACO CANYON NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>The greatest concentration of open pueblo ruins in a valley floor,
another of the major foci of prehistoric Anasazi civilization. The famous
<span class="pb" id="Page_182">182</span>
huge buildings, Pueblo Bonito, Chetro Ketl, Pueblo del Arroyo, etc.;
a restored Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a>, an excavated Modified-Basketmaker village;
and innumerable small pueblo sites. Undeveloped museum. Very restricted
accommodations. In the middle of northwestern New Mexico,
64 miles north of Thoreau (which is on Highway U. S.-66) and 64
miles south of Aztec, New Mexico (on U. S.-550); 25 miles from
nearest paved road (State 55, Cuba to Bloomfield).</p>
<h5>AZTEC RUINS NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>An excavated great pueblo of the Classic period, twelfth and thirteenth
centuries, built between 1100 and 1125 A. D., with a completely
restored Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a>; additional unexcavated pueblo ruins. Lying between
Chaco Canyon and the Mesa Verde, these pueblos on the Animas
River partake of both phases of Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. A small museum
adjoining the main ruin. Located close to Highway U. S.-550 and the
town of Aztec, New Mexico.</p>
<h5>CANYON DE CHELLY NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>Striking cliff-dwellings and very early remains. In a spectacular
setting of great red-rock canyons occupied by picturesque Navajo
Indians. Tree-ring dates from one of the major sites, Mummy Cave,
range from 348 A. D.&mdash;the earliest date in the San Juan drainage&mdash;to
1284 A. D., the next-to-last. No museum. The monument and canyon
area extends east of Chinle, Arizona, in the Navajo Indian Reservation.
Chinle is 100 miles from Gallup, New Mexico, or seventy-five miles
(unpaved) from Chambers, Arizona (which is west of Gallup on Highway
U. S.-66). Not accessible in bad weather. An excellent lodge
(Thunderbird Ranch, Chinle, Arizona), but rather restricted facilities.</p>
<h5>NAVAJO NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>Betatakin and Keetseel, great cliff-pueblos of the thirteenth century,
picturesquely situated in huge caves in the red sandstone walls
of the Tsegi Canyons, west of Kayenta, Arizona, in the Navajo Indian
Reservation. No museum. No tourist accommodations. (As in all the
other national monuments listed, however, a custodian on duty the
year around, resident at headquarters above Betatakin.) Another 100
miles, of rather bad road, from Chinle to Betatakin; or 135 miles from
Flagstaff&mdash;sixty miles north on paved Highway U. S.-89, about the
same distance on fairly good unsurfaced reservation road, and the last
dozen miles a quite rough trail. Not accessible in winter or in rainy
weather.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_183">183</div>
<h3>The White Mountains Region</h3>
<h5>KINISHBA.</h5>
<p>A large pueblo of the period 1000-1400, largely excavated and
partially restored by the Arizona State Museum, in the Apache Indian
Reservation near Fort Apache, Arizona, twenty miles east of Highway
U. S.-60. No accommodations.</p>
<h3>The Rio Grande Area</h3>
<h5>BANDELIER NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>Unusual cliff-ruins and open sites in beautiful Frijoles Canyon, in
the Pajarito Plateau, west of Santa Fe and south of Los Alamos, New
Mexico, seventeen miles from paved highway. Museum. Small lodge
open May-October.</p>
<h5>PUYE.</h5>
<p>Large partially-restored pueblo and small cliff-ruins, in the Pajarito
Plateau, north of Los Alamos, on the Santa Clara Indian Reservation,
fifteen miles from Espanola, New Mexico.</p>
<h5>CORONADO STATE MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>Two extensive adobe pueblos, Kuaua and Puaray, the former partially
restored. Museum. Across the Rio Grande from Bernalillo, New
Mexico, just off paved Highway State 44.</p>
<h5>PECOS STATE MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>Ruins of the great pueblo, finally abandoned in 1838, and of the
partially-restored Spanish mission of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. Close to Highway U. S.-85, about twenty-five miles southeast
of Santa Fe, near modern town of Pecos, New Mexico.</p>
<h5>GRAN QUIVIRA NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>Ruins of the pueblo and mission of Humanas, abandoned about
1675. No museum; no accommodations. By a poor road twenty-five
miles south of Mountainair, New Mexico, which is on Highway U. S.-60.</p>
<h5>ABO and QUARAI STATE MONUMENTS.</h5>
<p>Sister missions to Humanas, with extensive unexcavated pueblo
ruins. No museums. Close to U. S.-60 and Mountainair, New Mexico.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_184">184</div>
<h3>The Salado <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">Complex</a></h3>
<h5>TONTO NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>Two fourteenth century cliff-dwellings high in a small canyon
overlooking Roosevelt Lake and the Tonto Basin. These well-preserved
ruins have yielded fine and unusual archaeological material: the striking
Salado <a class="gloss" href="#g_PolychromePottery">polychrome pottery</a>, a variety of expertly-made cotton textiles,
even a lot of lima beans. Very small museum exhibit. No accommodations
at the monument. Located near Roosevelt, Arizona, and
the Apache Trail (State Highway 88).</p>
<h5>CASA GRANDE NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>A unique great adobe structure, sole survivor of the large pueblo-like
towers and compounds built by the Salado in the Gila Basin in
the fourteenth century. The site includes several adobe compounds as
well as the Casa Grande itself, and also earlier <i>Hohokam</i> remains&mdash;unexcavated
ball-courts and pit-houses. Small museum. On State Highway
87 close to Coolidge, Arizona.</p>
<h5>PUEBLO GRANDE CITY PARK.</h5>
<p>A <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> mound, partially excavated, of the late period in the
Phoenix area. On E. Washington Avenue, Phoenix.</p>
<h3>Sinagua Sites</h3>
<h5>WUPATKI NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>Large and small pueblos of 1100-1300 and earlier pit-houses; several
Anasazi sites as well as Sinagua&mdash;the frontier between these two
cultures was not the Little Colorado, but lay some distance west into
the Wupatki area, and varied from time to time. Still other cultural
influences are observed. One unique feature is a masonry-walled ball-court
beside Wupatki Pueblo and near the monument headquarters,
fifteen miles east of U. S.-89 and forty-five miles from Flagstaff, Arizona.
No museum. No accommodations at the monument.</p>
<h5>WALNUT CANYON NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>Very small cliff-dwellings in sandstone ledges of a narrow chasm
twelve miles east of Flagstaff, not far from Highway 66. No exhibits
installed in Museum. No accommodations at the monument.</p>
<h5>TUZIGOOT NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>An excavated and partially restored hilltop pueblo, which reached
its maximum in the fourteenth century. Comparatively large museum
<span class="pb" id="Page_185">185</span>
housing extensive collection close to Clarkdale, Arizona, and readily accessible
from U. S.-89.</p>
<h5>MONTEZUMA CASTLE NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5>
<p>A five-story cliff-dwelling of the same period as Tuzigoot pueblo,
near Camp Verde, Arizona, and readily accessible from Highway U. S.-89.
Small museum. No accommodations at the monument. Also included
in this monument is Montezuma Well, nine miles northeast, with
small cliff-dwellings in a limestone sinkhole containing a &ldquo;bottomless&rdquo;
lake. Highly unusual archaeological features at Montezuma Well are
cist-graves undercut in soft limestone, and travertine-encrusted prehistoric
irrigation ditches.</p>
<h3 id="c49">II. MODERN PUEBLOS ON (AT LEAST APPROXIMATELY) PRE-SPANISH LOCATIONS</h3>
<p>ORAIBI on the third or northwesternmost Hopi mesa, materially
unchanged for over 600 years, and in a general sense, the other older
HOPI INDIAN pueblos&mdash;WALPI on First Mesa, SHONGOPOVI and
MISHONGNOVI on the middle mesa&mdash;which have shifted their locations
during the historic period from valley floors to mesa tops. The
villages of Hano (Tewa) and Sichomovi on First Mesa, and probably
also Shipaulovi on Second Mesa, are eighteenth century foundations.
Hotevilla, Bakavi and New Orabi (Kikhochomovi) date from the
break-up of Oraibi only about fifty years ago. Toreva and Polacca are
purely modern towns. Good dirt roads to the Hopi country from
Gallup, Winslow, and Flagstaff. No tourist accommodations.</p>
<p>ZUNI PUEBLO, the one surviving, or reestablished, town of the
six early-historic &ldquo;cities of Cibola.&rdquo; Fair road, forty miles south from
Gallup, New Mexico. Very limited tourist accommodations.</p>
<p>ACOMA on its great mesa, one of the most picturesque of all,
little changed since the seventeenth century when the large mission
church was built. Fair road, thirteen miles south of U. S.-66, about
sixty miles west of Albuquerque.</p>
<p>ISLETA, on Highway U. S.-85 about ten miles south of Albuquerque.</p>
<p>The five Keres pueblos southwest of Santa Fe&mdash;SANTO DOMINGO,
SAN FELIPE, and COCHITI along the Rio Grande north
of Bernalillo, west of U. S.-85; ZIA and SANTA ANA on the Jemez
River, northwest of Bernalillo and across the stream from State-44.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_186">186</div>
<p>JEMEZ PUEBLO, twenty-five miles northwest of Bernalillo on
State Highway 4.</p>
<p>The five Tewa pueblos north of Santa Fe: TESUQUE, on U. S.-64-285;
NAMBE, in the foothills to the northeast; SAN ILDEFONSO,
on the east bank of the Rio Grande; SANTA CLARA, on the west
bank just below Espanola; SAN JUAN, at Chamita, New Mexico.</p>
<p>TAOS, the one modern terraced pueblo, close to Taos, New Mexico,
and PICURIES in the foothills to the south.</p>
<p>In the Rio Grande drainage, Laguna and Sandia are historic
pueblos only. Laguna was a new foundation, under Spanish direction,
about 1700. Sandia was re-established on or near an earlier location,
in 1745-1750 by Tiwa Indians brought back from the Hopi country by
Spanish priests, after abandonment fifty years earlier of the several
Tiwa pueblos between Bernalillo and Albuquerque.</p>
<h3 id="c50">III. LOCAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUMS IN THE SOUTHWEST</h3>
<dl class="undent"><dt>Santa Fe:</dt>
<dd class="t2">The Laboratory of Anthropology.</dd>
<dd class="t2">The Museum of New Mexico.</dd>
<dt>Albuquerque:</dt>
<dd class="t2">The University of New Mexico Anthropology Museum.</dd>
<dt>Tucson:</dt>
<dd class="t2">The Arizona State Museum at the University of Arizona.</dd>
<dt>Phoenix:</dt>
<dd class="t2">The Heard Museum.</dd>
<dt>Grand Canyon National Park:</dt>
<dd class="t2">The Wayside Museum of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">Archaeology</a>.</dd>
<dt>Petrified Forest National Monument:</dt>
<dd class="t2">Small branch museums at Painted Desert Inn and Puerco Ruin.</dd>
<dt>Flagstaff:</dt>
<dd class="t2">The Museum of Northern Arizona</dd></dl>
<h2><span class="small">FOOTNOTES</span></h2>
<div class="fnblock"><div class="fndef"><a class="fn"  id="fn_1" href="#fr_1">[1]</a>Ref. <a class="fn" href="#bd72">[72]</a>, p. 433.
</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn"  id="fn_2" href="#fr_2">[2]</a>Ref. <a class="fn" href="#bd14">[14]</a> p. 281.
</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn"  id="fn_3" href="#fr_3">[3]</a>Ref. <a class="fn" href="#bd31">[31]</a> p. 269.
</div>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_187">187</div>
<h2 id="c51"><span class="small">INDEX</span></h2>
<p class="center"><a class="ab" href="#index_A">A</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_B">B</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_C">C</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_D">D</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_E">E</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_F">F</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_G">G</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_H">H</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_I">I</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_J">J</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_K">K</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_L">L</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_M">M</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_N">N</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_O">O</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_P">P</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_Q">Q</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_R">R</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_S">S</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_T">T</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_U">U</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_V">V</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_W">W</a> <span class="ab">X</span> <a class="ab" href="#index_Y">Y</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_Z">Z</a></p>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_A">A</dt>
<dt>Abandonment, of Northern Frontier, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>-84, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></dt>
<dt>Abo State Monument, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt>
<dt>Acoma, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>Agriculture, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</dt>
<dd><i>see also</i> Beans, Corn, Cotton, Irrigation</dd>
<dt>Ackmen-Lowry Area, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></dt>
<dt>Alcove Houses, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></dt>
<dt>Alkali Ridge, Utah, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></dt>
<dt>Allantown, Arizona, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></dt>
<dt>Anasazi, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>-117;</dt>
<dd><i>see also</i> Basketmaker and Pueblo</dd>
<dt>Ancient Cultures, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>-26</dt>
<dt>Animals</dt>
<dd>Extinct, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></dd>
<dd>Hunted, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></dd>
<dd>Domesticated; see Dogs and Horses</dd>
<dt>Antler Artifacts, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></dt>
<dt>Apaches, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">Archaeology</a></dt>
<dd>Defined, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dd>
<dd>Development of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></dd>
<dt>Architecture, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</dt>
<dd><i>see also</i> Ball Courts, Cists, Forts, Houses, Kivas, Pithouses</dd>
<dt>Arrow points, see Projectile Points</dt>
<dt>Arrow-shaft smoothers, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dt>
<dt>Arroya Cutting, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></dt>
<dt>Athapaskans, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>-106</dt>
<dt>Atlatls, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-40, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dt>
<dt>Awls, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt>
<dt>Axes, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dt>
<dt>Aztec Ruins, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_B">B</dt>
<dt>Bags</dt>
<dd>Cedar Bast, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></dd>
<dd>Skin, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></dd>
<dd>Twined-woven, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>-44, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></dd>
<dt>Ball, rubber, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></dt>
<dt>Ball Courts, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></dt>
<dt>Bandelier National Monument, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt>
<dt>Basketmaker and Modified Basketmaker <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>-57</dt>
<dd>Agriculture, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></dd>
<dd>Area, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></dd>
<dd>Basketry, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-42, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dd>
<dd>Burials, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dd>
<dd>Cists, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dd>
<dd>Clothing, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dd>
<dd>Dates, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></dd>
<dd>Figurines, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></dd>
<dd>Food, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></dd>
<dd>Houses, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>-52</dd>
<dd>Ornaments, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dd>
<dd>Pottery, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dd>
<dd>Physical Appearance, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></dd>
<dd>Tools and Implements, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></dd>
<dd>Weapons, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-40, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></dd>
<dd>Weaving, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>-43</dd>
<dd>Summaries, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></dd>
<dt>Basketmaker Period, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>-48</dt>
<dt>Basketry, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-42, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></dt>
<dt>Bat Woman House, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></dt>
<dt>Beads, <i>see</i> Ornaments</dt>
<dt>Beans, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></dt>
<dt>Bear Ruin, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>-157</dt>
<dt>Bells, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt>
<dt>Betatakin, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt>
<dt>Biscuit Ware, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt>
<dt>Bluff Ruin, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></dt>
<dt>Bone Artifacts</dt>
<dd>Awls, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Beads, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></dd>
<dd>Gaming Pieces, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></dd>
<dd>Hair Ornaments, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dd>
<dd>Tubes, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dd>
<dt>Bow and Arrow, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt>
<dt>Bracelets, <i>see</i> Ornaments</dt>
<dt>Brushes</dt>
<dd>Hair, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></dd>
<dd>Paint, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dd>
<dt>Burials, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>-72, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>-95, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt>
<dt>Burnet Cave, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dt>
<dt>Butler Wash, Arizona, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_C">C</dt>
<dt>Cactus Fruit, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt>
<dt>Cameron Creek Village, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt>
<dt>Canals, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></dt>
<dt>Canyon de Chelly, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt>
<dt>Canyon del Muerto, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt>
<dt>Casa Grande, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt>
<dt>Cavate Dwellings, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></dt>
<dt>Chaco Canyon, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>-91, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></dt>
<dt>Children, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></dt>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">Chronology</a>, <i>see</i> Dates</dt>
<dt>Cibola, Cities of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></dt>
<dt>Cists, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dt>
<dt>Clans, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dt>
<dt>Classic Hohokam Period, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>-144</dt>
<dt>Classic Pueblo Period, <i>see</i> Great Pueblo Period</dt>
<dt class="pb" id="Page_188">188</dt>
<dt>&ldquo;Cliff Dwellers&rdquo; <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></dt>
<dt>Cliff Palace, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>-93, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></dt>
<dt>Climate, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</dt>
<dd><i>see also</i> Arroyo Cutting, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">Dendrochronology</a>, Droughts</dd>
<dt>Clovis, New Mexico, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dt>
<dt>Clubs, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-40</dt>
<dt>Cochise <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dt>
<dt>Cochiti, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>Cohonina Branch, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt>
<dt>Colonial Hohokam, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>-132, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></dt>
<dt>Comanches, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt>
<dt>Conquest, Spanish, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></dt>
<dt>Cooking, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dt>
<dt>Copper, <i>see</i> Bells</dt>
<dt>Corn, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt>
<dt>Coronado, Francisco Vasquez de, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt>
<dt>Coronado State Monument, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt>
<dt>Corrugated Ware; <i>see</i> Pottery</dt>
<dt>Cotton, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt>
<dt>Cradles, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></dt>
<dt>Cranial Deformation, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt>
<dt>Cremation, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dt>
<dt>Culinary Ware, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt>
<dt>Culture, defined, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_D">D</dt>
<dt>Dance Courts, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></dt>
<dt>Dart Points; <i>see</i> Projectile Points</dt>
<dt>Dates</dt>
<dd>Basketmaker, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></dd>
<dd>Cochise, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dd>
<dd>Folsom, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dd>
<dd>Gypsum Cave, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dd>
<dd>Hohokam, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dd>
<dd>Modified Basketmaker, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></dd>
<dd>Mogollon, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Navajos, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></dd>
<dd>Patayan, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dd>
<dd>Pueblo, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></dd>
<dd>Rosa, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></dd>
<dd>San Jon, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dd>
<dd>Sandia, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></dd>
<dd>Sinagua, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></dd>
<dd>Yuma Points, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dd>
<dt>Deformation, of Skulls, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">Dendrochronology</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>-17, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></dt>
<dt>Desert Province, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></dt>
<dt>Developmental-Pueblo Period, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-76, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></dt>
<dt>Dice, <i>see</i> Gaming Pieces</dt>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Diffusion">Diffusion</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></dt>
<dt>Dogs, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></dt>
<dt>Douglass, A. E., <a href="#Page_14">14</a>-17</dt>
<dt>Droughts, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></dt>
<dt>Durango, Excavations near, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_E">E</dt>
<dt>Ear Plugs, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></dt>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">Effigy</a> Vessels, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></dt>
<dt>Egypt, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></dt>
<dt>El Paso, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt>
<dt>Esteban, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></dt>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Ethnology">Ethnology</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-18</dt>
<dt>Etching, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_F">F</dt>
<dt>Fabrics, <i>see</i> Weaving</dt>
<dt>Feather Cloth, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></dt>
<dt>Figurines, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></dt>
<dt>Firing, of Pottery, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dt>
<dt>Flutes, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dt>
<dt>Folsom <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">Complex</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dt>
<dt>Forts, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt>
<dt>Fremont River <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></dt>
<dt>Fugitive Red, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt>
<dt>Fur Cloth, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_G">G</dt>
<dt>Galaz Ruin, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt>
<dt>Gallina <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></dt>
<dt>Game, Played in Ball Courts, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></dt>
<dt>Gaming Pieces, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></dt>
<dt>Geology, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dt>
<dt>Georgetown Phase, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></dt>
<dt>Glazed Ware, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt>
<dt>Governador Area, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt>
<dt>Granaries, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt>
<dt>Grewe Site, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></dt>
<dt>Great Pueblo Period, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>-107</dt>
<dt>Grinding Stones, <i>see</i> Manos and Metates</dt>
<dt>Gypsum Cave, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_H">H</dt>
<dt>Hair</dt>
<dd>Dressing, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></dd>
<dd>Use of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></dd>
<dt>Hands, Burial of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dt>
<dt>Harris Village, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></dt>
<dt>Hawikuh, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></dt>
<dt>Historic Pueblo Period, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></dt>
<dt>Hoes, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt>
<dt>Hohokam <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>-147</dt>
<dd>Agriculture, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></dd>
<dd>Area, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></dd>
<dd>Ball Courts, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd>
<dd>Basketry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></dd>
<dd>Cremations, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></dd>
<dd>Dates, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dd>
<dd>Figurines, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></dd>
<dd>Food, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></dd>
<dd>Houses, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></dd>
<dd>Mirrors, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></dd>
<dd>Ornaments, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd>
<dd>Pottery, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></dd>
<dt class="pb" id="Page_189">189</dt>
<dd>Shell Work, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd>
<dd>Stone Work, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd>
<dd>Summary, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></dd>
<dd>Weaving, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dd>
<dt>Hopi Area, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>Horses, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt>
<dt>Houses, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>-52, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>-88, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>-93, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_I">I</dt>
<dt>Introduction, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>-19</dt>
<dt>Irrigation, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt>
<dt>Isleta, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_J">J</dt>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">Jacal</a> Construction, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></dt>
<dt>Jemez, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt>
<dt>Jewelry, <i>see</i> Ornaments</dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_K">K</dt>
<dt>Kayenta Area, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>-101</dt>
<dt>Keet Seel, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt>
<dt>Kiatuthlana, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></dt>
<dt>Kihus, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></dt>
<dt>Killing, of Pottery, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dt>
<dt>Kinishba, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt>
<dt>Kino, Father, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></dt>
<dt>Kivas, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt>
<dd>Great Kivas, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></dd>
<dt>Knives, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_L">L</dt>
<dt>Laguna, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt>
<dt>La Plata Area, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></dt>
<dt>Largo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>-105</dt>
<dt>Largo-Gallina Phase, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>-105</dt>
<dt>Lead Ore, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></dt>
<dt>Lindenmeier Site, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dt>
<dt>Little Colorado Area, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt>
<dt>Los Muertos, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></dt>
<dt>Lowry Ruin, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_M">M</dt>
<dt>Manos, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dt>
<dt>Mattocks Ruin, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt>
<dt>Mauls, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></dt>
<dt>Maya, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></dt>
<dt>Mesa Verde, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>-96, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></dt>
<dt>Metates, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dt>
<dt>Mexico, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt>
<dt>Mimbres <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>-161</dt>
<dt>Mirrors, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></dt>
<dt>Mishongnovi, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>Moccasins, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></dt>
<dt>Modified Basketmaker Period <a href="#Page_48">48</a>-57;</dt>
<dd><i>see also</i> Basketmaker</dd>
<dt>Mogollon <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>-162</dt>
<dd>Agriculture, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dd>
<dd>Area, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></dd>
<dd>Bone Work, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Burials, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Clothing, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Dates, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dd>
<dd>Houses, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>-155, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dd>
<dd>Hunting, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dd>
<dd>Ornaments, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Physical Types, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Pottery, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></dd>
<dd>Shell Work, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd>
<dd>Stone Work, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Summary, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></dd>
<dd>Theories of Origin, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></dd>
<dt>Mogollon Village, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></dt>
<dt>Montezuma Castle, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>Mortars and Pestles, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt>
<dt>Mortuary Offerings, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dt>
<dt>Mosaic Work, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></dt>
<dt>Mummies, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_N">N</dt>
<dt>Nambe, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt>
<dt>Nampeyo, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></dt>
<dt>Navajo National Monument, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt>
<dt>Navajos, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt>
<dt>Nets, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></dt>
<dt>Nevada, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></dt>
<dt>Nipple-shaped Objects, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></dt>
<dt>Niza, Fray Marcos de, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></dt>
<dt>Nomads, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></dt>
<dt>Northern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></dt>
<dt>Nose Buttons or Plugs, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_O">O</dt>
<dt>Oraibi, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>Ornaments, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</dt>
<dd><i>see also</i> Bone, Shell and Stone artifacts, Turquoise</dd>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">Oxidizing Atmosphere</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_P">P</dt>
<dt>Paints, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></dt>
<dt>Palettes, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dt>
<dt>Papagueria, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt>
<dt>Papago Indians, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt>
<dt>Parallel Flaked Points, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dt>
<dt>Patayan <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt>
<dt>Pathology, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></dt>
<dt>Pecos Classification, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></dt>
<dt>Pecos Pueblo, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt>
<dt class="pb" id="Page_190">190</dt>
<dt>Pecos State Monument, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt>
<dt>Peripheral Regions, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>-75</dt>
<dt>Physical Types, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt>
<dt>Pictographs, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></dt>
<dt>Picuries, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt>
<dt>Piedra Region, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></dt>
<dt>Pima Indians, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt>
<dt>Pine Lawn <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt>
<dt>Pioneer Hohokam, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>-124</dt>
<dt>Pipes, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dt>
<dt>Pithouses, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>-52, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt>
<dt>Planting Sticks, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></dt>
<dt>Plateau Area, defined, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></dt>
<dt>Polychrome, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt>
<dt>Pope, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt>
<dt>Pottery,</dt>
<dd>Atmospheres for Firing, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dd>
<dd>Biscuit Ware, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></dd>
<dd>Black-on-gray, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dd>
<dd>Black-on-red, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></dd>
<dd>Black-on-white, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></dd>
<dd>Black-on-yellow, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></dd>
<dd>Brown, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></dd>
<dd>Buff, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dd>
<dd>Burnished Buff, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dd>
<dd>Coiled and Scraped, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></dd>
<dd>Corrugated, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dd>
<dd>Eastern Branch, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></dd>
<dd>Firing, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dd>
<dd>Fugitive Red, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dd>
<dd>Glazed, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></dd>
<dd>Gray, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dd>
<dd>Importance of, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></dd>
<dd>Neck Banded, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></dd>
<dd>Origin, Theories of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dd>
<dd><a class="gloss" href="#g_PaddleAndAnvil">Paddle-and-anvil</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></dd>
<dd>Pointed-bottomed, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></dd>
<dd>Polished Red, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dd>
<dd>Polychrome, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd>
<dd>Red-on-buff, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd>
<dd>Red-on-gray, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></dd>
<dd>Red-on-orange, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></dd>
<dd>Slips, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></dd>
<dd>Spectrographic Analysis of, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></dd>
<dd><a class="gloss" href="#g_Temper">Temper</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></dd>
<dd>Textured, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd>
<dd>Unfired, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></dd>
<dt>Preface, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>-5</dt>
<dt>Projectile Points, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt>
<dt>Pueblo Bonito, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt>
<dt>Pueblo Culture, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-117</dt>
<dd>Agriculture, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></dd>
<dd>Area, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></dd>
<dd>Basketry, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></dd>
<dd>Burials, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>-72, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></dd>
<dd>Clothing, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></dd>
<dd>Dates, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></dd>
<dd>Food, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></dd>
<dd>Houses, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>-88, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>-93, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></dd>
<dd>Kivas, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></dd>
<dd>Ornaments, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></dd>
<dd>Physical Types, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></dd>
<dd>Pottery, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>-68, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></dd>
<dd>Tools and Implements, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></dd>
<dd>Weapons, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></dd>
<dd>Weaving, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></dd>
<dd>Summaries, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></dd>
<dt>Pueblo Grande City Park, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt>
<dt>Puye, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_Q">Q</dt>
<dt>Quarai State Monument, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_R">R</dt>
<dt>Rabbit Sticks; <i>see</i> Clubs</dt>
<dt>Rattles, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></dt>
<dt>Rebellion, Pueblo, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_ReducingAtmosphere">Reducing Atmosphere</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dt>
<dt>Refugees, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt>
<dt>Refuse or Rubbish Heaps, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></dt>
<dt>Regressive Pueblo Period, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>-115</dt>
<dt>Religion, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></dt>
<dt>Ridge Ruin, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></dt>
<dt>Rings, Ball Court, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></dt>
<dt>Rio Grande Area, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></dt>
<dt>Roosevelt 9:6, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></dt>
<dt>Rosa <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></dt>
<dt>Rubber Ball, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_S">S</dt>
<dt>Salado <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>-144</dt>
<dt>San Felipe, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>San Francisco <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>-155</dt>
<dt>San Ildefonso, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt>
<dt>San Jon, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dt>
<dt>San Juan, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt>
<dt>Sandals, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></dt>
<dt>Sandia Cave, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></dt>
<dt>Sandia Pueblo, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt>
<dt>Santa Ana, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>Santa Clara, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt>
<dt>Santo Domingo, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>Santa Fe, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt>
<dt>Scalp, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></dt>
<dt>Scoops, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></dt>
<dt>Sedentary Hohokam, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-137</dt>
<dt>Shell Artifacts</dt>
<dd>Beads, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dt class="pb" id="Page_191">191</dt>
<dd>Bracelets, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Etched, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dd>
<dd>Painted, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></dd>
<dd>Pendants, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Needles, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></dd>
<dd>Rings, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></dd>
<dd>Trumpets, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd>
<dt>Showlow Ruin, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></dt>
<dt>Sinagua People, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>-166</dt>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Sipapu">Sipapu</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></dt>
<dt>Slips, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt>
<dt>Snaketown Site, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>-124, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></dt>
<dt>Snares, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></dt>
<dt>Social Organization, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></dt>
<dt>Southwest, defined, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></dt>
<dt>Spaniards, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>-117</dt>
<dt>Squash, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></dt>
<dt>Starkweather Ruin, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt>
<dt>Stockades, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></dt>
<dt>Stone Artifacts,</dt>
<dd>Axes, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd>
<dd>Beads, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd>
<dd>Hoes, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Knives, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Manos, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd>
<dd>Mauls, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></dd>
<dd>Metates, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dd>
<dd>Mortars and Pestles, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd>
<dd>Palettes, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd>
<dd>Projectile Points, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dd>
<dd>Rings, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></dd>
<dd>Shaft-Smoothers, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd>
<dd>Vessels, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd>
<dt>Stratigraphy, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></dt>
<dt>SU Site, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt>
<dt>Summaries, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>-57, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>-76, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>-107, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>-147, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>-162</dt>
<dt>Sunset Crater, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></dt>
<dt>Swarts Ruin, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_T">T</dt>
<dt>Tabeguache Caves, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></dt>
<dt>Taos, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt>
<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Temper">Temper</a>, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt>
<dt>Tesuque, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt>
<dt>Texas, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></dt>
<dt>Tiguex, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt>
<dt>Tonto Basin, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt>
<dt>Tonto National Monument, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt>
<dt>Towers, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></dt>
<dt>Trade, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></dt>
<dt>Tree-rings, <i>see</i> <a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">Dendrochronology</a></dt>
<dt>Trumpets, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dt>
<dt>Tubes, <i>see</i> Bone Artifacts</dt>
<dt>Tump Straps, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></dt>
<dt>Turkeys, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dt>
<dt>Turquoise, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt>
<dt>Tuzigoot National Monument, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt>
<dt>Twined-woven Bags, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>-44, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></dt>
<dt>Tyuoni, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_U">U</dt>
<dt>Unfired Clay Vessels, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></dt>
<dt>Unit Houses, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></dt>
<dt>Utes, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_V">V</dt>
<dt>Vargas, Diego de, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt>
<dt>Ventana Cave, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt>
<dt>Village of the Great Kivas, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_W">W</dt>
<dt>Walnut Canyon National Monument, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt>
<dt>Walpi, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>Warfare, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></dt>
<dt>Weaving, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>-43, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dt>
<dt>Whistles, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></dt>
<dt>White Dog Cave, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></dt>
<dt>Woodland Pottery, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></dt>
<dt>Wupatki National Monument, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_Y">Y</dt>
<dt>Yuma Points, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dt>
<dt>Yuman <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></dt>
</dl>
<dl class="index">
<dt class="center b" id="index_Z">Z</dt>
<dt>Zia, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
<dt>Zuni Area, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt>
</dl>
<h2 id="trnotes">Transcriber&rsquo;s Notes</h2>
<ul>
<li>Silently corrected a few typos.</li>
<li>Added headings and Table of Contents entries to bring them into correspondence.</li>
<li>Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook is public-domain in the country of publication.</li>
<li>In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by _underscores_.</li>
</ul>
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